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LA FRATTA DEL QUATTROCENTO a cura di Fabio Mariotti Notizie generali, le strade e la Rocca La Fratta del Quattrocento è per lo Stato della Chiesa, specialmente nell'ultima parte del secolo, un punto di vitale importanza strategica. Posta al confine con i possedimenti fiorentini, funge da baluardo settentrionale per la difesa di Perugia. La zona urbana è formata da tre nuclei ben definiti. Il primo, costituito dal centro cittadino racchiuso nelle mura castellane e diviso in terzieri: "della Greppa", la parte tra l'attuale via Cibo e il Tevere, dalla Piaggiola fino al ponte verso San Francesco; "Superiore" detto anche "della Campana" (dalla campana posta sulla torre in cima alla Piaggiola), dalle mura a nord, quindi dalla Rocca, verso il centro fino alla chiesa di San Giovanni; il terzo, "Inferiore" o di "Porta Nuova", che dal centro raggiungeva le mura verso sud, lungo il corso della Reggia fino alla porta di uscita del ponte sul Tevere. Il secondo nucleo, del "Borgo Superiore", posto al di fuori delle mura settentrionali, oltre la porta della campana e la discesa dell'attuale Piaggiola, era divisibile in due parti. Una veniva detta il "Mercatale", l'odierna piazza Marconi, il piazzale del sagrato della chiesa di Sant'Erasmo; la zona poi si spingeva verso la chiesa di Sant'Andrea (dove sorgerà nel 1877 il vecchio ospedale) fino alle fornaci. L’altra parte era il "Castel Nuovo", comprendeva l’attuale Boccaiolo (via Bovicelli) e la zona vicina, ove si trovava anche la chiesa di Santa Maria dei Meriti. II terzo nucleo, anch'esso fuori delle mura, detto "Borgo Inferiore", era situato a sud di Fratta, oltre la Reggia e prospiciente il Tevere (attuale piazza San Francesco). Cuore di questa zona era il "sodo dei frati" o "pratale", lo spiazzo su cui si affacciavano la chiesa e il convento di San Francesco, la chiesetta di Santa Maria (poi detta Santa Croce), possesso dell'omonima confraternita di Disciplinati. Nel borgo c'erano numerose officine di fabbri ed anche un mulino di proprietà del vescovo di Gubbio. Fratta godeva di libertà di fiera; erano fiorenti le arti della merceria e spezieria, il commercio del cuoio, del "bambage", del vino, degli artefatti in ferro, della ceramica. Esisteva un discreto servizio postale che utilizzava cursori, corrieri, fanti di procaccio e "cavallai" di posta i quali potevano effettuare un buon lavoro in quanto il paese non era molto distante dalle grandi vie di comunicazione. L’istruzione era a cura della comunità di Fratta, ai cui rappresentanti i genitori si rivolgevano per iscrivere i ragazzi, pagando la retta del maestro. La spesa era relativa al numero e al tipo delle materie di insegnamento: latino, aritmetica, religione e geografia. Nel 1486 la magistratura locale fa un invito all'istruzione aperto anche ai non possidenti. Esistevano sette ospedali, annessi alle chiese, per i poveri, i pellegrini e i malati non abbienti; ben dodici luoghi di culto, fra chiese e cappelle. A Fratta, nel Quattrocento, viveva una comunità ebraica di una ventina di persone, qui insediata fin dal secolo precedente. Le strade di comunicazione Nel Quattrocento la nostra Fratta era fuori dai grandi percorsi viari dello Stato Romano che partivano da Roma nei secoli XVI e XVIII, e se erano così allora, all'inizio del Quattrocento non erano certo più numerose e meglio percorribili. Comunque verso nord partiva una sola strada di grande comunicazione, che dopo il lago di Bracciano (Baccano) si ramificava in due bretelle: - una proseguiva in direzione di Firenze, via Bolsena, Siena, San Casciano; - l'altra strada si dirigeva verso Fano, via Terni, Foligno, Nocera, Cagli. Quest'ultima aveva una diramazione da Foligno e da qui iniziava una strada che passava per Perugia, il lago Trasimeno, la Val di Chiana, la valle dell'Arno centrale, fino a raggiungere anch'essa Firenze. Erano percorse dalla maggior parte della gente allora in movimento: eserciti, cavalcate, grandi carri a quattro ruote dei mercanti, pellegrini, religiosi, cortei di principi, cardinali, governatori che si spostavano da una città all'altra, mendicanti, uomini dei servizi di posta che correvano a piedi o a cavallo di stazione in stazione. Fratta si trovava in posizione isolata e non vedeva molto di questo transito se non saltuariamente e, comunque, in misura molto ridotta. Il nostro castello aveva bisogno di comunicazione con la città di Perugia e ciò era possibile attraverso la pianura del Tevere. La città dominante svolgeva un'attività di tutela dei mulini sul Tevere (Ponte Felcino, Ponte Pattoli ed altri), per cui questi dovevano essere senz'altro allacciati a Perugia con una strada carrabile. Considerato questo e anche che Fratta era il castello del confine nord di Perugia, dunque tenuto sempre militarmente approntato, è facile capire che dovesse esserci una via da Fratta a Ponte Pattoli, a Perugia. Oltre questa strada (che sarà detta poi “del piano”), Fratta era unita a Perugia anche da un percorso montano, non carrabile, per soli pedoni e cavalli in quanto l'asprezza dei luoghi (diverse salite) ne sconsigliavano il passaggio, specie d'inverno, ai carri piccoli. Iniziava oltre il ponte sul Tevere, sulla sinistra (odierna strada per la Badia di Montecorona). Dopo circa trecento metri lasciava, sulla destra, la stradetta che saliva a Romeggio (bivio visibile anche oggi) e proseguiva diritta. Passava sotto e nei pressi dell'odierno Palazzo del Sole (abitazione Ramaccioni), poi si inerpicava, come ai giorni nostri, verso la base di Monte Acuto. Alla Villa di Monte Acuto svoltava a sinistra, lungo la base del monte, passava a lato della casa-torre di osservazione (ancora esistente - gruppo di casa Ferranti), passava a lato dell'ospedale di Galera (in piedi ma disabitato) ed arrivava al pianoro di Galera (apprezzabile come complesso abbandonato) ed arrivava alla casaforte di confine con Perugia (non utilizzata). Da qui scendeva alla Nese, passando a lato di quell'ospedale (lebbrosario?) e proseguiva per la Villa di Pantano e Cenerente, da dove iniziava la salita finale per Perugia. Altra strada era quella di Montone, ma non volendo transitare per quel territorio, si poteva percorrere la via che portava al torrente Niccone, subito dopo il ponte del Tevere. Dal Niccone, passato il fiume sulla barca oltre Montecastelli, ci si ritrovava sulla via tracciata da Città di Castello, in pianura ed abbastanza transitabile. Infine c'era la strada per la Toscana, alla foce del Niccone sul Tevere. In proporzione al grande traffico nazionale, molto limitato appariva il transito nelle nostre zone ma, considerata l'importanza commerciale di Fratta, c'era comunque sempre un movimento di persone e merci che ne aiutava molto gli abitanti, alla ricerca delle soluzioni dei loro problemi quotidiani. Lavori alla Rocca La Rocca di Fratta fu voluta nell'anno 1374 e disegnata, molto probabilmente, dall'architetto Matteo Gattapone da Gubbio. Venne posta ad est delle mura castellane, unico tratto sprovvisto di forti, sia per aumentare la difesa del castello dalla parte di Perugia, sia per allungare meglio lo sguardo su tutta la pianura del Tevere verso Montecorona. La Rocca consisteva, all'inizio, in un semplice parallelepipedo esterno alla cinta che, nella zona sud, aveva un'alta torre sopraelevata di una quarantina di metri dal prato sottostante. Questo volume fu costruito nel primo ciclo dei lavori, dal 1375 al 1384, mentre il completamento, come voleva il disegno originario, avvenne con un ulteriore intervento tra il 1385 e il 1386, quando fu unita alle mura castellane. Così la Rocca si presenta all'inizio del Quattrocento. Ha i lati contrapposti lunghi dodici metri e quelli perpendicolari, sette. Per il passaggio delle persone è collegata al castello di Fratta da una porta (visibile ed agibile anche oggi) munita di ponte levatoio che faceva perno sul forte, cadeva sulle mura castellane sostenuto da una sola trave e passava sopra un tetto realizzato nella seconda fase dei lavori (1385-86). Nel punto di battuta era stato costruito, interno al borgo, un piccolo edificio merlato detto "chiostro" in cui c'era un posto di guardia, essendo questa zona militare sorvegliata per impedire l'accesso anche agli abitanti di Fratta. La Rocca aveva poi un'altra entrata fornita di ponte levatoio. Conduceva all'esterno del castello, verso il prato sottostante. Era la "porta del soccorso", elemento comune a tutti i forti e le rocche. Serviva, in tempo di guerra, a far rientrare qualche soldato rimasto fuori o in altri casi straordinari. Questo secondo ponte levatoio era sostenuto da una sola trave il cui vano è ancora esistente e visibile dalla zona sottostante. Poggiava sopra un alto muro di pietra, rimasto fino alla metà dell'Ottocento. Fra il muro e la torre passava il letto naturale del torrente Reggia. Da qui iniziava la strada, in forte discesa, verso il prato sottostante. Il tutto era chiamato "calzo de fuora". Nel gennaio 1405 fu costruita la grande volta in muratura che univa (e unisce tuttora ) la Rocca alle mura castellane, al posto del tetto sotto il ponte levatoio. Fu pure innalzato il tratto di mura castellane prospiciente alla piazza del Comune (ora piazza Fortebracci), elevato di circa tre metri e munito di feritoie. Fu tolto il ponte levatoio ovest e restò solo quello "del soccorso", in funzione fino alla fine del Settecento. Nel 1495 la Fratta era occupata dai fuorusciti perugini della famiglia Degli Oddi. Erano combattuti dai Baglioni che portarono qui l'assedio fino a che, l' 11 settembre 1495, Fratta si arrese alle forze di Perugia. La città dominante, riavuto il nostro castello, pensò bene di restaurarlo e di aumentarne le difese militari, affinché potesse resistere ad altri eventuali attacchi. Dal 1495 al 1499 vennero eretti i torrioni laterali circolari merlati, uno a nord e uno a sud, e la Rocca assunse l'aspetto attuale. Per la costruzione dei torrioni si dovette abbattere il "chiostro" ed un tratto di mura (per costruire il torrione nord), mentre sul lato della piazza del Comune venne aperta una nuova porta d'ingresso. Foto della Rocca di Fabio Mariotti (quella antica dall'Archivio fotografico storico del Comune di Umbertide) Fonti: - Calendario di Umbertide 2004 – Ed. Comune di Umbertide – 2004 - Renato Codovini: Storia di Umbertide - Il Secolo XV. Dattiloscritto inedito, 1992 - A. Guerrini: Storia della terra di Fratta ora Umbertide dalle sue origini fino all'anno 1845 - Tipografia Tiberina, Umbertide, 1883 - M.G. Moretti: Salute e spezierie alla Fratta (Sec. XV - XX): Breve introduzione alla mostra, Umbertide, Biblioteca Comunale, 27 settembre - 12 ottobre 2002. Dream Service, Umbertide, 2002 - P. Vispi: Il soggiorno e l'opera di Pico della Mirandola ad Umbertide - Ed. Comune di Umbertide, 1996 L'economia e la libertà di fiera L’economia del territorio di Fratta nel XV secolo è basata su una modesta attività agricola e su una fiorente attività artigianale. Già nei primi del Quattrocento assistiamo a timidi insediamenti stabili in campagna di lavoratori agricoli che si recano a lavorare terre alquanto distanti dal borgo. Terre via via "rancate", cioè messe a coltura. Ma i tempi sono ancora insicuri, la pericolosità direttamente proporzionale alla distanza dalle mura del castello. II passaggio di eserciti che razziavano il bestiame e le colture, insieme a bande di malviventi rendevamo molto rischiosa la coltivazione della campagna. I lavoratori agricoli, quindi, non potevano produrre grosse quantità dei vari generi. Solamente due secoli dopo, in pieno Seicento, la coltura del grano aveva ancora una rendita di tre o quattro parti contro una di seme seminato. L’attività artigianale nel castello di Fratta era, invece, più progredita e produttiva, regolata anche negli statuti del 1362. Era un'economia prevalentemente corporativa, a compartimenti stagni, con ogni Arte strettamente osservante di quelle regole che si era data con il proprio ordinamento, comprensivo anche delle pene per i trasgressori. Ma era l'aspetto religioso il collante che univa i componenti. La produttività degli artigiani era soltanto sufficiente ai loro immediati bisogni, ma a volte poteva superare il limite dello stretto necessario e dar loro qualche soddisfazione in più. Notevoli risultati davano le fornaci di laterizio che producevano materiali da costruzione. Altre piccole attività, con laboratorio e bottega annessi, sfornavano vasellame di terracotta d'ogni genere, necessario alla vita quotidiana della famiglia del borgo e di quella contadina. Vari molini da cereali e da olio, avvalendosi della forza motrice dell'acqua dei fiumi e dei torrenti, occupavano un discreto numero di persone. C'era poi la lavorazione dei panni di lana, per mezzo della gualchiera e la rifinitura di prodotti in metallo che per l'affilatura usava ruote in pietra, anch'esse mosse dall'acqua. Tutti questi meccanismi si trovavano all'interno dei maggiori mulini ed utilizzavano la stessa acqua che muoveva le grandi macine dei cereali. La gualchiera. L’arte dei panni di lana Anche in Fratta si esercitava l'arte della lana, seppur per un prodotto minore che doveva soddisfare soltanto i bisogni del luogo. Il panno lavorato serviva per cucire i vestiti di uso comune, indossati dalla maggior parte degli abitanti, quasi tutti poveri. La lavorazione era possibile in quanto nei maggiori mulini c'era sempre la "gualchiera", meccanismo fornito di grosse "martelle" di legno che, mosse dall'acqua della diga, battevano la lana opportunamente trattata (acqua bollente e un qualche collante). Probabilmente, si trattava di una postazione per ogni mulino, locata a terzi per più anni. In un atto notarile del 12 novembre 1464 si parla del “Mulino dei Calvi” con la gualchiera ad esso annessa che serviva a "gualcare i panni di lana": si trovava in aderenza a questo molino, era affittata tre anni. La notizia dell'esistenza, vicino a Fratta, di tale gualchiera, e fuso per cui serviva, sono le notizie più antiche sull'argomento. L’insieme delle altre Arti fabbricava gli oggetti necessari alla vita della collettività; erano fabbri, falegnami, magnani, pittori, sarti, panacuocoli (fornai), indoratori. Tutte persone che oggi chiameremmo operatori economici ed avevano molto spesso un grande limite nella difficoltà di reperire i capitali necessari. Non essendoci ancora istituti di credito come intendiamo oggi, dovevano far ricorso, in caso di necessità, al prestito dei "banchi" degli ebrei. A Fratta ce n'erano una ventina ed alcuni di questi esercitavano appunto l'attività di banchieri. Sebbene avversati dalla popolazione e dalla legislazione della città di Perugia valida anche in Fratta, riuscivano sempre a svolgere il loro lavoro in senso positivo e la stessa comunità perugina faceva ricorso alla "prestanza" ebrea in caso di bisogno. Obbligati a portare un disco giallo sui vestiti, esclusi dai pubblici uffici, era negata agli ebrei anche la possibilità di acquistare beni immobili, di fabbricare carte da gioco e dadi. Non restava loro che dedicarsi ai prestiti su interesse e lo studio della medicina. Il commercio del cuoio Era molto praticato nella nostra Fratta, come nell'alta valle del Tevere e nel Perugino. II grande commercio del cuoio aveva la sede principale, per il centro Italia, nelle città di Pisa e di Ancona. Pisa lo importava dalla Spagna (da Cordova, pelli cordovane), dalla Francia meridionale e dal Maghreb (Tunisia, Algeria e Marocco). Ancona lo importava invece dalla cosiddetta Morea (Medio Oriente), dalle isole dell'Egeo e dai Paesi rivieraschi del Mar Nero. Da queste due città poi, a mezzo di grandi carri a quattro ruote, il cuoio arrivava a Perugia (via lago Trasimeno e via Fabriano). Qui si riforniva Fratta in limitate quantità, incrementate dalla stessa merce proveniente da Città di Castello, i cui mercanti erano direttamente collegati con le "strade del cuoio" marchigiane. Il commercio del "bambage" Anche il bambage (o bambagio) arrivava dai Paesi del medio oriente (Turchia, Cipro, Siria, Egitto), con le navi fino ad Ancona; poi i mercanti lo introducevano nel territorio perugino. Con il bambage, sottoprodotto del cotone, si fabbricavano veli da donna per la testa, per il collo e per le spalle. Coloro che trattavano tale prodotto erano detti "bambagiari" e facevano parte dell'Arte omonima. Avevano botteghe per commerciare sia il bambage puro che i suoi derivati, quali ad esempio le passamanerie, vendute dai merciai. L’Arte della merceria All'Arte della merceria erano iscritti coloro che commerciavano in generi relativi soprattutto all'abbigliamento: filati per cucire (vengono nominati "refe"), gomitoli e matasse, fazzoletti (per la testa, il collo, le spalle), veletti (per cappelli), "camicie", calze di lana, cappelli, nastri d'ogni tipo, spille, orecchini, aghi (fatti a mano) e quant'altro relativo al vestire. Non troviamo fazzoletti per il naso (ancora da inventare), maglie (si confezionavano in casa, sul telaio domestico), giacche, pastrani e mantelli (li cuciva il sarto). Non esistevano però botteghe specializzate in un unico tipo di merce. Era facile quindi trovare, in quella del merciaio, stoffe, paludamenti (per l'addobbo di chiese, tendaggi per la casa), ma anche cera, candele, "facole", radici saponarie. L’Arte della "spetiaria" Chi esercitava l'Arte della spetiaria aveva una bottega, chiamata anche aromataria, dove vendeva i generi che anche oggi chiamiamo spezie, ma con una gamma più vasta, essendo maggiore l'uso di tali generi. Molti servivano per la farmacopea. In queste botteghe, comunque, molti prodotti esulavano dal campo speziario, comprendendo i generi più disparati, anticipando i bazar ed i moderni supermercati. I calzolai C'erano, nel Quattrocento, in Fratta, diversi calzolai (calceolarius) iscritti alla relativa Arte e semplici ciabattini. L’attività dei calzolai consisteva nel costruire e vendere le scarpe, per cui avevano bisogno di comprare cuoio, pellami ed attrezzi d'uso. Il ciabattino (sutor), più semplicemente, si adattava ad accomodare le calzature, senza entrare nel commercio delle stesse. Nell'archivio storico comunale esiste un contratto del 4 settembre 1448 con il quale il padre affida il figlio di minore età ad un calzolaio per imparare il mestiere. Il ragazzo doveva andare a vivere in casa del calzolaio il quale, a sua volta, si impegnava a formarlo e a dargli vitto e alloggio. Il ragazzo è Mariotto, figlio di Domenico di Ercolano da Pietramelina; il calzolaio è Nardo di Francesco, di Fratta. Domenico di Ercolano si impegna a far restare Mariotto per un anno presso Nardo di Francesco e di non mandarlo da altri calzolai. Garantisce che Mariotto sarà sempre sottomesso e obbediente come deve comportarsi ogni buon discepolo. Nardo, di sua parte, si obbliga ad istruirlo nell'arte della calzoleria, a dargli un salario di tre fiorini e mezzo per tutto l'anno, oltre il vitto e l'alloggio. Le monete Nel Quattrocento, nell'Italia centrale si usavano, per i grandi importi, monete d'oro, fiorini e ducati, insieme ai loro sottomultipli e alle tante monete dei vari Stati esistenti. Il fiorino veniva rapportato ai bolognini (moneta bolognese di piccolo taglio). Se era integro (cioè di giusto peso, non limato per appropriarsi di una parte del suo oro come spesso accadeva), valeva quaranta bolognini. Se invece aveva un peso inferiore a quello di conio, veniva considerato in proporzione a quanto mancava. Il fiorino era anche quotato in "soldi": cento se integro. Il fiorino fiorentino veniva a volte ragguagliato alla lira perugina. Verso la metà del secolo c'è parità tra le due monete. Troviamo infatti, nel 1464, una somma di undicimila fiorini che, qualche riga sotto dello stesso documento, diventano undicimila lire. Il "soldo" (sottomultiplo del fiorino) viene rapportato talora al "denaro" (moneta perugina sottomultipla della lira). Abbiamo infine un'altra misura monetaria, la "libra". Ce ne volevano cinque per un fiorino. A Fratta si adoperavano indistintamente sia i fiorini, sia i ducati (ma anche altre monete). In un atto notarile, "la pena" da darsi a chi non sta ai patti viene stabilita in "100 ducati d'oro", nonostante in Fratta prevalesse l'uso dei conteggi in fiorini. Nel 1471 troviamo il "carlino", di basso valore, di origine napoletana. Valeva dodici baiocchi. Sempre in quest'anno esiste anche il "ducato d'oro largo": ha il valore di un fiorino e 75 baiocchi circa. . . . Libertà di fiera Mercati settimanali e fiere si svolgevano a Fratta fin dal XIV secolo, regolamentati dagli Statuti del 1362. Nel 1400 sembra esserci solo la fiera di Sant'Erasmo, che si svolgeva il 2 giugno, giorno della festa del santo, davanti all'antica e omonima pieve, nell'odierna piazza Marconi. Come negli altri castelli e ville del territorio, era soggetta ad una tassazione imposta da Perugia (città dominante), che poi la comunità di Fratta riversava sui commercianti intervenuti, recuperando così la somma versata. La tassa della fiera comportava per i mercanti un certo onere, imponeva loro di fare una scelta sul venire o meno a Fratta, a seconda del vantaggio. In pratica, condizionava l'affluenza della gente a queste manifestazioni. In considerazione di ciò, la comunità di Fratta cercò di liberare la fiera dalla "gabella", allo scopo di aumentare il concorso di venditori, quindi avere la maggior quantità e varietà di merci, prezzi più bassi (legge della concorrenza), in definitiva un vantaggio per la popolazione, oltre maggior guadagno per osti, marescalchi, "carradori", botteghe in genere. Il risultato venne raggiunto a partire dal 1441, quando ne fece richiesta a Perugia. L’approvazione arrivò dal cardinale Firmano (Domenico da Fermo), delegato apostolico per l'Umbria e la relativa concessione, detta "privilegio", riguardava la fiera annuale del 2 giugno, probabilmente l'unica del secolo. Fratta non doveva più pagare la tassa come le altre comunità dello Stato Romano e di riflesso non chiese più nulla ai commercianti. La concessione venne rilasciata per due giorni consecutivi, tanto durava la fiera di Sant'Erasmo dal 1441. Nel 1444, il 31 ottobre, lo stesso cardinale Domenico da Fermo ribadisce la concessione (che doveva essere rinnovata annualmente) e permette di allungare la fiera a quattro giorni consecutivi: dal primo (vigilia della festa del Santo) al 4 giugno, decisione che il Comune accettò di buon grado. Il 30 ottobre 1445, papa Eugenio IV conferma il "privilegio" specificando che 1'esenzione è "tam entrando quam in exeundo", sia all'entrata in Fratta, sia all'uscita a fine manifestazione e riguarda tutte le persone che intervengono con le bestie e con le merci ("cum eorum animalibus et mercantiis"). Il provvedimento rimane esteso anche agli abitanti di Fratta che prendessero parte a questa fiera che in quei quattro giorni “solemniter celebratur”. Fratta fu informata del provvedimento del Papa dal cardinale legato di Perugia, Domenico da Fermo. Nel XVI secolo, invece, la durata dell'evento fu portata ad otto ed anche dieci giorni. Foto di Fabio Mariotti (quella del calzolaio dall'Archivio fotografico storico del Comune di Umbertide) Fonti: - Calendario di Umbertide 2004 – Ed. Comune di Umbertide – 2004 - Renato Codovini: Storia di Umbertide - Il Secolo XV. Dattiloscritto inedito, 1992 - A. Guerrini: Storia della terra di Fratta ora Umbertide dalle sue origini fino all'anno 1845 - Tipografia Tiberina, Umbertide, 1883 - M.G. Moretti: Salute e spezierie alla Fratta (Sec. XV - XX): Breve introduzione alla mostra, Umbertide, Biblioteca Comunale, 27 settembre - 12 ottobre 2002. Dream Service, Umbertide, 2002 - P. Vispi: Il soggiorno e l'opera di Pico della Mirandola ad Umbertide - Ed. Comune di Umbertide, 1996 La comunità ebraica Il progressivo formarsi di una piccola comunità ebraica alla Fratta probabilmente risale verso la fine del XII secolo, allorché una forte corrente migratoria di mercanti israeliti da Roma tende a diffondersi dapprima nelle città umbre, per poi espandersi verso tutto il nord Italia. C'erano grossi insediamenti e una consolidata tradizione ebraica a Perugia, Città di Castello e Gubbio. A Perugia, nel rione di Porta Sant'Angelo al quale si era aggregata la comunità ebraica di Fratta, c'era una delle due sinagoghe della città e si contavano il maggior numero di abitazioni israelite. Il periodo però non è tranquillo per il mondo israelitico italiano. Agli inizi del 1485, infatti, giunge anche in Umbria Bernardino da Feltre, che aveva imperversato nel nord Italia per ottenere la soppressione dei banchi ebrei a favore dei nascenti Monti di Pietà. Egli predica, fortemente spalleggiato dall'Ordine dei Minori, una violenta crociata antisraelitica che ottiene buoni successi. Da quel periodo comincia ad assottigliarsi a Gubbio la presenza degli ebrei. Anche Perugia e Fratta non furono immuni da forme di intolleranza, che però non raggiunsero gli eccessi registrati altrove. La comunità ebraica frattigiana, per quanto piccola (una ventina di persone), doveva avere una certa importanza economica. Già nel 1398, infatti, un certo Beniamino di Aleuccio della Fratta esercitava l’attività di banchiere a Mantova. Vi sono presenze documentate di ebrei umbertidesi dopo la metà del 1400. Abitava a Fratta, ad esempio, un ragguardevole banchiere, Dattilo di Salomone: di lui esistono testimonianze di una cospicua attività e sappiamo che in giudizio veniva rappresentato dal fratello Manuele. Il suo nome e quello della sua famiglia ricorrono più volte nella storia perugina come il gruppo finanziario di maggiore importanza. Probabilmente parenti con il finanziere Dattilo, e anche loro abitanti in Fratta, erano Salomone, Elia e Davide "Dactoli". Quest'ultimo firma, anche a nome dei fratelli, una petizione alla magistratura perugina nel 1483. Altra attività, oltre quella bancaria, nella quale molti ebrei godevano di grande considerazione, era l'arte medica. Nella Fratta della seconda metà del Quattrocento vi esercitarono in due. Il primo fu Manuele da Monticolo. Abitava in una casa in affitto nel Terziere Superiore (zona della Rocca) e la sua presenza è documentata dal 1477. Fra il 1484 e il 1486 c'è in Fratta Manuele di Angelo, da Padova. Questi in precedenza aveva esercitato a Montone e qui aveva abitato in una lussuosa dimora, di proprietà dei monaci di Camporeggiano, posta accanto al palazzo del conte Carlo Fortebracci, signore del posto. Di questo secondo medico rimangono testimonianze sia nell'archivio comunale di Umbertide sia in quello di Gubbio. L’attività di alcuni ebrei a Fratta era quindi a un livello ragguardevole. Ma se coloro che influenzavano la vita sociale cittadina godevano di libertà e considerazione, probabilmente non tutti avevano vita facile. C'era infatti una forte attività denigratoria contro di loro da parte dei frati minori francescani. La legislazione romana, applicata dalla Magistratura di Perugia, aveva imposto loro, già dal secolo precedente, un contrassegno sugli abiti. Consisteva in un tondo di stoffa gialla del diametro di una quindicina di centimetri che dovevano cucire sul davanti per farsi riconoscere e differenziarsi dai cristiani. Le donne, invece, dovevano essere contraddistinte da un certo tipo di veletta in testa e portare orecchini a cerchio. Tutti sapevano che era bene mostrarsi il meno possibile, ma in occasione di funerali, per arrivare al luogo della sepoltura, dovevano attraversare alcune strade scegliendole tra le meno frequentate e comunque evitando il centro del paese. Ma anche qui trovavano spesso "cristiani" che li aspettavano per dileggiarli e gettar loro addosso pietre. Questa manifestazione, detta "la sassaiola", in uso a Perugia già all'inizio del secolo (a Fratta non esiste certezza in merito), proseguirà per tutto quello successivo. Fonti: Calendario di Umbertide 2004 – Ed. Comune di Umbertide – 2004 Renato Codovini: Storia di Umbertide - Il Secolo XV. Dattiloscritto inedito, 1992 A. Guerrini: Storia della terra di Fratta ora Umbertide dalle sue origini fino all'anno 1845 - Tipografia Tiberina, Umbertide, 1883 Gli ospedali, la peste e le guerre Nel Quattrocento troviamo in Fratta sette ospedali. Appartengono a chiese o confraternite e sono tutti di piccole dimensioni, due o tre ambienti in modeste case, spesso incorporati alle chiese stesse. Di solito vi prestano la loro opera i padri Agostiniani, uno o due frati. Qui vengono ricoverati i malati poveri del paese e i viaggiatori che hanno bisogno di cure durante il passaggio a Fratta. Sant'Antonio Si trovava in Castel Nuovo, in fondo alla Piaggiola. Ne abbiamo notizia nel 1400 e nel 1404. Nel 1411 si unì all'ospedale di Santa Maria Nuova, sito anch'esso in Castel Nuovo. Aveva alcuni beni, due appezzamenti di terreno lavorativo in Villa Galera (Monte Acuto), ai vocaboli Vignale e Fossato e possedeva anche una terra al vocabolo Seripole, al confine col torrente Reggia. Santa Maria Situato anch'esso in fondo alla Piaggiola, era legalmente "unito" alla chiesa di "Pieve di Santa Maria di Castel Nuovo", almeno fin dall'anno 1397. Confinava da un lato con "le cose della chiesa" (un orto: ) e dall'altro con il "foveo" della Comunità, il fossato lungo le mura castellane (zona palazzo Baglioni). Santa Maria e Sant'Antonio Si fondono nel 1411. Nel 1423 decidono di iscrivere le loro proprietà al catasto di Perugia. La registrazione viene fatta da Giovanni Corbelli di Fratta, rettore e governatore degli ospedali, tramite un suo procuratore, Francesco di Simone. Possiedono una casa nel Borgo Superiore di Castel Nuovo e quattro appezzamenti di terreno nel comune di Montone, al vocabolo Buschi. Santa Croce E' situato nel Borgo Inferiore, nell'odierna via Soli. Risale alla prima metà del Trecento. Appartiene all'omonima confraternita che ha una quarantina di proprietà immobiliari. E' così grande il numero dei beni, che mette in difficoltà anche l'ufficio del catasto di Perugia allorché Bartolomeo di ser Nicola, procuratore della confraternita, si reca a registrarne alcuni. L’ufficiale del catasto si vede costretto a riportare l'elenco in un nuovo libro, appositamente iniziato, in quanto nel foglio riferito alla confraternita non c'era più posto. Fraternita del Corpo di Cristo o del Buon Gesù Era anche questo nel Borgo Inferiore, aderente al lato sud della chiesa di San Bernardino, non ancora costruita all'inizio del secolo. Ne abbiamo notizia nel 1448 quando, il 15 aprile, i frati di San Francesco cedono una loro casa vicina al chiostro del convento ai Disciplinati della Fraternita di Cristo. Fra le clausole, i compratori sono obbligati a "edificare un ospedale per i poveri di Cristo". Nel 1477 l'ospedale riceve un lascito di 5 fiorini per acquistare dei letti. San Giovanni Entro le mura castellane, nel Terziere di Porta Nuova, a confine della chiesa di San Giovanni (odierna via Mancini). Il 4 giugno 1455 il vescovo di Gubbio, Antonio Severi, tratta con la comunità di Fratta la cessione di un rimbocco posto fra la chiesa di San Giovanni e la casa dell'ospedale. Le sei persone nominate dal Comune per trattare la questione cedono tale pezzo di via al Vescovado a patto che serva "per i poveri dell'ospedale" e che nel termine dei sei anni il lavoro di ampliamento sia compiuto. Si trattava quindi di unire, con una nuova costruzione, la casa dell'ospedale alla chiesa di San Giovanni, in modo da ingrandire l'ospedale. Sant'Erasmo Si trovava nel Borgo Superiore, nella zona centrale detta il "Mercatale", aderente alla chiesa omonima. L’edificio è tuttora visibile nella sua interezza, anche se adibito ad abitazione. Era tenuto dai frati di Sant'Agostino, che facevano da infermieri. Aveva dei terreni in proprietà ed era il più grande ospedale di Fratta. I medici Nel Quattrocento, in Fratta esiste la figura del medico generico, detto "fisico" e quella del chirurgo, il "cerusico". Uno di questi svolgeva la funzione di medico "condotto", assunto dalla comunità che ne stabiliva diritti e doveri in un contratto notarile dal quale risultavano i casi nei quali poteva farsi pagare dai clienti e le visite ai molti poveri che doveva effettuare gratuitamente. Nell'eventualità in cui il medico aveva a che fare con una malattia molto grave o allora sconosciuta, poteva ricorrere alla clausola "pro corpore mortuo": per contratto non si assumeva responsabilità se l'ammalato moriva. In altri casi prospettava alla famiglia del malato (pagante) due somme alternative: se il congiunto guariva, avrebbe avuto la somma maggiore; se invece la cura non aveva effetto e il paziente passava a miglior vita, si sarebbe accontentato della somma minore. In questo secolo lavorano in Fratta soltanto medici ebrei. Uno di questi, maestro Manuele da Monticolo (Bolzano), operò in Fratta dal 1447. Negli anni 1484 e 1485 opera un altro "fisico" ebreo, Manuele da Pavia. Nel 1485 arriva l'israelita Emanuele di Angelo, da Padova, che abitava a Perugia. Forse ci si chiederà come mai le comunità assumessero medici ebrei. Perchè venivano pagati la metà di un medico cristiano. Il salario infatti era di 25 fiorini l’anno per un ebreo, 50 o 60 per un cristiano. Era la conseguenza dell'ostracismo dello Stato Romano verso gli ebrei e non delle differenti capacità professionali dei medici. Gli ebrei valevano come i cristiani, quando non erano addirittura più abili e più preparati. La peste La peste, presente di continuo a brevi intervalli, era la peggiore malattia che potesse capitare in questo secolo. Abbiamo poche notizie relative al nostro paese, ma siccome il contagio colpiva vaste zone, quando l'epidemia si manifestava a Città di Castello e a Perugia, sicuramente Fratta non ne era immune. Nel 1438, ad esempio, un farmacista di Fratta scrive un elenco di medicamenti da usarsi contro la peste, tra i quali, principalmente, 1'aceto. Nel 1400 la peste colpisce l'Italia centrale, soprattutto la Toscana. A Perugia e nel contado morirono 35mila (!) persone e migliaia di decessi si contarono anche a Città di Castello. Stando così le cose, pure a Fratta ci saranno stati molti contagi e conseguentemente parecchie vittime. Nel 1411 e nel 1417 la peste imperversa di nuovo. Nell'ultimo anno colpisce particolarmente Anghiari. Nel 1429 tornò a Perugia e in tutto il suo territorio, Fratta compresa. A seguito di questo la Magistratura perugina ordinò per la prima volta di controllare la salubrità delle carni in vendita nelle "beccherie". Nel 1435 scoppiò l'epidemia a Città di Castello, da marzo a novembre, ed alla fine perirono mille tifernati. Nel 1438 peste a Fratta, dove il nostro bravo farmacista descrive i rimedi che secondo lui avrebbero evitato la malattia. Un'altra ondata di contagio arrivò dieci anni più tardi e nel 1463 il morbo colpì ancora duramente Città di Castello. L’anno dopo la peste invase tutto il territorio di Perugia e il 14 settembre 1464 a Montone il Consiglio decide di "ricorrere ai santi del Paradiso per esserne liberati". Sei anni dopo, però, il feudo di Braccio Fortebracci sarà di nuovo sotto il contagio. Dal 1467 al 1476 1a peste torna ad intervalli regolari nell'intero Perugino. Nel 1478 abbiamo la notizia della peste a Fratta. Città di Castello non ne fu immune e contò cinquecento morti. L’anno successivo, a ottobre, ricominciò la pestilenza. Colpì in particolare Gubbio e Perugia. Durò tre anni e nella sola città di Sant'Ubaldo morirono quattromila persone. Nel luglio del 1468 scoppiò ancora a Perugia. Qui dimorava Pico della Mirandola che fu costretto ad abbandonare la città e a rifugiarsi a Fratta dove, in quel il momento, il morbo non si era manifestato. Questa tremenda epidemia tormentò la nostra zona e l'Italia intera ancora per molti secoli, senza che alcuna cura potesse aiutare le popolazioni. L’aceto ed altre sostanze di sapore aspro, considerate i rimedi più efficaci (anche in un grande trattato del 1610 presente nella biblioteca Vaticana), con i quali si lavavano gli abiti, i cibi e ci si cospargeva il corpo, servivano solo, purtroppo, a rendere ancor più dura la vita del tempo. Le guerre Ladislao, re di Napoli, sconvolgeva i territori dell'Italia centrale, intenzionato a conquistarne buona parte. II 25 giugno 1408 entra in Perugia. I Fiorentini ed il Papa tentano di contrastarlo con ogni mezzo e i Toscani chiamano Lodovico d'Angiò (incoronato re di Napoli dal Papa) per contrapporlo a Ladislao. Lodovico entrò negli stati della Chiesa con Malatesta da Pesaro, Angiolo della Pergola e Braccio Fortebracci. Quest'ultimo, prima di unirsi al d'Angiò, si era portato a Città di Castello e nei pressi di Fratta aveva sconfitto Giulio Cesare da Capua, capitano del re Ladislao, forte di duemila cavalieri. Nel 1411 Braccio Fortebracci tornò in Umbria, sorprese Montone e Fratta seminando distruzione e spavento, si diresse poi verso Perugia, che conquistò nel 1416, due anni dopo la morte di Ladislao. Scomparso Martino V nel 1431, Niccolò Fortebracci, nipote di Braccio, giunse a Città di Castello e in pochi giorni s'impadronì di gran parte dell'alta valle del Tevere. I perugini tentarono con ogni mezzo di dissuaderlo, ma alla fine tutto risultò vano. Più efficace si rivelò l'annuncio dell'arrivo di un esercito inviato dai Fiorentini ed altri alleati, tra i quali i conti di Montefeltro: oltre quattromila cavalli e molti fanti stavano dirigendosi verso il territorio tifernate, ma Niccolò Fortebracci non ne attese l'arrivo ritirando le forze a Montone, dove provvide a organizzare la difesa. E quando il 18 luglio 1431 seppe che i Fiorentini erano rientrati in Toscana, uscì da Montone, piombò sui castelli vicini conquistandoli. Il 12 agosto giunse alla Fratta Niccolò Piccinino con centocinquanta cavalli, diretto in Romagna; l'anno seguente arriveranno tremila fanti e cavalieri al comando di Francesco Sforza, in lotta con Niccolò Fortebracci, e notevoli danni provocheranno agli abitanti. Successivamente si aggiungeranno i soldati di Francesco Piccinino e dell'arcivescovo di Napoli governatore di Perugia, i quali, in contrasto tra loro, transiteranno per il territorio di Fratta e apporteranno lutti e violenze. Fratta vide giungere nel suo territorio, nel 1475, una gran moltitudine di persone per una sommossa scoppiata nel territorio tifernate. Nel 1479 si riaccese violenta la lotta tra Perugia e Fiorentini ed il nostro territorio subì ingenti danni. Molti castelli vennero distrutti, gli abitanti crudelmente uccisi. Capitano dell'esercito fiorentino era Niccolò Vitelli, scomunicato dal Papa. Dal 1488, alle lotte tra popolani (raspanti) e nobili (beccherini) a Perugia se ne aggiunsero altre, coinvolte le famiglie Baglioni e Degli Oddi, con disastrose conseguenze per tutti. I Degli Oddi furono cacciati, ma tentarono di procurarsi alleati e soldati, specialmente nel Ducato di Urbino, per rientrare in città. La venuta in Italia di Carlo VIII e la politica del Papa offrirono loro l'occasione per tentare di recuperare Perugia. I luoghi di rifugio dei fuorusciti erano tre: il territorio dei duchi di Urbino, parenti di alcuni Papi, di Siena e Fratta, dove volsero inizialmente le armi i Baglioni, informati che in questa zona avevano trovato asilo i Degli Oddi. Era l’anno 1495: all'abbazia di San Salvatore di Monte Acuto (Montecorona) giunsero Guido ed Astorre Baglioni con mille fanti e duecento cavalli; si riorganizzarono in fretta, andando a piazzare le artiglierie nei pressi della chiesetta di San Pietro di Romeggio. Ai primi colpi, gli uomini del Baglioni si resero conto che i proietti facevano più danno alle case che alle mura di Fratta, essendo queste a terrapieno. D'altra parte numerose erano le sortite degli assediati che quotidianamente riuscivano a ricevere aiuti da Assisi, Urbino, Matelica, Siena, Foligno e da altre terre amiche. I Folignati, intanto, si erano fatti promotori della formazione di un esercito che, verso la fine di agosto, al comando di Niccolò e Sforza Degli Oddi, si stava dirigendo alla Fratta. I Baglioni, conosciuta l'iniziativa, abbandonarono l'assedio di Fratta e ritornarono a Perugia, inseguiti dai nemici fino a Corciano. La battaglia fu combattuta il 4 settembre 1495 con vittoria dei Baglioni. Fratta, una settimana dopo, temendo rappresaglie per aver dato ospitalità ai Degli Oddi, tornò a sottomettersi ai Perugini. Fonti: Calendario di Umbertide 2004 – Ed. Comune di Umbertide – 2004 Renato Codovini: Storia di Umbertide - Il Secolo XV. Dattiloscritto inedito, 1992 A. Guerrini: Storia della terra di Fratta ora Umbertide dalle sue origini fino all'anno 1845 - Tipografia Tiberina, Umbertide, 1883 PICO DELLA MIRANDOLA A FRATTA Arrivò nell’antico borgo fortificato nell’estate 1486 Giovanni Pico della Mirandola e Fratta: un connubio che dette risultati fecondi. Il grande umanista, originario appunto di Mirandola, in provincia di Modena, celebre per le capacità intellettuali e la prodigiosa memoria, arrivò nell'estate del 1486, spinto da un'epidemia di peste scoppiata a Perugia dove si era rifugiato in seguito alla burrascosa vicenda amorosa con la moglie di Giuliano di Mariotto de' Medici, fiorentino. II borgo fortificato di Fratta offriva garanzie di un buon isolamento sanitario dal contagio, essendo completamente circondato dalle acque ed avendo soltanto due ingressi (la porta del torrione decagonale all'inizio del ponte sul Tevere e la porta della Campana), dai quali era facile controllare ogni persona che entrasse. A Fratta trovò un ambiente sereno, tranquillo nonostante gli echi delle lotte politiche tra Perugia, il Papato, Firenze e Città di Castello. Non è fuori luogo pensare che alloggiasse in una qualche casa del Terziere Superiore, a contatto con la folta e ricca comunità israelitica locale. Opportunità unica per uno studioso di cultura e di lingua ebraica. Di pari passo, Pico migliorò le proprie conoscenze anche in aramaico ed arabo per approfondire quelli che chiamava i tesori delle letterature orientali: Zoroastro, gli Oracoli dei Maghi, gli scritti di Esra e Melchiar. Rapporti molto intensi con quel mondo, quantunque anche a Fratta spirassero i venti della crociata antisemitica promossa dal frate minore Bernardino da Feltre. Sono dello stesso periodo "Commento alla canzone d'amore" di Girolamo Benivieni, "Elogio della pace" e lettere a personaggi di chiara fama: Taddeo Ugolini, Marsilio Ficino, Domenico Benivieni. Alcune lettere scritte da Pico durante la sua permanenza a Fratta si traducono in uno spaccato della vita sociale del tempo. Intanto, completa l"'Oratio de dignitate hominis", considerata il manifesto del Rinascimento. Secondo fico, la dignità dell'uomo è nell'assoluta libertà di scelta, nell'essere aperto a qualsiasi possibilità di vita. Nessuno ha una "natura" predeterminata da leggi, stretta entro limiti precisi. Libero "fabbro" di se stesso, a differenza delle altre creature, l'uomo può scegliere tra decadere al rango dei bruti o sollevarsi al divino, attuando in sé, ancora mortale, la congiunzione del finito e dell'infinito. Concezione "rivoluzionaria", nata all'ombra della Rocca e maturata da fonti eterogenee quali Platone, Aristotele, Ermete Trismegisto, Tommaso d'Aquino, la Cabala. Poco prima della morte, avvenuta nel 1494 a soli 31 anni, Pico della Mirandola si accostò alla predicazione di Girolamo Savonarola, alla cui difesa si dedicò appassionatamente, scrivendo due opere rivolte alle autorità ecclesiastiche ed una lettera intesa a sollevare l'opinione pubblica. Tutto inutile: il 23 maggio 1498 fra' Savonarola venne condannato ed arso a Firenze, accusato di eresia. Il soggiorno di Pico a Fratta fu quindi fecondo. E c'è da essere orgogliosi che abbia scritto proprio qui il manifesto del Rinascimento e la più alta celebrazione della centralità e libertà dell'uomo nel suo rapporto con Dio. Testi presi direttamente dal volume di Pietro Vispi “Il soggiorno e l’opera di G. Pico della Mirandola ad Umbertide” Dalla prefazione (o meglio non prefazione, come la definisce l’autore Gianni Codovini) “All’Autore (e non solo) Innanzitutto un grazie per averci restituito un pagina veramente alta della nostra Fratta, nonché per averci consegnato un rigoroso esempio di ricerca storica e un coerente metodo di lavoro, che sembra derivato non solo dai suoi profondi studi teologici e giuridici, ma anche mutuato da una persona - Renato Codovini - alla quale la città di Umbertide, ed io stesso in primis, dobbiamo gratitudine e stima, tanto per il suo essere l'inarrivabile fonte archivistica locale quanto per il suo meticoloso e discreto modo di orientare giovani studiosi ed esperti ricercatori nello studio storico e documentario. Non credo di allontanarmi dal vero, o perlomeno di non far violenza alla volontà dell'Autore se affermo che, Don Pietro Vispi, con l'abituale sensibilità intellettuale che conosciamo ed apprezziamo, riconosce il debito metodologico nei confronti di Renato Codovini in quella affettuosa e bella dedica in calce al libro che, credo, tutti condividano. Nel congedarmi dall'Autore e dal Lettore, consegno una mia impressione generale che vado sempre più confermando, che è quella poi di un intellettuale a me caro, Benedetto Croce: «ogni vera storia è storia contemporanea»(1). Condizione prima ed essenziale della storia - scrive Croce - è che il fatto, che si prende a narrare, vibri nell'animo dello storico. Ne consegue che ogni storia «se è davvero storia se cioè ha un senso e non suoni come discorso a vuoto», è contemporanea, sia che prenda in esame eventi remoti sia che consideri fatti vicini o presenti. Tale la morale generale che ho rafforzato leggendo il prezioso libro di Pietro Vispi.” Umbertide, settembre 1995 Umbertide, Tishri 5756. Gianni Codovini Note: 1. Vds. B. Croce, “Teoria e Storia”; Laterza, Bari, 1976, pp. 1-5, ma anche “La storia come pensiero e azione”, Laterza, Bari; 1938, pp. 170-172. Il soggiorno a Perugia ed in Fratta “Il periodo di tempo che riguarda il soggiorno perugino e poi a Fratta è in verità molto breve, ma, se rapportato alla brevissima vita del conte, e soprattutto poi a quanto e come in questo breve lasso egli abbia prodotto, potremmo quasi dire che sia stato uno dei più importanti vissuti da Pico. Come già detto nelle brevi note biografiche, nella primavera del 1486 Pico è di ritorno da Parigi e, dopo aver sostato qualche tempo a Firenze, volendo, pare, dirigersi alla volta di Roma, allorché fu in Arezzo, il 10 di maggio, si trovò invischiato nella non chiara faccenda del rapimento di Margherita, moglie di Mariotto de' Medici. Come sappiamo, l'intervento del Magnifico mise fuori dai guai Pico, che, o per già deciso programma, o per altra ragione a noi sconosciuta, si ritira a Perugia. Nasce abbastanza spontanea la domanda: come mai Perugia? Una risposta potrebbe essere data guardando bene gli interessi di Pico contemporanei all'avvenimento. Giovanni aveva finora studiato con estrema profondità la filosofia specialmente aristotelica e averroistica, ma proprio questo studio “chiariva al Pico l'urgenza di risolvere il problema dei rapporti fra le sempre più ardite sue dottrine e la religione cattolica, quale è insegnata dalla Chiesa di Roma. Sotto l'incalzare di questo problema, anche i suoi studi orientali prendono un indirizzo nuovo. Finora sotto la guida di Elia, aveva soprattutto studiato il pensiero arabo nel suo più grande esponente: Averroè. Ora si volge verso pensatori che abbiano fatto oggetto di riflessione l'esperienza religiosa e, partito da Maimonide, si addentra nel campo del pensiero ebraico finché, affascinato dalle più esuberanti correnti mistiche, nelle immaginose interpretazioni simboliche dei testi scritturali crede di aver trovato una soluzione ai suoi problemi e una via di uscita per le sue difficoltà"(1). Così egli comincia a studiare la Cabbala(2), utilizzando questa non tanto dal punto di vista dottrinario, quanto invece come metodo esegetico scritturale. La confidenza con i testi dell'ebraismo era nata già a Padova attraverso l'iniziazione avuta dal del Medigo e continuò poi a Firenze, diventando vera attrazione, in seguito all'amicizia sorta col Mitridate; anzi, abbiamo certa notizia dell'organizzazione, proprio in casa di Pico, di convegni di ebrei per discutere i rapporti di interconnessione filosofica fra ebraismo e cristianesimo. I due maestri però non proponevano a Giovanni la stessa ottica; l'uno, Elia, israelita ortodosso, conosceva la Cabbala ma la rigettava come sapere spurio, l'altro, convertito al cristianesimo, era invece un fervente cabbalista. La differenza tra i due fu la causa di una reciproca inimicizia che durò tutta la vita; Pico comunque non interruppe i rapporti né con l'uno né con l'altro. Il giovane conte resta dunque affascinato “dalla dottrina misteriosa, che Elia e Mitridate gli espongono; con notevole spesa egli si procura quei libri che legge con indefessa fatica; il risultato di tali letture è che Pico trova addirittura nei documenti della cabbala , oltre a dottrine filosofiche degne di Pitagora e di Platone, la conferma piena dei fondamentali misteri del cristianesimo, tanto osteggiati dagli ebrei intransigenti”(3). Perugia, per quanto diremo nel capitolo seguente, era il luogo adatto ed ideale per la conoscenza e l'approfondimento dei testi cabalistici, luogo con una forte e colta comunità israelitica, centro di produzione di codici e città qualificata da uno Studio di ormai antico prestigio. Del soggiorno perugino abbiamo molte testimonianze ricavabili dagli scritti di Pico, di Elia(4), del Ficino, e proprio a Perugia Giovanni fu raggiunto da Elia del Medigo; un ricco e fecondo colloquio intercorse tra i due, ma fu presto interrotto: nel luglio a Perugia scoppia un'epidemia di peste che consiglia l'allontanamento dalla città. Il rifugio, da Pico, fu trovato in Fratta. Noi non sappiamo i motivi precisi della scelta, ma forse, proprio la presenza nel piccolo centro di una qualificata comunità ebraica, oltre il tranquillo isolamento anche sanitario, che il munito nucleo urbano poteva offrire, non dovrebbero essere stati argomenti ignorati da Pico. Va poi sottolineato un particolare che, per quanto accidentale, ci ha molto incuriosito: nell' Oratio, allorché Pico afferma che la cabbala stessa diviene strumento di confutazione per gli ebrei... “integralisti”, egli ci dice di aver convinto alla dottrina trinitaria cristiana un coltissimo israelita, esperto di cabbala, di nome Dattilo(5). Sappiamo noi per certo, e lo illustreremo nel capitoletto apposito, che di sicuro uno dei massimi esponenti della comunità ebraica perugina, originario ed abitante di Fratta, era, all'epoca di Pico, proprio un certo Dattilo di Salomone, facoltoso banchiere. È solo sicuramente una pura coincidenza, quella appena descritta, e da questa non vogliamo certamente trarre conclusioni indimostrabili; essa tuttavia è causa di legittime suggestive fantasie. Due parole vogliamo spenderle a chiusura di questa parte per dimostrare come la Fratta, nella quale Pico si trattiene, sia l'attuale Umbertide. È vera la constatazione che di “Fracta” o “Fratta” la toponomastica del perugino ne annovera più di una: Fracta Filiorum Azzonis (Collazzone), Fracta Filiorum Fusci (Castiglion Fosco), Fratta di Guido (F. Todina), Fratta Cornia (nei pressi di Lisciano Niccone), ecc., però, nessuna mai viene citata in alcun documento senza la specificazione patronimica. L'unica Fratta, per antonomasia, in quanto anche centro senza dubbio più ragguardevole degli altri, e massima fortezza perugina, è Fracta Filiorum Uberti, che nella seconda metà dell'ottocento muterà il proprio nome in quello di Umbertide. Già dal 1145, in un diploma di Eugenio III, pubblicato negli annali camaldolesi(6) - e sempre in seguito, così come del resto fa lo stesso Pico e come sempre si riscontra nella cartografia ufficiale pontificia - Fracta Filiorum Uberti viene indicata col solo termine di "Fratta" o Fracta" senza il timore di cadere in equivoci di interpretazione o di definizione toponomastica. Giunge pertanto Pico nella nostra regione, desideroso di studi, di approfondimenti personali, di serenità, in previsione del grande progetto romano. Egli trova una realtà ambientale ed umana che certamente gli aggrada e lo stimola se qui rimane fino all'immediata vigilia della, purtroppo mai sostenuta, disputa.” Pietro Vispi Note: 1. E. Garin, Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, Vita e Dottrina, Firenze, 1937, p. 27. 2. La Cabbala, o Cabala, significa “tradizione”, e divenne una delle componenti culturali del Rinascimento. Essa non è di facile definizione, consiste sostanzialmente in una forma di misticismo giudaico tuttora non molto studiato. Tale misticismo ebbe buona diffusione nel Rinascimento, e specialmente nel mondo cristiano fu utilizzato come metodo di esegesi biblica. La chiesa è sempre risultata diffidente nei confronti della cabbala tanto che dalla controriforma in qua essa venne vietata, così come tutti i testi di origine ebraica. 3. G. Di Napoli, op. cit., 55. 4. Cfr. Heliae Hebrei Cretensis, questio de ente et essentia et uno. Venetiis, 1546, fol. 142/r (volume contenente Super octos libros Aristotelis…, di Giovanni di Jandun) 5. Cfr. Oratio…, Trad. di E. Garin, fol. 139/r., Firenze, 1942. Foto di Fabio Mariotti Disegno di Adriano Bottaccioli Fonti: - Calendario di Umbertide 2004 – Ed. Comune di Umbertide – 2004 - Renato Codovini: Storia di Umbertide - Il Secolo XV. Dattiloscritto inedito, 1992 - Pietro Vispi: Il soggiorno e l’opera di G. Pico della Mirandola ad Umbertide – Ed. Comune di Umbertide - 1996 Disegno di A. Bottaccioli (Calendario di Umbertide 2004) La Rocca nel 1912 ed oggi. Nella foto più antica si può vedere il torrione laterale ancora coperto e le facciate della case diverse da oggi La zona dove si pensa esistesse la gualchiera Disegno di A. Bottaccioli (Calendario di Umbertide 2004) Disegno di A. Bottaccioli (Calendario di Umbertide 2004) 1911. Il calzolaio a Montecorona Disegno di A. Bottaccioli (Calendario di Umbertide 2004) Disegni di Adriano Bottaccioli (Calendario di Umbertide 2004) Disegno di A. Bottaccioli (Calendario di Umbertide 2004) Disegni di A. Bottaccioli (Calendario di Umbertide 2004) L'Abbazia di Montecorona La chiesa di Romeggio Disegno di A. Bottaccioli (Calendario di Umbertide 2004) Disegno di A. Bottaccioli (Calendario di Umbertide 2004)

La vita durante il ventennio fascista ad Umbertide. Memoria della vita di Aristide. Aristide and the twenty years curated by Francesco Deplanu Aristide Guardabassi, the first on the left in the photo was born in 1912, became an adult during the Fascist period. After the military started in 1931, participated in the "Ethiopian enterprise" from 1935 to '36, the era of the "great consensus", then he was recalled in 1941 in the military battalions of the "shirts." black " and died in 1942 at the "mouths of Cattaro" together with a commissioner, Massetti, from Città di Castello affected from "friendly" batteries. The remains of his body were tracked down by the Maggior Suppa of the Italian army only after twenty years and brought back to a now democratic and pacified Umbertide. His funeral, in a very cold March 1960, with the banner of the Municipality in front, climbed on foot to the cemetery with all the citizens in tow, after having crossed a plain that still showed the promiscuous culture of the vine, the last landscape of an ancient world. He had reached the "sixth" elementary and so on long years of military service and then as a "black shirt", volunteer for the AOI and recalled for the Second World War, he had a very long correspondence with his wife, Olinda Guardabassi. Linda, as she was called, responded less to difficulties between work as a "tobacconist" and other jobs to be able to live and raise the little daughter; moreover, like many girls before the war, he was prevented from finishing elementary school because he was "a woman". After the second class, in fact, it had been held home to provide for family needs ... his writing was therefore more tiring. In addition to many documents of the time among the many letters left, where they are substantially absent i references to the "enemy" e to war, there are affections, memories and common life as in an "escape" from a present that is difficult to live and tell. Linda kept everything she had left in her wooden barber box: her compass and sewing supplies, letters, postcards, some documents, the metal plate found with the remains of her body, the newspaper with the 'announcement of death and some letters from friends to alleviate his loss. The barber's box contained about 300 letters, 144 postcards, filled for almost all the space available, and some telegrams written in the decade 1932-42. Almost all the letters are by Aristide some by Linda. The letters are concentrated above all in the second year of the war, as many as 110 letters, when he was recalled and left for the conflict, and in 1942, third year of the war, 52 letters before dying. In particular 68 letters were kept during his military service and 10 postcards; between 1934 and 1936, during the African campaign, 66 letters, 1 telegram and 29 postcards remain; 170 letters, 105 postcards and 3 telegrams remain for the period of the World War: 1932 - 4 letters, 1933 - 61 letters from Vercelli, 10 postcards, 4 edelweiss, 1934 - 3 missives, 1935 - 38 missives 1 telegram and 29 postcards, 1936 - 25 letters, 1939 - 2 telegrams and 15 postcards, 1941 - 110 missives 2 post card, 2 telegrams 70 postcards, 1942 - 59 missives 4 postcards 1 telegram 35 postcards and 1 letter from Alberto Burri to his wife Linda after her death. Interno della cassetta da barbiere In addition, many personal photos were kept in the box, 30 photos of the funeral that took place in the post-war period in Umbertide, various personal and time documents, "Various materials" including, a compass used in the AOI, a needle holder and wooden thread, a branded cigarette holder with still some cigarettes inside, a small santino di Sant'Antonio kept inside a small bussolotto, the identification plate kept in a green canvas bag with the personal data, the flag with which the small chest with the remains of Aristide was displayed in the Collegiate Church for the funeral about twenty years after his death; Linda after many years used to say that only at that moment, when the remains were brought back in a small box, did she really stop hoping for his return ... A decade of alternating correspondence for a few years, after the "unlimited leave" from military service, first from the "African enterprise" and then from the outbreak of the conflict. A very long correspondence in which Aristide wrote almost exclusively of love, affection and everyday life; an aspect that goes hand in hand with the historical moments in which he writes, writes from Vercelli and Biella to the compulsory service of the state, writes from the "steamer" that takes him to Africa for the Empire, sends postcards where the propaganda phrases of the "Fascism" as he greets his Lindina, postcards that have as their theme the geographical map of the AOI or busts of beautiful African girls that the regime shows as trophies, he writes more and more often when he is sent to the coasts of Albania and present-day Montenegro . He wrote from Podgorica, from the "very Italian" Boka Kotorska, until his death at the hands of his own army in an Italy that soon will be divided in two, with the central part and its Umbertide that from that moment will live another story: drama and liberation. In addition to the correspondence, the preserved documents tell us about that moment: the cards of the fascist, workers and women's organizations, the lists of members of the Umbertidese militias of the "black shirts", the recall orders for the lack of behavior of these Umbertidesi militiamen on the part of the Perugian nucleus, an internal propaganda theme made to write to the daughter for the return of the father who will never return ... A remarkable material to be investigated at another time because it is too vast. The affections for the young Linda, first girlfriend then wife and mother of a child seem to be almost the exclusive subject to communicate. Here are some examples as a soldier of Leva in 1933 and then as a husband in '39 and on the day of his death in July '42: "Biella 04/21/1933 - IX EF ("Fascist year and period" Ed.) I reply to yours ("letter" Ed.) With a little nervousness caused by your silence. Lindina you will never imagine how I desire one of yours ("letter" Ed), and not receiving it, the saddest thoughts assault my brain, and the most phantasmagoric visions come before my eyes making me see who knows how many times you that you no longer think of me, that you do not love me, and who knows how many other bad things that my miserable language cannot pronounce ... " "Sora 16-7-39 - VII" ("fascist year" Ed.) Dearest love, with the greatest joy, I reply to your dear letter, which has reached me today. Lindina you will want to excuse me if sometimes in my letters I am a little impulsive, but you must understand, that it is the love I have towards you that makes me insane. Not a minute of the day goes by, that my thoughts are not turned towards you, and I remember all our talks, all our walks, every intimate we had with you and I wonder: what will my Linda do now without me? Maybe he will think of his distant love? And my heart answers yes. " "(Place not present for military reasons) - 29/07/1942 - XX ... I really liked the two conchigline I found in the letter of the 22nd from Imperia. Do you think Linda wanted to be a little bird, and see our daughter how he looked for them, and what he told you when he gave them to you to send them to me. I think of you how happy you will be, that you see Imperia growing like a flower, and that you guide it, and you look at it as you look at an angel. But for my part, I am happy all the same, because when it is joy for you, it is happiness for me too. Perhaps you will be even more worried than me, as despite being happy you have the constant thought for me, and who knows how many times you will repeat a name that with the help of our good God, will return safe and sound. "... He died immediately after the last letter together with his friend Massetti from Città di Castello, the other Umbertidesi present with him in Podgorica buried him. We insert here some images of 1933-34, the love letters and the envelope that Linda carefully preserved with the 6 edelweiss that Aristide had sent him; the letter of departure for the AOI; postcards, front and back from Eritrea with images that are racist and sexist in our eyes today; sheets for the symbols of the 1: 25000 tablets of the IGM, the patriotic propaganda theme made to write in class to the daughter ... 1/1 Linda also replied, although less frequently, moreover only a few letters have survived, those reported in the few licenses by Aristide. The writing is more tiring and with spelling errors that we decided to leave to remember the female condition of the time where compulsory schooling was not respected especially for girls. The last letter visible in the images inserted above was from Linda but he returned only later with the remains of Aristide in 1960; it was probably kept in its uniform. "Arille" was the affectionate way in which he called Aristide, and as usual the family affections dominate the thoughts of the two but the letter also briefly describes the situation of rationing during the war in Umbertide "nothing is found" and the solidarity between women with the wife of another "recalled" who brought food to their little daughter. “Recalled” indicates those who, like Aristide, had obtained “unlimited leave” but were “recalled” to arms with the worsening of the conflict; condition according to Linda suffered by Aristide and the other young people from Umbertide who left in '41. Linda also used to tell how the conflict led Aristide to moments of despair and that once, returning from leave, he seriously asked her to throw all three under the train nearby. "Umbertide 3-5-942 My dearest Aristide For a few days, I have not heard from you, the last of yours on the 22nd, Rille my thoughts vague, that again you will be moved, for another action, this is the thought that does not give me peace, Arille with a contracted heart , and full of hope I never tire of praying our good God, who is so good and merciful, will always watch over you, to make you return as soon as possible to your home, which is always full of your memories, where Imperia remembers its father a hundred, but a hundred times a day, your caresses, your sweet little words, full of fatherly love, Arille when our little one reminds me of your compliments, a knot tightens my tears, my heart no longer knows how to fight it has this great pain, of this your distance, that I do not know what I would give just to let me pass by in a moment to see you, and see the state you are in, Arille in these days that are without news from you the saddest thoughts assail me and make me suffer so much, Arille mirror everything as long as I get a line of comfort from you and relief, explaining the delay of this post. Arillino days ago I sent you the photo Imperia I hope it has reached you. Arille as I told you, indeed you will know, that times are difficult now and nothing can be found, but I tell you that our Imperia has lacked for nothing up to now, because there are the wives of those recalled who are with you that every so much they bring me eggs and flour, today Gigino di Dalai's wife came and brought Imperia 10 eggs and flour, dear kisses Linda and Imperia. " Linda young and still beautiful, with her darker and lighter eyes, peculiarity given by a benign neoplasm to the eye, found herself facing a life in poverty with a small daughter but with great strength and courage; with the bombing of Umbertide he welcomed Pompeo who was one year older than his daughter, who was orphaned by his whole family. They grew up as brothers until he had to send them far away to give them the future by making them come back whenever possible. Linda didn't want to anymore no one close to him waiting secretly and irrationally, in his heart, that Aristide's death had been communicated by mistake; conviction that ended at the return of the petty cash with what remained of his body. In addition to the family story, Aristide's documents tell us about our local history. Among the various documents that you can see in the gallery above, for example, there is one that can shed light, although it is undated, on the composition and structuring of the "umbertidesi fasci" system, part of history for obvious reasons not much in-depth since the war. up to the present day. In the typed document, with the caption "FEDERATION OF THE COMBAT BANDS OF PERUGIA" at the head, continuing underneath with the words "BAND OF UMBERTIDE", the distinction of the city is evident in at least five sectors, since this was the fifth. This "sector" concerned the area of Piazza S. Francesco, Via Secoli, Via Soli, Via Spoletini, Via Stella, Via Cesare Battisti. There was the "head of the sector": Ramaccioni Gino e 3 "nuclei". At the "head" of the first "nucleus" there was just Guardabassi Aristide with the particularity of being registered without the reference to be a "(CN)", or a black shirt. This writing instead appears next to the names of the "head" of the "II nucleus", Ramaccioni Dino, and of the "III nucleus", Pucci Carlo. Thus the list seems to have been written before the '' African enterprise, when Aristide was certainly a "Black Shirt" but was also used later ( 1935-'38) seen that in pencil you can read next to various names of the components of the "nuclei" the military destination of some: Bologna, Africa, Milan, Albania. However the components of this list are 17 in first “nucleus”, 17 the second and 23 the third. Overall, the "V sector" alone therefore counted on 61 belonging to the "Fasci di Umbertide". Here are the names present in the document relating to the "V sector" of the "Fascio di Umbertide": V sector (Piazza S. Francesco - Via Secoli - Via Soli - Via Spoletini - Via Stella - Via Cesare Battisti) Head of Sector - Ramaccioni Gino I Nucleus Head of core Guardabassi Aristide Burzigotti Eugenio Cardinals John Marine limestones Bebi Carlo Bebi Fausto Bico Antonio Cingolani Beetle Martini Adolfo Panzarola Nello Pini Giulio Ramaccioni Fortunato Ramaccioni Silvio Reggiani Francesco Santini Giovanni Tarragoni Ginetto pupils Tarragoni Students Enrico Zurli Arnaldo II Core Head of nucleus Ramaccioni Dino (CN) Alberti Alvaro Alberti Quintilio Angeletti Giuseppe Oreste children Baldelli Dante Ciocchetti Oliviero Corradi Anteo Fiorucci Thales Jets Decio Mancini Carlo Mancini Giuseppe Domenico Pucci Puletti Calisto Ramaccioni Ramiro Renzini Alessandro Renzini Pietro Renzini Oberdan III Core Head of Core Pucci Carlo (CN) Tullini Elmo students Anastasi Amedeo Bartoccini Pietro Becchetti Tito Giuseppe Becchetti Caldari Bruno Andrea Cecchetti Cerrini Renzo Ghisalberti Adolfo Lucaccioni Riccardo Lucaccioni Antonio Mariotti Ettore Giuseppe screeds Palazzetti Nazzareno Paoletti Antonio Paoletti Natale Rondini Aldo Rossi Vincenzo Starnini Warrior Serafino Fiorentino Tosti Quintilio Tognaccini Romeo Other letters speak to us, however, of historical events of national significance such as the departure for the AOI when he writes from from the ship Princess Giovanna: "Sender: Aristide Guardabassi Black Shirt, First Division CC. NN. March 23 202 th Legion, First BTG Second company, East Africa. 08/28/1939 - XIII EF ("Fascist Year and Epoch" Ed.) Dear Linda, first of all, I extend my affection to you, with the best wishes for a goodbye soon (before it is possible). Linda as she announces by telegram that you left on Sunday evening, the last 25th, with the ship Principessa Giovanna, and indeed it was. Our ship has lifted the anchors to head to Massawa in Eritrea, at 5 and 45 minutes, and we will arrive on 2 September the same day. Linda when the ship left the quay, to head towards the East, the immense crowd that filled the port, gave us a warm show of sympathy and affection, (and some faces were covered with tears) that you cannot imagine ... " An analysis of the long correspondence in search of historical elements as well as affective ones could reveal further information on the modalities of life during Fascism in the upper Tiber Valley and in our country. The correspondence is interrupted with the life of Aristide, just a end of July 1942, after 18 years his remains will return to Umbertide. A red envelope Linda kept inside the wooden box contained the last one missive written by Aristide, one page newspaper with the news of the death and the letter from her friend, Alberto Burri, written to Linda at the time of the news of the killing in July 1942. Burri, 3 years younger, was captured in Tunisia the following year, on 8 May 1943, and after several trips he was taken to the concentration camps of the United States . This is the text of the letter: " Dear Madam, You know how great our friendship was and you can understand how I too suffer for the loss of dear Aristide. However, the knowledge that he has left us in fulfilling all his duty as an Italian and a Fascist must help you and help us to bear this pain. He will always be alive in our memory with his eternally smiling face and with his good humor that increased with the difficulties of the moment. He was an excellent soldier and an excellent father, and little Imperia can be proud of him. You like mine Madam best regards. Alberto Burri " alberto burri 1 alberto burri 2 alberto burri 1 1/2 Aristide was one of the 93 dead or missing in the war of our country, but in addition to them the toll of lives for this war was very conspicuous because 70 died under the bombing of 1944 people, 22 were killed in retaliation (in Penetola, Serra Partucci, Civitella Ranieri and Montecastelli), 34 people died as a result of the war, 1 in prison camps and 2 at the front after 8 September as partisans. For those wishing to see their complete list, you can read the precious text by Mario Tosti " Beautiful works. Information, documents, testimonies and images on life and death events that took place in the Municipality of Umbertide during the Second World War ." Municipality of Umbertide, 25 April 1995. In total, therefore, a good two hundred and eighty-two Umbertidesi died during this conflict. Source: - Family archive of the Micucci-Guardabassi family - Oral source Fam. Guardabassi-Deplanu - Mario Tosti: " Beautiful works. Information, documents, testimonies and images on life and death events that occurred in the Municipality of Umbertide during the Second World War . Edited by Mario Tosti. Municipality of Umbertide, 25 April 1995. - Photo: Family archive of the Micucci-Guardabassi family

The population over time Le linee di indagine I "numeri" del Piccolpasso Il Giorgi ed il popolamento sparso I "dati" della Diocesi nel 1808 I censimenti del Regno d'Italia Lo spostamento verso la città L'esubero dei lavoratori e la "morte" della mezzadria L'immigrazione L'immigrazione neocomunitaria The radical change in the resident population followed a growing trend motivated by the need to search for a better place to live, a possibility linked to job opportunities. Seasonal jobs and the development of engineering have laid the foundation for being an attractive place. Local emigration is the result of displacement flows from North Africa and South America but also from European "history". The fall of the Berlin wall triggered Albanian emigration to Italy, and today the second "foreign resident population" in Umbertide has Albania as its starting country. The enlargement of the EU in 2006-2007 has given way to an increase in "neucomunitari" residents from Romania, the third place of origin of foreign residents in Umbertide. The first sudden "detachment" of the resident population immigrated to Umbertide, already full-bodied because in a ratio of about 1/16 compared to the total resident, it certainly happened between 2002 and 2006. According to the survey " Umbertide Economy and society: the municipality and the territory " of the Umbra Research Agency, it went from 905 foreigners residing in the municipality to 1666. Based on ISTAT data referring to 31 December 2005, the population from Morocco it reached 501 units (299 males and 202 females). Residents from Albania reached 394 people (210 males and 184 females) ; from Algeria 140 (97 males and 43 females); From UK 77 (38 males and 39 females); from Romania 73 (29 males and 44 females); from South America 80 (32 males and 40 females). The dynamics linked to the enlargement of the European Union have also influenced the radical change in the population of Umbria, especially that relating to 2006-2007 which saw the enlargement extend to Romania and Bulgaria. The enlargement in 2007 led, in fact, to a notable increase of "neo-community" residents in the demography of the Municipality of Umbertide. Above all, the Romanian population increased exponentially: it went from 48 residents (21 males and 27 females) in December 2004 to 234 residents (108 males and 126 females) and in 2016 there were 459 residents (176 males and 283 females). Le linee di indagine (edited by Francesco Deplanu) As regards the demography of the territory, we propose a diachronic path, from the sixteenth century. to date, in search of significant trend lines even if exposed to the diversity of sources and survey times. We believe, however, that we can identify two "lines" of trend: 1) the change of an almost millennial form of settlement, from "scattered" to "centralized", 2) the inversion from being a land of emigration, starting in the 1960s, to being a "land of arrival", from the end of the 21st century. This attempt will not be able to give certain indications. This is because both for the vastness of the time considered that due to the lack of cognitive demographic interests in the surveys that reached us from the sixteenth century to the nineteenth century, as well as the differences in the forms of survey: from the castle to the countryside, from the “fires” to the “people.” As regards the sources, after the "Council of Trent" up to the unification of Italy it is above all the Dioceses and parishes that can give us important information. Only with the Kingdom of Italy and the contemporary ISTAT data of the Italian Republic can we get a less uncertain idea of the evolution of demography as a whole. For centuries the population of Fratta it remained in an extremely limited number. Piccolpasso in 1565 shows us in fact between 300 and 400 inhabitants. Giorgi's map, from a few decades later, always shows us a small amount of population within the walls, but it gives us a new "datum." That is, most of the population lived around the walls, and it was distributed in a "sparse" manner. Settlement that was consequence of an economic system, sharecropping, which will characterize the distribution of the fine population to the second half of the twentieth century. We can dare to find a line of union between the sixteenth and twentieth centuries, regardless of the increase in the population in approaching us, or in the constant division of the population between "countryside" and "city walls". scattered settlement linked to the exploitation of the territories: the system sharecropper. Since then, but concentrated in the last 70-80 years, we can identify two "revolutions" that have changed the use of the territory and the Umbertidese demography. The first great revolution was the crisis and then the end of sharecropping, which led to the abandonment of the countryside and the growth of the urban fabric, as well as the emigration of the population. Emigration lasted until the 1970s; internal and abroad. The second great revolution depended on another change in the production system: mechanization in the primary and secondary sector, which made the local production system attractive for some areas of the world, from seasonal to metalworking jobs. This second major demographic change transformed us from a land of emigration to a land of immigration. Let's start with "order": Piccolpasso in " The plants and portraits of the cities and lands of Umbria under the government of Perugia ", he spoke of 80 fires connected to the castle: " Fratta dei Sigli di Uberto fires about 80. ". Historians in general hazard a number of 4-6 "souls" for "fire", we can consequently think of a population of 320 to 480 people. Piccolpasso, "The plants and portraits of the cities and lands of Umbria subject to the government of Perugia" by G. Cecchini, Publisher of the National Institute of Archeology and Art History, Rome 1963. Image from "Central Institute for the Single Catalog of Italian Libraries and for bibliographic information": https://manus.iccu.sbn.it//opac_viewImagesManuscript.php? ID = 69561 Giorgi's Charter from the mid-16th century it is instead a "thematic map" which had the intent to represent the numerical entity of the "souls" present in the various parishes (two sheets obtained from two copper plates (475 x 680 mm each) of the Diocese of Gubbio. " Diocese of the city of Gubbio, described by the Most Reverend Don Vbaldo Georgii Clerico Evgubino ... " It is the representation of the data that the bishop Mariano Savelli, in 1567, asked to indicate to the parish priests with the number of families belonging to their parish and the distances that separated from the parish church, under the penalty of 50 florins as a fine for “reluctant” parish priests. Perhaps the final figures are at the end of 1570. The Charter (98 x 68 cm) is a real demographic census of the Diocese of Gubbio according to what was established in the Council of Trent, 1563, for the reorganization of the parishes. The Charter was created with data regarding the state of souls, with the location of parish churches, parish churches, inhabited areas, villas. On the map there is a division into squares and rectangles that roughly delimits the parish district, usually with numbers indicating the distance in miles from the parish. In the southern area, where our "Fratta" insists, we see that the percentage of dispersion of the rural population is very high, this suggests to "sharecropping". In contemporary documents there is also talk of "vinea" which indicates the cultivation of the vine practiced on the ground. Surely this spatial distribution of the population, with scattered settlements, speaks to us of a new tranquility of being able to live outside the city walls compared to past centuries and of a productivity of such places. It does not describe the territory, where it is cultivated or wooded, but the distribution of the population. With some precision, however, it is also possible to obtain the number of inhabitants of the various places, as well as of the entire diocese which had more than 20,000 inhabitants, taking into account that each "house" indicated 5 people. In the quadrant of the parishes around “La Fratta” they are identifiable 42 “houses” outside the walls and 22 inside. Within the walls of ancient Fratta, with the parish of San Giovanni in good evidence, considering this "rule" to be true, there are 22 "houses", or about 110 people. walls in the countryside. Since the houses in the quadrant are 42. For the same counting system there are 210 people outside the walls, about 320 people in the parishes of Fratta. Very similar to that of Piccolpasso. "Diocese of the city of Gubbio, described by the Most Reverend Don Vbaldo Georgii Clerico Evgubino ..." Image from "Lithographic copy of Giorgi's map published in 1574" by the Flag-waving Group of Gubbio with the contribution of Enrico Passeri Financial Advisor of the Azimut Group ", 2005 Until the Kingdom of Italy we have no univocal and easy to interpret data while the contemporary age, with its large population movements from the countryside to the city in the post-war period and the immigration flows of the last decades, can be investigated in more detail. These will be the events on which we will focus in order to better understand in which direction the identity of our country can go. For this at the end of the page you will find the references to the subsections of "arrivals", with the first stories of the people who arrived with the immigration phenomenon and of the "departures", with the first stories of our emigrants especially in the period 1950-70. However, we know, for example, that in the register of souls of the Diocese of Gubbio of July 1808 it appears that in the "Fratta" there were 346 inhabitants in the parishes of San Giovanni Battista and of Santa Croce (with Sant'Erasmo) 1051 inhabitants, both urban and rural, there were therefore 1397 souls in total. The source is a post by the local historian Cece di Gubbio . However, it is impossible to compare these data with those of about 50 years later, with the Kingdom of Italy, which present more than 10,000 inhabitants in the municipality of Umbertide. This is because the Diocese does not correspond to the whole territory of the "Comunità di Fratta" Institution (denomination of 1808) and there should be other parishes under the Dioceses of Città di Castello or Perugia, with the relative documents. Other information on the settlement of Umbertide in the nineteenth century comes to us from Renato Codovini thanks to the reworking made by Fabio Mariotti in our section on " Fratta-Umbertide 800 ". During the Napoleonic rule, in 1812 the" Maire "Magnanini communicated as a population of the Community of thicket "about 1,000 inhabitants", to specify after a few days a smaller number, 790 inhabitants. The first more precise indications in the following decade they do not come from a secular source, but from a religious one. Codiovini informs us: " In 1833 we have a first" state of souls ", a statistical survey wanted by the bishop, made by the parish priests house by house and therefore quite reliable. From this we learn that the inhabitants of the town are 825 gathered in 205 families, with an average of 4 people per family. Of these, 140 belong to the parish of S. Erasmo and S. Croce united and 65 families to that of S. Giovanni Battista. ". The fluctuations of the population, however limited, may depend on which parishes or settlements are counted. Certainly the population was not only minor, but was still mainly present in the rural settlements and in the smaller villages of the surrounding area. The evolution of the population from the Kingdom of Italy to today However aggregate, why total, these are the general data of the Umbertidese population from the unification of Italy to today. They serve as a basis for reflecting on the population movement of the last 150 years, even if they do not give us the measure of the significant movement of inhabitants from the countryside to the city. Year Residents 1861 10.184 1871 11.174 1881 11,537 1901 13.007 1911 13,248 1921 14,588 1931 15,647 1936 15.146 1951 16,077 1961 14,497 1971 13,498 1981 14,183 1991 14,379 2001 15,254 2016 16.607 According to prof. Bruno Porrozzi who dealt with it in his book " Umbertide and its Territory. History and images. " In the 1950s our town began to develop towards the south-east of the still well-defined central nucleus near the "Fratta" as the city center is still called by older people . The majority of the population was still in the countryside but would later move to the urban area. In the countryside characterized by polyculture "p greased " from farmhouses, farms and modest hamlets, it was inhabited essentially by families of sharecroppers and other nuclei, linked to some extent with agriculture (blacksmiths, farriers, carpenters, masons, small traders, brokers, etc.); everyone worked to provide the citizens with supplies . "With the birth of an artisanal and industrial development in the 1960s, together with the change in the rules on sharecropping in 1964, the population shifted towards the center. At the beginning of the 1980s, prof. Porrozzi " In the Municipality of Umbertide, sixty-one sharecroppers with one hundred and fifty-nine units currently operate in agriculture, thirty companies with one hundred and twelve permanent employees, fifty-six companies with temporary workers, three hundred and seventy-nine companies directly managed with seven hundred and sixty units. Five cooperatives have been set up (CAU , Molino Popolare Altotiberino, Fratelli Cervi, CIZAUP, Alto Tevere Tobacco Producers), which employ a few dozen permanent workers. ". In this modernized context, the population had chosen to move towards the city center. The synthesis more significant than the changes, however, is not only the doubling over twenty years of downtown population from 4780 a 8629 people, out of about 15,000 inhabitants of the Common, but they are data concerning the work sector from the primary sector compared to the secondary sector . Within 30 years, this relationship is reversed completely; these are the numbers: we passed by 4957 agricultural workers in 1961 just 1359 in '71, and even a 1104 workers in 1981. While in the face of 1363 workers in industry in 1961, you grow up to 1960 employees in '71 and 2249 in 1981; with a clear shift of workers in the service sector not taken into consideration by the data of prof. Bruno Porrozzi, in “ Umbertide and his Territory. History and images ". To understand which sector of the primary sector was affected, let's insert a new graph between sharecroppers and direct farmers even if with only the data of 1970 and 1982: in 1970 there were 1340 sharecroppers and in 1982 alone 159, in 1970 they were counted 918 direct farmers which will be reduced slightly in 1982 or a 760 direct workers. In short, it was the sharecropping that died. The resident population of Umbertide which had reached 16,077 units in 1951, began to abruptly decline. In 1971 only 13,498 residents were registered ("Umbertide economy and society: the Municipality and the territory ", p. 22. AUR data processing on ISTAT data). The need for emigration from 1950 to 1970 If you also consider Giovanni's studio De Santis " Anthropo-geographical features of the << Alta Valle del Tevere >> area" in " The upper Tiber Valley ", extracted from " Umbria Economica" , year III, n. 4 - 1982 printed thanks to the then "Banca Popolare di Spoleto", we can see how from 1951 to 1971 the population of the Municipality of Umbertide decreased by 14.4 percent, from 16,077 to 13,498 a significant migratory flow towards foreign destinations and the Roman area generated by the inability of the production system to "maintain" the population. It influenced greatly in the precarious agricultural production system, innervated for some time from the cultivation of tobacco, the "peronospera tabacina", second Paola Laura Ciabucchi " Shadows and lights of industrial development in the Upper Tiber Valley " which reduced the cultivated area in the Upper Tiber Valley by 50% and reduced the number of employees from 1664 to 217. From that moment there was a need to grow industrial areas in our areas, allowing the current industrial development. Industrial development, which together with seasonal agricultural work and the normal tendency of emigrants to move to where they exist emigrated nuclei of the same areas has favored an inversion of trend in the population leading to the current situation of more than 16,000 inhabitants, substantially identical to 1951. In particular, the evolution of the engineering system, born connected to agricultural production already before the war, saw the birth of several companies and in 1963 the birth of Metalmeccanica Tiberina. The agricultural production system first, with seasonal jobs also linked to the cultivation of tobacco, and today the engineering and "automotive" sector, which grew alongside several large companies in the area, have acted as a catalyst for many people coming both from abroad and from other Italian regions. Current Population Growth: Immigration In fact, in recent decades, in this Umbertidese population has increased the number of "foreign" families; the definition that follows is that of the ISTAT legislation which identifies foreign residents without "citizenship": this research it does not identify the situation of naturalized immigrants, a recent phenomenon. In about 15 years it has rapidly gone from less than a thousand resident foreigners to more than 2700 according to the latest Census which was also distributed with a division by nationality of arrival. For 2020 we only have the aggregate data of 2611 people residing in Umbertide with non-Italian citizenship: Foreign resident population on 1st January 2002- Total 905 Foreign resident population as of January 1 - 2016 -Total 2703 Sources http://demo.istat.it/str2002/index03.html http://demo.istat.it/pop2019/index.html http://www.comuni-italiani.it/054/056/statistiche/popolazione.html Also from the same Istat source of the 2016 census it is possible to know which are the different nationalities of origin of resident foreign citizens: four, Moroccan, Albanian, Romanian and Algerian are over 100 units. In short, a substantial part of the resident population in Umbertide is the bearer of varied histories and cultures. The awareness of how the past has structured the traditions in addition to the rural and urban territory in which they live today should be everyone's heritage, especially from the second generations who, in addition to bringing their own cultural and experience baggage, will have to feel part of the social fabric general as completely as possible. If it is possible to trace a synthesis of these last 40-50 years, it can be seen that in the last decade of the last century, 1980-2000, a stable community residing in Umbertide has materialized, in order of magnitude, Moroccan, Albanian, Algerian and the United Kingdom. In the following twenty years the Moroccan and Albanian communities have grown, while the Algerian ones have remained stable and the United Kingdom; the Romanian community, on the other hand, ranks third in terms of total attendance. As for the flows of the largest community, that of Morocco, emigration to Italy, rather than to France as had traditionally occurred previously, developed after the oil crisis of the 1970s. On the basis of the general indications that should be compared with those of Umbria, there are two main regions from which to leave for Italy: Chaouia and Tadla, located in the central area of Morocco, two of the 16 regions then abolished in 2005. The Moroccan community in our territory has grown steadily, in 2005 there are 501 residents, in 2016 the residents are registered 757 people. Different speech, as written above, for the Algerian community which appears to have decreased since 2005, where there were 126 residents, while to date are indicated in number of 140. Stable in absolute numbers, but relegated by one "place", it now ranks fifth among the nationalities of foreign residents, it is Great Britain, with 77 people in 2005 and 78 residents in 2016. After the data and numbers of the demographic change we can continue in the "memory", with the singles screw e stories of the old and new people from Umberto I. By clicking on the "hot words" highlighted in yellow the first stories of who left and who arrived . SOURCES: - Bruno Porrozzi, Umbertide and his Territory. History and images. Ass. Pro Loco Umbertide, publishing Cartolibreria 10+ 10 of Venti Maurizio, Umbertide - Simona Bellucci, Umbertide in the 20th century: 1943-2000, Nuova Prhomos Editions, 2018. - Paola Laura Ciabucchi " Shadows and lights of industrial development in the Upper Tiber Valley " in " The Upper Tiber Valley ", extracted from "Umbria Economica, year III, n.4 - 1982 print of the "Banca Popolare di Spoleto" (p. 87 -89) - John De Santis " Anthropo-geographical features of the << Alta Valle del Tevere >> area" in " The upper Tiber Valley ", extracted from "Umbria Economica, year III, n.4 - 1982 print of the "Banca Popolare di Spoleto" (p. 55) - AA. VV., “ Umbertide Economy and society: the municipality and the territory ” of the Umbra Research Agency (AUR), 2008. - “Lithographic copy of Giorgi's map published in 1574”, by the Flag-waving Group of Gubbio with the contribution of Enrico Passeri Financial Advisor of the Azimut Group ”, 2005. - Maria Oda Graziani, "The Georgi card", Municipality of Gubbio and Ass. Sbandieratori Gubbio with the contribution of Enrico Passeri Financial Advisor of the Azimut Group, Graphic Art Gubbio, 2005 - http://demo.istat.it/str2002/index03.html - http://demo.istat.it/pop2019/index.html - http://www.comuni-italiani.it/054/056/statistiche/popolazione.html - " THE MOROCCAN MIGRANT AS DEVELOPMENT AND INNOVATION AGENT IN THE COMMUNITIES OF ORIGIN ", European Commission - Directorate-General for Justice and Home Affairs, Exodus edizioni srl, Milan 2002 (pp. 96 and following can be downloaded at the link: https://www.puntosud.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/migrante-marocchino_ITA.pdf) - h ttp: //leg15.camera.it/cartellecomuni/leg14/RapportoAttivitaCommissioni/testi/14/14_cap05_sch04.htm - https://www.umbertidestoria.net/fratta-umbertide-dell-ottocento - https://manus.iccu.sbn.it//opac_viewImagesManuscript.php?ID=69561 Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com Marc Bloch: «The good historian resembles the ogre in the fairy tale: where he smells human flesh, there he knows that he is his prey. " I "numeri" del Piccolpasso Il Giorgi ed il popolamento sparso I "dati" della Diocesi nel 1808 I censimenti del Regno d'Italia Lo spostamento verso la città L'esubero dei lavoratori e la "morte" della mezzadria L'immigrazione L'immigrazione neocomunitaria

TERRITORY and MEZZADRIA (edited by Simona Bellucci and Francesco Deplanu) Flat land towards Montecastelli view give her hills of Spedalicchio di Umbertide: note the landscape characterized by the scattered settlement. The territory of Umbertide, like that of almost all of central Italy, was "shaped" by the very long choice of economic management of the properties that began at the end of the Middle Ages, it went into crisis after the war and ended in 1964 with the legislation that put an end to the new sharecropping contracts. Even the landscape of our area it can be defined with the terms of the rural landscape used for the whole of Europe, that is, it falls within the agricultural landscape a bocagé and does not belong to the other large category of openfields. Openfields that developed where the property came from managed directly by large landowners or jointly. In central Italy it was instead the indirect management of the land, through sharecropping, which gave rise to the division into plots and the distinction by hedges, trees and ditches, of the various plots. Plots that often went unevenly to form a farm, the economic unit of indirect land management typical of our areas. Thus from above the territory appeared completely fragmented. This subdivision, although decreased after the sixties, is also clearly visible from the satellite images that can be seen with "Google Earth": ditches, ancient oaks and other types of trees continue to be inexplicable functional elements within the fields without "seeing them. "with historical eyes. The plots of different positions and types that made up the farm they are a consequence of the need to make the family that settled there work well in several periods according to the different crops or maturation times. The economic management of the territory in an indirect form has therefore given rise to a particular rural landscape: the scattered settlement and polyculture. Particularly stable type of settlement with isolated houses in the plains and hills which today sees the replacement of the old farmhouses connected to the "Poderi" where the sharecroppers lived with houses often second property and, for 20 years and more, birth of a new economic use of the rural territory devoted to tourism. Farmhouses, country houses, holiday homes with swimming pools, often in the area of the old "ara", enrich our hills and flat areas. Polyculture was clearly visible in the so-called "Alberata", that is, in the mixed cultivation of vines alternating with cereals and in the small crops around the farmhouses. What is sharecropping The sharecropping is an agrarian contract under which the agricultural exercise was carried out on a farm. On the basis of the sharecropping agreement, a subject (grantor), holder of the right to enjoy a rustic land, associated himself with another subject (sharecropper), on his own and as head of a farmhouse for the cultivation of the land and the exercise of related activities, in order to divide the products and profits in half. In particular, the grantor conferred the enjoyment of the farm, while the sharecropper lent his own work and that of the farmhouse, with the obligation to reside permanently on the farm. On the day of San Martino, on the decision of the "owner", the change of farmhouse could take place based on the real ability of a "family", also for this patriarchal and numerous one, to make the "farm" profitable in an adequate manner. The first forms of sharecropping were born around the year one thousand but had a rapid growth in the fourteenth century. starting from the areas of the municipal counties. This form of contract dominated in our areas until the twentieth century, when after the war there was a rapid decline in sharecropping not only due to the push towards the direct cultivation of the farms, which took the form of the law n. 756 of 1964, but also due to the growing refusal of farmers to reside in old farmhouses, often without electricity and running water. Plain of the Tiber at the crossroads of the road to the Umbertide cemetery in the 1960s: you can see the use of the rural territory with the promiscuous culture of the vine, probably with field maples as a support, pruned like a candelabra, a useful form also for collecting vine shoots at the time of pruning and wood collected to dry. Plain of the Tiber at the crossroads of the road to the Umbertide cemetery in 2019, unfortunately in summer, among the leaves of the "downy oaks" you can see the complete disappearance of the arborata with the promiscuous culture of the vine; the division with the ditches of the plots remains. The same plain of the Tiber at the crossroads of the road to the Umbertide cemetery in the IGM "Tablets" with relief carried out in 1941, where you can see the cemetery on the right in the middle of the image and the land completely cultivated with the promiscuous culture of the vine: in fact it can be seen how the plots are characterized by "circles" to indicate the presence of a crop, with a sort of wavy line inside with shadow that characterizes the type of crop of the plots themselves, or the symbol of the vine. The "Tablet" thus represents the dominant presence of the arborata with the promiscuous culture of the vine. The Mezzadria in Umbertide Simona Bellucci who dealt with the sharecropping system and the relations between the two worlds of "owners" and "workers" writes about it in its " The incomplete modernization. Umbertide farmers and owners between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries ": " The form of land management determines the type of farmer prevalent in Umbertide, the sharecroppers, who are flanked by the laborers:" The sharecropping contract applies everywhere, There is a good number of laborers. "The sources never mention the small owners direct farmers because in the Municipality we find only medium and large land ownership. Small peasant property is scarcely present in all of Umbria, limited to certain Apennine areas, only "in the immediate post-war period there is a whole movement for the formation of small peasant speculative of the sharp rise in land and without adequate support for the necessary transformations and the exercise of the activity itself, it was quickly wrecked around 1930, after which it quickly returned to the pre-war structure. "" The large owners adopt the sharecropping management system, long-standing contract, dating back to the Middle Ages, which generally provides for the division of products in half, due to its characteristics of a corporate pact particularly suitable for maintaining social peace. In Umbria, however, there are clear signs of a worsening of the sharecropping contract at the end of the nineteenth century due to a relationship that becomes more unfavorable to workers due to excess labor. However, sharecropping is not a real corporate pact, because the settler suffers injuries to his individual freedoms, from those concerning marriage, to education, for which he must ask for and obtain the master's consent. The contracts, all disadvantageous, also provide for a series of obligations for the sharecropper, in fact he is subject to additional donations of poultry and eggs on certain festive occasions such as Easter and Christmas, he must also bear part of the land tax, the wife of the settler, in addition, she has to do laundry for the owner's family. The sharecropping contract has different clauses from area to area, in Umbertide «in principle the division of the products takes place in half; only for grapes to a third in favor of the owner ». In the general condition of poverty there are, however, sharecroppers who live in a better way than others, they are those who cultivate farms in the plains, more fertile than those of hills or mountains and where the number of arms is in balance with the extension of the earth. ". Consequences of indirect management Over time, this type of management of agricultural property also imposed a cultivation method: polyculture, exemplified in our area by the mixed cultivation of the vine mixed with cereals but also by the fruit and walnut trees in front of the house. It characterized the typology of human settlement in the Umbrian-Tuscan-Emilian countryside, that is the scattered settlement, or our "landscape" with our hamlets called "Ca '" or "Cai", the water mills, the country churches with their viability necessary for a world of faithful who moved on foot, and microtoponyms still alive in those who frequent the countryside. The characteristic of polyculture was combined with the need to produce cereals and grapevines taking the form of the “mixed cultivation of the vine”: that is, parts of a cereal field divided by rows of vines. Often "married" to trees, to favor their growth. In Umbria, especially in the south, usually the vine was associated with maple, even today, which has been replaced by concrete poles, the maple is visible in our countryside as a "residue" of the ancient way of farming. For aesthetic / affective reasons, the landscape has continued to maintain "survivals" that are no longer functional to the economic context that had generated them as in the residues of "promiscuous culture" that are sporadically encountered in the countryside. An example of "survival" can be seen just beyond the junction of the road that climbs to the cemetery in the direction of Montone, near the junction for S. Lorenzo. The end of Sharecropping the law N ° 756 of 1964 discouraged the stipulation of these contracts then prohibiting the establishment of new ones starting from September 1974, while acknowledging those already existing. The law No. 203 of 1982 then imposed the termination of sharecropping or middle-range contracts with their conversion into rental contracts. Rural architecture and appliances There is a commendable text, published by the Umbria Region and written by the professors, Melelli, Fatichenti of the University of Perugia that can guide us to re-read the historical stratification of the landscape both in terms of rural architecture and the appurtenances and open spaces of our Region and also of our Valley: Alberto Melelli Fabio Fatichenti Massimo Sargolini. “ Architecture and Rural Landscape in Umbria. Tradition and contemporaneity. "Umbria Region, Quattroemme Srl. But there are many human elements that are found in the apparently natural agricultural landscape, the fruit instead of one historical economic stratification that has remained stable for hundreds of years and then has changed rapidly, in the text indicated by prof. Fatichenti indicates in fact, as "historical assets" a series of elements: “ Minor elements of religious architecture (chapels, oratories, farm churches, country cemeteries, road crosses, niches or votive plaques, tabernacles, newsstands); - service goods (public springs and wash houses, taverns, springs, aqueducts, masonry huts, stone boundary stones); - appurtenances to buildings (farmyards in beaten or paved earth, wells or cisterns with or without cover, wash houses, fertilizers, ovens, dryers, barns, sheepfolds); - agricultural arrangements (terracing and embankments, dry stone walls); - hydraulic arrangements (embankments, canals, dams). " It must be said that in our area, unlike the rest of Umbria, the "barns" were not used, the hay was instead collected and left to dry outdoors, in the large "sheaf" near the threshing floor, a space that was also the small "square" of the farm house or of the groups of neighboring houses. Harvest time, Montecorona area, 1928 The rural house The rural house is an expression of the needs of the production system in which it is located. Its housing structure, the new parts that are built and the annexes are all functional to that economic cell of the exploitation of the property in an indirect form which is the appoderamento, or rather the farm with the typical farmhouse of sharecropping. The space in front of the house is used for the arrangement of agricultural work; new buildings, if they exist, are an expression of production needs, stables, dryers, any barns, even the external bathrooms are usually built in the same area where the excrements of animals taken from the stables for fertilization are kept. Usually the house has two floors, with an external staircase that ends in our areas with a small roof, in the basement often hens or rabbits were placed; downstairs there is the stable for the animals, now rearranged in beautiful halls; upstairs, with an internal hatch to go up and down with a wooden staircase for the winter, there was space for the settlers. The second floor always had a large fireplace in the central room which had to be enough to heat all the rooms, where we all ate together. Especially in the hills the external structure of the rural house appears from far away in harmony with the colors of the surrounding nature; this happened unintentionally because the building materials were being taken from the surrounding terrain. This last geological typology is clearly visible on the roads leading to Pietralunga or Gubbio with the yellow "sandstone" sections that protrude with "teeth" alternating with gray "marls"; marls also present as on some badlands forms visible going up from Umbertide towards the Monte Acuto area. The great majority of our rural houses have the use of marly stones, more gray, or sandstone, of a browning yellow, leaving the external appearance of the houses in harmony with the surrounding hills. The fortress of Umbertide itself is built from stones of this type and for the finishing of the portals and the first step is also the "Collegiate". From a geological point of view, the area of the Municipality of Umbertide insists on fluvial-lacustrine sedimentary deposits of the alluvial plain together with a Miocene sedimentation area, of marly-arenaceous type, which characterizes the high hill between the Tiber and the limestone ridge of the Umbrian-Marche Apennines. These geological structures they are interrupted by some calcareous rocky outcrops of more ancient formation which occupy a limited area of their own near Monte Acuto. Just look at the rural houses once you enter the Gubbio plain to notice of the difference with those of our area, and of how the limestone quarries have the choice of the construction material of the houses. The housing structures closest to Umbertide have the most frequent use of bricks deriving from clay. Stratification of architectural elements Let's have two here examples of historical stratification in the still visible rural buildings, an older one, the dovecote tower, and one much closer to us, but now already a "historical" stratification, or rather the "dryers" of tobaccos. Among the elements that the sharecropping system has left in our rural landscape architecture are the dovecote (or palombine) towers . Example of an Umbrian rural house rebuilt maintaining the previous characteristics, including the "dovecote tower" and with original materials, with the ancient housing structure on the upper floor with the old "shed" integrated, however, in the roof. "Buzzacchero" area. Photo 1. Dovecote tower in the countryside, located on the banks of the "Assino" stream. Photo n. 2. Dovecote tower in the ancient countryside, located towards the Polgeto road. Photo n. 3 Probable dovecote tower on the border between the urban area and the old one countryside, placed in front of the walls of Fratta. Other sources would be needed to be sure, but the four-storey height, the "roost" between the third and fourth floors suggest this type of architecture. They seem to have arisen earlier than the rest of the buildings and although it is thought that the use of buildings from urban towers has extended, they have become characteristic of the rural environment. They wore various advantages advantages in addition to the meat of the pigeons, there was the fact of eliminating the seeds of weeds from the farmyard to the fields and providing a precious fertilizer for the cultivation of hemp and flax, but in any case it was also used to fertilize olive groves and vineyards. They could have three, four or five floors (those born with defensive purposes) but usually the last level, still reachable from the inside or with an external ladder, consisted of the real diver. Levels could be used for different purposes. On its walls often numerous niches were opened with nest functions, they were plastered and made very smooth so as to prevent weasels, stone martens and other predators from climbing up and killing pigeons. "Outside there were the entrance holes for the doves, and the rose window for the ventilation of the compartment, both overlooking the" roost "(or" walk ") which served both as a shelf for the dove but also as a further obstacle to predatory animals. " Today many of these towers in our territory are used for tourism purposes and perform an attractive function for tourism. The breeding of doves or pigeons was an activity of breeding present well centuries before the construction of the dovecote towers in the area, just think that in the "Statutes of Fratta of 1535" we read a specific rule: " DELI PIGLANTI LE COLOMBE DOMESTICHE or DE COLOMBAJO ". The Statutes deal with "the taking of domestic doves ", specifying the penalty for those who have stolen or killed them: "... X de dinars worth of money for everyone who steals in any way, palomba de palomboro or domesticho or casalengho ". The characteristic tower probably acquired an aesthetic value and in the twentieth century also the rural houses that did not use them for such purposes they equipped themselves with towers, as reported by prof. Fatichenti for the Spoleto in “Architecture and Rural Landscape in Umbria. Tradition and contemporaneity. ". Our country lacks studies on this aspect and so we can hypothesize that the numerous turrets that can be seen which however have a four-pitched roof were built for aesthetic or "rank" reasons. We recommend reading the Degree Thesis on the "dovecote towers" of our territory created in 1990-91 by Professor Anna Maria Boldrini who kindly allowed us to show it on this page. Photo 1. Probably a turret built in ememulation of the "dovecote tower" for the fact that it is different type of cover (four sides). "Poste" area. Photo 2. Probably a turret built in ememulation of the "dovecote tower" for the fact that it is different type of cover (four sides). "Station" area. Photo n. 3 Probable tower built in ememulation of the "dovecote tower" for the fact that it is different type of cover (four sides). "Buzzacchero" area. Among the recent constructions that the introduction of a new culture has left over time there are the tobacco "dryers" , rather tall buildings with many chimneys, today sometimes replaced by "dormers" when the buildings were reused as homes. These annexes next to or directly separated from the farmhouse were connected to the cultivation of tobacco by carrying out the drying time here with the leaves strung on strings, placed on poles which were then raised to a considerable height. Tobacco production allowed the birth of a thriving manufacture. just think that in 1946 the "Tabacchi plant in Umbertide, employed 230 people, 180 women. The total rose to 315 people in 1951. Subsequently the shift to cooperative and mechanized (bulk-curing) forms of production first concentrated drying in large buildings and then replaced it with machinery. Thus almost all of the "dryers" lost their function. A similar fate also for the large buildings such as those of the FAT company in Città di Castello which today are used in a museum key for the works of Alberto Burri after the relocation to Regnano. Tobacco cultivation that contributed also to homogenize the use of agricultural land from the early 1900s to the seventies in our flat and low hill areas, contributing to the elimination of the "tree" with the promiscuous culture of the vine. 1/1 Figs. 1-4: we show here some of the many characteristic dryers of the whole upper Tiberina Valley, here photos starting from the border with the Municipality of Montone at Tenute di Montecorona. Buildings of this type can be seen almost in every area of the municipality. We present here in .pdf a reconstruction of the agricultural use of Tobacco made by Prof. Simona Bellucci who kindly grants us from her work: “ Tobacco and tobacconists. The tobacco plant in the economy and society of Umbertide ", Crace / Fondazione Museo Storico Scientifico del Tabacco, Città di Castello 2009, pp. 58-61. Umbertide and his countryside, year 1933. In the lower left corner it is clearly visible the mixed cultivation of vines on the right bank of the Tiber. To deepen the relationship between rural architecture and sharecropping in our territory, we refer you to the page of the "Graduation theses" where there is the beautiful and accurate work of Professor Anna Maria Boldrini: " Rural architecture in the upper Tiber Valley: Umbertide in the century XVI ". Clicking on the image below opens the complete work directly. We conclude by returning to the present: today between Farmhouses, Guest Houses, Bed and Breakfasts, Holiday Homes, etc. present in the Municipality of Umbertide in the "Alta Umbria" site are counted 96 accommodation facilities ... almost all of them belong to that agricultural system that it has today changed economic function. Facilities that usually must to the scattered settlement born with the appoderamento their existence. Sources: - Alberto Melelli Fabio Fatichenti Massimo Sargolini. “ Architecture and Rural Landscape in Umbria. Tradition and contemporaneity . " Umbria Region, 2010, Quattroemme Srl. We present some elements in summary - http://www.treccani.it/encyclopedia/mezzadria_%28Dtionary-di-Storia%29/ - IGMI Tablet, Series M 891, Edition 3, Sheet, NICCONE, 122, I, NO - http://umbertide.infoaltaumbria.it/Ricettivita/Dove_Dormire.aspx - Simona Bellucci, " The incomplete modernization. Umbertide peasants and owners between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries ". Edimond, Città di Castello 2004, pp. 18-20. - Simona Bellucci, “ Tobacco and tobacconists. The tobacco plant in the economy and society of Umbertide ", Crace / Fondazione Museo Storico Scientifico del Tabacco, Città di Castello 2009, pp. 58-61. - Simona Bellucci, Umbertide in the 20th century: 1943-2000, Nuova Prhomos Editions, 2018. - Photo: Francesco Deplanu. - Photo: historical photos of Umbertide from the web and from various private archives to which we applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark in this way we try to avoid that the further disclosure on our part favors purposes not consonant with our intentions exclusively social and cultural. Henri Desplanques, Campagnes Ombriennes, 1969 “ A complex historical stratigraphy is the basis of rural landscapes. . .. " Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

Write a title here. Click to edit and add your own. This is a paragraph area where you can add your own text. Just click “Edit Text” or double click here to add your own content and make changes to the font. It's a great place to tell a story about your business and let users know more about you. Track Name Artist Name 00:00 / 01:04 Arrivi e Partenze Il popolamento di Umbertide.... Partenze Settimio Presciutti A cura di Loredana Presciutti "Settimio Presciutti nasce nel 1924 e sposa nel 1951 Annunziata Bomboletti più giovane di tre anni, nata nel 1927... Carlos Tonanni A cura di Francesco Deplanu Jaboticabal, in Brasile, in 50 anni passò da essere un villaggio ad una città: era una “parrocchia” nel 1848, venne smembrata dal distretto di “São Bento de Araraquara” e passò ad avere lo status di “città” nel 1902. ... Gino Monsignori A cura di Miriam Monsignori Mio padre, Gino Monsignori, nell’estate del 1954 è un giovanotto ambizioso di appena 22 anni che desidera... Carlo Becchetti A cura di Francesco Deplanu Carlo Becchetti, nato nel 1936 in una famiglia mezzadrile, con un il fratello Primo di 14 anni più grande, emigrò in Svizzera per poi tornare. Write a title here. Click to edit and add your own. This is a paragraph area where you can add your own text. Just click “Edit Text” or double click here to add your own content and make changes to the font. It's a great place to tell a story about your business and let users know more about you. Il popolamento di Umbertide.... Arrivi Ashley Amerson Product Manager Brad Grecco Marketing Associate Kelly Parker HR Representative Marcus Harris Account Director

Soria di Fratta, poi Umbertide nell'Ottocento. The nineteenth century Ottocento e Risorgimento Il "Governo della Fratta" del 1843 dello Zuccagni Orlandini Ottocento e Risorgimento Il "Governo della Fratta" del 1843 dello Zuccagni Orlandini Nineteenth century and Risorgimento (edited by Simona Bellucci and Francesco Deplanu) From the end of the Roman Republic (29 September 1799) the provisional military administrations followed one another until the recovery in June 1800 of the territories of Lazio, Umbria and Marche. With the edict of the Secretary of State Consalvi of 22 June 1800, the state territory was reorganized and 7 apostolic delegations were established with a delegate residing in the capital (Viterbo, Spoleto, Perugia, Camerino, Macerata, Ancona and Urbino); the suburban provinces of Civitavecchia, Campagna and Marittima (with the capital Frosinone), Sabina (with the capital Rieti) were also established. The papal restoration of 1799 marks a momentary halt to the spread of liberal and democratic ideas that manifest themselves during the revolutionary experience of the Roman Republic. The papal state is, however, very weak and is again occupied by Napoleon from 1808 until 1814. The Marches are united to the Kingdom of Italy while in 1809, the Papal State is suppressed, Umbria and Lazio are annexed to the Napoleonic Empire with a territorial articulation in two departments of the Tiber (or of Rome) and Trasimeno, in turn divided into districts (arrondissements) and cantons, the smallest of the state districts. Italy in the Napoleonic era (1810) from wikipedia. The user who originally uploaded the file was Eltharion from Italian Wikipedia licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0 : https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stati_italiani_nell%27era_napoleonica#/media/File:Italia_1810.jpg The Trasimeno Department included the arrondissements of Spoleto, Perugia, Todi, Foligno. The administration of each department was entrusted to a prefect, a prefecture general secretary and a department general council. Each district (arrondissement-province) was administered by a sub-prefect. Within the individual cantons, the communes were administered by the maire (mayor), and by a municipal council. The maires remained in office for 5 years and were chosen from among the municipal councilors, who were in turn chosen from among the 100 major contributors. Municipalities with a budget of more than 20,000 francs had to keep a municipal receiver, and in 1804 a tax collector in connection with the arrondissement receiver and the department's general receiver. Thus, on July 13, 1809, Fratta returns to Canton, "... with a justice of the peace, Griffier Uscieri, ... and Domenico Bruni maire di Fratta. The coats of arms were replaced by an" added "and ten municipal councilors. With the bulletin of the Supreme Council of State no. 123 of November 23, 1810, confirmed by imperial decree January 3, 1812 inserted in the bulletin of laws at no. 416, Fratta was declared the chief town of the Canton with an increase in the territory formed by other fractions; a court was established under the title of Giudicatura di pace, "which it was subject to various municipalities, castles and villages "and, in addition, the civil status office was established." When the Napoleonic experience ended in 1814, the power of the State of the Church was restored. After the papal Restoration, Bartolomeo Borghi, archpriest to S.Andrea di Sorbello, excellent cartographer of the Municipality, he is arrested and convicted for having highlighted himself as a pro-French revolutionary. The pontifical institutions were restored but the innovations in the administrative field that had brought the Napoleonic period were also seen in central Italy. The State of the Church gave life to the creation of that document, born for tax purposes but which has become a very important historical source that the " Gregorian Cadastre ": a geometric-particle cadastre with the "brogliardi" to trace the properties, and qualities, of the both rural and urban properties. The land of Fratta was also registered . Also with a "motu proprio" of July 6, 1816, Fratta did not turn out more capital of government but simple "municipality", administered from Perugia by means of a mayor. It became again the municipality of residence of the governors in 1817. The new statistics of 1833 confirmed Fratta as the capital of the second class government: at the head of this district there was a governor with competence to judge up to two hundred scudi, and included the municipalities of Fratta, Montone and Pietralunga. Post of the State Archives of Rome on Facebook with a chorographic map of the "Ecclsesiastico State" where "Fratta" is clearly visible In the post you can read: ... "Pope Pius VII and his Secretary of State, Cardinal Consalvi, with the motu proprio" When by admirable provision "of 1816, initiate a profound reorganization of the administration. The edict of November 26, 1817, "Allotment of the governments and communities of the Papal State with their respective appodiates", sanctions the new political geography: the State, with the exception of the Comarca of Rome, is divided into 17 provinces governed by delegates. Benevento was also included. " ASR, General Presidency of the Census, Archive Register of maps and census papers, 1842-43. At that time, the city center is much smaller than it is today, with only 900-1000 residents, most of whom live in the countryside. The total population is approximately 10,000 inhabitants. Papal dominion expresses a very strong presence of ecclesiastical authority, which also holds the most important civil offices. Not only that, but much of the land is in the hands of the convents and religious orders. The agricultural economy, dominated by the sharecropping system, is poor and stagnant. The papal regime is not particularly brutal, but it keeps everything under control with a very widespread spy network. Fratta, like other centers Umbrian, participates in the uprisings of 1830-31, where Luigi Vibi and Petronio Reggiani distinguished themselves. Also this time the patriots of Fratta and the others failed to achieve lasting results. On the other hand, the riots did not have better results in the other parts of Italy. Freemasonry and Carbonari had been the promoters, animated by the bourgeoisie, enlightened aristocracy and artisan class. In the following period the republican ideas of Mazzini and other moderate ideologues of the Risorgimento spread. In 1848-49, when a new revolutionary outbreak occurs, Fratta participates with 26 volunteers, both enrolled in the papal troops in the first war of independence, and, after the turnaround of Pius IX, as fighters in defense of the Roman Republic. Once again, a failure and consequent papal restoration must be recorded. Shortly after in 1859, 23 people were enrolled in the second war of independence. As many as 31 volunteers in 1866 and 1867, the latter following the proclamation of the Kingdom of Italy, for the conquest of Veneto and Rome still missing. The Risorgimento brought the real change: the 12 September 1860 the Piedmontese soldiers of General Manfredo Fanti entered the town and " ... a provisional government junta was proclaimed with full powers in the persons of Messrs. Costantino Magi Spinetti, Raffaele Santini, Giuseppe Agostini and Luigi Igi. "The decree issued by the Marquis Gualterio, royal commissioner for the provinces of Perugia and Orvieto dates back to 14 September. , with which a provisional municipal commission was set up, whose attributions followed the pontifical ones, pending the enactment of the new municipal law. With decree n. 64 of 21 October 1860, issued by the royal commissioner Pepoli, the plebiscitary referendum was called, for the of the annexation to the Kingdom of Savoy . ". Two years later the Municipality of became Umbertide. The choice of the name with its motivation is complicated and was born after the unification of Italy at the request of the unitary state to avoid administrative "misunderstandings" due to the numerous "Fratta" existing in the Italian territory .... If you can simplify how the choice of the name took place we can say that the men of the time on the one hand tried to connect it to its historical origin with the reference to "Fracta filiorum Uberti", ie Uberto natural son of Ugo king of Italy, who would have founded it in the 10th century; this requirement, however, was welded to a "political" requirement connected to the contemporary historical moment (the Unification of Italy), with the reference of the name of Umbertide to that of the hereditary prince of the House of Savoy. For completeness, we insert an excerpt from the page of the "Siusa" on the history of Umbertide: In the resolution of December 14, 1862, the commissioner Mauro Mavarelli, president of the assembly, announced that the royal prefect, with dispatch of July 10, n. 13341, by assignment received from the Ministry of the Interior, invited the mayor of Fratta to propose to the council in one of its next sessions "the resolution, if not to change the current name of the Municipality, at least to make some addition to it, from to deduce from the specialty of the situation, and this to avoid misunderstandings and embarrassments, as well as to public administrations as well as to private individuals, which derive from the multiplicity of Municipalities that call themselves under the name of Fratta ". The mayor and the council, therefore, were of the opinion to appoint a commission composed of ... " those who considered themselves most informed of the history of the country ". In 1862 the mayor and the municipal council, with provision no. 1591 of 21 September, proceeded with the appointment of the commission, for the above purpose, composed of Costantino Magi Spinetti, Ruggero Burelli and Genesio Perugini, with the task of proposing a new name for Fratta. On the following October the members of the commission, after having listed the old names of Fratta, such as Forum Bremitii, Forum [Iulii] Concubiense, Pitulum, Fracta Filiorum Uberti and, according to Lauri, Fracta insigne Umbertinorum Oppidum, believed that the latter name in particular it was more "representative of current events if it bears a tribute to the sovereign, Umberto or Uberto, hereditary prince of the king of Italy": the proposal of "Umberta" or "Umbertide" was approved with seven votes in favor and one against. On January 25, 1863, due to certain discontent among the population regarding the new name of the Municipality and the fact that the resolution "was taken on second call with a small number of councilors", the Prefecture, with dispatch dated January 15, no. . 574 div. 5 sec. 10, ordered to propose the same object again in a new resolution. The lawyer Costantino Magi Spinetti gave reasons why the council was persuaded to abandon the old name Fratta, as "it recalled its destruction by the barbarians, and the consequent foreign domination, proposing instead to replace Umbertide for Umberta as the most I consented to the tradition, since from the same it appears that it was not Umberto, but his sons, who were the founders of this land ". This proposal was unanimously approved by roll call. " Fratta was governed by a moderate liberal majority for a long period until 1887. After the resignation of the mayor Mauro Mavarelli, in 1889 the Democrats and the republicans obtained the majority for a short period, but in the early nineties the moderate block took over the Municipality, of which Francesco Mavarelli is mayor from 1892 to 1898. The problems of Umbertide after the Unification, but also before, were those that gripped the country. The agricultural economy was stagnant, illiteracy widespread, infectious diseases caused many deaths. Communications and industry languished. At the end of the century there were progresses in the field of literacy, with the foundation of numerous rural schools and also in the health one, with the birth of a new modern hospital in 1878 as well as hygienic rehabilitation interventions, however, the agricultural economy, based on sharecropping, is unable to provide work for a growing population. In fact, especially in the 1980s, strong migratory currents began to appear. Umbertide 1892 Sources: - Simona Bellucci, " The incomplete modernization. Umbertide peasants and owners between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries ". Edimond, Città di Castello 2004. - SIUSA (Unified Information System for Archival Superintendencies) on Umbertide http://siusa.archivi.beniculturali.it/cgi-bin/pagina.pl?TipoPag=prodente&Chiave=50311&RicProgetto=reg-umb&fbclid=IwAR2ydRABe1Uw3MxVbj3WkZrexe4eu0lBSPZe_991_1LwwGoww - http://siusa.archivi.beniculturali.it/cgi-bin/pagina.pl?TipoPag=profist&Chiave=84&RicProgetto=reg%2dumb - http://siusa.archivi.beniculturali.it/cgi-bin/pagina.pl?TipoPag=comparc&Chiave=330615&RicProgetto=reg%2dumb - E. Gerardi, "Institutional features and documentation in the French period and in the Restoration", in the Archival Superintendency for Lazio, "The municipal historical archives. Archival lessons", Quaderni dell Rivista storico del Lazio, 1 (1998), pp. 37-52. - Photo: historical photos of Umbertide from the web and from various private archives to which we applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark in this way we try to avoid that further disclosure on our part favors purposes that are not consonant with our intentions, social and cultural exclusivities. The Fratta of 1843 by Zuccagni Orlandini (Curated by Francesco Deplanu) "The conspicuous village of FRATTA, in ancient Fracta, lies on the left bank of the Tiber which crosses there over a bridge, raised not far from its confluence with the Roggio ..." In the pre-unification period Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini, Florentine geographer and cartographer, edited a "Physical, Historical and Statistical Chorography of Italy and its Islands accompanied by an Atlas, geographic and topographic maps" of 19 volumes and a large atlas in 5 volumes . In the X volume of 1843, he dealt with the PONTIFICAL STATE with two "Supplements". In one of these here we find the description of the DELEGATION OF PERUGIA, with the "District" of Città di Castello where the GOVERNMENT OF FRATTA is also described, which also included the "Municipalities of Montone and Pietralunga. Our "capital" was divided at the time with its 18 hamlets and 3 "Appodiati" (Civitella Ranieri, Poggio Manente and Preggio), in turn with 10 total fractions. This text is a notable document for its geographical, but also political and administrative indications before the religious alienations that occurred with the Kingdom of Italy, for the rest of the information, which we report completely below, the description of the origins of the city is completely affected by the "historical" knowledge of the time, that is, they are not very accurate and substantially "literary". We also point out the indication of "Raggio" for the Reggia or Regghia torrent. A similar judgment could also be said about the information on the most important Abbey in the area, that is of S. Salvatore di Montecorona and Eremo Superiore, were it not for the state of the organization of the Camaldolese system reported here. Organizational system that disappeared within twenty years with the dictatorial decree of 11 December 1860, n. 205 of the Royal Commissioner General of Umbria Pepoli. As regards the description of the territory of Umbria, Zuccagni-Oralndini reports in full the administrative division of the PONTIFICAL STATE with the DELEGATION OF PERUGIA (with 4 DISTRICTS: Perugia District, Città di Castello District, Foligno District, Todi District). Of limited interest to us is the description of the DISTRICT OF CITTA 'di CASTELLO (with 2 Governments: Città di Castello and Fratta, 4 Municipalities and 176 “Appodiati”). In fact, the GOVERNMENT OF THE FRATTA insists within this last "District". As for the "Government of Fratta", the administrative division in 1843 is as follows: the "Capital", Fratta, with 18 "hamlets" (Castiglion dell'Abbate, Civitella di quà e di là, Leoncini, Migianella de 'Marchesi, Montalto with Cicaleto and Romeggio, Monte Acuto, Monte Castelli, Monte Migiana, Pieve di Migianella, Polgeto, Rasina, S. Cassiano, S. Giovanni di Certaldo, S. Giuliano delle Pignatte, S. Giuliano di Monte Corona, S. Silvestro dell ' Arcelle, Sportacciano, Verna) and 3 "Appodiati": Civitella Ranieri with 2 "hamlets" (S. Giovan Batista di Fratta, S. Giovanni Evangelista di Serra Partazio), Poggio Manente with 3 "hamlets" (Monte Lovesco -in part-, S. Paterniano di Pierantonio , S. Salvadore di M. Cosante -in part-) and Preggio with 6 “hamlets” (Bastia Creti, S. Andrea in Penetole (annex), Monestevole, Racchiusole, S. Bartolomeo dei Fossi, S. Paolo). Fig. 1-2-7: Extracts from the Zaccagni- Orlandini “Physical, Historical and Statistical Chorography of Italy and its Islands accompanied by an Atlas, geographic and topographical maps”. Supplement to volume X, Florence, 1843 Lo Zaccagni - Orlandini after having described Città di Castello at greater length, he dwells on our country and above all on the Hermitage and the Abbey of Montecorona. Below the analysis that refers to Fratta, today Umbertide. GOVERNMENT OF THE FRATTA. “The conspicuous village of FRATTA, in ancient Fracta, lies on the left bank of the Tiber which crosses there over a bridge, raised not far from its confluence with the Roggio. The largest temple, with a round shape, has the title of collegiate; adjacent to two other churches rise the convents of the Conventuali and of the Osservanti, Resta. still standing the tower, within which in 1393 Fortebraccio was enclosed by captain Tuzio, then by Biordo, Michelotti freed. This municipality has a gymnasium for public education, various charitable institutions, and an elegant theater that is modernly open: in the most delightful position of the surroundings the Capuchins have a convent. When some writers of the Etruscan Cortonese Academy are to be believed, near the banks of the Carpino stream, which flows into the Tiber not far from Fratta, there would have been the Forum of Giulio Umbro, Forum Julii Concubiense, with a sacred temple to Vulcano, allusive to the dexterity of the inhabitants in iron work and in handling weapons. Meanwhile, the Umbrian writers believe that Fratta rose on the ruins of the ancient Pitulum, by the care of the children of a certain Uberto, who then enjoyed the lordship: this opinion may perhaps be supported, but it cannot be hidden that Pliny was the Pitulani placed in the Lazio. Pietralunga and Montone are among the towns of this government; in the municipal boundaries of the capital there is Monte Corona, worthy of special mention like them. Fig. 3-4: Extracts from the orographic map and the Roman-medieval historical thematic map, based on the indications of Zuccagni-Orlandini, the names written in Latin characters indicate the localities existing under the dominion of the Romans, in Gothic characters "pointed" the places of the Middle Ages. "Geographic Atlas of the Italian States outlined above the best and most modern maps, to serve as a complement to the physical, historical and statistical chorography of Italy, by Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini (Florence, 1844). Work in two volumes. From https://phaidra.cab.unipd.it/ distributed under Creative Commons License CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 Monte Corona, by Camaldolensi hermits, is a Cenobio built in an alpine mountain top, which however can be ascended by a not uncomfortable winding path. That sanctuary is surrounded by very high walls, crowned by firs and cypresses. The largest temple corresponds to a square with an inclined plane; a portico and an atrium make access more smooth. The internal walls are richly decorated: the division of the vast monastery is similar to that of any other monastery of the same order: beyond the isolated hermits' boxes, the Foresteria, the Infirmary, the Definitory for the mọnastic comizj are gathered in a single building: in a segregated part called the Reclusorio, the hermits' quarters meet, who dedicate themselves to a more austere life. Fig. 5: Political map of the Pontifical State Delegation of Perugia of 1843 of Zaccagni- Orlandini focused on the “Fratta”. "Geographic Atlas of the Italian States outlined above the best and most modern maps, to serve as a complement to the physical, historical and statistical chorography of Italy, by Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini (Florence, 1844). Work in two volumes. From https: / /phaidra.cab.unipd.it/ distributed under Creative Commons License CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 The avenues interposed between the detached cells lead to the highest summit, rightly designated with the name of Belvedere, as you can enjoy enchanting scenes from it. Near the boreal aquifer of Monte-Corona stands on the banks of the Tiber the Abbey of S. Salvadore, where the administrative office of the upper Hermitage resides: here the monks live, due to age or inconvenience, no longer able to sustain life lonely. The vast church, of ancient but elegant design, has three magnificent naves with a subterranean confession, and is divided in such a way that its lower part will serve as a parish, and the highest one to the office of the monks. The cloister is grandiose; the Abbadia districts are vast; the gardens and vineyards that surround it are well cultivated. It is said that S. Romualdo had it built four years before the Tuscan Hermitage: in 1050 the government was entrusted to S. Pier Damiani. From the Camaldolensi it passed for some time to the Cistercenşi: it was then made Conmenda: in 1524 the Commendalore Gabbriello da Fano, consecrated to the hermit life, recovered its possession and had it given its current form. On the slope of the mountain above there was a very ancient oratory consecrated to S. Savino: the patrician Beltramo from Perugia donated it in 1209 to the Camaldolensi: three centuries later the Venetian monk B. Paolo Giustiniani deduced a colony of hermits, who built their houses; but their number then grew so that it was forced to build the current Hermitage around 1510. Subsequently that monastery was declared head of the Camaldolense Congregation of Monte-Corona. " Fig. 6: Excerpt from Political Map of the Pontifical State Delegation of Perugia from 1843 of Zaccagni- Orlandini focused on the “Fratta”. "Geographic Atlas of the Italian States outlined above the best and most modern maps, to serve as a complement to the physical, historical and statistical chorography of Italy, by Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini (Florence, 1844). Work in two volumes. From https: / /phaidra.cab.unipd.it/ distributed under Creative Commons License CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 Sources: -Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini edited a "Physical, Historical and Statistical Chorography of Italy and its Islands accompanied by an Atlas, geographic and topographical maps". Supplement to volume X, Florence, 1843. -Delegation map of Perugia from vol. 2 ° of "Geographic Atlas of the Italian States outlined above the best and most modern maps, to serve as a complement to the physical, historical and statistical chorography of Italy, by Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini (Florence, 1844). Work in two volumes. From https://phaidra.cab.unipd.it/ distributed under Creative Commons License CC BY-NC-SA 4. - Charter of the Papal State under the rule of the Romans and in the Middle Ages. Local names used by the Romans and in the Middle Ages, with the corresponding modern names. - Orographic and hydrographic map of the Papal State. Heights of the main localities. Overview of the main mineral products. - Modern charter of the Papal State. Prospectus of the political divisions of the Papal State. From vol. 2 ° of "Geographic Atlas of the Italian States outlined above the best and most modern maps, to serve as a complement to the physical, historical and statistical chorography of Italy, by Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini (Florence, 1844). Work in two volumes. From https://phaidra.cab.unipd.it/ distributed under Creative Commons License CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 Fig. 4-5: Extracts of the orographic map and the Roman-medieval historical thematic map, based on the indications of Zuccagni-Orlandini, the names written in Latin characters indicate the localities existing under the dominion of the Romans, in Gothic characters "pointing" the places of the Middle Ages. "Geographic Atlas of the Italian States outlined above the best and most modern maps, to serve as a complement to the physical, historical and statistical chorography of Italy, by Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini (Florence, 1844). Work in two volumes. From https://phaidra.cab.unipd.it/ distributed under Creative Commons License CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 Fig. 6: Excerpt from Political Map of the Pontifical State Delegation of Perugia from 1843 of Zaccagni- Orlandini focused on the “Fratta”. "Geographic Atlas of the Italian States outlined above the best and most modern maps, to serve as a complement to the physical, historical and statistical chorography of Italy, by Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini (Florence, 1844). Work in two volumes. From https: / /phaidra.cab.unipd.it/ distributed under Creative Commons License CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 Alexis de Toqueville " When the past no longer illuminates the future, the spirit walks in darkness." "When the past no longer illuminates the future, the spirit walks in darkness ". Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

ROBERTO MORELLI Caduto ad appena 19 anni combattendo a Montelungo contro la Divisione tedesca Goering con la divisa del nuovo esercito italiano di liberazione di Amedeo Massetti Roberto Morelli era nato a Città di Castello il 10 luglio 1924 da genitori entrambi umbertidesi ed era rimasto legato strettamente alla nostra città, dove ritornava presso i suoi parenti ogni volta che gli impegni scolastici glielo permettevano. Finiti gli studi superiori aveva deciso di diventare ufficiale di marina e per questo aveva raggiunto l'Accademia Navale a Venezia nell'agosto del 1943, per seguire il previsto tirocinio. Sopravvenne l'8 settembre; tutti i giovani concorrenti furono imbarcati sulla nave "Vespucci" il giorno 10 e trasferiti a Brindisi nella sede dell'ex collegio navale, dopo una navigazione piena di pericoli. Nella nuova sede un certo numero di loro lasciò l'Accademia per rientrare in famiglia; la maggioranza rimase, tra questi anche i nove ragazzi, compreso il Morelli, che decisero di non lasciar passare altro tempo per dare un contributo immediato alla rinascita della Patria. Si arruolarono così, dopo aver lasciato quasi clandestinamente l'Accademia, nel 514º Battaglione Bersaglieri Allievi Ufficiali che faceva parte del 12º Raggruppamento motorizzato costituitosi a S. Pietro Vernotico, a poca distanza da Brindisi. II raggruppamento fu portato in linea e nel sanguinoso combattimento dell'8 dicembre 1943 per la conquista di Montelungo, dei nove ragazzi che avevano lasciato l'Accademia cinque caddero, tra cui Roberto, e quattro furono feriti affrontando i veterani della divisione tedesca Goering. La vicenda dei nove ragazzi é stata ricordata con elevate parole anche dall'allora Presidente del Consiglio Carlo Azelio Ciampi , in occasione della sua visita all'Accademia Navale di Livorno nel dicembre 1993 e, a suo tempo, dal Generale Clark, comandante della 9ª Armata Americana in un suo nobile messaggio al 51º battaglione Bersaglieri dopo la battaglia di Montelungo. Motivazione della Medaglia d'Argento al Valor Militare alla Memoria "Arruolatosi volontario partecipava a successive azioni contro i tedeschi, dimostrando in ogni circostanza sprezzo del pericolo. Durante un duro combattimento, conscio della necessità di rifornire di munizioni la sua arma, attraversava più volte la zona battuta dal tiro di armi automatiche avversarie. Ferito in uno di questi tentativi, ricusava di raggiungere il posto di medicazione e visto morire il porta-arma tiratore alla mitragliatrice lo sostituiva. Una raffica micidiale, colpendolo una seconda volta, troncava la sua nobile vita". Una via intitolata a Roberto Morelli Una nuova via nella zona edificata delle Fontanelle. Accanto a quelle intitolate a Massimiliano Kolbe, ai Maestri del Lavoro, a Don Bosco, alle Maestre Pie Filippini e al dottor Mario Migliorati, ce n'è ora una dedicata a un ragazzo morto in guerra a 19 anni: Roberto Morelli, medaglia d'argento al valor militare. Un nome meno conosciuto, di un giovane che riposa nel cimitero di Umbertide, e che l'8 dicembre 1943 cadde a Montelungo, bersagliere volontario dell'appena ricostituito esercito italiano di liberazione. L'Amministrazione comunale ha aderito alle richieste delle associazioni combattentistiche umbertidesi, uniformandosi nell'opera da sempre tesa a ricordare tutti quei cittadini che caddero eroicamente nelle tragiche vicende vissute dal popolo italiano. Così come avvenuto in passato per Pucci, Rosati e Starnini, domenica 7 settembre il sindaco Becchetti ha scoperto la targa della nuova strada adiacente a piazza Berlinguer. La cerimonia è iniziata alle 11 al cimitero. Una messa celebrata da don Gerardo Balbi davanti alla tomba dell'eroico ragazzo. Tante le autorità presenti e tanti i labari delle associazioni di ex combattenti. Con commosse parole, all'omelia, il sacerdote ha ricordato il sacrificio di Roberto e la donazione della sua giovane vita. E infine la preghiera del marinaio letta da Marco Baldassarri, tra le note del "silenzio" del trombettiere della Banda della Marina Militare di La Spezia che ha presenziato al rito. Subito dopo, nella piazza delle Fontanelle, la cerimonia di intitolazione della nuova via. Il Sindaco ha salutato le autorità presenti e tutti gli intervenuti. "Con questa semplice cerimonia - ha detto Becchetti - continuiamo nell'opera che l'Amministrazione comunale ha da tempo avviato: quella di ricordare quei concittadini che, in particolari momenti storici, in momenti estremamente difficili, si sono trovati a dover scegliere, ed hanno, onestamente e coerentemente con i propri principi, fatto scelte coraggiose, pagando con la propria vita." Il Capitano di Fregata avvocato Giuseppe Conforto, dell'Associazione Nazionale Marinai d'Italia, ha tenuto la commemorazione ufficiale e con elevate parole ha ricordato la figura di Roberto Morelli, dall'Accademia Navale a Venezia alla battaglia di Montelungo. Ha messo in evidenza il coraggio e i nobili ideali che ispirarono il giovane nella sua scelta che dovette poi pagare col sacrificio della vita. Quindi, davanti all"'attenti" del picchetto d'onore comandato dal sottotenente Giorgio Cordioli, e alla Banda della Marina che intonava un brano musicale, lo scoprimento della targa. Un momento molto emozionante. Molte le autorità presenti: il vice Prefetto dottor Roberto Aragno, il tenente colonnello Passeri in rappresentanza del generale Franco Stella, il tenente colonnello Cosimo Chiarelli, comandante provinciale di Carabinieri, il generale Federico Marzollo con alfiere e medagliere del 514º Battaglione Bersaglieri, il generale Civello Luccioli con medagliere del Nastro Azzurro di Perugia, l'avvocato Mancini, vice presidente dell'Associazione Forze Armate Regolari della Guerra di Liberazione e i rappresentanti umbertidesi delle Associazioni Alpini, Bersaglieri, Marinai, Combattenti Guerra di Liberazione, famiglie dei Caduti. Per la famiglia di Roberto Morelli c'era il fratello Renato e la cugina Elena . Conclusa la cerimonia, la Fanfara della Marina Militare di La Spezia ha percorso le vie cittadine suonando briosi motivi e, seguita da molte persone, è giunta in piazza Matteotti. Sopra il palco ha tenuto un breve concerto per i cittadini presenti entusiasmando tutti per la brillante ed appassionata esecuzione dei brani proposti. La battaglia di Montelungo La battaglia di Montelungo è, secondo gli storici, l'evento più importante della Guerra di Liberazione. Infatti, ai piedi di questa altura che domina la via Casilina a Sud di Cassino, nella stretta di Mignano, il 14º Raggruppamento Motorizzato Italiano, formato tutto da volontari e che si può definire la cellula fondamentale del nuovo esercito, sostenne il primo combattimento che segnò l'inizio della riscossa italiana. La lotta fu dura; le perdite elevatissime: 320 tra morti, feriti e dispersi. Il monte, quel giorno, non fu conquistato; l'azione dovette essere sospesa per l'insufficiente appoggio dell'artiglieria, per la fitta nebbia e per lo scarso coordinamento con gli Alleati. Ripresa la lotta, il 16 dicembre il monte fu preso. L'avvenimento dimostrò agli Alleati la ferma volontà del popolo italiano di riscattare un passato che non gli apparteneva più. Fino a quel momento gli italiani avevano combattuto con le armi che erano rimaste in dotazione, cioè antiquate e scarse; da quel momento gli Alleati si premurarono di farne un reparto moderno ed efficiente. Nacque così, il 17 aprile 1944, con l'apporto della divisione paracadutisti Nembo (della quale fece parte il concittadino Domenico Brunori) il Corpo Italiano di Liberazione e, successivamente, nell'agosto 1944, i Gruppi di Combattimento Friuli, Mantova, Piceno, Legnano dove combatté e morì il nostro concittadino Starnini e non ultimo il Cremona , nel quale combatterono tanti giovani umbertidesi tra i quali Rosati e Pucci caduti in battaglia e la Medaglia d'Argento Guerriero Leonardi . Fonti: Articolo di Amedeo Massetti su “Umbertide Cronache n. 4 - 1997”

THE COAT OF ARMS OF THE MUNICIPALITY OF UMBERTIDE Reflections by Roberto Sciurpa The coat of arms of the municipality of Umbertide dates back to 1189 when the Fratta was subjected to Perugia and changed its original coat of arms (the lily). Guerrini describes it in detail (1) and it is worth reporting its description because over the years it has undergone not marginal adaptations and some interesting details have even disappeared. “... This was composed of the figure of a bridge over running water and in a red field. The bridge has three arches and in the middle of their lights there are initial letters FOV which mean Fracta oppidum Uberti and which therefore by solemn vow of public calamity were converted into Fracta oppidum Virginis. Above the three pillars there are three towers, with the Virgin Patroness of the Castle dominating in the middle; and to the right the Grifo, which indicates the dependence on Perugia; on the left the emblem of the Apostolic Chamber which signifies the high dominion of the Pontiff. And finally an ornate crown encloses the shield all around where we can read these words: Defensores Populi et insignis Comunitatis Terrae Fractae ”. The italics are by Guerrini who wants to highlight the essential characteristics of the coat of arms. The interpretative doubt is linked to the letter "V" which is found in the light of the arch and which for some means "Uberti" and for others "Virginis" (according to Guerrini both would be right). As it is easy to guess, the two sides, at least in the past, were conditioned by logic. belonging (clerical or anti-clerical), but today that both the iconoclastic wave of the Enlightenment and the acrimonious antipapalian resentment linked to the events of the Risorgimento has faded, it is possible to express a serene and detached judgment on the matter. Indeed, a thorough reflection could lead. at least according to my point of view, to reconstruct the truth also on another interesting detail linked to local history, as I will say later. But let's proceed in order: 1. In the space of a few decades at Fratta there were two important events: the opening to worship of the Church of Santa Maria della Reggia and the Tuscan siege of the troops of the Grand Duke. The first (last years of the 16th century) marked a fundamental stage in the faith and customs of the people. The monumental temple that housed the miraculous image of the Madonna, so dear to the piety of the faithful, had finally been completed. From that moment, thanks also to the majestic visibility of her house, the Madonna became the point of reference for all the people. The old patrons (S. Andrea and S. Erasmo) still venerated and loved, slowly faded into the background because the ancient castle was increasingly entrusted to the patronage of the Virgin. In November 1643, in fact, during the siege of the Tuscan troops, the inhabitants overwhelmed by fear gathered in the church of San Giovanni inside the city walls, to implore the Madonna for salvation. It was not a question of winning or losing a battle, but of surviving or dying in the rubble and flames of a fortress that would surely have been razed to the ground, according to the military custom of the time. The people of Fratta, on that occasion, entrusted themselves to the Virgin and not to the secular patrons. A lot of water mixed with sleet fell; the Tiber swelled, discouraging any attempt to ford; the siege was lifted without firing a cannon shot; the Tuscans left and there was talk of a "miracle", giving rise to the conviction of the miracle granted by the Madonna to a castle which thus became oppidum Virginis. And the image of the Madonna inserted above the central tower of the coat of arms, now disappeared with the other surrounding details, seems to reinforce the belief that FOV meant Fracta oppidum Virginis at least from this period onwards. At each centenary anniversary, the "miracle" was commemorated with great solemnity by popular piety. This event consists of the "solemn vote for public calamity" of which Guerrini speaks and which makes Giulio Briziarelli so doubtful that he wonders what the miraculous event had been. (2) 2. I believe that Umbertide is one of the few cities, if not the only one, that has left the ancient Protectors, considered everywhere sacred and untouchable because they are linked to the faith and traditions of one people, to entrust itself to the protection of another, although of higher rank such as the Virgin. And that detail I mentioned in the introduction is also linked to this fact. This is the canvas placed in the church of San Bernardino. Certainly the official accreditation that sees reproduced the image of St. Anthony in adoration, as indicated in some photographic publications relating to the city and in tourist brochures, is incorrect. The symbolism of sacred iconography is an important key to understanding and must be kept in the utmost consideration. The character represented is a martyr because the angel shows a palm which is the symbol of martyrdom (St. Anthony is not a martyr). Furthermore, the person represented is also a bishop, as evidenced by the presence of the miter and the crosier. The abbots are comparable to the office of bishop, but in the pictorial works they are represented with their typical habit and not with the solemn vestments of the bishop's office. The presence of the angel is emblematic. It is true that in sacred iconography the figure of the angel is very widespread, but in the specific case it is said that in the life of St. Erasmus the legend speaks of the recurring role of an angel who accompanied the holy bishop to Syria, then to Dalmatia. , finally to Formia and to martyrdom. If the legend is combined with the reproduced subjects, the Immaculate Conception and the castle of Fratta, it can reasonably be assumed that that saint character had something to do with the small village and that he was even the protector who entrusted his protégés to the superior protection. of the Virgin. The canvas, therefore, could represent the "miracle" of 1643 and "The consignment" of the city to the Madonna by Sant'Erasmo. Popular tradition (3) has always indicated in the painting the memory of the prodigy. hypothesis was founded, the canvas should date back to around 1644 and it could be observed that the dome of the church of Santa Maria della Reggia was no longer there at the time. It is true, but it is a secondary detail, in my opinion, because the completion works of the dome, begun around 1621, were not yet completed. Perhaps the temple was covered by wooden scaffolding and the upper part of the church was incomplete, aesthetically uninteresting and indefinite so it was preferred to reproduce it with its characteristics originals. 3. During 1862, the Mayor of the time had appointed a commission to study the change of the name of the city. A measure to this effect was suggested by a dispatch from the government commissioner at the request of the Ministry of the Interior to avoid confusion caused by the numerous toponyms bearing the name of Fratta. "The commission was composed of the municipal secretary Dr. Ruggero Burelli, the chief engineer of the Municipality of Genesio Perugini, who was completing the history of Fratta left incomplete by the canonical uncle Antonio Guerrini who died in 1845, and by the lawyer Costantino Magi Spinetti. The report presented to the Mayor closed by suggesting a range of four possible names and advocated that of Umberta or Umbertide because it is more closely linked to the memory of its alleged founders descendants of Uberto Ranieri. "Fracta filiorum Uberti is always called even in the ancient Perugian statutes", mentioned a passage in the report. It is worth noting that it does not state that Uberto or Umberto is also the name indicated by the letter "V" contained in the coat of arms (FOV) in order to reinforce the indication suggested in favor of the choice of Umberta or Umbertide by the City Council. It would seem evident that in the conviction of the three commissioners that "V" did not refer to any of the Ranieri, but meant something of different. 4. In Lauri's Latin, the ancient and correct expression of the Perugian statutes “Fracta filiorum Uberti” becomes “Fracta insigne Ubertinorum oppidum”, with a very strange philological contamination. In this regard, it is useful to recall the sharp judgment that Luigi Bonazzi gives of the cited author: “With Bonciario we generally returned to Latin vomit. The fellow disciple, Baldassarre Ansidei, prefect of the Vatican library, and the scholar Giambattista Lauri, both placed between one century and the next, continued to latin with fury, especially Lauri, on the same themes as the fellow citizen rhetorician, one until 1614 , the other up to 1629 ... " (4) . Uberto Ranieri's descendants are called by Lauri "Umbertini" as if the sons of Pietro, Giovanni or Giacomo could be called "Pietrini, Giovannini or Giacobini". Such a license is completely foreign to the Latin language, as indeed to the Italian one, which at most could have tolerated Ranierorum and never Ubertinorum. But the Latins and the Latinists have always prefixed gens to noble names, therefore gens Claudia, gens Cornelia, gens Fabia, and, if anything. "gens Raniera" would have been the correct expression. Bonazzi's judgment on Lauri's "Latin with furore" seems completely founded. It seems very strange, therefore, that the letter "V" stands for "Uberti" because this does not correspond to the historical truth as the founders were his sons (Ugo, Ingilberto and Benedetto) and even more strange that it stands for “Ubertinorum” due to philological incompatibility. I agree with what Guerrini affirms, towards whom I have respect and admiration for the seriousness and scruple, unrelated to some of his critics, with whom he has treated the history of the Land of Fratta. Personally, however, on the basis of the considerations set out in n. 4, I have serious doubts that 'Y' could mean "Uberti", even before 1643. That letter could, in fact, refer to Ugolino who ceded the Fratta to Perugia on February 12, 1189 or to the much better known Ugo, king of Italy, from which the Ranieri descended. It seems strange that history is entrusted with the name of Uberto who had the sole merit of having given birth to the person who rebuilt the castle destroyed by the Goths. One of Uberto's sons, an important element not to be underestimated , was called just Ugo as the most famous ancestor (the grandfather). Note: (1) See History of the Land of Fratta now Umbertide, Tipografia Tiberina, 1883, page 174. (2) See Umbertide and Umbertidesi in history, Unione Arti Grafiche, Città di Castello, 1959, page 247. (3) Testimony of the Bishop of Gubbio, Monsignor Pietro Bottaccioli. (4) Luigi Bonazzi, History of Perugia, Vol. 11, p. 251, Union of Graphic Arts, Città di Castello. 1960. Sources: “A FREE MAN - Roberto Sciurpa, a passionate civil commitment” - by Federico Sciurpa - Petruzzi publisher, Città di Castello, June 2012 Roberto Sciurpa tells the story of Umbertide to school pupils The Municipality of Umbertide Enlargement of the coat of arms of Umbertide located to the right of the access door Unknown author. The Madonna and Sant'Erasmo. Roberto Sciurpa and Petruzz i, in 2007, during the press of the last volume of the history of Umbertide. The cover of the book that his son Federico dedicated to his father Roberto The royal decree of 29.3.1863 authorizing the name change The poster communicating the name change from Fratta to Umbertide

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY FRATTA curated by Fabio Mariotti THE CASTLE OF FRATTA The castle within the walls was divided into three areas: the Terziere Inferiore , the Terziere di Mezzo , the Terziere Superiore which included the northern part of the castle (Rocca, north-west bulwark and was also called Terziere della Campana). The Terziere di Mezzo included the part towards the Tiber, the houses in front of the church of San Giovanni, the central square (square of the Marquis of Sorbello), the northern part of the Vicolo delle Petresche with the hospice of the Capuchin Fathers of Montone behind it, the part north of the middle road near the central square. It was also known as Terziere della Greppa. The lower Terziere (or Terziere della porta di sotto, also known as the door of the slaughterhouse) included the area around the southwestern bulwark, the southern part of the via delle Petresche (via Spunta current), the via regale (or straight, via Cibo), of the middle road and the San Giovanni road that led to the church of the same name. The castle walls In 1736 the Tiber, with its floods, ruined the central part of the west curtain and destroyed four houses built on that point of the walls. The budget of the defenders of Fratta amounted to 1,032 scudi. Wanting to hasten the reconstruction, they asked Clement XII for a subsidy and the pope replied that he would give five hundred scudi, however, when Fratta proved that he had found the rest. The defenders were able in a short time to find their part but, seeing that that promise from the pope did not arrive, they began to buy the timber for the armor, the bricks and the lime and entrusted the work to the master builder Bartolomeo Ferranti of Rome. They took action on September 15, 1739, but the pope had not yet paid the promised subsidy at the end of the year. The defenders gave the task to a Mariotti, a Frattegiano resident in Rome, and he replied that Clement XII was very ill and that the defenders of Fratta had to work hard to get the five hundred scudi. He adds that if the pope had died, it would have been much more difficult to obtain them. It is not known when the work was finished, but it was certainly done very quickly as winter approached. A plaque was affixed to the wall with the inscription "Clem XII Pont Max MDCCXXIYIX.", Which can still be seen about fifty meters before the bridge. The Tiber It had a different trend from the current one and was dangerous for two reasons: - the current was perpendicular to the road that led to the Niccone valley and to Città di Castello, even then of great communication, so it could have been cut. By 1758 he had come fifteen meters from the road and was threatening to cut it off. - if this had happened, the bridge would have remained dry, with evident damage to the town and with serious compromise of activities such as military defense, weir, mills, gardens, public wash house, sewage disposal. Work was done, using many large poles. In 1726 the bridge of the Reggia was consolidated, over which all the traffic, even heavy traffic, passed from Santa Maria to the church of the Madonna della Reggia and to San Francesco and Montone. The bridge was made of wood, except for the two brick ends and in 1770 the judiciary of Fratta decided to enlarge it. In 1787 the municipality incurred an expense to cover the top of the Rocca. The roof of the tower is rebuilt. The villages adjacent to the Castle The Borgo Superiore It is located north of the castle within the walls and includes the Castel Nuovo (formed by the two streets of the Boccaiolo and the one that leads from the Piaggiola to the market gate), the "Mercatale di Sant'Erasmo" (today's Piazza Marconi), the area of furnaces and the church of Santa Maria della Pietà. Palazzo Ranieri Owned by Count Curtio Ranieri, son of Costantino, it was in the Piaggiola road. In 1756 the count enlarged it. In front there was a public well (the widening that forms between the end of the Piaggiola and the Boccaiolo road) called the well of Sant'Agostino, near the church of the same name. Mill of the Fathers of San Bernardo (Castel Nuovo) It is located along the small road (now called del Molinaccio) which leads from the end of the Piaggiola to the Tiber. It was close to the castle walls and belonged to the Fathers of San Bernardo or Barnabiti. These had two small convents, one in Fratta and one in Migianella. In the Borgo Superiore there are still two tower-houses, one in the Mercatale area and another at the Porta del Boccaiolo. They consist of a bottom below and a room above. They were built for peasant use. The Lower Village It is also called "le Fabbrecce" because there are blacksmith shops and in the mill outside the Borgo, the scythes were rounded (as in the fourteenth century! Nothing had changed). It included the area of the street that led from the bridge of the Reggia to Piazza San Francesco, the Via di Santa Croce (now Via Soli) and the area outside the Borgo gate. At the beginning of the century, the road that began outside the San Francesco gate and led towards the Madonna del Moro was called the Caminella road; then strada del Piano (during the French occupation at the end of the century, strada Consolare del Piano); at the beginning of the twentieth century via Secoli. Along Santa Croce there was the Osteria della Corona, owned by Count Ranieri. The square was already called Piazza San Francesco. It changed its name later to go back to that name. Roads In 1790 work was carried out on the road to Montone, in the section under the convent of the Observant Friars of Santa Maria. The width is eight feet, like all the other roads leading to Fratta, the bracing of which is redone every year. The doors In 1788 an arm wrestling was put on the Porta della Saracina (there was still this mighty tower at the beginning of the bridge). Other works were done on the door of the market and that of the nuns. In 1790 the door of the Saracina is set up. In 1792 it was the turn of the bridge and work was done to lower the door to the market. Sources: - Renato Codovini - “History of Umbertide - Volume VI - 18th century” - Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2001 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2001 (Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli - Walter Rondoni - Amedeo Massetti - Fabio Mariotti). South-west bulwark of defense The plaque on the walls dedicated to Pope Clement XII The ancient houses on the Tiber. In the red circle the headstone - On the left, cadastral map of Fratta from the mid-1700s - Above, map of the medieval Fratta with the castle doors The cover of the 2001 Umbertide Calendar The historian Renato Codovini Il Castello di Fratta Il modo di vivere, di morire, la solidarietà e gli svaghi La chiesa di Sant'Andrea di Castelvecchio Il Castello di Fratta Le chiese minori di Fratta e i proietti L'Amministrazione e la Pubblica Sicurezza Gli appalti e le proprietà pubbliche Agricoltura, Commercio, Mestieri e Istruzione Il Tevere, i ponti, le mura del Castello Il sistema elettorale comunale L'Amministrazione e la Pubblica Sicurezza ADMINISTRATION AND PUBLIC SECURITY The municipal administration In the eighteenth century the public administration of Fratta has two different offices. From 1700 to 1787 the building located in today's Piazza Fortebracci, formerly the seat of the convent of Santa Maria di Castelvecchio (current seat of the Riuniti theater). From 1787 to 1799 in the palace of Castel Nuovo, formerly the seat of the convent of Santa Maria Nuova, suppressed in 1787. There are three administrative bodies: the judiciary, the council of twelve and the general council (or 42). The judiciary is made up of the four defenders, also called "priors" or simply "the magistrates". Once elected, they met and nominated the "chief magistrate" or "first prior". Person of great importance in social life, he came from the "first class". The election of the council was made between only two classes, the primary people of the place, civilians and landowners and the artists (craftsmen). The former are destined to obtain the rank of head of magistrate, the office of public chamberlain and the harangue of the council. The second the other three parts of the judiciary: the second, third and fourth prior who are distributed by seniority. The council of twelve met for decisions of greater importance, when they wanted to be sure that there would be no opposition to what was to be established. It was made up of the four defenders, the four counselors of the defenders, the three health conservatives and the chamberlain. He could not impose new taxes, vary the prices of abundance, discuss quarrels between citizens and the public administration, make decisions about wars, invasions, earthquakes, plagues. He was summoned by ringing the big bell with twelve taps. The council of 42 was the general council, that is the council of the twelve, increased by the representatives of the classes that had the right to be part of it and by the exponents of the major villas (hamlets). Organs: - Councilors (municipal). People who made up the two municipal councils (12 and 42). They were partially renewable, one third at a time, always removing the oldest ones. They belonged to the first and second classes. In 1798, following the French occupation, women were appointed municipal councilors for the first time. Three in Fratta and one in Preggio. - Defenders. There were four of them and they remained in office for four months. They were elected by means of a "bussolo" vote, but they did not receive any salary since theirs were an honorary office. Only at the end of the mandate were they compensated with a small sum as a gift, not exceeding one and a half shields. - Counsel for the defenders . There were four of them and each "on the sidelines" of a defender (or prior), to whom he gave advice. almost like today's personal secretary. They were chosen from among those who had been defender in the previous quarter, assuming that he had acquired some experience in the affairs of comitative government. - Gonfaloniere. First prior and head of the judiciary, he was called so only at the beginning of the restoration, after the end of the Roman republic. in August 1799. - Consular prefect of Fratta. Office of the French administration, reporting directly to the prefect of the canton of Fratta. He was the head of the commune of Fratta and also "president of the commune". - Prefect of the canton. Figure established in the last decade of the century, when there was the French invasion. The prefect was responsible for everything that took place in our canton, including the municipality of Preggio and Poggio Manente (San Paterniano) as well as Fratta. Employees and officials: - Archivist. Usually a notary. He drew up acts for the municipality but also for the citizens. - Balio. He was in charge of liaising between the judiciary and other community bodies and private citizens. He took four scudi a four-month period. - Camerlengo. Collection and payment clerk. He did not take any premium on the collection as he received a normal salary. - Chancellor. He had more or less the functions of today's municipal secretary. His office was called "chancellery" or "priority secretariat". - Commissioner and judge. Public official appointed by Perugia. His main task was to enforce the law and punish the guilty, but in the most difficult, delicate and controversial cases he had the order to send the guilty to Perugia subjecting them to the examination of the higher court. - Conservatives of health. Three people who remained in office for two years and had to belong to the first sphere, that is, to the first class. They spoke to the city council when called and their job was to give an opinion on what was being discussed in the meeting. - Donzello. Clerk to all minor duties, he had the lowest salary paid by the administration to an employee. - School teacher. His salary was paid partly by the municipal administration, partly by the parents of the children and another by the brotherhood of Santa Croce. - Doctor led. He was also paid by the municipality. - Moderator of the public watch . Supervisor, maintenance, loading and various checks of the public clock. - Portinari. Surveillance of the gates of the town who opened every morning and closed in the evening at about "two hours at night". - Preacher. Ecclesiastical, priest or friar, about three times a year he preached in the churches of the town. He stayed in Fratta for a few days, staying in a convent. - Praetor. Charge born at the time of the French invasion. - Commissioner. Charge that arose at the time of the French invasion. He kept the books of the canton's administration. - Scribe. Person in charge of copying documents, letters, reports of board meetings, etc. - Sindicators. We find this use in the first half of the century. The mayors controlled the community accounts and remained in office for one year. - Letter dealer. He was the postmaster, also hired by the municipality. - Public appraisers. We find them in the first half of the century. They were people responsible for estimating properties or various activities both for the interest of the municipality and for private citizens. They remained in office for a year. - Community representatives in Perugia and Rome. People involved in unraveling community affairs in these cities. Being well established in state offices, they had practice in public administration and were known by various employees. Management of the Municipality Revenue for taxes There were the chamber tax, the municipal tax, the privileged and fair tax, the allotment of the ground coffee. The community of Fratta imposed them on the population and then calculated its percentage on the sum; the remainder was sent to Perugia. The chamber tax was requested by the reverend Apostolic Chamber of Perugia, which kept a small sum and sent the rest to the central government of Rome. The privileged and fair tax related to the various privileges that the city of Perugia granted to its dependent communities. The ground tax concerned everything that was brought to the mill and was the most detested by the peasants. Then there was the focatico tax. It hit all the "fires", that is, the hearths, the families. It remained until the 1960s under the name of "family tax". In 1706 only eleven families paid for it; in 1728, fifty-seven. The "property tax" hit the owners of houses and land. In addition, there was the "undressing and jail tax". By "bare" was meant unnecessary clothing and by "galleys" a tax intended to strengthen the state's navy. Finally, there were other occasional taxes, such as the "tax on the million", introduced in 1713 by the papal government which needed as many scudi. Revenue for procurement They were preferred by the municipalities as they were easy to manage and made it possible to collect the maximum on set dates. The contracts were made known by posting a notice outside the door of the town hall: on the appointed day, the "piper" would station himself in certain points of the town, sound the trumpet and let people know the time and place of the competition. Which took place with the "virgin candle" method every three years. Procurement of the oven. Granted in 1710 to Ercolano Fanfani. It ensured the production of bread for the whole country. Wage contract. The prerogative of distributing the salt belonged to Perugia, which gave it out to the various communities. Fratta, in order to get the necessary, had to go and pick it up in Perugia or, when there was none in the warehouse, in some town on the sea road: Fossombrone, Fabriano, Jesi, Ancona. Contract of the oil shop and grocery store. It consisted in granting a contractor the service of selling edible oil and kinds of delicatessens in the municipal shop, at the prices established by the municipality and written prominently on a sign. Procurement of the land stamp. Those who wanted to occupy a part of the public land (for example street vendors) had to pay a certain fee. Procurement of the meat stamp. The "butchers" of Fratta had to "skin" the animals in the public slaughterhouse. After removing the skin (which was used for the sole of the shoes) they cut the animal and the pieces were stamped by the "meat boiler". The operation served to make it clear to those who bought which was ox and cow, calf, sheep or mutton. The "bollatore delle carne" made the butchers pay the stamp, then paid the municipality, in two or three installments, as established. Public procurement slaughterhouse. Whoever won the tender sold the meat in this shop for two or three years by paying the agreed sum, in half-yearly installments, to the municipality which had the purpose of keeping prices calm to favor the poorest population. Contract for damage given and deposit of pledges. The depositary of the "damage given" was assigned to the surveillance of public goods, movable or immovable, he noted, in his interest, the damage caused by citizens to public goods, brought these facts before the judge and commissioner. This was also joined by the contract for the "depository of the pawns" , that is the office that advanced money to whoever deposited a pledge. Procurement of measures. The possibility of having large quantities of goods weighed was the prerogative of the Noble College of Exchange of Perugia. The operation took place with a large scale, publicly owned, called "the big steelyard". Procurement of firewood. Those who intended to bring firewood into the village had to pay a right in money to the municipality. Who contracted the collection to a private citizen. Procurement of the foietta. The right to tax the sale of wine "al menuto", ie sold by glasses or foiette, was also contracted out by the municipality to third parties. Procurement of the cenciarìa. He charged the collection of rags. The contractor collected a fee from those who collected the rags and was also a collector. Contract for the pen . Collection of the excrements of the animals that passed through the country, assigned by means of a contract to the one who offered the highest price. Tiber wood tender. It used trunks and branches that were deposited under the bridge after the floods. Tiber fishing contract . It struck those who wanted to fish in the stretch of river under the jurisdiction of the municipality, that is, upstream of the bridge. Expenses The municipal administration of Fratta divided the expenses into "recurring expenses", "Occasional outgoings and expenses", "various gratifications". The "recurring outings" yes they distinguished in outputs for the achievement of the purposes of the institution and for alms. Among the former, the main item is the payment of employees and employees of each degree. A recurring exit was the seasonal arrangement of the roads which, both in the country and outside, they had to be bridged every November. Another expense was the annual cleaning of sewers, wells and fountains. It does not seem strange to consider among the recurring expenses also those "for alms", because at the time the municipality used to give money to some brotherhoods for the patronal feasts of Sant'Erasmo, San Bernardino and SSma Annunziata. He also bought wax (candles), "powder" (for the barrels), oil for lighting and other useful things in the processions. At Christmas and Easter the municipality also used to give gifts: to the representatives of the community in Rome gave two capons; to the four defenders, at the end of the mandate quarterly, two scudi. The "occasional expenses" were used, for example, to repair municipal-owned houses and farms, roads, bridges, town gates, to pay interest liabilities on debts, cops' living expenses. All those rewards, finally, that the It was common to give the refreshments offered in the form of gifts and tips to distinguished visitors to guests (for example for the arrival of the bishop), gifts to the commanders of the foreign troops of passage so that they did not do too much damage, donations to the convents. Public safety While the public administration was delegated, in Fratta, to the judiciary and to the municipal councils, in the eighteenth century public security was strictly the responsibility of the commissioner, who was appointed decenviral (that is, of the Perugian judiciary). The commissioner and ordinary judge, in this double capacity, had in his first role the competence over the public safety of the whole territory and the investigating power given to him by the Perugian executive. On the basis of this power, it resolved all issues relating to public order that arose in a territory of about five or six thousand inhabitants (Fratta and hamlets), up to the arrest of those responsible. For certain crimes he sent the guilty to Perugia, to his superior judicial body or criminal office, as it was then called. In the event of minor disputes (those which today, for example, are the responsibility of the justice of the peace) he invited the parties to go to a notary and in his presence formulate a "peace act" between them. In case of crimes of greater gravity (usually acts of banditry), where the powers and possibilities of the commissioner proved powerless, he asked Perugia to send one or more teams of cops. They, with the force of arms, were able to put an end to those emergency situations and to restore the normality of life, bringing the offenders to Perugia. In the village the behavior of the cops was rather heavy and savage and the population paid the price, but this was well tolerated by the "good government" for which the fear that they knew how to instill in the people was obviously convenient, as it facilitated their way to act. The cops also came in times of epidemic diseases and if there was to fight the bands of brigands. In these cases they also went to guard the border areas and blocked the road with large iron gates to prevent transit in both directions. During their passage they stayed at the Osteria della Corona where they could stay for several days, but they were always frowned upon by the population as they committed abuses of all kinds and even harassed the hosts and their families. The Count of Civitella, who owned it, decided for these reasons to close not only this tavern to the public but also the one located in the San Giovanni street. It is the first case of "lockout" of an exercise. The municipality then bought a house to be used for housing the cops when they came to Fratta. It was bought in 1770, in via di San Giovanni and became the office and residence of the commissioner-judge. In this way it was possible to free the two rooms of the town hall which had already been used for this purpose for several years. Security problems also arose at the time of French domination, due to the harassment carried out by those troops. The commissioner-judge could not move as he wanted in these situations: the military occupation had effectively nullified many of his possibilities. In May 1798, for example, the French soldiers of General La Vallette, coming from Città di Castello, committed various abuses, including the destruction of furniture and books from the convent of San Francesco. It is due to such vandalism that nothing has remained on the life of our convents whose friars had come to Fratta in the last decade of the 13th century. In December 1785 the central government of Rome forbids all games in taverns and taverns. In 1788 soldiers were sent to Fratta to oppose a gang of criminals. In 1791 it was necessary to arm other soldiers, in the face of new raids by brigands who escaped, in July, from the Macerata prison and considered very dangerous by the government which had made prizes available to those who had captured them. A great scourge of time was that of collecting grains, which were then sold outside the kingdom. To put an end to this illicit trade, the municipality issues a notification against the "grabbers of wheat products". On August 13, 1795, a decree tends to limit the underworld of our province by forbidding those who go to the Monteluce fair from carrying weapons. In 1788 an ordinance was issued against "wounders and those who insult in the streets, with or without weapons". On 26 March 1797 two companies of the Colonna regiment pass through Fratta, the Vespiccini company and the Colonnello company. On June 26, Corsican soldiers "fled from Faenza due to the French invasion, commending themselves to the mercy of this public". He is fed. On February 2, 1798, carriages from Cisalpini pass. Sources: - Renato Codovini - “History of Umbertide - Volume VI - 18th century” - Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2001 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2001 (Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli - Walter Rondoni - Amedeo Massetti - Fabio Mariotti). Today Teatro dei Riuniti, from 1700 to 1787 seat of the Municipality of Umbertide The town hall in the early 1900s Old photo of the church of S. Bernardino Ancient image of the Castle of Civitella di Civitella Ranieri THE WAY OF LIVING, OF DYING, SOLIDARITY AND LEISURE The way of life At the beginning of the eighteenth century most of the people of Fratta struggled in misery. The few owners (and this throughout the Papal State) had a good game to keep wages low, given the large supply of labor, fed by many poor people looking for work. There were other elements to burden this picture: the frequent famines, the extraordinary taxes to compensate for the various flaws in the central administration, the devaluations of the currency to fill the sudden cash gaps. The people were totally subject to higher taxes. He didn't feel the need to rebel, but he certainly felt the weight of it. The entertainment The Frattegiani's opportunities for recreation and distractions were not many and all more or less orchestrated from above. The theater, as the local academics society had a certain activity; patronal and religious festivals in general; the public joy in the cases of the most sumptuous marriages and in the passage through Fratta of the cardinal protector; the festivities in the immediate surroundings of the town. They could lock themselves up to play in the Osteria della Corona or in that of the Staffa but, above all, they had the greatest set of distractions and entertainment during the carnival period. It began on the day of Saint Anthony and ended on the "fat Saturday" with the midnight dinner, called "la sabatina", made up of fatty foods. Weddings They were characterized by three moments: the private policy, the notarial deed, the ceremony in the church. With the private policy, the families established the economic conditions under which they would allow the marriage of their children. The parties then went to the "notary", together with the witnesses, to ratify the agreement. Finally, the ceremony followed, celebrated "according to the rite of the Holy Roman Church", preceded by a public "denunciation". The marriage was registered by the priest in the special book which, in 1741, had the five baiocchi stamp of the reverend Apostolic Chamber. The processions They all had a religious character and there were no civil processions or parades. Their development was linked to the many festivals of the time; then there were others that originated from contingent events (rain, earthquake, disease, etc.). In the seventeenth century they were still called with the old medieval name of "lumi", for which going in procession was said to "go to the light" (taking place almost always in the evening, there was a great display of lights, with candles, "fàcole" of pitch , oil lights). They were planned a few days earlier by a certain fraternity which appointed a group of five or six brothers who were entitled to the honor of the organization. These were called "above" and had the task of looking for the necessary money in the "begging" done in the countryside or in the streets and squares of the town, especially on market or fair days. Elements common to all the processions were the presence of (lay) companies and (religious) congregations with their brothers, closed in their cloaks of different colors and shapes. The representatives of the community for the occasion wore the ceremonial dress (the purple rubbone), while the soldiers, often Corsican mercenaries, came specially from Perugia. Another element was the "machine", that is the large wooden scaffolding equipped with two large and long poles which served to support the statue of the saint for whom the procession was made and which was carried on the shoulder. Finally, the banners of religious and secular associations among which wooden sticks with cloth and fringes sprouted, carried by the sacristans of the churches, in the midst of a cloud of smoke, smells and sizzles of burning pitch released from the many "fàcole", candles, lights and a burst of barrels that framed that whole. In the end, those who had intervened wearing the "hood" were given food consisting of bread, cakes, torcoli, wine, the distribution of which often gave rise to "abuses and dishonesty" and several times the bishops of Gubbio suspended "the brothers' tycoon that go in procession ", and replaced it with distribution of candles. But given a certain rarefaction of the people in tow, everything returned as before. Parties and sweets In the eighteenth century there were about twenty feasts a year and they all had the common and main component of religiosity. The banners of the art corporations, religious fraternities (or companies), congregations (only priests) intervened together with that of the community of Fratta. These associations, together with the municipality, thought of the decorations, both of the town and of the churches. They were made with great pomp, of the drapery type (the "drapoloni"), of silk or damask, as well as they could consist of light weaves (structures) of wood or light metal, of various designs, covered with fabrics or flowers ( even fake), ribbons and lace at will. It was possible then, but only on major occasions, to the construction of real triumphal arches for the streets and gates of the town. Among the characteristic festivals there was the "flower festival of May", promoted by the company of Sant'Antonio. On such occasions, in the organizing church, there was always a "choir of musicians" and singers. On 8 September 1795, for the feast, the famous Frattegiano singer Domenico Bruni arrived in the church of San Francesco, passing through one of his numerous artistic tours that he sang among the amateurs of the town, without any compensation. In the evening, the houses were lit with candles in the windows and everyone waited for the climax of the "barrels and rays". The costume In the eighteenth century the "sumptuary laws" of the seventeenth century on the way of dressing were in force in the Roman ecclesiastical kingdom, which forbade citizens (not the rich) certain luxurious ways, discriminating and further distancing the various social classes. In 1703 Pope Clement XI issued an edict in which he ordered low-status women to renounce any adornment, imposing the use of ordinary fabrics and non-violent colors. It was then forbidden to those of the people and petty bourgeois (edict of Clement XII in 1730) to put gold and silver trimmings on headdresses, fabrics and ornaments. The way to die In the parish books we find various "systems" to pass on to a better life. In 1715, with a touch of romanticism, - "... died at 10 pm on the moon ...". There are also descriptions of violent deaths, such as "... assaulted by two brothers, one of whom took his gun and shot him in the chest and so wounded he fled the Tiber on the boat of Ascagnano". In 1740, for a woman who throws herself into the Tiber "... At other times she had done other wisdom". A woman dies "from a serious fall made on the precipitous stairs of her house". Another, certain "Francesca di Brizio found in the house all burned with the exception of the head". Then there are death records and testamentary dispositions which show the religious sentiment of the people. Sant'Antonio da Padova enjoyed a certain cult in our country, so much so that he had his own altar in the church of the Compagnia del Soccorso, in the monastery of Santa Maria Nuova. In 1722 a Frattegiana told the notary "I want to be buried at the altar of St. Anthony of Padua, my lawyer and protector dressed in the habit of St. Anthony ...". In another testament of 1794 we find instead the extreme will of a sinner (or presumed such). He explains how his funeral must take place: "... from the house where I live my body is to be taken directly to the church without any turn of the streets and this in order not to remind the public of the scandals given in my life. When it reaches the church it is immediately buried without to expose the corpse of such a great sinner to the public's view, without wax, or music, or other similar things that vanity has been able to invent ". Funerals and burials The dead person, after having received, sooner or later, the visit of his parish priest for the absolution and registration of the death in the parish books, remains entrusted to the relatives and is stripped, washed, then wrapped in a sheet, ready for the funeral (or fùnere, as it was said then). That was the responsibility of the parish priest of the parish to which the dead man belonged and, if he was in a company or in a congregation, the association sent its own representation of brothers dressed in "hoods". The dead man was placed on top of the bier, with the top layer covering him, then carried on the shoulder to the church. Often the testator, among other things, indicated the place of burial. In fact, the dead were buried in the rear part (cemetery) of the church, but some were placed in existing mounds under the floor. There was therefore a distinction between outside, where the poorest were buried, and inside, where the brothers of the lay companies and the wealthy were placed (noble sepulchres), while the truly rich had their chapel. The noble tombs, for the rich, were obtained in front of the altars (even the main one) or on the sides of the same. In the entombment, the simple burial of the corpse wrapped in a sheet was carried out. The box was used only exceptionally, when it was a person who had acquired a great human value in life, or for the rich or for those who died outside the country and whose body had to be brought back to Fratta, transported on the wagon to horses. The burial in consecrated land was conditional on the fact that the dying person had first confessed and communicated, with the exception of those who had died suddenly. In the latter case it was the priest who ascertained whether the deceased had confessed some time before and, in any case, had always lived as a good Christian. The unconsecrated land was near the church cemeteries. Solidarity Wheat mountain It was commissioned by Don Giuliano Bovicelli di Fratta, a priest in Rome where he held the office of secretary to Cardinal Sacripante. Bovicelli, in the year 1715, donated the sum of one hundred scudi to the brotherhood of San Bernardino, of which he was a brother, with whom "... he wanted and longed for a mountain of wheat to be created in order to buy grain for the poorest population ". The brotherhood immediately bought two hundred wheat "stands" and started this institution. The wheat mountain stored grain for harvest and then gave it free to the poorest during the winter and spring, when it was difficult to find it. After the legal institution of 17191a confraternity began looking for a suitable seat where to arrange both the grain and the administrative office of the mountain. He succeeded only many years later, in 1764, when he bought a small house owned by the company of the Most Holy Sacrament in the central square, called "del Marchese" (Piazza Matteotti). The pawnshop Poor people who needed small loans of money turned to it and brought their little things as collateral, that is, movable goods of all kinds. For this service the municipality requested a sum to be calculated as a percentage. This was truly negligible, that is, much less than what would have been paid by resorting to the loan of the Jews, then present in Fratta, whose interest rates were much higher. The community of Fratta was authorized to manage this institution by the municipality of Perugia, from which it had contracted it out and to which it had to pay a sum. annual. The municipality could therefore manage it on its own but could also subcontract it, as it did in the year 1748 when the Monte was sold under contract to Ubaldo Moretti di Fratta. Free study The community of Fratta could send "two young people to the Episcopal Seminary of Gubbio every year, to remain free there, as long as they have the necessary requisites and are suitable to set out on the Ecclesiastical Way". Assistance to the "exposed" The "exposed" were newborns abandoned at the door of churches or hospitals, sent by the community to the hospital of Santa Maria della Misericordia in Perugia. Here many foundlings die because the nannies cannot be paid. Those who take babies to breastfeed them "... Also have five or six in the chest", so nourishment is scarce and deaths are many. Before 1739 the external nurses received a "dirty" grain mine a year, too little for Cardinal Martino Enrico Caracciolo, apostolic visitor in that year to Perugia, who assigns each six paoli a month, plus a shield, a tantum, after the eighteenth month. These children went around with a tag attached to their neck to indicate the date of baptism and the name. Gifts for spinsters In the eighteenth century some local brotherhoods, including that of Santa Croce which was the richest, bestowed a dowry on a spinster. In this way, girls who had to marry but who could not afford the necessary expenses were helped in this way since 1612. The dowry, one a year, was granted upon written request to spinsters born in the village (such as their parents), attaching a certificate from the parish priest who attested to both the birth, the age and the patronage of these girls. The brotherhood then chose a certain and limited number of girls and subjected them to an examination. The vinciti-ice could have the dowry only if and when he got married. There was also a deadline, which was 35 years; if the girl did not marry by this age, the brotherhood would take back the dowry. Another reason why the dowry was denied was that the girl, before marrying, did not live honestly. The entertainment Theater Already in the seventeenth century an association of theatrical art lovers was operating in Fratta called "Accademia degli Inestabili". In 1746 it had to proceed with its reorganization, which suggests that it was in a strongly negative phase. On the other hand, public and private music teaching was very active. In particular in the oratories, where the youth met for religious representations, with singing and instrumental schools linked to the various religious functions of the feast days. The Fratta theater was located since 1746 in the town hall, in today's Piazza Fortebracci. On the first floor there were some offices and the council meeting room which was given to the "unstoppable academics" for their performances. It had two "lodges" which probably served for municipal councilors, but were open to the public for the theater. You entered via a stone staircase placed outside. In 1770 it was still in the hall on the first floor of the town hall but this room was by now insufficient for the activity of academics. They therefore decided to expand it and asked for two adjacent rooms that served as the office of the commissioner and judge as well as for the passing cops. In 1746 we know that they wanted to reconstitute a theatrical association on a different basis from the old one: perhaps the "unstable academics" had dissolved, in whole or in part, towards the end of the 17th century. In the mid-eighteenth century the members of the "Accademia degli Inestabili" were eleven, from the main families of the town, such as the Fabbri, the Francesconi, the Burelli, but then the number grew and other illustrious personalities took part, such as Dr. Prospero Mariotti, his son Annibale and doctor Giulio Fracassini. The academy had a coat of arms formed by a noble shield where a hand was drawn. He held three gold cords intertwined together that ended with leads like a small tassel and, all around, the motto "Difficile solvitur" (it will hardly melt). Outside the theatrical season (ie outside the carnival), the amateur dramatists of the country acted instead, who were mostly the academics themselves and the members of their families. The plays were performed to train young people in stage disciplines rather than to give entertainment to the population. In the mid-eighteenth century, dramatic companies of a nomadic nature were a rarity and the first came to play in Fratta in 1748. It was the company of Giovanni Gazzola, a professional "histrionist artist" who, after many difficulties in obtaining authorization, was able to delight the Frattegiani with the affected parts of Pulcinella, Brighella and Doctor Belanza. Our theater closed, like everyone else in the Roman kingdom, from 1791 to 1795 by order of Pope Pius IV, due to the political events of the time, centered on the invasion of Italy by the French army. It was then reopened with the works "The guilty woman" and "The corsair of Marseille", where that "corsair" must have been a clear reference to the work of Napoleon, the most interesting character in the political scene of the time. The theater was granted on request for dance parties, elementary school work, occasions in which the best children were rewarded. Sometimes it was then granted for the game of bingo, introduced in Perugino in 1796. In the first months of 1798 the "Viva Maria" movement arose. In mid-February Fratta was invaded by these rioters who did various damages to municipal and private property, tampered with the theater and dispersed the administration documents. Free time In 1730, the "ox hunt", or "fence game", a sort of bullfight between oxen and dogs in a town square, usually San Francesco. In 1760 we have news that hunting was practiced in the months of September and October, the so-called "birding" (with the net). In 1794 the game of the "ball" or "ball" appears in Piazza San Francesco. Sources: - Renato Codovini - “History of Umbertide - Volume VI - 18th century” - Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2001 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2001 (Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli - Walter Rondoni - Amedeo Massetti - Fabio Mariotti). Il modo di vivere, di morire, la solidarietà e gli svaghi Procession of the Madonna - late 1950s. (Corradi photographic archive) The facade of the church of San Francesco The opera singer Domenico Bruni Piazza Umberto I (now Matteotti) in the early 1900s. (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide). In 1700 it was smaller and was called piazza del Marchese. Annibale Mariotti Giuliano Bovicelli AGRICULTURE, TRADE, TRADES AND EDUCATION Agriculture In 1700 the permanent settlement in the countryside was much safer than in previous centuries and the construction of farmhouses was no longer based on the tower-house system, the house with a minimum surface area but developed in height, suitable for housing and also for defense. of the peasant and his household goods. Now the type of house developed on a flat level is adopted, with a greater base, lower height, overall higher airspace. It has a ground floor used for agricultural management and a first floor for the farmer's home. The land could be "arable", "canapinato", "cerquato", "gineprato", "gengato", "working", "olivato", "ortivo", "pergola", "grass", "sodivo", "fucato" "," Vlneat0 "," silvato "," boschivo "(or" buscato "). The "cerquato" land was held in great esteem because the oak was even considered a fruit plant due to the great need for acorns that were used for pigs but, at times, in cases of great famine, they were reduced to flour as an aid to feeding. Human. There was a dominance of the pergola over the vineyard, a fair extension of the olive grove and the presence of the "canapinato" in the places richest in water. The extension of the land was measured in the capacity (rubbia, mina, stara, cup) of seeds necessary to cover the ground. The owners are very few. We find noble families such as Ranieri, Degli Oddi, Bourbon di Sorbello, Florenzi, Antinori, Crescenzi, Zeccadoro who had lands in Fratta but resided elsewhere, for which they did not pay taxes. There were resident families, also very rich: Alberti, Albanesi, Bertanzi, Bruni, Agostini, Burelli, Gnoni, Fracassini, Guardabassi, Magnanini, Paolucci, Petrogalli, Reggiani, Vibi, Cambiotti, Cibo, Mavarelli, Ramaccioni, Montanucci, Falici , Bartoccini. The leases were of two kinds: a temporary type, stipulated for three, six and nine years and the type called "emphyteusis" which usually covered a period of three generations. These were the most used but there were some valid for a single "riculture", that is, for a single crop or a single agricultural year. There are three parties to the dispute, even if only two stipulators, namely the owner of the land and the tenant who makes the peasants work the land, excluded from the negotiation. The owner had to allow the tenant to have the peasant's family members live in the farmhouse; he had to give vines and olive trees to be planted in the year. If he did not provide them, the tenant was released from the "planting" obligation and the owner could not oblige him the following year. The tenant was required to keep the plants found in the delivery inventory, he could send the farmers away at his will and pleasure. It was up to him to pay, in addition to the rent, the duties, the gabelles, the chamber's taxes. He had to leave the sown land as he had found it at his entrance; he had to return the barrels but be careful "that they are of good smell and without any vice, as he receives them". At the end of the rent, the pigs and the large cattle were given back according to the estimate; the sheep and goat cattle were made at the head. The farmer had to sow wheat and fodder with his own seed, prune and undermine young and old trees, plant a certain number of vines and olive trees every year with the system of formoni and that of single holes. Do not cut fruit trees, only lumber that has died from the fire. He had to take part of the land product to the master's house and for this he was paid in kind or in foodstuffs. The must was divided in half. At Easter he had to give a certain quantity of eggs and "pancasciato"; he had to give gifts and obligations in chickens and eggs. In the eighteenth century there was no "colonial pact" specified and imposed by law as will happen later, but only unwritten agreements. Of the products of the fields, half went to the owner (dominical part) and half to the farmer. In the cases of three-way relationships (owner, tenant and farmer) the division took place between tenant and farmer; the master took the rent. The owner was responsible for the costs of pruning and undermining the vines, the formoni and the pits, the fees to the farmer when he was called to give his "assistance" to the harvest work, to sift the wheat and shovel it, to do various jobs of the cellar, when it brought to sell the products to the market, the appraisals and the taming of the cattle, the construction and the accommodation of the rural buildings. They produced cecio, red cecio, hemp, cicerchie, cherries, beans, broad beans, mulberry leaves, opium leaves, figs, cheese, wheat, corn, acorns, lenses, lentils, wool, flax, lupins, honey, hazelnuts, walnuts , barley, olives, panic, pears, peaches, peas, grapes, vetch, vein, wine. The farmer had to pay a tax called "collar" when he used the oxen that belonged to the owner to work the land. The peasant's give and take resulted from the "workers' book". On the hill farms, sheep and goats were kept, but also many pigs. The Commerce The aspect that characterizes the economy is the static nature of values. There is no inflation and the differences in the prices of some commodities are caused by momentary extraordinary factors. Another component is the painfulness of work, of wages stuck on the verge of a tiring survival. The economy is very poor, both at the territorial level (municipality of Fratta) and in the Papal State. Another aspect is the almost total concentration of productive activities such as agriculture, for example, in the hands of a few nobles who also took possession of a certain industrial activity (wool mills). There was also a small artisan industry (iron and figulina [terracotta]), but it was limited by a limited availability of capital, always insufficient as it was available in the family. The large payments were made with "bank coupons", generic receipts issued by banks (the "Monti"). The deeds were stipulated by the notary who certified that the buyer was putting the money on the table. Sellers - Bocci (silkworms): Mavarelli, woman Caterina Igi. - Hemp: Alessio Moriconi. - Calcina: Mariangelo di Paolo, Domenico Stoppa. - Construction material: Giovanni Maria Diamanti, Menco di Natale, Andrea Fanfani, Molinari, Domenico Salvatori, Fortunato Agostini, Ludovico Cristiani. - Fronda dei mori (mulberry trees): Antonio called "il Regnicolo", the "Stinco". - Timber: Andrea Bellagamba, Raffaele Scapicchi, Antonio di Giovan Battista, Paolo di Giorgio, Gio. Tomasso da Monte Castelli, Giuseppe Jotti, - Straw: Girolimo di Rondino. - Hides: Pietro Baldoni is a seller (and collector) of goat skins and "white bassettes". - Stabbio: Donna Carolina Gratini (1712) to the brotherhood of San Bernardino; Costantino di Vincentio, Angelino Mavarelli, Giulio Rovinati. Mattio Massi, Filippo Leonetti, Filippo Carocci. - Wine: they received monetary compensation for each barrel of wine. Santi di Cristoforo (1700), Francesco Franceschini, Federico Palazzari (1701), Pietro Martinelli (1715/1749), Francesco Mercante (1722), Antonio Jotti (1726), Costanza Martinelli (1727/1738), woman Elisabetta Jotti, known as " the Padella "(1733/1735), Bernardino Cantelli (1741), Elisabetta Falcioli (1741/1747), Fabrizio Brugnoli (1749), Donna Francesca d'Andrea (1751), Donna Margherita Massi called" the Margarita "(1756/1759 ), Giovanni del quondam Andrea (1759/1760), woman Virginia Ciangottini (1767), Tommaso and Clemente Ciangottini (1768), Antonio known as "il Regnicolo" (1780), woman Maria Antonia Mercanti (1782/1784). Gambattista Fanfani (1787), Gian Maria Bartolini (1789). Shops and shopkeepers 1702 - Gregorio Molinari: glass. 1706 - Francesco Luminati: wax. 1718 - workshop of "Fabbreccia", in Piazza San Francesco, on the side of the Tiber. 1722/1730 - Sante Mavarelli: bread, lard, lard, wax, fàcole and gunpowder. 1724 - cobbler's shop. There were hammer, pincers, ligiatore, knife, stick. 1732 - Pietro Spaccini: glass, dies for windows (to be placed between the glass). 1732 - Gaspare Martinelli: lead for the dies. 1741/1749 - Domenico Cerbonelli: wax, string, nails, incense. 1745 - Borgo di Sopra, market area, Vasaro Giovan Maria Martinelli. 1745 - Borgo di Sopra, master Antonio Vibi, arquebusier. 1745 - Borgo Inferiore, three blacksmith shops. 1748 - Agostino Bettelli: wax. 1753 - Gaspare Martinelli: lead for glass. 1765 - Ercolano Roni: eggs. 1767 / 1797- Vibi: lace, wax, etc .. 1770 - Silvestro Jlartinelli has a "cossi" shop. 1770/1776 - Domenico Mavarelli: wax, lead for paints, canvas bombage . 1779/1795 - Donino Passalbuoni: shoe shop. 1776 - Burelli: "spetie", wax and shellac. 1781 - Vincenzo Mavarelli: wax. 1788 - Guerrini: wax. 1788 - Ubaldo Perugini: oil. 1791 - Alessio Vioriconi: cloth for sacks. 1792 - Girolamo Ciangottini: wax. 1794 - piazza San Francesco, a potter's shop with an adjoining furnace. 1794 - Piaggiola, shoemaker shop. 1794/1797 - “between the doors”. small square at the south-west bulwark (Tiber), the butchery shop, municipal meat resale. 1795 - 1799 - Vincenzo Mavarelh: balance bills, nails, pins, centaroles, silk buds. Taverns and hotels -Osteria della Corona "with accommodation. It was located in Piazza San Francesco, in front of the church of Santa Croce. It was owned by the Counts of Civitella Ranieri. In 1738, a Perugia cop died there, hit by a harquebus." Osteria della Staffa " , with lodging, in the street of San Giovanni, inside the castle walls.It was probably the property of Count Ranieri.There were also the taverns of Antonia Mercanti, with lodging, of Giuseppe Carocci, of Sebastiano Cesaretti. In 1721 there is "the Osteria di Pier Antonio", managed by a certain Bruscatelli. Next to it stood a "palombaro", the classic peasant house. The villa (hamlet) consisted of only these two or three houses. Nearby was the chapel of the Holy Spirit. "L'osteria della Mita" was owned by the Marquises Florenzi di Reschio, who lived in Perugia. Towards Città di Castello there was "l'osteria di Montalto", on the level of the Tiber, along the consular road from Fratta to Niccone. It belonged to the Counts Degli Oddi of Perugia, also owners of the castle of Montalto. Finally, there was "1'osteria della Nese", on the river of the same name, on the border between Perugia and Fratta. Fairs and markets Fairs were held in the first week of June and took place in the square of the church of Sant'Erasmo, also known as "il Mercatale". Only the cattle for such occasions found place in another location, usually the large municipal lawn located beyond the Tiber bridge. In Civitella Ranieri the fair took place between 20 and 25 July. In Montalto, on May 28th. The post office In the eighteenth century the Upper Tiber Valley was crossed by two services with diligence (two "mail courses", as it was then called). One came from Città di Castello and was directed to Perugia, the other departed from Montone and was also directed to Perugia: they stopped in Fratta to change horses, to pick up the mail and any passengers. These "mail courses" arrived in Fratta early in the morning, first that of Montone, then that of Città di Castello, with a delay that could be half an hour compared to the fixed time. They reached Perugia about four hours later. In addition to the "scheduled" service, there was also a special "course", for urgent community mail, called "lo sped" or "celerifero" (a kind of "priority mail). Provided by a man on horseback who brought "bolzetta" (leather bag) only the parcels of the municipality for which the departure of the diligence could not be expected the following day. Trades Oil mills There was one near the Lazzaro ditch, on the border between the "Mercatale di Sant 'Erasmo" and the area of Santa Maria. He probably also had a millstone. In 1794 it belonged to the Mazzaforti brothers who rented it for four years to Ubaldo Cambiotti. In the area there were oil mills in Cicaleto, Migianella, Monte Acuto ("Molino with its press and vine, in whose stump there are three iron circles, the millstone with its trestle and on an iron stake but with a wooden wedge" ), Racchiusole, San Patrignano. Grain mills In the "villa" of Cicaleto, in the parish of San Giuliano, property of the Camaldolese friars of Montecorona. It was located one kilometer from the Tiber river, south of Fratta and remained active until the early decades of the twentieth century. It had its own dam, the grinding wheel, the "cialandro", the hopper, the iron blades. And the "fulling machine", the mechanism for beating woolen cloths by means of large wooden hammers that were moved by the water. Other grain mills were located in Molino Vitelli, Monte Migiano, Serra "di Partuccio", San Patrignano and the abbey of San Salvatore (inside, it was called "mill of the cloister" and drew water from a ditch). I calcined In Santa Giuliana, owned by Mariangelo di Paolo. He made mortar which he sold the soma to four baiocchi. Another on the coast of Monte Acuto, belonging to the Fracassini family. Furnaces They had one Angelo di Roso and Fortunato Agostini, who in 1751 sold bricks for the facade of Santa Croce. In Carpini and Montalto, of the Degli Oddi of Perugia, owners of the castle of the same name. It was demolished by a flood of the Tiber in 1760. A bit of everything'.. Archibugieri: master Giulio Castellani, master Giuseppe and master Antonio. Gilders: Antonio Gabriotti, in 1717 gives gold to the candlesticks and carteglories of Santa Croce; Giuseppe Ferranti, from Gubbio. Silversmiths: Silvestro Angelini, from Perugia; in 1743 he sold a chalice and a silver paten to the Confraternity of Santa Croce. Bastari: Pietro Profili, Tommaso Mischianti, Giacomo Botti and Fabio Urbani. Bottari and bigonzari: Alessandro Jotti, Angelo Ciangottini, Francesco Puletti. Calzolari: were gathered in the congregation of the art of shoe-making (which had its own chapel in the church of Santa Croce, at the altar of Saints Crispino and Crispiniano, protectors of the category): Pietro di Angelo, Ubaldo Moretti, Carlo Guerrini, Donino Passalboni, Antonio Mariani. Hatters: Passalbuoni, Giuseppe Benedetti from Città di Castello. There was also a shop in Castel Nuovo. Canapari: Giovan Carlo Montanucci. Tanners: Giulio and Panfilio. Designers: Brischi, Giuseppe Notari and Giovan Pietro Gigli. Fabbri: Lorenzo and Pietro Martinelli, Carlo Francesconi, Domenico Paganelli, Raimondo Rotelli, Pier Giovanni Lestini, Francesco d'Agostino, known as "Ferraccio". At the end of the eighteenth century two blacksmith shops were in the small open space at the beginning of the road that leads to the Borgo Inferiore, immediately after the bridge over the Reggia. In 1798 Silvestro Martinelli and Vincenzo Jotti are the "officials" of the art and university of blacksmiths. Carpenters: Carlo Bolisi (1720), Ludovico Franceschini (1724), Alessandro Jotto (1753), Giovan Lorenzo Gigli (1750), Francesco Moscatelli (1745) in Pierantonio, Giuseppe Jotti (1749). Founders: Gregorio Righi, from Perugia, melts and accommodates the bells of Santa Croce in 1717. Fornari: Bartolomeo di Lorenzo, Domenico Lauri, Giovan Battista di Giulio, Bernardino Tassi, Olimpia Tassi. Carvers: Marco Batazzi, Alessandro Igi. Slaughterers: Santino, Andrea, Giuseppe Schiavini; Angelino Mavarelli, Marino Farneti. Magnani: Michele Aragoni (1698/1710). Laborers and porters: Tommaso di Francesco, Santi Paoletti. Giulio di Goro, Domenico Salvatori. Marescalchi: Antonio Mazzanti. Measurers, estimators: Fabrizio Mazzaforti (barrel meter), Lodovico Franceschini (grain meter), Alessandro Jotti (timber estimator), Antonio Brischi (wine meter), Vincenzo Mavarelli (wine estimator). Molinari: Tommaso Mancini, Giuseppe di Antonio. Masons: Giovanni, known as "Miracle", Costanzo di Cesare, Antonio di Giovan Maria, Ventura Bartoccini (master mason), Ercolano Corsini, Domenico Farneti (master mason). Mason's tools were the hammer, the spoon, the hoe for making mortar, the hammer, the lead, the archipendolo, the shovel to scornigate. Organ builders: Carlo Balducci, Pietro Forti, Orazio Fedeli. Pyrotechnicians: 1786, Francesco Natali; 1787, Bernardino Brischi Painters: Antonio Gabriotti, Francesco Leonardi, Ubaldo Vitaliani, Giuseppe Ferranti, Francesco Cocchi, Giuseppe Bertanzi. Pollaroli: Pietro known as "1'Anitraro", Giambattista. Pruners: Antonio called Sciuga, Francesco di Antonio; Francesco Scalseggia. Embroiderers: Colomba Vespucci. Tailors: Guerrini, Crestina Francesconi woman, Francesco Moriconi, Mauritio Pucci, Margherita Massi woman. Stonecutters: Francesco di Vincenzo, Lorenzo Brischi, Francesco known as "Borzicchio", Domenico Mavarelli, "il Riccio". Segatori: Giuseppe Moretti, Tommaso di Pascuccio, Belardino known as "il Regnicolo", Paolo Pieroni, Panfilio di Francesco, Paolo Ercoli. Saddler: Fabio Urbani Stucchi: Giuseppe Notari (1753, works in Santa Croce), Giovanni Cherubini. Weavers: Maria Cristina Francesconi, Aurora Roni, Elisabetta Cantelli woman, Margherita Massi woman. There are no factories, woolen mills and cloth factories. The processing is done in the homes of private citizens as many have looms. Dyer: Gerolamo Martinelli. Vasari: Francesco Fussai (1709), Giammatteo Martinelli (1742), Silvestro Martinelli, Gaetano Martinelli. Painters: Giuseppe Ferranti Carriers and couriers: Paolo Cangelotti, Marino Rotelli, Tommaso di Marco, Andrea di Ercolano, Giovanni known as "Spaterna", Pietro Simone Cicutella. Education In the eighteenth century there was a school where the first elements of reading, writing and arithmetic were taught, held by a clergyman. He was paid by the community with a salary that was, at the beginning of the century, of about twelve, fourteen scudi a year. To these were added three shields from the confraternity of Santa Croce as schoolmaster and another twenty-five that the same corresponded to him "for the chaplaincy", the task of saying masses in the chapel of the brotherhood. The employment contract was stipulated between the municipality and the master before the notary. In case of vacancy, the parents of the children signed a policy with which they agreed to pay a small sum to the municipality, in favor of the teacher. The school was located in the Borgo Inferiore, in the premises of the Confraternity of Santa Croce. At the end of the century, the master took thirty-two scudi a year from the community. In addition to this he received eight scudi from the Confraternity of Santa Croce again for the school and the "chaplaincy", to which were added the sums from other confraternities for various religious or occasional services such as musical performances on the occasion of parties. However, the annual income was sufficient for a decent standard of living. A teacher taught grammar and rhetoric for a salary of seventy scudi a year. At the end of the century this school was located in Castel Nuovo, on the premises of the former monastery of Santa Maria Nuova, purchased by the community of Fratta. In 1700 the schoolmaster was Don Pietro Cardoni, from Nocera. He lived in the two rooms above the Santa Croce hospital that the brotherhood had reserved for him. The latter retained fifteen paoli a year from the salary she paid him for the rent: thirty paoli in all, that is, three scudi. As was customary at the time, the maestro also performed the "music service" for the company of Santa Croce. In early August 1719 Cardoni resigned. Don Matteo Silvestrini took over and the brotherhood also rents the rooms above the hospital to him. In 1725 the teacher is Don Pietro Burli. In the early months of 1730 the school teacher was a certain Fabbri, but in April he was replaced by Don Innocenzo Diamanti, for four years. Then the Abbot Giovan Battista Orlandini and Don Lorenzo Meuccio. From 1741 to 1750 the masters were Don Ubaldo Balducci, Don Gerolamo Passi, Don Francesco Tosoni, Don Gaspare Mazzaforti, Don Lorenzo Pellegrini, Don Modesto Spinetti. From 1750 we find don Arcangelo Mischianti (teacher of sacred theology is fra 'Francesco Maria Calindri, guardian of the convent of San Francesco), don Alessandro Dini born in Urbania, don Matteo Tosciliani, don Paolo Costantini, don Ubaldo Menghini, don Stefano Loretti, don Angelo Mavarelli, don Antonio Giuseppe Gnagneri, don Cristiani, don Giuseppe Angelini, the canon don Paolucci. In 1787 the school teacher was Don Ercolano Mavarelli. He took four scudi a four-month period. He is a canon of the collegiate church of San Giovanni. In 1789, Father Fulgenzio Maria, a minor of the observers of the convent of Santa Maria, born in Città di Castello, was the master. In 1790 there is the canon Pecchioli followed by Don Luca Brami. We then find Don Sebastiano Riccardi and Abbot Paolo Padoni. The teaching of music It could be public and private. The first was entrusted to the chapel masters and these, having graduated in music in some school, were called and paid by the various brotherhoods and religious congregations. Their dependence explains the term "di cappella", as the brotherhoods had their headquarters in a church where they owned a chapel with an altar dedicated to their protector. The major brotherhoods, of Santa Croce and San Bernardino, had their own teacher but he did not take a salary that would guarantee him economic security; for this he also carried out occasional work at other brotherhoods and churches, managing, among other things, to earn enough to live. In addition to public teaching, there was a private one. There was the custom of entrusting a young man, from early adolescence, to a teacher who undertook, for an annual fee, to teach him instrumental music and singing and, at times, also to read and write. The boy, however, had to leave his family and move to the house of the teacher, who became father-master, staying here for the established time, about ten years. All this was agreed through a notarial deed comprising many clauses. Sources: - Renato Codovini - “History of Umbertide - Volume VI - 18th century” - Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2001 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2001 (Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli - Walter Rondoni - Amedeo Massetti - Fabio Mariotti). Illustrations by Adriano Bottaccioli. Harvesting of wheat by hand (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) Peasant family (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) Sul paiaio (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) On the ox cart (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) Calesse (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) 1977. La Fornace (Giuseppe Severi Archive) 1975. Trace of a potter's oven in via Bovicelli (Giuseppe Severi Archive) Glimpse of Santa Croce Agricoltura, Commercio, Mestieri e Istruzione Le chiese minori di Fratta e i proietti La chiesa di Sant'Andrea di Castelvecchio Church of Sant'Andrea di Castelvecchio The ancient temple was located at the height of the current analysis laboratory in the old hospital of Umbertide The church, of very ancient origins dating back to the early twelfth century, stood in the Upper Borgo of Fratta, called Castelvecchio, right on the spot where the old hospital was built in 1870. It had a bell tower with two bells and several altars inside. One of these, dedicated to Santa Barbara, was built in 1735 (1). Despite the long life and the prestige it had held in the hearts of the faithful of Fratta, we know little of its characteristics. We do not know its shape and we are not able to know if it kept works of a certain value within it, which is possible given the long history of the temple. If we lack certain information on its origins and its structure, we have, on the other hand, detailed information on its end which coincided with that of the eighteenth century. The collapse, in fact, began much earlier, in the year 1751, when the parish priest, Archpriest Petrogalli, informed the Bishop of Gubbio that a part of the roof was collapsing and also the wall around the bell tower was about to do the same. The authorization for the "reduction" of the church arrived and as the collapses continued, it was further reduced to become a small chapel. In this capacity it was occasionally officiated for some time and later disappeared as the seat of the services of the cult. The "reduction" works were financed with the proceeds from the sale of the main bell (2) which also made it possible to embellish the altar of the church of San Giovanni Battista, where on 15 December 1752 the painting representing Sant'Andrea, painted by Benedetto Cavallucci of Perugia. Note: 1. See Umberto Pesci, History of Umbertide, Typography R. Fruttini di Gualdo Tadino, year 1932, p. 133 et seq. 2. Archpriest Petrogalli, with the Bishop's permission granted on 10 November 1751, had sold the main bell, weighing 220 pounds, to the Philippine Fathers of Montefalco for 38 scudi. Sources: "Umbertide in the XVIII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide - September 2003 THE MINOR CHURCHES OF FRATTA AND THE PROJECTS The minor churches The church of the Madonna del Moro was located just outside the Borgo Inferiore, in the center of a farm owned by the Savelli family, next to the farmer's house and a well. In 1746 the farm was sold to Bernardino Dell'Uomo with all the annexes and the small chapel followed the fate of the house and the fields. The instead, the small temple of the Madonna del Giglio was located near the Borgo Superiore, in a property of Donna Pellegrini Stella, widow of Giovan Francesco Paolucci. The lady contributed to the maintenance of the chapel with the sum of five scudi a year. On 16 September 1730 she made her will and ordered that, after her death, the heir, who was her nephew, Captain Giovan Tommaso Paolucci, should continue to pay the contribution. In the market area there was a small chapel, also called Chiesina del Boccaiolo , dedicated to the Blessed Virgin. The news comes from very few lines of a notarial deed (1) . The church, which we do not know precisely where it was, was enlarged by Marcantonio Stella who did not have it as a property, but was obliged to maintain it as well as to have one mass said a month and six masses on the 10th. December each year. In front of the church of Sant'Agostino, before entering the Piazza del Mercatale, on the left, stood the Monastery of Santa Maria Nuova with the chapel of Santa Lucia attached to it. When the Monastery was suppressed on July 21, 1787, it continued to be open to worship. It was also called the "church of the blacksmiths" because that corporation had obtained it for use by the Municipality, which in 1787 had become the owner of the entire former monastery. Towards the end of the century, in 1790, it underwent substantial maintenance work for an amount of 140 scudi advanced by Lorenzo Vibi. The intervention suggests that the chapel was still officiated. There is little news about the church of Calatola . It was located in the homonymous farm word, above the hill where the Bertanzi house stands (Villa Pace). The chapel almost certainly belonged to the same family. Church of Sant 'Agostino Shortly before entering Piazza del Mercatale (Piazza Marconi), to the right of whoever descends from Piaggiola, stood the convent of Sant'Agostino and the church of the same name, right in the center of Castelnuovo. The temple was regularly officiated by the Augustinian Fathers who had the responsibility and care of it; it housed several altars, including one dedicated to Sant'Antonio, and communicated with the premises of the convent in the west. Above the ceiling of the church there were two large rooms and on the north side, between the road to Montone and the apse, there was a vegetable garden cultivated by the friars. The church was a thriving center of religious life and faith as long as the Augustinians who were its soul remained there, but when they left Fratta, the church also took second place. The convent, in fact, was suppressed and in 1738 its property, which also included that of the church, passed to the Municipality. The Judiciary of Fratta, in the same year, asked the Bishop of Gubbio for authorization to sell the buildings adjacent to the church. The permission was granted especially since the transfer was destined to remain "in the parish" because the buyer was a priest, Don Silvestro Fanfani, who offered 110 scudi. It was a forced choice since the administrators needed cash to pay the salary of the school teacher, since for several years and after numerous attempts, they had not been able to rent those premises. The church, which showed signs of subsidence in the wall along the road, was the subject of a careful restoration with the construction of a sturdy support spur. Towards the middle of the century, therefore, it was still officiated and was entrusted to the Company of Death. Note: 1) The deed reads: "Remembrance of the faculty given by Mr. Giambattista Bartolelli from Città di Castello to the late Marcantonio Stella of this land to enlarge and expand the church of the Madonna SS.ma di Loreto in the Market. Deed of the notary Michelangelo Cenni di Gubbio , on 15 September 1690, without reserve of patronage ". The projectiles (foundlings) One of the many painful problems of the century, of the previous ones and also of the following one, was the plague of projectiles (or foundlings, or exposed). There were many, more than one can imagine, and in some cases, in addition to the doors of convents, churches and hospitals, where newborns were usually abandoned, revolving drums were also put into operation, communicating with some convent, to to deposit defenseless children, wrapped in poor clothes as best they can. Also in Fratta there was one (1) , near the “scortico”, in the inter portas square that led to the Tiber bridge. It was called "The wheel of the exposed". The painful phenomenon had deep social roots and did not bear the signs of the scarcity of the maternal sense. The mere thought of such a hypothesis would be an offense to feelings and history. The mother was certainly the first person to feel the agony of the dramatic detachment and to swallow drops of daily bitterness at the thought that the fruit of her breast would grow without affection and without caresses. But in a society such as the eighteenth century, in which infant mortality reached very high levels even in the most affluent families, and the darkest poverty gripped a large part of the population, the abandonment of one's creature to a destiny that was hoped to be generous with better assistance, paradoxically it could represent an act of love or, at the very least, an extra hope of survival. History hides, pitiful and discreet, a series of sufferings and dramas that have not touched the palaces of power, the only archives that an ancient and widespread historiographic theory has carefully consulted in its partial research. The Fratta projectiles were taken to Perugia, to the Misericordia hospital, which then sent them to Assisi, where Mons. Caracciolo, since 1739, had created a special hospice. The transport to Perugia, for the weak newborn, already represented a heap of hardships, especially in the winter period, but for the insiders it was a normal practice to be carried out, governed by a series of strict provisions, behaviors and remunerations. (25 baiocchi per trip, for the coachman). Several had to arrive in Perugia if the Prior of that city, on May 14, 1741, sent a recommendation to the Confraternity of Santa Croce which had asked for information on the matter. The letter was long, but we report the most pleasant part, to soften the tints of the drama: "In response from the highly esteemed Loro Loro around the reception and transfer of the Proietti from there to this Hospital of Perugia, there is no difficulty in bringing us those who were born in this Territory of Fratta to be this of the Territory of Perugia, only the diligence remains that they are not from another nearby Territory, or from Città di Castello, or from Gubbio, that these have their Hospitals and there is the order of Monsignor Caracciolo, as they will see to the notification sent to them, as well as being careful that they do not take legitimacy and comply in everything with those orders, to which the due penalties are imposed ". With all the good will it was difficult to establish the provenance and territorial belonging of the projectiles, and if we had some certainty about it, they would no longer be such. Those in charge of this sector did everything they could to entrust them to some local nurse who nursed them in the very first days of life, before making the journey to Perugia, but the death records are pitiless. In 1753 one of them was entrusted to the Briganti family of Polgeto: “Luigi dies, of an uncertain father and mother, ten days old, handed over to Veronica Briganti on January 21st”; "On February 18, 1753 Anna dies, of uncertain father and mother, handed over to Veronica Martinelli to nurse her on February 11"; "On May 9 Maria dies, of uncertain father and mother, handed over to Veronica Martinelli to breastfeed her". And the list goes on, but we prefer to stop here. Just to give an example, in the parish of Sant'Erasmo alone, in 1710, five were collected in front of the church door and six in 1720, to refer only to two years of a religious community that had 600 souls. Note: 1. There was also another one next to the convent of Santa Maria Nuova. The gardener who cultivates the adjacent garden testifies that it was visible until the end of the 1950s. Sources: "Umbertide in the XVIII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide, 2003 PROCUREMENT AND PUBLIC PROPERTIES Procurement Almost all of the taxes were contracted out to a debt collector through a regular competition. The obligation was introduced in 1729 by an Edict of Pope Benedict XIII which remained in force for a large part of the following century. The method used for the award was that of the "virgin candle" described in detail in another volume (1). Some contracts were extraordinary and remained in existence for the duration of the tax, as we have seen for the passage tax; others were fixed because the sector of activity subjected to the tax was permanent, such as that of supplies and some services, and were renewed every three years. They constituted the most reliable and most substantial income for the Municipality. All citizens duly informed by the notice of the announcement posted on the door of the Municipality and by the Balio tubatore could participate in the conduct of the race who, after scraping a few rings of tuba, read the main heads of the announcement through the streets of the castle and in the squares inter portas. In a council meeting of May 27, 1747 the contracts were discussed and thanks to it we were able to know not only which and how many there were, but also the amount that we wanted to obtain. We report them in the same order in which they were exhibited at that meeting: 1. Public Oven Contract 2. Tender for the Land Stamp 3. Procurement of the Carne Stamp 4. Public Slaughterhouse Contract 5. Procurement of the Damage Given 6. Contract of the Salara 7. Oil shop contract 8. Procurement of Measures 9. Procurement of Wood 10. Contract of the Stabbio 11. Procurement of the Foietta 12. Cenciaria contract 13. Tiber Wood Contract. Procurement of the oven The public oven belonged to the Municipality which did not manage it directly, but gave it to contract. In truth, in some short periods of the century, for reasons that escape us, the system of direct management was adopted. We can only exclude that they were of an economic nature, since the average annual gain obtained with self-management was about 40 scudi, while the contract yielded 90. Self-management lost 50 net scudi, to which they were owed add all the management hassles and worries. The contractor, in fact, in addition to the bread making was forced to provide for the purchase of the grain, its grinding; to the wood for the oven, all at his expense, and finally to the bread trade. It was a job that took a lot, especially in an era when there were still no electric ovens, special yeasts and various types of flour already packaged. The frequent change of management of the oven, moreover, indicates that the profit margins were not flattering. In 1710 the contract, always three years, was in the hands of a certain Pietro Antonio Marcellini who had inherited it from Ercolano Fanfani and Giovanni Antonio Agostini. The most lasting management was the one that goes from 1770 to 1781 held by Giovanni Antonio Agostini, perhaps a descendant of the manager we met at the beginning of the century. In the five-year period 1787/1791 the Municipality almost certainly managed it on its own with the results we have illustrated. In the following year the contract was won by Ubaldo Perugini. Towards the end of the century, in 1793, there was an attempt at competition by the Count of Civitella who was determined to open a bakery on the border of his county with the territory of the Municipality of Fratta, right at the point where today Viale Unità d ' Italia intersects with Via Roma, in the place then called Case Nuove. Giuseppe Palchetti had to manage it. The new exercise would have represented a serious blow to the public oven because Civitella did not apply duties to the activities inside its territory. The matter was resolved haphazardly in a meeting between the Count and the First Prior, at the end of which it was decided that things would remain as before. Procurement of the land stamp Even in those days whoever temporarily occupied the public land had to pay a tax to the Municipality. The most typical and recurrent case was that of the itinerant trade. As usual, the Camerlengo did not directly collect the sum and the entire sector was given out on a three-year contract to the highest bidder. In the middle of the century the contract yielded 38 scudi a year. Procurement of the meat and slaughterhouse stamp All the beasts had to be "skinned" at the slaughterhouse. The skins were then left to dry in the sun and the meat, cut into pieces, was subjected to the stamp by the "Bollatore delle Carni". The stamp was a guarantee of safety for the consumer and also of quality among the various types of meat (ox, cow, veal, sheep, mutton, pork, etc.), but above all a tax expedient. The Bollatore was the one who had won the three-year tender and not a veterinarian. Its only role was to withdraw the stamp duties from the butchers and to pay the Municipality an annual fee that was between 30 and 140 scudi per year. The slaughterhouse was also subject to the same regime. This is obviously the public slaughterhouse that the Municipality kept open for calming purposes, while the private butcher had fulfilled his obligation with the payment of the stamp on the meat. The management of the public slaughterhouse was subject to the normal procurement procedure and the winner undertook to pay a fee that averaged around 35 scudi per year (2). In addition to being a contract, the relationship could be configured as a "slaughterhouse rental", but the rules and procedures followed were those of contracts and not those of leases. Since they had to carry out the control function, the prices were agreed with the Municipality. Castrato, for example, had to be sold for 4 baiocchi (twenty quattrini) a pound, but from the first Sunday of Lent until the feast of St. John (24 June) it had to be sold for 21 quattrini a pound. Cow, sheep and goat meat sold for 12 quattrini a pound. The regulation of the contract of 1782 required that during the Christmas holidays all meat had to undergo a reduction, in line with the "social" function that the public slaughterhouse performed. Contract for the damage given and the deposit of the pawns The contractor was responsible for the surveillance and protection of public, movable and immovable property. When they were damaged ("damage given"), his task was to report the person responsible to the Commissioner Judge and to collect the compensation established, if the dispute had not been settled by amicable means. Part of the sum (usually a third) was due to him and the other part was paid into the coffers of the Municipality. It was a type of contract whose revenue was unpredictable and for this reason it was entrusted to the same contractor as the Depositeria dei Pegni, or Monte dei Pegni, as it was more commonly called. Debtors who could not meet their financial obligations often resorted to them, in the absence of the banks, to deposit an object of value and receive a sum in cash. At the set deadline, the depositary withdrew the pledge by paying the amount received with the interest and deposit rights. If this did not happen, as it often did, the pledge remained the property of the contractor who arranged for the sale and withheld the proceeds. The contractor had to have a fair amount of cash to secure the loans and had to be a skilled trader to make the valuation of the assets deposited. The contract paid the Municipality 6 scudi per year approximately. Contract for the salary, oil shop and grocery store Salt was a kind of monopoly in the Papal State and the sales regime was subject to government regulations. The purchase had to take place in the official "Salara", which for the Fratta Community was that of Perugia, or of Fossombrone, Iesi, Fabriano or Ancona, if it did not have one. The amount of the withdrawal was fixed at 36,000 pounds per year, and the local salary was also to serve the municipalities of Preggio, “Castelrigone”, the Badia di Monte Corona, “Pier Antonio” and Pian di Ronzano. For retail outlets, the usual procurement system was used, which in this specific case had a duration of two years, and the "Minister of the Salara", as the contractor was also called (3), had the strict obligation to cover the entire needs of the territory under its jurisdiction, since salt is an indispensable element of very large consumption. With the “Salara”, but in separate tenders, the oil shop and the grocery store were also contracted out. In the first, edible oil was sold and in the second, cured meats, lard and lard, salted meats and cheese. The prices of the products were set by the Defenders and had to be clearly visible on a sign posted in the shop. While we do not know how much the Community earned with the salt contract, the oil shop and the grocery store yielded 20 scudi a year (8 scudi for oil and 12 for other products). Procurement of weight measurements The possibility of weighing quantities of goods over 50 pounds was an exclusive prerogative that belonged to the Nobile Collegio del Cambio of Perugia, which held the monopoly right in this sector. Not being able to exercise it directly, the Noble College contracted it out to the various communities and these, in turn, to a local contractor through the usual tender procedure. "The large steelyard", as the scale was called, was considered a "public weigher" and the receipt issued attested not only the payment of the rights, but also the exact weight of the goods, to be asserted in court in case of disputes. The large steelyard belonged to the Municipality, which had to comply with all the provisions issued by the Collegio del Cambio and the Congregation of the Good Government (CBG) of Perugia. Even private individuals could equip themselves with a similar instrument, which had to be "stamped" by the contractor, that is, subjected to the control and payment of a tax, and was not valid in the event of a dispute, nor could it be lent to others, under penalty of seizure of the "steelyard". Weights under 50 pounds were carried out in all the shops of the time and in private homes, but the scales, in addition to the stamp duty, were subjected to bi-monthly checks. Other contracts Anyone wishing to bring firewood into the village had to pay a tax to the contractor as a "right of entry". The parcels were different in relation to the type of transport that could take place “a some”, that is, on the back of a donkey or mule, or in larger quantities of wagons. Payment in kind was also envisaged with the deposit of a piece of wood next to the entrance door to the castle. Generally the wood came from the cutting of the woods, but there was - also the “del Ponte” one, that is all the trunks that the floods of the Tiber piled up close to the pylons of the bridge. All this material that formed a kind of dam, with a lot of practical sense and foresight, was removed and sold on a systematic basis. Most of the time the contractor was unique, but the " wood of the Bridge " could have a different one from the official one. The streets of the town were haunted by the passage of beasts which, not being angels, deposited their excrements along the way, without much modesty. In an economic system in which nothing was thrown away and everything was recycled, even the “pen” was a useful material. The Municipality contracted out the collection and sale to the highest bidder who, in addition to making a profit, kept the streets of the town clean. The same thing happened with the rags whose collection was contracted out (contract by the cenciaria). The rags then ended up in Fabriano, where a thriving processing industry had existed since then. The pleasure of the "drop" of wine seems to have ancient origins and even goes back to Noah. For the taxman there could not have been a better opportunity. Thus the innkeepers and innkeepers who sold the wine by the minute had to pay the “foietta” tax. Even fishing, in the stretch of the river along the walls, did not escape the tax burden and the fishermen had to pay a kind of "license" to the contractor on duty. These latter contracts did not represent large revenues for the Community. The tax on the fishing license, for example, paid the municipality a shield a year. We do not know about the others, but we are inclined to believe that municipal finances could not be raised with rags, stabbing and wood. Various revenue A few more shields entered the anemic municipal coffers through the leasing of land, of the Shiites, of the houses and shops of public property, but it was very little. The sale of the crushed stone of the Tiber, the foliage of the poplars ( albaroni ), of the willows, of the elms and above all of the morigelsi, planted along the roads and the banks of the waterways, also gave some shields. The breeding of silkworms was widely practiced, even in small quantities in common houses, not to mention the massive production of maggots that were found in the area. The recycled materials of the renovated public properties were also sold, such as bricks, beams, tiles and bent tiles. The Rocca enjoyed direct financing from Perugia of 45 scudi a year, intended for the maintenance costs of the building and the entire complex of the castle walls . There were also chancellery rights at that time and those who needed declarations, certifications or copies of deeds were subjected to the payment of the expected fee. In any case, the proceeds deriving from the various items of income were very often not sufficient to cover the expenses of the Community and recourse to the loan was a constant practice even in those times. As there were no public credit institutions, private individuals were used, which were mostly religious communities. The loan was always guaranteed with the stipulation of a written deed, often with the endorsement of a guarantor and sometimes also with the deposit of a pledge by the guarantor himself. It happened that the Municipality had credits to collect, but they did not constitute an additional income, but the recovery of taxes not paid at the time by the defaulting taxpayer. Public properties In the century in question, the concept of "inventory" did not exist and therefore we do not have a detailed list of municipal property. From the various documents examined, however, it can be deduced that the patrimonial situation of the Municipality was approximately the following: L. Since 1725 there was a community of Monte Acuto with land on the coast of San Giovanni. We do not know for sure what the relationship between the Comunanza and the Municipality of Fratta was, but it is possible that it was a municipal property sold for use to farmers in the area. 2. In 1738 the Municipality became the owner of the church, the building, the gardens and the farm of the former convent of Sant'Agostino. The farm word “ Sant'Agostino ” had an area of 18 mines and three tables; farmhouse, cellar, barn and oven. The rent paid the Municipality 10 scudi a year paid in "two pays", that is, in two half-yearly installments. 3. In 1766 the Municipality owned the "shop of the bridge" which was located in the south-west bastion, that is in the small inter portas square near the bridge over the Tiber. It was rented to Silvestro Somigli with land under the public oven. 4. All the shiites under the castle walls were municipal property and also the environments in which commercial activities of public utility were carried out: oven, salary, flaying. 5. The seat of the municipal residence belonged to the Municipality, namely the Palazzo in the Rocca square and, subsequently, the former Convent of Santa Maria Nuova. 6. A house located in via San Giovanni di Bartolomeo Petrogalli was purchased by the Municipality in 1780. 7. Some registrations of 1798 certify that the following assets are sources of income for the Municipality, and therefore owned by it: • a vegetable garden attached to the municipal house; • a cellar under the municipal house; • a vegetable garden above the castle walls and under the Bruni house; • a vegetable garden in the word Porta Nova; • two pieces of land under the fortress; • two pieces of land at Boccaiolo, under the castle walls; • a shop known as the "old slaughterhouse"; • a large number of mori-mulberry trees on the municipal skies. Note: 1. For the same reason, Montone had to pay 2,500 scudi (Ascani A., Storia di Montone). The news is interesting because it can be deduced that at that time the territory of Fratta was smaller than that of Montone. 2. For the sake of completeness, we report the names of the contractors that result from the records in the Archives: 1774/76 Angelo Mavarelli, 1776 Angelo Nardi from Fiesole, 1779 Gismondo Contadini. 3. In 1745 the contractor was Mattia Degli Arrighi. After him the post was taken on by Bernardino Dell'Uomo. Sources: "Umbertide in the XVIII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide, 2003 Gli appalti e le proprietà pubbliche THE TIBER, THE BRIDGES, THE CASTLE WALLS Work on the area after the bridge The Tiber, silent and lazy, in some circumstances also knew how to be noisy and violent, so much so that, over the course of the century, it caused considerable damage to the banks and the castle walls. The banks along the Montalto area were the hardest hit, in particular the right one where the road to Città di Castello passed. The biggest damage occurred in 1760 when a brick kiln belonging to Count Degli Oddi, then owner of the castle of Montalto, and a long stretch of road were swept away by the current. "The city of Perugia, with the assistance of Mr. Domenico Tickets, factor of the castellano Degli Oddi, made a new road and built a double brush in the place of corrosion ..." But the most dangerous damage occurred to the north and south of the Fratta bridge, right along the castle walls. The river bed then followed a slightly different path, and upstream of the bridge, due to the erosions accumulated over time, the Tiber described a wide loop between the fields, moving away from the primitive route parallel to the road that corresponds to the current one. The current of the waters coming from the north direction rushed through the area of the bridge and threatened to dig an autonomous path, cutting the road and bypassing it on the right bank of the river. In 1758 the erosion reached only fifteen meters from the route of the via tifernate and the risk seemed to materialize with the breakthrough downstream. Fortunately, the phenomenon stopped, otherwise serious troubles would have been produced: the weakened castle defenses, the dry bridge, the compromised weir and large expenses for the adaptation of urban infrastructures to the new route (mills, public wash house, gardens and sewer system ). Therefore, a serious reorganization of the banks was urgent and the first systematic interventions began in 1753. In that year, the Sacred Congregation of the Waters of Perugia sent the engineer Antonio Felice Facci to Val di Chiana, then a marshy area, to carry out no better specified remarks. And since the Fratta was along the route, the technician was also in charge of examining the state of the banks of the Tiber around the castle. On the outward journey he stopped for two days, taking lodging at the Staffa tavern (1) at the expense of the Municipality; on his return trip, on February 17, 1753, he stopped again for three days, always in the same inn and always at the expense of the Municipality. We do not know the report that the engineer presented to the competent Authorities, but something concrete certainly suggested, if at the beginning of 1754 the first expense reports for works of a certain consistency appearing on the right bank of the Tiber, north of the bridge. . The trick used was to reinforce the bank with a palisade of large beams embedded in the ground and connected by thick planks behind which stones and bundles of glass were stowed. The "club" was also ingeniously built to drive the beams into the ground. It consisted of a castle of wooden planks from which a heavy oak trunk was lowered, shod at the edges, which hit the head of the pole. After each stroke the log was hoisted up again by six workers who pulled a sturdy rope wrapped in a pulley and the strokes were repeated until the desired depths were reached. All the timber was supplied by the Camaldolese of Monte Corona. The costs of the works, including technicians' fees, travel and reimbursement of expenses, reached high levels and in 1755 provisional tolls were imposed on every animated being who crossed the bridge. The table of tax levies has come down to us and we are reporting it for information for our readers. Surprisingly, they also paid the people at a rate equivalent to pigs, for reasons of weight and nothing else. People, 3 cash per person per day Beast unloads, cash 6 Charged beast, money 12 Horse-drawn carriage or wagon, baiocchi 4 Pigs, 3 bucks each Sheep, castrated and goats, 2 money each Vaccine, money 6 each In the same year there were important visits. The engineer of the Municipality of Perugia, Pietro Carattoli, the engineer of the Sacred Congregation of Waters, Antonio Felice Facci and a Jesuit, certain Father Ippolito, came to "recognize the state of erosion, draw up the map of the place and check the works". Syrians. The works continued uninterrupted throughout the year and beyond, so much so that on June 22, 1756 another inspection arrived, that of Don Pietro Tassinari. The monsignor left, on 10 July the Tiber organized another ruinous flood which, in addition to damaging the sheltered banks, took away a good quantity of planks stowed in the yard, later recovered in Ponte Felcino. The flood in July made it clear that the defense of the banks alone was not enough to prevent damage and around the sick area the commitment of the administration and technicians for more radical solutions intensified, with surprising timeliness. In March 1758, the engineer of the Municipality of Perugia, Pietro Carattoli, came back to Fratta and drew a new plan of the area in which the construction of an artificial canal was planned to bring the river back to its original layout, parallel to the road, so that close to the city walls it made a bend of 90 ° sufficient to harness the violence of the floods. The works began immediately in May and were almost finished by the end of June (2) . The work gave the desired effect: not only did it lighten the places from the damage of erosion, but the river immediately began to flow in a stable and definitive way in that riverbed which is still its natural bed today. Other floods occurred in 1773 and 1778 which threatened the Tifernate road and the Cistercian mill, but the works carried out considerably limited the damage. The use of manpower was massive and also involved women. Their task was to find the stones to be placed inside the "baskets", a kind of wicker containers, which were used by the workers in charge of sheltering the banks to stabilize the river embankments. The papers tell us that they were 19 and they received six baiocchi a day, almost as much as men. There was also a large group of woodcutters to saw the beams and boards, a team of cable workers to work the hemp and weave the ropes and ribs (sturdy bands of canvas), a handful of men who took care of the poles and these, in all likelihood, they must have been the workers at the poles of the castle of the mace, and a series of other figures of workers and artisans such as carters, masons, shovellers, etc. The most urgent and imposing works for the arrangement of the banks and to avoid damage to the castle were certainly those to the north of the bridge, but the intervention to the south was also necessary and in this sense, since 1752 (3 ), repeated requests were made which had no effect. In 1758, once the work to the north was completed, the pushes began again to fix the stretch of river from the bridge to the Schioppe, the cliff that was then also called "Punta della Genga" (4) . The practice went on very slowly due to evident contrasts between the Municipality, the frontists and the Perugian authorities who had to grant authorization to proceed, as well as an economic contribution. Since 1757 the three frontists - the friars of the convent of San Francesco, the Paolucci family and Count Ranieri di Civitella - had taken steps on their own to stem the banks along their properties. They were even willing to intervene on their own even in the most critical point of the situation, that is, at the mouth of the Palace into the Tiber, with the construction of a masonry "spur" or "guardian". The Municipality, although not very convinced of the solution, agreed because "you don't look a gift horse in the mouth", but Perugia rejected the proposal because it would have worsened the situation. On the contrary, the Sacred Congregation of Waters also contested the works of arrangement of the banks already carried out, inviting the frontists to demolish them. The result was a technical-juridical controversy which lasted for years and which had the sole result of paralyzing every initiative until 1789, when hostilities resumed. This time the experts came forward. The Municipality of Fratta, the city of Perugia and the Camaldolese friars (owners of the land on the right bank of the Tiber) chose Pietro Casimiro Fagliuoli as their expert; the convent of San Francesco, Paolucci and Count Ranieri commissioned the archpriest Don Bartolomeo Borghi, a great expert on the subject. But even the experts did not find an agreement and decided to resort to the arbitration of a well-known professional, a certain Virgilio Bracci, architect and engineer of the Sacred Congregation of the Good Government of Rome, who in those days was in Perugia. The meeting "in spite of the place" took place on 25 October 1789, in the presence of the archpriest Borghi and the abbot Luigi Pacini representing Fagliuoli. After two days of discussions, the dispute ended at the table with the lunch offered by the Camaldolese and a transaction was signed. It was a platonic agreement only because the commitments were never honored. Only two years later, the signed pacts were resumed with the decision to build at the mouth of the Reggia that triangular spur that the wise frontists had already designed in 1757. But when the work began, the Congregation of Waters of Perugia, still allergic to spurs, made it known that it did not intend to participate in the costs as it was due only to the frontists. One thing finally became clear: if the agreed works were to be carried out, the three owners had to bear all the expenses and the engineer Cristoforo Bartoli was promptly sent from Perugia to establish the boundaries of the land and share the shares. The bridges La Fratta was a fortress completely surrounded by water and the bridges were the only means of connection and communication with the surrounding area. Not only that, but since the surrounding countryside is crossed by the Tiber, the Royal Palace and the Carpina, other crossing systems were necessary to join the banks of the waterways and allow greater ease of movement and traffic in the fertile plain that it crossed. the valley. In some cases, considering the costs of a bridge, we relied on the ferry boats, but the Fratta was quite lucky and, in its immediate vicinity, had safe and stable tolls in masonry or wood. The bridge over the Tiber was a masterpiece of engineering, technique and aesthetic taste. It rested on three arches, which constitute the coat of arms of the Municipality of Umbertide and, even after the demolition of the drawbridge of the Porta Saracina, it had not lost its beauty and grandeur. Two sturdy doors guarded its entrances and the small church of Carmelo, located above the central pillar of the valley, invited peace and prayer when the road was all slower. The year of its construction is to be found between 1571 and 1588, at the will of the "Company of the Madonna della Reggia and Madonna del Ponte", entrepreneur of the two aforementioned sites (5) . Another bridge, the one over the Reggia stream in front of the Collegiate Church, played an important role in the town's economy. It connected Montone, the entire plain below and the Borgo Superiore with the center of Fratta and was also open to heavy traffic of animals and wagons. Its structural conditions were precarious because it was all made of wood with the exception of the two masonry heads on which the beams rested. The passage presented some difficulties because the bridge was narrow and without banks and on several occasions the Reggia had the bad taste of giving a few pieces to the Tiber. The spending resolutions for the restoration work were recurring, so much so that on April 4, 1770 the City Council decided to build it from scratch. The work was entrusted to Giovanni Tomassini, a Swiss from Lugano who lived in Gubbio, for a hundred baiocchi. The entrepreneur was known to Fratta because the previous year he had renovated the facade and the interior of the church of San Bernardino to the satisfaction of those who had commissioned the work. The new, wider bridge had sturdy sides and was suitable for carrying greater loads. It offered all the prerequisites of comfort, stability and safety. In the last years of the century the Judiciary of Fratta launched the project for the construction of a second bridge over the Reggia, the one that was to connect the center of the town with the Collegiate Church through a nave of the church of San Giovanni. The bridge will be built in 1807, but the first projects and intervention plans date back to 1794. In the surroundings, then, there were secondary but equally important bridges, such as the bridge over the ditch of Lazzaro and the one over the Fonte Santa. The latter, completely rebuilt in 1799. Further north, on the Montonese road, there was an ancient bridge over the Carpina built since 1294. To these bridges outside the castle must be added those that directly linked the area within the walls with the outside, such as the Piaggiola bridge, which allowed to cross the moat and access the Porta della Campana, and the bridge over the Reggia which allowed access to the Borgo Inferiore (Piazza San Francesco area). The Rocca had a drawbridge that descended over the Reggia and put it in communication with the lawn in front of it. In 1787 it still existed and was used. A note dated 3 September, signed by the Municipal Secretary Giambattista Burelli, stated: “Mr. dr. Giuseppe Paolucci Camerlengo to pay Angelo Gigli paoli four for refurbishment of the drawbridge of the Rocca, which with receipt are forty baiocchi ”. The walls of the Castle The most natural and spontaneous defense system among the ancients was to surround the castle, the village or the city with a robust wall. Sometimes ditches filled with water, palisades or other similar devices were also used in order to curb the impetus of the enemies and immobilize them in front of the obstacle in order to hit them with greater ease and precision from above. The walls therefore were born with the first urban settlements and have developed and strengthened with them, following their historical evolution. On more than one occasion, particularly in large cities, their successive and concentric walls are evident documents of population growth and urban sprawl. The castle of Fratta had only one wall of walls, robust and compact and nature had also endowed it with the natural defense of the water of the Tiber river and the Reggia stream in the area of its confluence with the older brother. Its inhabitants had built an artificial moat in the short stretch free from water, making the castle a fortified islet, with stone edges, among the safest in the area for very long centuries. The maintenance and repair of the city walls was always a meticulous commitment for the inhabitants and administrators of all times, well aware that it was a priority asset, essential for the survival of the community. For the Fratta the part most exposed to the wear and tear of the corrosive pressure of the waters was the stretch along the course of the Tiber. On several occasions it had suffered damage and had recourse to repairs, but the flood of 1736 was particularly devastating. He dragged out 1,600 square feet of walls and four houses that stood on them. The appraisal, immediately prepared for the repair of the damage, established the total amount of expenses at 1,032 scudi. It was a high figure that the local community, alone, could not have met and the Pope was turned to for the granting of an extraordinary contribution. Clement XII declared himself willing to provide 500 scudi on condition that the other 532 provided the inhabitants. And so it was. Having found the money, the reconstruction machine started with the purchase of the necessary material and the preparation of the construction site. The contract for the work fell to Bartolomeo Ferrati of Rome (6) and the direction was entrusted to Cesare Francesconi della Fratta. The excavation of the foundations began on 15 September 1739. Some financing problems arose immediately because at the end of the year the Pope had not yet granted the promised contribution. The Defenders of Fratta approached the representative of the community in Rome, a certain Mariotti, to act as intermediary for the handling of the file. We do not know if the choice was happy, the fact is that Mariotti made it known that "... the Pope was in a very bad state and almost sent to the doctors", taking care to add that if he died it would be more difficult to get the contribution and advised to get busy quickly, as if in the Roman Curia there were no offices in charge of dealing with the commitments undertaken, regardless of the Pope's health. Mariotti certainly did not have those "entrances" that his fellow citizens attributed to him and for which they paid him and he suggested asking others what they had rightly asked of him. It often happens that when you need a favor, the person you are addressing, instead of giving us a hand, submerges us under a heap of thoughtful advice, thankfully free. One thing, however, got it right: Clement XII died on February 16, 1740. A few years later, Mariotti was replaced by Giacomo Guadagni, a more authoritative and introduced Abbot who moved with greater agility in the offices of the Quirinale. The papers do not tell us what happened to the Pope's contribution that certainly arrived, otherwise we would have found traces of increased taxes in subsequent years and also on the reconstructed walls a plaque was affixed with the inscription "Clement XII - Pontiff Maximus - MDCCXXXIX" ( 1739) which testifies to a direct economic intervention by the Pope. The building intervention gave stability and safety to our walls precisely in that stretch where the thrust of the current was greatest, at the beginning of the sudden swerve of about ninety degrees that the Tiber makes before passing under the bridge. The abrupt change of direction makes us guess the nature of the ground below at that point. The castle of Fratta rises on a resistant conglomerate base that forces the Tiber to deviate its course in an almost unnatural way. Its consistency, as well as ensuring stability to the urban center and its walls, protects the buildings and their basements from the infiltration of humidity typical of the most permeable soils. The notarial deeds relating to the sale of properties located along the walls describe in a precise manner their characteristics and the neighboring strip of land. All the houses with the front in Via Diritta, in the rear part, bordered the fence, the municipal skids and the walls. The fence was not attached to the houses, but was separated from them for logistical reasons. Between it and the back of the houses ran a strip of land that formed a street or path. Later, in the west of the castle, the path will become Via delle Petresche and then Via Spunta. The space between the fence and the walls constituted, on the other hand, the "municipal shito", publicly owned which, in the distant past, was used for military defense purposes. At the beginning of the century, however, construction began on this area, reaching as far as the walls. The four houses that the flood of 1736 demolished are clear proof of this. The following graph reconstructs the characteristics of the castle walls. The design was made on the basis of what the notary Filippo Maria Savelli, della Fratta affirms, on 12 March 1768 in his notarial deed relating to the sale of a house. Note: 1. It is the only reference we have about the existence of this inn. In all likelihood it is the one that will be managed by Romitelli in the following century. 2. In a letter dated June 24, 1758 it is said: "... the work of the new cut is carried out almost to an excellent end". 3. Between 1752 and 1758 five reminder letters were written which can be found in the Augusta Library in Perugia among the "papers of Pietro Giacomo Mariotti". 4. The genga is a limestone rock for which the expression is scientifically more correct than others to indicate a cliff. It is used in the report of the engineer Cristoforo Bartoli of 1791 and in a notarial deed of the notary Giovan Battista Burelli, also of 1791. 5. In 1571 the Depositary of the “Company of the Madonna della Reggia (see the book Revenue and Expenses 1565/1571) and of the Madonna del Ponte” paid for some materials taken to accommodate (prepare) the pylon on which the church will have to support. In the year 1588, another recording tells us that a painting already existing in the Majesty which was at the beginning of the bridge is brought to the said Chapel. On that day the Confessor reminds us that the Chapel was not yet finished. In fact, it does not appear even in the drawing by Piccolpasso, dated 1565. 6. The Roman master mason came with a team made up of two masons and two unskilled workers (apprentices). He perceived in all (daily) paoli 14.50 (equivalent to scudi 1.45, i.e. baiocchi 145) divided by him as follows: baj 75 for him, baj 25 for each bricklayer and baj 10 for each boy, for a daily total of 145 baiocchi. Sources: "Umbertide in the XVIII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide - Gesp, 2003 Il Tevere, i ponti, le mura del Castello IL SISTEMA ELETTORALE COMUNALE Al centro della vita democratica del tempo c'era un bussolotto che faceva girare le palle. Di esso abbiamo ampiamente parlato in un altro volume, al quale rimandiamo il lettore per evitare di ripeterci. Qui esporremo solo le procedure tipiche dell'epoca, avvertendo che quanto diremo è il resoconto del rinnovo del Bussolo del 17 luglio 1783: "Rinnovare il Bussolo" era sinonimo di "predisporre la lista virtuale" di coloro che avrebbero dovuto amministrare il pubblico bene per i due anni successivi. Alla fine di ogni biennio esso veniva "rinnovato", inserendo nella cavità delle palle di legno poste al suo interno, un foglietto con i nominativi degli uomini destinati all'incarico. Non si trattava di eleggere solo i Difensori, che duravano in carica quattro mesi, ma anche i Consultori della Sanità, un triumvirato del primo Ceto con incarico biennale; i Sindacatori (Sindaci Revisori), una coppia con incarico annuale; i Terminatori e Stimatori (Quasi sicuramente si trattava di persone esperte nei confini catastali e nelle valutazioni dei beni mobili e immobili. Dopo la metà del secolo lentamente scompaiono), un'altra coppia con incarico biennale; i Portinari, due custodi, uno per la porta sud e l'altro per la porta del Mercato, che restavano in carica due anni; i Sindaci, una coppia con incarico annuale. Per questo motivo le palle, tutte uguali nelle dimensioni, erano contraddistinte da un'etichetta che indicava la categoria dei nomi contenuti: "Difensori, "Sindaci", "Portinari", ecc. per essere individuate al momento del sorteggio. Ma seguiamo da vicino il rinnovo del Bussolo del 17 luglio 1783 per avere un'idea diretta e precisa della procedura adottata. Si doveva, prima di tutto, rinnovare la Magistratura, ossia i Difensori, la carica più importante, che aveva una durata quadrimestrale e gli Imbussolatori avevano perciò a disposizione sei palle, entro ognuna delle quali dovevano inserire il biglietto con una quaterna di nomi. Ogni Ceto o "Sfera" indicava i suoi. Dei quattro, uno doveva appartenere al primo Ceto, ed era di diritto Capo di Magistrato, gli altri tre al secondo. Nella prima votazione furono indicati: Giuseppe Paolucci, Vincenzo Martinelli, Mattia Massi ed Angelo Gigli. Questa quaterna, di cui Paolucci del primo Ceto sarebbe stato il Capo, fu scritta in un foglietto, chiusa dentro la palla contrassegnata con l'etichetta "Difensori" e imbussolata. A questi signori, quattro mesi di governo cittadino da scontare quando sarebbero stati estratti, non li toglieva nessuno. Si passò alla seconda quaterna seguendo la stessa procedura e furono indicati: Angelo Cristiani, Giovan Battista Guerrini, Giovanni Montanucci e Silvestro Martinelli. La terza quaterna dette il seguente esito: Giuseppe Bertanzi, Angelo Ciangottini, Filippo Legnetti e Vincenzo Iotti. Man mano che veniva definita una quaterna, e dopo aver compiuto le operazioni di rito, si imbussolava la palla. A questo punto il Bussolo conteneva già tre palle. La quarta votazione dette il seguente risultato: Giuseppe Cerboncelli, Vittorio Ceccarelli, Pietro Crosti e Maurizio Pucci. La quinta votazione sentenziò: Giovan Battista Burchi, Lorenzo Gigli, Ubaldo Perugini e Pietro Bruni. La sesta e ultima votazione indicò: Giovan Maria Criacci, Gabriele Dell'Uomo, Donino Passalbuoni e Antonio Martinelli. Ora nel Bussolo si trovavano tutte e sei le palle dei Difensori e ogni quadrimestre ne sarebbe stata estratta una che conteneva i quattro componenti della "Giunta" cui spettava la guida del Comune. Si passò alla designazione dei tre Conservatori della Sanità, tutti possidenti appartenenti al primo Ceto, che dovendo restare in carica due anni, come il Bussolo, non vennero imbussolati. Lo stesso criterio fu usato per i tre Terminatori e Stimatori e per i due Portinari. Le due coppie di Sindicatori, con incarico annuale, furono nominate, scritte sul foglietto, chiuse nella palla e imbussolate. A questo punto nel Bussolo c'erano otto palle che diventarono dieci con le due coppie di Sindaci. Le operazioni erano terminate ed il Bussolo, completamente rinnovato, conteneva dieci palle. Al suo interno fu inserito anche il foglio degli "Spicciolati", una lista di riserva, divisa per ceti, da usare nel caso in cui, al momento dell'estrazione della palla, uno dei nomi ivi compresi non fosse più in grado di accettare l'incarico o perché malato o passato a miglior vita. Le elezioni erano finite e per due anni tutti i principali ruoli del governo cittadino erano assicurati dentro le palle. Riflessioni "elettorali" I metodi con cui venivano scelti gli amministratori e gli altri titolari di incarichi importanti nella Fratta del 1700 non sono nemmeno lontani parenti del sistema elettivo attuale. Ci siamo espressi con termini quali "elezione" e "sistema elettorale" solo per usare un linguaggio di uso comune e perciò comprensibile a tutti. Non sarà sfuggito ai nostri lettori che non esiste il minimo accenno alla procedura con cui veniva eletto il Consiglio Comunale Generale. L’accenno non c'è, perché non l'abbiamo trovato. Ma si può ragionevolmente affermare che quel Consiglio fosse l'espressione delle indicazioni assembleari dei due Ceti, riuniti separatamente, come avverrà nel secolo successivo. Non si hanno notizie nemmeno circa la sua durata e il rapporto distributivo dei Consiglieri tra i due Ceti, ma è legittimo sostenere che esso durasse quattro anni e che i membri del secondo Ceto fossero in misura doppia di quelli del primo, come nel secolo successivo. Anche la proporzione tra i Difensori legittima un'ipotesi simile. Del resto in un sistema politico immobile, come quello dello Stato Pontificio, in cui il precedente costituiva prassi duratura per il futuro, non è da escludere che i meccanismi in vigore agli inizi del secolo XIX fossero gli stessi del secolo precedente. L’avvicendamento avveniva quasi certamente con sostituzioni di aliquote quadrimestrali, in modo che al termine della legislatura il Consiglio fosse completamente rinnovato. Pur nei limiti di una rappresentanza ristretta, il sistema era ingegnoso e finalizzato ad assicurare continuità e stabilità all'amministrazione del territorio. Le notizie sugli organi di rappresentanza sono comunque pochissime. Dati i tempi, era infatti superfluo trattare un argomento che si giocavano tra loro solo una ventina di famiglie. Il paragrafo precedente dedica un ampio spazio al resoconto della riunione consiliare del 17 luglio 1783, che si occupò del rinnovo del Bussolo. È una delle rare occasioni in cui il secolo, avaro di notizie politiche, diventa generoso. Prima ancora, i1 20 ottobre del 1743, ci fu un'altra importante riunione consiliare che offre molti spunti di riflessione. Il rinnovo del Bussolo, nella sua disarmante trasparenza e semplicità, dovrebbe aver creato non pochi problemi, litigi laceranti e destabilizzanti ricorsi. Si viveva, insomma, in un clima di incertezze e di sospetti anche perché, in assenza di una normativa precisa, ci si rifaceva alle usanze e alle disposizioni precedenti. Le une e le altre venivano invocate, quando faceva comodo, dai personaggi più abili e interessati. Le cose stavano arrivando ad un punto di non ritorno e nella riunione dell'ottobre 1743, il Consiglio nominò una Commissione paritetica, composta da tre Consiglieri del primo Ceto e da tre del secondo, per elaborare una nuova bozza di Regolamento sul rinnovo del Bussolo e su altri problemi, da sottoporre poi all'approvazione del Consiglio Generale. I poteri conferiti ai Commissari erano ampi e andavano dal ripristino delle prassi "passate", all'adozione di misure nuove da adattarsi "alle circostanze de presenti tempi". La Commissione, presieduta da Filippo Maria Savelli, era composta da Cesare Francesconi, Bartolomeo Petrogalli, Domenico Franceschini, Francesco Guerrini e Carlo Vibi. La bozza di Regolamento, riportata per intero alla fine di questo capitolo, i1 6 dicembre del 1743 era pronta e si presume che fosse sottoposta all'esame del Consiglio Generale nella riunione successiva. I sette capitoli di cui si compone, nel loro stile involuto e tra ardite contorsioni concettuali che fanno invidia a un'odalisca, denunciano molti aspetti del costume del tempo. Senza dubbio, ci sarà stata anche la necessità di maggiore trasparenza e di moralizzazione della vita amministrativa, ma certe sassate impietose, scagliate con troppo disordine, sono sospette e sorprendono non poco: "... perché attesa la scarsezza degli uomini intelligenti e capaci e la molteplicità delle persone meno idonee, ne avviene che il più delle volte fannosi risoluzioni poco profittevoli agli interessi pubblici... ". Possiamo concordare sulla "idoneità", dal momento che non tutti sono portati per la vita politica; meno sull'intelligenza che è una dote di più difficile lettura; quanto alla posposizione del bene pubblico al privato, è un problema di etica politica e non di attitudini o di intelligenza. La furbastria ha un albero genealogico lungo e ramificato ed in questo il `700 ha anticipato i tempi. Senza dire che un giudizio del genere, approvato dal Consiglio comunale, si ritorceva con effetto autolesionistico su se stesso ed in particolare sul primo ceto, costituito al massimo da quattro decine di famiglie e sul secondo che ne contava poche di più. Non sappiamo se quel regolamento si applicò veramente. Il resoconto del rinnovo del Bussolo, riportato nel paragrafo precedente, ad esempio, ne è la violazione palese a distanza di soli quarant'anni dalla sua adozione. In quella circostanza, tutte le indicazioni avvennero per "ballottazione", cioè per votazione consiliare, ed era proprio quello che esso vietava, affidando ad una Commissione ristretta di soli tre imbussolatori la scelta dei nomi, con l'obbligo strano di mantenere la massima segretezza. È chiaro che si sarebbe trattato del segreto di Pulcinella, anche in considerazione del fatto che il mercato delle persone "intelligenti e capaci" disponeva di pochi scampoli di rimanenza. L'introduzione di un accorgimento inutile sta forse a significare che 1'ufficializzazione delle quaterne dei Difensori o degli altri incarichi del biennio, sollecitava attese del turno "amico" o più "arrendevole" o comunque del momento più opportuno per effettuare poco commendevoli manovre. Così, affidandoci alla riservatezza degli Imbussolatori, si salvava la forma ma la sostanza rimaneva immutata, come spesso succede tra gli umani, e l'estrazione sarebbe diventata davvero una tombola. Il Regolamento, inoltre, dava per scontata una prassi che a distanza di due secoli appare poco chiara, quando affermava che i quattro Difensori dovevano essere "uno per Sfera". Nel lessico usato, sembra assodato che il termine "Sfera" sia sinonimo di "Ceto" ed i ceti che godevano del diritto elettorale attivo e passivo erano solamente due. Come mai le "Sfere" diventano quattro? L'unica spiegazione plausibile è riposta nel fatto che mentre la prima sfera era molto ristretta ed omogenea perché l'appartenenza richiedeva il solo requisito del "possesso", la seconda era più eterogenea in quanto agli Artisti appartenevano non solo gli artigiani, ma anche i commercianti e i professionisti (medici, chirurghi, farmacisti, veterinari, avvocati, notai, preti, ecc.). Non si può escludere, pertanto, che all'interno di questo Ceto una prassi condivisa e consolidata stabilisse che i tre Difensori spettanti appartenessero ad ognuna delle tre categorie costituenti la "Sfera". Un'altra constatazione che ci convince della non applicazione del nuovo Regolamento sta nel fatto che il Bussolo avrebbe dovuto contenere 17 palle, invece ne furono inserite solamente 10, e non figurano più alcuni incarichi importanti come quello di Ufficiale della Madonna SS.ma della Reggia. La nomina dei "salariati" aveva procurato molte "turbolenze" a causa delle raccomandazioni, un vezzo dalle lontane radici che qualcuno fa risalire alla nostra Religione che ha codificato il ruolo intermediario dei Santi presso Dio (N.d.R.: Avere qualche Santo in Paradiso) e sotto questo profilo occorre riconoscere che le nostre radici religiose sono lontane e resistenti. Per eliminare il vezzo delle raccomandazioni vengono dettate misure severe quanto inutili e inapplicabili poiché è difficile stabilire il limite tra la raccomandazione e la segnalazione dei titoli di capacità e di merito, richiamate dal Regolamento, se non si precisano i sistemi per documentarli. Tanto per finire ricordiamo che le disposizioni regolamentari stabilirono la possibilità di imbussolare "padre e figlio" e "due fratelli", purché in palle diverse "attesa la suddetta mancanza di persone capaci". Non si può certo dire che quei Signori Consiglieri mancassero di autostima. Del resto basta dare uno sguardo all'elenco dei Difensori per accorgerci che gli intelligenti e i capaci appartenevano solo a un paio di decine di famiglie. Adesso si capisce perché quelli bravi erano tanto pochi! RIUNIONE CONSILIARE DELLA COMUNITÀ PER DECIDERE SUL NUOVO BUSSOLO E CAPITOLATO RELATIVO In Dei Nomine Amen - Die 20 Octobris 1743. Convocatum et celebratum fuit publicum et generale Consilium per illustris Comm(unitatis) Insignis Terrae Fractae Perusiae more solito intimati cum interventu, et assistentia per Ill(ustris) Dom. Francisci Ghezzi Commissarii, in quo quidam Consilio interfuerunt infras(criptii)… Illu. Dom. Joseph de Sabelli Caput Officii Laurentius Martinelli Anselmus Donatuti Petrus Ant. Guerrini Ill. Dom. Philippus de Sabellis Franciscus Guerrini Carolus de Vibis Joseph Andreas Milanesi Dom. Franciscus Francisconi Joseph Matthias Cristiani Joseph Bernardinus de Homine Petrus Joseph Lestini Raimundus Rotelli Bartholomeus Petrogalli Caietanus Molinari Laurentius Gigli Philippus Roni Dominicus Franceschini Constantinus Pignani Augustinus Bettelli Franciscus Passalboni Carolus Ant. Francesconi Dominicus Paganelli ... de Consilio... et notum in eo habent ed illud totum representa ; et pro absen. si qui... promittentes. Et omissis aliis de voluntate reperiuntur infrascripta videlicet. Dom. Dominicus Franceschini in aringo eius med. ... dixit.... Intra. Vedendosi questo nostro Consiglio posto in molta confusione attesi i vicendevoli ricorsi fatti da diverse persone circa la Rinnovazione del Bussolo, numero dei Difensori, ed altre cose appartenenti a questo Consiglio, e non potendo fare a meno che questa Comunità non sia per risentirne gravi pregiudizi da questa discrepanza di voleri, sarei di sentimento pro bono pacis, ed in vantaggio del Pubblico et del Privato, che si eleggessero sei persone delle più capaci e dare a questi la facoltà di accomodare le differenze suddette; col darli anche l'arbitrio di rimettere in pristino molte buone e sagge disposizioni del nostro Statuto e rispettivamente de Signori passati Superiori, concedendoli anche la libertà di accomodare tali procedimenti alle circostanze dei presenti tempi e di fare insomma tutto ciò che li parerà opportuno per bon regolamento di questa Comunità con sottoporre poi alla Sag... questa loro... acciò si degni approvarlo e perché abbia la piena forza e debba essere osservato da tutti ed in tal modo credo che si darà fine alle liti e si rimetteranno gli animi in quiete, come tutti desiderano. Rimettendomi... [seguono due righe in latino]. A chi pare e piace di aprire il suddetto Aringo e di dare alli signori Difensori la facoltà di nominare sei persone tre della prima Sfera, tre della seconda in effetto suddetto, dia la palla bianca in favore, e a chi non piace, la negra in contrario. Tunc distribuitis et re... fuerunt reperta nota albe ri dece et nove, et unum nigrum... Post modum vigere... nominarunt... Cesare de Francescani, Bartholomeus Petrogalli, et Philippus de Sabellis, et Dominicus Franceschini, Franciscus Guerrini et Carolus de Vibis. Iterum de... A chi pare e piace di lor signori di approvare gli uomini nominati come sopra e dargli tutte le facoltà necessarie et opportune come sopra, dia la palla bianca in favore e a chi non piace, la negra in contrario. Tunc distribuitie e recollectis de more suffragia fuerunt reperta vota alba favorabilia viginta…" MODO DI FORMARE IL NUOVO BUSSOLO Capitolo I Primieramente, a tenore delle enunciate facoltà, si determina e stabilisce che essendo già determinata l'estrazione delle Palle degli Officiali di questa Comunità un mese prima che termini l'amministrazione delli Difensori estratti nell'ultima Palla, debba radunarsi il Consiglio nel modo e forma che dirassi in appresso ed ivi il Signor Capo d'Offizio dovrà nominare per primo un bussolatore uno della sua Sfera, il secondo e terzo Difensore un altro per ciascuno della sua Sfera, e dandosi il caso che alcuna delle persone nominate non fossero presenti al Consiglio, dovrà immediatamente mandarsi a chiamare da Donzelli ed in caso di legittimo impedimento dovrà nominarsi altro in suo luogo e, stabiliti che saranno gli imbussolatori, dovranno questi, doppo licenziato il Consiglio, rimanere in Palazzo col Signor Commissario e Segretario per formare il nuovo bussolo, quale dovrà rifarsi perpetuamente per soli due anni, sotto pena di nullità, e dovrà farsi di comune consenso, invocato prima l'aiuto dell'Altissimo e prestato il solito giuramento di prescegliere i più atti ed idonei, rimossa ogni privata passione e di tener segreta l'elezione fatta conforme costumasi e ritenuta convenientemente la facoltà al Capo Imbussolatore di prescegliere i Capi, in caso che il secondo e terzo imbussolatore non volessero convenire col primo e richiedessero che si ballottassero per voti le persone da eleggersi. Il Bussolo poi dovrà contenere sei Palle delli Difensori da durare ciascuna mesi quattro; una Palla delli tre Conservatori della Sanità o Consultori della Comunità da durare tutto il biennio; due Palle degli Officiali della Madonna SS.ma della Reggia, da durare un anno l'una; due Palle delli Sindacatori; altre due delli Stimatori Pubblici; altre due delli Portinari; due delli Sindaci, parimente da durare un anno per ciascuna, conforme si è sempre costumato, col fare anche i nomi de Spicciolati. Capitolo Il Delli Difensori e Conservatori della Sanità Dovranno in ogni palla imbussolarsi quattro Difensori cioè uno per Sfera delle persone più capaci e discrete e che possiedono qualche stabile di proprio, giacché nelle presenti circostanze non puol pienamente adempirsi la mente del nostro Statuto che determina che nessuno possa essere eletto Difensore che non possieda almeno 30 di Scovere, determinandosi ancorché oltre alla possidenza debba essere ancora unita la capacità, ad effetto, che siano ben regolati i pubblici affari, il tutto sotto pena della nullità, a tenore del medesimo Statuto. Si dovrà inoltre formare, come si disse, la Palla delli tre Conservatori della Sanità, o Commissari della Comunità, quali dovranno durare per fin che saranno compite le Palle delli Difensori, e questi dovranno sempre essere della prima Sfera, sotto pena di nullità, e persone non imbussolate se sia possibile in altri Offizi, la incombenza dei quali sarà di intervenire al Consiglio tutte le volte che saranno invitati, e di sopra intendere alla custodia delle porte in tempi di contagi e sospetti, di attendere alla restaurazione delle mura, ponti e fonti con l'assenso però dei Difensori, sotto pena a quelli che ricusassero di comparire al loro Uffizio d'uno scudo per ciascuna volta da applicarsi dal Signor Commissario, non essendo scusati dal legittimo impedimento dichiarandosi inoltre che non potranno gli Imbussolatori sotto la pena suddetta aggiungere alcuna persona al numero dei Consiglieri, né mutarle dalle loro Sfere e gradi ma solo sia lecito agli stessi Imbussolatori l'imbussolarsi per loro in caso di mancanza di persone. Capitolo III Delli Consiglieri particolari delli Difensori Per miglior provedimento degli affari pubblici si determina e stabilisce che ogni Difensore debba avere il suo Consigliere e questi debbano essere quelle persone medesime che sono stati Difensori nella Palla immediatamente antecedente, per essere essi meglio informati dei pubblici interessi e dandosi il caso che nella prima Palla che si estrae finito il Consiglio, uscisse per Difensore alcuno delli Difensori della Palla antecedente, in tal caso anche il suo Consigliere debba proseguire nel suo officio per altri quattro mesi, se pure questo accidente non si dasse in uno dei tre Conservatori della Sanità nel qual caso dovrà surrogarsi dalli Signori Difensori altro nel suo luogo. Il che dovrassi sempre osservare quando per accidente o per mancanza di Soggetti una delle persone fosse imbussolata in Offici contemporaneamente. L’incombenza poi per tutti suddetti Consiglieri sarà di dire il loro parere in tutti li consigli dopo che dal Segretario sarannosi proposti gl'affari da risolversi e non potranno consigliare fuori del luogo destinato e se prima non averanno prestato il solito giuramento de bene et fidate liber consulendo e se non volessero consigliare vi potranno essere forzati sotto pena d'uno scudo d'applicarsi come sopra, restando dopo di loro la facoltà alli Conservatori della Sanità di dire il loro parere approvando il sentimento di Consiglieri secondo le sarà dato dalla coscienza, sempre però prestando il suddetto giuramento, senza di cui non devrassi scrivere il sentimento e consiglio veruno. Capitolo IV Del modo di convocare e celebrare il Consiglio Perché attesa la scarsezza degl'uomini intelligenti e capaci e la molteplicità delle persone meno idonee, ne avviene che il più delle volte fannosi risoluzioni poco profittevoli agl'interessi pubblici, si determina e stabilisce a tenore delli statuti e disposizioni, che in tutte le occorrenze della Comunità debba convocarsi il Consiglio composto di dodici Persone ed inoltre con l'intervento del Signor Commissario, e questi saranno li quattro Difensori, li quattro Consiglieri, li tre Conservatori della Sanità, ed il Camerlengo del Pubblico e questo Consiglio avrà tutte le facoltà di risolvere, determinare, decidere e far tutto ciò che puol fare il Consiglio Generale fuorché in materia di nuove imposizioni, prezzi d'Abbondanza, introduzione di litigi ed altri gravissimi emergenti per i quali dovrassi convocare il Consiglio delle 42 persone, senza intervento del Signor Commissario a solo fine di ben digerire le materie d'importanza da discorrersi nel Generale Consiglio, e tutto ciò a tenore di diverse risoluzioni fatte nei Pubblici Consigli ed approvate dalli Presidi di Perugia fin dal 1620, come si raccoglie da libri dei suddetti Consigli e dallo Statuto rispettivamente a quali si rimanda. Per convocare poi e celebrare validamente il suddetto Consiglio si determina che il giorno avanti debbano per ordine delli Signori Difensori invitarsi dalli Donzelli tutti quelli che dovranno intervenire e dandosi l'accidente che qualcuno fosse legittimamente impedito, li Signori Difensori avranno la facoltà di surrogare un altro della medesima Sfera nel luogo della persona impedita il che parimente dovrà farsi tute le volte che nel Consiglio dovesse trattarsi dell'interesse particolare d'alcuna delle 42 Persone sopra nominate, non volendo che la persona interessata possa in nessun conto intervenire al Consiglio sotto pena di nullità del medesimo a tenore delle suddette statutarie disposizioni. Stabilito poi che debba farsi all'ora determinata il giorno seguente il Consiglio, dovrà la sera innanzi dalli Signori Difensori farsi dar ordine al Campanaro del Pubblico che suoni all'Ave Maria, senz'altro segno, mezz'ora prima dell'ora determinata per il Consiglio si diano dodici tocchi alla Campana del Pubblico, che sarà il segno della convocazione del Consiglio delli 12 lasciando nel solito stile il modo di convocare il Consiglio Generale, come costumasi di presente. In caso poi che le persone che dovranno intervenire al Consiglio delli 12 ricusassero d'intervenirvi all'ora determinata, non avendo legittimo impedimento da approvarsi dal Signor Commissario si determina e stabilisce che debbano essere puniti nella pena di uno scudo di moneta romana da applicarsi dal detto Signor Commissario, nella qual pena parimente incorreranno quelli che non avendo riguardo al luogo e alle persone ardissero discorrere temerariamente profferendo parole ingiuriose contro alcuno dei presenti in Consiglio, qual pena dovrà duplicarsi in caso che l'ingiuria fosse fatta ad alcuno delli Difensori, volendo che si discorra con tutta la modestia e solo degli affari pubblici nel luogo destinato e non altrove, tenuto conto di ogni umano rispetto, conforme ordina il suddetto Statuto al quale si rimanda. Attesa poi la suddetta mancanza di persone capaci si determina e stabilisce a tenore degli ordini ultimamente emanati da Mons. Enriquez Giud. Dep. della Sagra Consulta, che possano imbussolarsi due fratelli, padre e figlio d'una medesima casa, in diverse Palle però, e che questi nel Consiglio delli 12 abbiano unitamente il voto per non diminuire in modo alcuno il numero dei voti che dorassi sempre mantenere integro; determinando che nella ballottazione il partito s'intenda vinto per voti otto favorevoli e non altrimenti. Capitolo V Delli salariati Perché nel elezione di Medico, Chirurgo, Predicatori ed altri salariati sono in questa Comunità varie volte accadute varie turbolenze ed inconvenienti a cagione delle raccomandazioni procurate dai medesimi concorrenti, si determina e stabilisce che non possa essere ammesso alcuno a pubblici uffizi quando voglia impetrarli con loro commendatizie, ma si abbia solo riguardo a requisiti e meriti del concorrente, e perciò ne meno alcuno del Consiglio possa far pratica per unire li voti dovendo ciascuno votare a tenore de dettami della propria coscienza, avendo così altre volte decretato li Signori Superiori con lettere; a quali essi determinandosi in oltre che li salariati, dovendosi riproporre, si faccia due mesi prima che spiri l'anno dal giorno della loro elezione, acciò rimanendo esclusi possa la Commissione provvedersi d'altro soggetto che presti la debita servitù a se stessa ed agli abitanti del luogo. Capitolo VI Della rinnovazione di alcune pene Si stabilisce in oltre, che qualunque persona commettesse fraude in pregiudizio di privativa, che gode questo Pubblico nei suoi proventi, o de i detti loro appaltatori, possa e debba dal Consiglio de i 12, coll'attestato d'un testimonio degno di fede, procedere unitamente col Signor Commissario a privare il suddetto defraudatore di Medico, Chirurgo, Maestro di Scuola e d'ogni grazia e favore che potesse concedere questo luogo e ciò a onore di quanto anno altre volte stabilito li Signori Superiori, qual pena dovrà anche infliggersi contro quelli che senza legittimo impedimento e privi di sufficiente privilegio, vi ricusassero di accettare gl'Uffizi Pubblici, non essendo giusto che riceva benefizi da questa Comunità chi si mostra ingrato in servirla nelle sue occorrenze. Capitolo VII Del acompagno del Magistrato nelle pubbliche funzioni Si determina finalmente che in congiunzione, cioè in occasione, delle solennità dei nostri SS. Avvocati (Santi Protettori del paese), ed altre solite Sagre Funzioni debba sempre portarsi il Magistrato in Corpo a visitare le chiese consuete, ancorché sia sospesa quella ricognizione che era solita darsi in tal congiunzione, cioè occasione, e acciò a tenore del costume sin ora osservato e molto più perché non si manchi di prestare il debbito onore all'Altissimo e nostri SS. Avvocati e Protettori e in tal congiuntura debbano i salariati e Consiglieri necessariamente intervenire all'accompagno del Magistrato, assieme con gl'altri uomini della Comunità con abito e ferraiolo negro e con quella maggior decenza che li sarà permesso, altrimenti potranno essere rigettati indietro e puniti ad arbitrio del Signor Commissario e ciò per maggiore decoro del Pubblico e di tutto il Paese. Quali capitoli come sopra stabiliti approvati che benignamente saranno dalla Sagra Consulta, vogliamo che siano inviolabilmente osservati, né sia lecito ad alcuno il mutarli senza il preventivo assenso della detta Sagra Consulta e del Generale e Particolare Consiglio. In fede li abbiamo sottoscritti di nostro carattere adì 6 dicembre del 1743. Io Filippo Maria Savelli Deputato mano propria Io Cesare Francesconi Deputato ma. pr. Io Bartolomeo Petrogalli Deputato ma. pr . Io Domenico Franceschini Deputato ma. pr . Io Francesco Guerrini Deputato ma. pr. Io Carlo Vibi Deputato ma. pr. [Seguono poi sei righe che si riferiscono alla stesura del documento stilate da un notaio, quasi sicuramente il notaio Burelli, e datate 17 giugno 1794, cioè 51 anni dopo. Esse sono siglate con il timbro "IBBN" che è quello di Burelli (Iohannes Baptista Burelli Notaio)]. FONTI: “Umbertide nel secolo XVIII” di Renato Codovini e Roberto Sciurpa – Comune di Umbertide, 2003 Il sistema elettorale comunale

The historic calendars of Umbertide Adriano Bottaccioli, the creator of the Umbertide Calendar and author of the illustrations and of the editorial and graphic project of all editions In the photo alongside, from left: Fabio Mariotti, Adriano Bottaccioli, Mario Tosti and Amedeo Massetti. Below, from left: Walter Rondoni, Fabio Mariotti, Adriano Cerboni, Amedeo Massetti and Mario Tosti with the cover of the second edition of the Calendar. The idea of an Umbertidese lunarium could only arise from the brain (and heart) of an emigrant-commuter fellow citizen, due to that particular sensitivity towards his own land that the distance develops; but Adriano Bottaccioli did not just pull the stone and hide his hand, as many "thinkers" too often do, but sharpened his formidable pencil and intellect to give his intuition a body full of warmth and collective intimacy . An editorial staff was set up around Adriano made up of Mario Tosti , Amedeo Massetti and Fabio Mariotti to whom Walter Rondoni was added who guaranteed quality and continuity of work and to whom other collaborators were then added year by year because good ideas, fortunately, are still contagious and many have been ready to have fun lending a hand, with the enthusiasm of rediscovering themselves part of a community, which comes from the same memories and moves towards the same goals and expectations. The Calendar, on its first release, aroused great surprise and huge success among the citizens, especially among the people of Umbria residents in other cities and abroad (to which was promptly sent): and they began to get enthusiastic letters from the City every where. All copies were snapped up (many requests they came even from nearby cities) and it was necessary prepare a second reissue. This convinced the municipal administration to continue the initiative, considered a important tool to strengthen even more the identity and values of the community and in the same time to fix historical and cultural aspects that otherwise they would have risked getting lost. 1992 calendar Read the calendar 1993 Calendar Laws the calendar 1994 calendar Read the calendar 1992 . The first edition of the Umbertide Calendar has the role of a lunario - almanac, presenting all the aspects of our cultural traditions: from the dialect to the idioms; from proverbs, to games, to nursery rhymes, to popular chants; from the typical dishes of our peasant civilization, to the nicknames that were once given to all the members of our small community. 1993 . The second edition the research on popular traditions and local linguistic aspects continued, but also the "ancient crafts" were included and "portraits" of Umbertidese characters were added who, for their originality and sympathy, had left their mark on the collective memory and were remembered by all with love. There were also memories of nice village events or famous jokes that occurred several decades ago, but still remembered by many. 1994 . The 1994 Calendar, continuing on the traditional mainstay, examined above all the events of the Second World War in Umbertide, with particular regard to the tragic aerial bombardment of April 25, which marked the fiftieth anniversary. 1995 calendar Read the calendar 1996 Calendar Read the calendar 1997 Calendar Read the calendar 1995. The following year, 1995, saw a calendar dedicated to the "great trades" that have characterized the life of the city from 1900 onwards; the most important, those that have interested and continue to interest generations of Umbertidesi and those who have disappeared or risk disappearing in the name of a modernity that too often tramples on traditions and cancels creativity. 1996 . In 1996 the research on popular traditions was extended to twelve municipalities of Altotiberini, Umbria and Tuscany (Anghiari, Citerna, Città di Castello, Lisciano Niccone, Monterchi, Monte S. Maria Tiberina, Montone, Pietralunga, Pieve S. Stefano, San Giustino, Sansepolcro , Umbertide). The Calendar of the Upper Tiber Valley was born, distributed in many copies by the publisher Cerboni of Città di Castello. 1997 . The 1997 Calendar was dedicated to the rediscovery of the ancient districts of Umbertide, with the trades, games and characters that animated the alleys and squares of the time. Ramiro, Giovanni, Bigo Bago, Pàrise, Silvio de Santa Maria, L'Andella and Federico, 'The accountant Martinelli, Checco de Camillo, Peppe de la Fascìna, L'Ottavia, L'Alba de Budidò, Tomassino. 1998 calendar Read the calendar 1999 calendar Read the calendar 2000 calendar Read the calendar 1998 . 1998 was the turn of the historical associations of Umbertide which formed the soul of the city and involved thousands of people in their recreational, social, cultural and sporting activities. 1999 . Since 1999 the main theme of the Calendar has shifted towards historical research on Umbertide, based on the very rich material collected in decades of passionate research by Renato Codovini . The monuments and the most ancient defensive works of the past have begun to be examined in depth, often providing unpublished information, such as those on the "Saracina" tower at the beginning of the bridge, on the Collegiate Church, on the castle walls, on the door of San Francesco, on the great fourteenth-century dam on the Tiber. Numerous news also on the hamlets of Umbertide, such as Preggio, Pierantonio, Montecastelli. On the left, Renato Codovini 2000 . The nineteenth century was the main theme of the end of the millennium calendar. The nineteenth-century Fratta, albeit with the necessary brevity, has been examined in all its aspects: public safety, the administration of the Municipality, traffic and communications, agriculture, associations and institutions, music, theater and leisure, industrial activities, commerce, health, public education, the postal service, transport, the population. An unprecedented slice of life that has fascinated many people. Elementary and middle schools have adopted it as a news source for historical research on our recent past. 2001 Calendar Read the calendar Calendar 2002 Read the calendar Calendar 2003 Read the calendar 2001 . In 2001 the Calendar celebrated its tenth anniversary with a special edition that carried all those of its predecessors on its cover. The main topic was the eighteenth-century Fratta. Map of the siege of Fratta during the "War of the Grand Duke" Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli 2002 . Always continuing on the historical trend, we arrived at the 2002 calendar, which dealt with Fratta in the seventeenth century, providing information of great interest on the life of our small fortified city in the seventeenth century. The famous “blacksmiths of Fratta” appeared there, the potters with their precious ceramics. The way to live, to dress, to have fun was described. The school, the music, the theater, the "hotels". The life and poems of Filippo Alberti, a famous poet and man of letters from Fratta, a friend of Torquato Tasso. Numerous curiosities. It contained the names of the families of the seventeenth century and their events. Finally, an accurate and exciting exposition of the "War of the Grand Duke" which hit Fratta in the autumn of 1643. The siege of the Tuscan army, the fortifications, the defense of the walls, the great flood of the Tiber. Until the general exultation for the narrow escape. 2003 . No less interesting was the 2003 edition, with the presentation of the laborious life of the Fratta of the sixteenth century. The first “photograph” left by Cipriano Piccolpasso in 1565 was published there, reproduced for the first time from the original - kept in the National Central Library of Rome - with the digital system. The quality of the enlarged image provided details that had not been possible to observe with previous photographic reproductions; many details of the castle and of the lower village emerged, with very interesting aspects of the architectural structure, of the military fortifications, of the productive activities of Fratta. Really exciting. Calendar 2004 Read the calendar 2005 calendar Read the calendar 2006 Calendar Read the calendar 2004 . The 2004 Calendar provided surprising information on the 15th century Fratta. The stay of Pico della Mirandola in our small village, chosen as the ideal place to write the "manifesto of the Renaissance"; the presence of a prestigious Jewish community; the many important figures of national importance who were born here, such as the illustrious jurist Giovanni Pachino and the pontifical archiatrist Andrea Cibo. News always drawn from the precious research of Renato Codovini . 2005 . After popular traditions, dialect, ancient crafts and historical research, a new phase has opened with 2005. This year's Calendar has in fact opened the line of images more important to everyone, than real family albums. A photographic story of the families of Umbria in the most significant moments of life. Edition that has achieved extraordinary success for the sense of intimacy and the high evocative value that it is successful to create. 2006 . The 2006 Calendar also continued in the vein of family images. The most important images for everyone, real family albums. A photographic story of the families of Umbria in the most significant moments of life. Edition that has replicated the success of that of the previous year, always for the sense of intimacy and the high evocative value it created. 2007 Calendar Read the calendar Calendar 2008 Read the calendar Calendar 2009 Read the calendar 2007 . This edition concludes the section dedicated to the images of the families of Umberto in the most significant moments of life. Three editions that have met with great success success for the sense of intimacy and the high evocative value that they managed to create, also involving citizens in the search for often forgotten photos. 2008 . The 2008 Calendar was instead dedicated to the knowledge and enhancement of important works of art in our Municipality. On each page of the month it was one of the great works that are part of the artistic heritage of the city and the territory. Signorelli , Pomarancio , Pinturicchio , Nero Alberti , Corrado Cagli , Ernesto Freguglia : the great artists who have left traces of their work in Umbertide. The graphic design in which the work was carried out is also splendid. 2009 . In 2009, however, the Calendar guided the visit to the Town Hall, formerly the luxurious residence of the Bourbon Marquis of Sorbello, which has been the seat of the local administration offices since 1841. A detailed illustration of this historic building, the heart of public life in Umbertide, of all its architectural features, and its notable artistic merits. In addition to the description of the "noble" floor - seat of the halls of the Mayor, the Council and the Executive - full of sculptures and frescoes, also detailed images and maps to improve knowledge of all the offices that provide services to citizens every day. Calendar 2010 Laws the calendar 2011 Calendar Read the calendar 2012 Calendar Read the calendar 2010. The 2010 edition completely changed the subject, turning attention to the world of work, to the vast productive world of our territory. Shops and workshops, factories and farms, construction sites, schools, hospitals, shops. Ingenious and creative craftsmen who qualify our productive world, competent and passionate entrepreneurs who face sacrifices and risks for their own company. It was surprising to discover the very high technological level of some companies and that certain products for brands of national importance, such as Fiat. Maserati and Ferrari are manufactured in Umbertide. 2011 . The 2011 Calendar was dedicated to the Tiber, to which the life of our city has always been linked. The story of Fratta on the river, a secure military defense and bringer of floods and destruction; the characteristic figures, the washerwomen, the fishermen, the "renaioli", the "bracelets", the carters. The characters who lived in symbiosis with the river, the fishing systems, the fluvial flora and fauna, the cuisine of the Tiber. Finally, the historical events on the Tiber, from the siege of the Tuscan army in 1643 to the aerial bombardment of 1944 which aimed at the destruction of the bridge. Fantastic illustrations: a highly evocative calendar. 2012 . The 2012 edition celebrated the twentieth anniversary of the calendar, with a special issue that retraced the history of the Umbertian lunar year by year, with an exciting ride back in time. We spent more than seven thousand days and 175 thousand hours together. Beautiful and less beautiful days, marked by joys but also by disappointments, successes and failures. Almost a lifetime, and we did it by discovering and rediscovering the history of Fratta, both the big and the small one, made up of many stories, anecdotes, characters who have left their mark on the community. 2013 Calendar Read the calendar 2014 Calendar Read the calendar 2015 Calendar Read the calendar 2013 . This edition was entirely dedicated to CUISINE , in particular the local one, with columns related to the theme of food: the recipe of the month, smells, spices, good herbs, mushrooms and truffles, the professions of food, magnà alla frattegiana, ristulzini 'ntorno al foco, food anthology. A particularly appetizing calendar in which the inspiration and competence of Adriano Bottaccioli were exalted. 2014 . The main theme of the 2014 edition is the Fratta of the nineteenth century which relives every year in the historical re-enactment in costume for the squares, streets and alleys of the historic center. The inns and taverns, the festive air, the shows and events, as people lived then, portraits from the 1800s, 150 years as a Umbertidesi. This edition was dedicated to Amedeo Massetti and Peppe Cecchetti who left us, the first a backbone of the Calendar since birth, the second great collaborator with his photographic art. 2015 . Umbertide between '800 and' 900: The 100 years of the Tiberis, the arrival of electricity in the city, the story of Zelmirina Agnolucci, the Rometti family and ceramic art, the Central Apennine Railway and the Umbrian Central, Leoncillo, the minimal anthology of writings on Umbertide . These are the topics covered. 2016 Calendar Read the calendar 2016 . It is the 25th edition and it is also the last one signed by Adriano Bottaccioli and his editorial staff. An exciting cycle closes with a calendar addressed, as a sign of homage and thanks, to the UMBERTIDESI IN THE WORLD . The history, the memories, the characters, the images of the many people from Umberto who went to seek their fortune all over the world, where they proved to be "... diligent, ingenious, solicitous and avid ..." as they were already defined, in the mid-16th century, by Cipriano Piccolpasso. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

THE FRACTAL OF THE CINQUECENTO The rules of life in the Fratta of the 16th century Curated by Fabio Mariotti In addition to wrinkles and white hair, the accumulation of birthdays in itself proportionally restricts the feeling of depth of the centuries; if we then realize that the weaknesses of the men of half a millennium ago are substantially the same as today, the norms of the Statutes of the Fratta of 1521 seem to be placed just around the corner left behind us. There is nothing new in plain sight: fears, greed, selfishness, in perennial antagonism with the aspirations of security, justice, equality. And the willingness to turn a blind eye to the former and to the detriment of the latter: every era has its own compromises. Prostitution Although fornication is forbidden by its nature and by divine law, nevertheless the lesser evil is sometimes tolerated in order to avoid the greater one. Therefore we establish and order that in the castle or in the neighboring villages, according to common judgment, a home or refuge is identified for prostitutes who, for a set price, put themselves at the service and give their bodies to the pleasure of young people or others in need. Therefore prostitutes must exercise their service in this place assigned to them or in remote places outside the villages, far from the women's conversation areas, to protect huts and mats so that they cannot be seen. Therefore we establish and order that prostitutes who provide their service in the street, in the square, in the tavern or in other public places be sentenced to 20 soldi: credit can be given to any accuser, assisted by a witness worthy of faith, receiving in this case one third of the sentence. Adultery We establish and order that anyone who attempts to rape any woman, rich or poor, known or unknown, be punished; the penalty is 20 lire if the female is of good family and reputation; it is reduced to 10 lire if it is chat. On the other hand, anyone who actually commits adultery with married women against their will is punished with 25 lire, for each woman and for each time. In the event that the violation is committed - against their will - with spinster women, virgins, unmarried women, nuns or whimsical women, the penalty of 25 lire is added to the penalty established by the Statutes of Perugia: the penalty is halved if the female is consenting. The betrayal If a married man engages in carnal relations with a female in contempt of his woman and, similarly, if a married woman does with a man, in contempt and against the will of her husband, the man or woman will be punished or punished with 10 lire, whoever infringes these rules. In these cases, the testimony of the neighbors constitutes legitimate and sufficient proof. The riots If someone in the castle or in the villages incites or promotes a riot or a fight in order to disturb the quiet of the castle, involving up to 20 people or causing a murder or a beating, he will be subjected to the penalty of 10 lire, without prejudice to the subsequent sentence. by the podestà of Perugia. Anyone who causes disturbances in the council or general assembly, or plots and conspires, will be punished with 10 lire which must be paid immediately without trial before leaving the building. Anyone who provokes a protest or a riot such as to cause a scandal will be punished with 40 soldi. The podestà will have to carry out investigations to identify such wrongdoings, at least once a month; in case of negligence the podestà will have to pay a fine of 100 soldi. The night owls We establish and order that no one should wander around the castle and its surroundings after the third ring of the municipality bell which must be rung by the bell ringer in the evening as soon as the castle clock strikes one hour after dark; time must pass between the strokes to recite a miserere. A penalty of 5 soldi is applied to the bell ringer for every time he does not carry out his task; a penalty of 10 soldi is imposed on anyone who is caught walking around at night without lights. Anyone who has lights or embers lit before leaving the house is exempt from the penalty; also exempt are doctors or pharmacists, bakers who go to order bread, those who bring or withdraw bread from the oven, those who go to look for the midwife and also those who prove that the light has gone out due to the wind or in any case against the his will, or who watches over the fires that the neighbors sometimes light on the street or those who stay cool around the house in the evening. The inns No host or hotelier can house any straggler or rebel or condemned by the Holy Church or by the city of Perugia; may not allow gambling by lending cards, dice or board. The host will have to carry out the serving with the correct and stamped measures. We intend to prohibit hoteliers from accommodating more than 10 men without the authorization of the mayor; in suspicious times no man or woman can be hosted without this authorization, under penalty of 20 soldi. We order that no hotelier lodge an armed guest, unless he has first laid down his arms or refuses to do so; soldiers and officers of the Holy Church and of the city of Perugia who came to the castle by order of the commanders of the same are exempt. The bakers We order that the bakers of the castle must cook the bread brought to their ovens well and according to law, using competence and care. The fee for cooking is set at 2 soldi per bushel of bread; if this remuneration is increased, a penalty of 10 soldi will be imposed each time. If, due to a cooking defect, the bread is bad, the owner of the bread will be compensated. Each oven must be equipped with a chimney that comes out of the roof, to avoid possible fires. Bakers must keep the bread for sale placed in baskets covered with white placemats so that buyers get an appetite and not a stomach upset. Anyone who defrauds the sale will have bread confiscated and assigned, for God's sake, to the poor in the hospital of Santa Croce in Borgo di Sotto. The dead In order for women to behave with due honesty, we order that no female can or should leave the house to cry desperately for any dead, wherever they are, under the penalty of 40 sous. And no female can accompany the dead to the burial, following him weeping and disheveled. And no person, man or woman, is to despair over the grave after the dead have been taken to church and buried and in later times. Anyone who is able to prove such an accusation will receive a third of the sentence, provided they have a trustworthy witness. The corruption To ensure that those in public office have clean hands, we establish and order that no public administrator, in the performance of his function, tries to put any amount of money in his pocket, or behaves with fraud or malice or tries to barter. the benefits granted or forcibly demand or spontaneously receive rewards. Anyone who does not respect these rules will have a penalty equal to four times the amount he has defrauded, traded or illegally earned. Anyone guilty of these crimes will never be able to hold offices again; his crimes must be reported to the public opinion by the auctioneer in all places frequented by the fraudster. The hoarders It is our will to curb the greed and avarice of many people who study with all their ingenuity to accumulate goods (to the displeasure of God and the damage of the neighbor, not satisfied and satisfied with their share) by hoarding wheat and other food to be able to resell when they have increased in value. For this reason we establish and order that no one plots or plots to buy food in this castle and its surroundings and, removing them from common use, causing famine. For each accumulated state a fine of 20 soldi will be applied. Anyone who will allow these hoarders to be unmasked, accusing them, will receive a third part of the sum as a reward. Leprosy In the Old Testament it is written that those infected with leprosy must be segregated from others. So we establish and order that if someone is infected with leprosy the defenders of the castle must inform him or have him informed, with charitable and polite ways, that he is required to move away from the castle and its villages by going to live separated from everyone or in a leper colony. If the leper accepts the invitation, it is better; if, on the other hand, he refuses to leave within an hour, he is advised by the podestà that he must leave the castle within 10 days under the penalty of 5 lire; if he has not left after this deadline, the invitation to leave is renewed within 5 days, under the penalty of 10 lire; if he has not left after this deadline, he is granted another day, under the penalty of 20 lire. If he does not obey, he will have to pay out 20 lire and will be thrown out of the castle door, by popular acclaim. Modesty It is evident that in these modern times honesty has returned to heaven and shame has abandoned even the old ones: in fact, the shameful parts are shown and exposed without respect for anyone, not even for virgins and married women, and with greater insistence by those who have more abundance; and this happens in various places but in particular on the Tiber, in the areas frequented by people. To remedy this filth, we establish and order that those who dare to expose themselves without underwear or other honest cover in the water, swimming at least, to the "stone" or "patollo" along the stretch of Tiber that goes from the Calbi mill to be punished with 5 lire. to the greppo of Cristoforo. Those under the age of 12 and those who jump into the water to save someone who is about to drown are exempt from the sentence. (To facilitate the reading the rules have been reported from the vernacular in the current Italian) Sources: “The rules of life in the Fratta of the '500” are taken from the “Statutes of the Fratta dei Figliuoli di Uberto (Umbertide) of 1521 "(B. Porrozzi, Ed. Pro Loco, Umbertide, 1980). They were published in the Historical Calendar of the Municipality of Umbertide - 1st edition - 1992. All the historic calendars of the Municipality of Umbertide can be found in Pdf format on the institutional websites: www.comune.umbertide.pg.it / www.umbertideturismo.it Le attività economiche La Fratta di Cipriano Piccolpasso Le regole di vita nella Fratta del Cinquecento Le cariche pubbliche Artisti ed opere d'arte Chiese, conventi e il miracolo della Madonna della Regghia I Fanfani di Fratta Gli Statuti della Fraternita di Santa Croce Le regole di vita nella Fratta del Cinquecento La Fratta by Cipriano Piccolpasso Curated by Fabio Mariotti Cipriano Piccolpasso was born in Casteldurante (today's Urbania) in 1524. He began to work as a military architect and was a master of fortifications; from the country of origin it passed to Rimini, Ancona, Fano, Spoleto. Passionate about ceramics, he decided to return to Casteldurante where he distinguished himself as a creator of art majolica and one of the most refined decorators in the sector. Here he opened a factory which soon became famous and which trained numerous workers who later became famous. Author of various works of various kinds, he owes his fame as a writer above all to the treatise “The three books of the potter's art” (1548) in which he illustrates the secrets of the workshop of making ceramics. Here are explained in detail the stages of the production of ceramic products (clay treatment, shaping, firing, glazing, decoration ...), the different construction techniques, the tools used, as well as the different doses of the mixtures and colors. The manuscript is also enriched by autographed plates that report in great detail the decorative types of Durantine widespread in that period (trophies, grotesques, cerquates, ...) and by drawings that illustrate various stages of processing and the fundamental tools of the potter. The treatise, which always remained in Casteldurante first and then in Urbania, became famous starting in 1758, when it was mentioned by Passeri in his book on the history of the majolica of Pesaro and its surroundings. Between 1857 and 1879 it was published at least three times and on 10 January 1861 it was purchased on behalf of the South Kesington Museum (now Victoria and Albert Museum) in London where it still stands today. Piccolpasso died in Casteldurante on 21 November 1579 and was buried in the local church of San Francesco. Cipriano Piccolpasso was for a certain period of time deputy supervisor of the fortresses of Perugia. In this capacity he was sent, in 1565, to visit the state of the fortresses of the castles dependent on that city to ascertain their military potential and then report them. On this occasion he was also at Fratta, he visited the castle walls and the Rocca, making two drawings, one of the perimeter of the walls and a view of the entire castle seen from the south. Piccolpasso came from the Apennines and was almost at the end of the journey, which began in Perugia on April 12 and ended on June 21, 1565. We report his travel notes in which he noted all the steps and the various expenses incurred. Everything is relative to the last week, in which period he was also in Fratta. Piccolpasso reports news on the perimeter of Fratta "La Fratta di Perugia turns rods 138", meaning that the perimeter of the castle walls, measured with the rod used in Perugia (5 meters long), was about seven hundred meters. To make this measurement he used an instrument called "il Bossolo" and also explains how it was used and the inconveniences that can happen if you don't know how to use it. It also gives us information on the distances between Fratta and the neighboring villas and towns Borders of the Fratta of Perugia: Tramontana to the west Città di Castello X miles away, by mile I boundaries; Montone III miles away, for 1/2 mile border; Montalto I miles away, for borders 1/2 miles; Monte Migiano 2 - 1/2 miles away, for borders 1 miles; Monte Castello 3 miles away. Ponente a Mezzogiorno Preggio XII miles away; Castel Rigone far away from Miles XIII. Noon in the Levant Perugia XII miles away; Assisi away XX miles. Levante to Tramontana Gubbio distant XII miles; La Serra and Civitella miles away II. Piccolpasso then goes on to give us the news about Fratta and its inhabitants. The description he gives of the town and its people, compared with that of other cities - even close to us - is among the most beautiful of all. The extremely favorable impression he gave of this town overlooking the Tiber ("like a very clear lake"), with its well-cultivated countryside, with the skilled artisans at work in the shops makes us think with curiosity about the images he saw in this late spring of 1565 and to the life of our ancestors four and a half centuries ago. And, proud of the Frattegiani of the sixteenth century, we are grateful to Cipriano Piccolpasso who was able to describe its fundamental characteristics so well. We faithfully and proudly report his report on Fratta, only by placing it in a more fluent language than the sixteenth-century one he used. “La Fratta has about eighty families. This is a small but nice place where it is very pleasant to stay and has a nice view. It has the Tiber on the west side, like a very clear lake (remember that the dam under the bridge significantly raised the water level), but harmful and of great danger to the place because, if no measures are taken, in a short time, such as he has already started to do, he will take the whole place away (evidently he acted in time if this did not happen!). The men of this country are diligent, solicitous and shrewd because, working their small territory incessantly, they make it bear fruit as an extensive countryside and a very large place. Here we work very well in building arquebuses and auction weapons. The walls, although ancient, are of solid and very sturdy material, but everywhere, above them, there are houses. The fortress is surrounded by large walls and has a tower about one hundred feet high. They have no cattle or pastures. There are no weapons of any kind here (1) " Expenses incurred account - For a dinner in Sassoferrato baiocchi 10 - To those whom I will help to measure baiocchi 30 - For the horse for the Fratta with the boy baiocchi 25 - To dine in Segello and refresh the horse baiocchi 50 - For a dinner at Fratta with the boy and the baiocchi horse 35 - For the horse for Castello baiocchi 30 - For dinner and dinner at Castello baiocchi 20 - For dinner and dinner at Castello baiocchi 20 - To those whom I will help to measure the baiocchi walls 30 - For the horse for the Fratta baiocchi 30 - For dinner and dinner at the Fratta baiocchi 30 - To those who will help me to measure baiocchi 10 - For the horse to Perugia baiocchi 30 - And more made to give to the family of Messer Paulo, said Messer Gherardo soldier of fortress for the 50 (1) Cipriano Piccolpasso - The plants and portraits of the cities and lands of Umbria submitted to the government of Perugia - Ed. Passetto and Petrelli - Spoleto - 1963. Text published on the Historical Calendar of Umbertide 2003 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2003 Map of Fratta by C. Piccolpasso (1565). The three city gates are clearly visible: the "Porta castellana" to the west for C. di Castello; the "Porta senza nome" in today's Piaggiola for Montone and the State of Urbino; the "Porta Romana" at noon for the current Piazza S. Francesco and Perugia. It can be seen that the Fratta was then completely surrounded by the waters of the Tiber and the Reggia stream. Drawing of the Fratta by C. Piccolpasso (1565) Above, view of Casteldurante (today Urbania) by C. Piccolpasso. Below, cover of the book by C. Piccolpasso on the art of the potter (1548) La Fratta di Cipriano Piccolpasso I Fanfani di Fratta Economic activities curated by Fabio Mariotti The weavers There was an intense craft activity in Fratta, which took place inside many houses: the work of looms to weave the cloth (cotton, hemp, linen), of the reticellai and embroiderers in general, aimed at private citizens and to the brotherhoods for their linen needs in the church. From some documents of these lay associations we find for the first time in Fratta a particular way of working fabrics, called "alla moita" (later used up to the whole of the eighteenth century). With this expression "working at the moita" it was meant that the finished product went half to the owner of the hemp, linen, cotton and half to the person who had done the work, as a reward. Payment, of course, could also be made in cash, which was always preferred. Hemp and flax, produced in the Fratta countryside in quantities satisfactory to the needs of the population, were processed in the houses in a purely artisanal way. Hemp (as well as linen), also called "accia", was first unraveled and then "cured". The unraveling consisted of a first, superficial combing with which the upper part called "il capeccio" (it carried flowers and seeds) was removed from the plant, which was not used for weaving. With this first coarse combing, even the smoothest part of the plant was separated, which was then used to package secondary products (bales for wheat, harnesses for transporting weights, etc.). Flax (like hemp) was tied in thirteen-pound bundles. The one that still had the "capeccio" was worth less than the "scapecciaato" one as it had undergone the unraveling. After this operation, the product was put to macerate in a well of water, then a second combing was carried out which gave the best fiber with which the fabric was manufactured for the finest, most valuable and requested cloths (tablecloths, sheets , linen in general). In the registers of the brotherhoods and in the inventories found in the notarial deeds of the municipal archive there is evidence of a rather singular fact: the big bags used in hospitals as mattresses were made with linen, considered precious. Inside they contained straw and dry leaves, the cheapest material that could be found. This gives an idea of the mentality of the time for which it was not at all scrambling to enclose the humblest material in linen. The trade in scythes Large production of sickles in Fratta, in the sixteenth century, both common that were used to harvest wheat ("ad secandum granum"), and of the "necessarium" type, that is used for crops in general (rye, barley, hay). therefore large trade organized by individuals or groups that from April to June of each year (but also in the other months) dealt with this activity. The operations of steel purchase, production, finishing, transport, sale of the finished product were based on the utmost seriousness and correctness between the parties, who always resorted to a notarial deed. The copy of which also served as a transport document during the journey and was shown to the authorities of the places crossed asking for information on the goods (it was the accompaniment of that time). At the beginning of the sixteenth century the most qualified group in the trade of scythes was formed by Pietro Paolo Tempesta together with Simone di Antonio called "il Guercio", Sante di Antonio, Bernardino del fu Renzo, Paolo Bartoli, Bernardino di Iacopo Cortoni known as "Fallature" and Antonio del fu Mattiolo. In April 1511 they bought five thousand scythes, ordering hundreds of pieces from each blacksmith's shop. Among others, the brothers Giovan Battista, Michelangelo and Gabriele, sons of Francesco; Warrior of Matteo Ridolfo Alberti, Vico of mastro Nicola, Giliotto of mastro Filippo and his brothers. Two or three people work in each workshop and when they have to deal with orders for several thousand pieces, they join together, aided by the "art of blacksmiths" corporation which gives them the necessary assistance for the purchase of raw materials. and for sale. Buyers placed orders in April or early May, delivery took place between the 20th and 24th of this month. Rome and the Maremma were the main destinations, present in every contract, but also "Tuscia" (southern Tuscany) and the castle of Sarteano (just south of Chiusi). The buyers always claimed that the scythes were made to perfection (we always find the phrase "ad usum merci et legalis magistris fabrij ferrarij"). They were tied in bunches of one hundred pieces and transported by horses or mules, sometimes owned by the blacksmiths themselves. The payment, by the month of June, was usually completed in Fratta. As in all contracts of the time, a penalty was established for the party who did not fulfill the written obligations. A notarial deed dated 25 April 1524 provided for an original one. The blacksmith Arcangelo Bavaglioni sells three hundred scythes for twenty-three florins, including transport. The buyer, Cecco del fu Carlo, undertakes to pay the price by the month of June with the agreement that, failing that, he should give the blacksmith Arcangelo, as a penalty, a plot of land with the word "Pagini", up to the competition of the amount due. The arquebusiers In addition to the blacksmiths, united in various companies and famous throughout central Italy, who produced among other things thousands of scythes a year to be sold in the Roman countryside and the Maremma, there were also manufacturers of firearms. They can be considered specialized blacksmiths, because they were successful in this job even though they did not have today's machines to turn the various pieces; they did everything by hand and in an extremely precise way. Various documents contain information on the sale in Fratta of both arquebuses, long weapons, shoulder or easel weapons, and the "scppietti", that is, short weapons. There is also news on accessories: the "powder" and the "flasca", which we think were gunpowder and its container. On 21 December 1510 these artisans sold five hundred arquebuses, the value of which was two gold ducats each. The weapons had to be delivered by March of the following year by the arquebusiers Giovanni Folcantoni, Bonaventura Pulicardi and Sebastiano Brelli, all from Fratta. They, considering the holidays, therefore had to produce five or six arquebuses a day which, given the total manual skill of the work, is certainly a remarkable productivity. Such a large commission also makes it clear how these "artillery" works qualified the activity of these masters of art at a regional level. The deed of sale was drawn up by the notary Paolo Martinelli in the castle of Civitella dei Miuletti [?], Where Raniere dei Ranieri, a noble from Perugia, lived. Buyers are Pier Luigi dei Farnensi and ser Michele Pier Ventura, from Lugnano: they undertake to pay half the amount, that is five hundred ducats, upon delivery (March 1511) and the same amount in mid-August (the nobleman Raniere dei Ranieri guarantees the payment). The buyer ser Michele di Pier Ventura gives a security of fifty gold scudi to be calculated as an advance. The sellers say they will be able to deliver a third of the five hundred arquebuses by the end of January and the remaining month by month, until the delivery is completed in March. In a document dated 12 March 1522 we find a "fidem facio" (I trust) granted by Giovanni del fu Fioravanti, a Perugian citizen living in Fratta, to the blacksmith Sebastiano di Gabriele. It is a guarantee that the first offers to the second, before the notary Marino Sponta who draws up the deed, regarding the commitments that he will want to make from any person or association in building arquebuses, "crackles" and any other kind of "artillery". Sebastiano is therefore authorized to make any notarial deed relating to his work, under the guarantee of Giovanni. Another document dated May 10, 1586 concerns the repair of an arquebus which had a "cracked chest". The owner of the weapon is a certain man from the castro di Danciano (Val di Pierle) and the blacksmith repairer is a certain master Angelo who has a workshop in Fratta. It seems that the arquebus was broken in the "war of Siena" (1554-1555). Cipriano Piccolpasso, deputy superintendent of the fortresses of Perugia, also talks about our arquebusiers. He was sent in 1565 to visit the state of the fortresses of that city and was therefore also in Fratta. In his report he writes among other things: "... Here we work very well with archebugi et weapons auction ". But then he adds:" ... There are no weapons of any sort. " and hid our hand? The shopkeepers Francesco di Cristofano He was "Spetiale", that is a seller of spices but also of medicines, almonds, barley, torches for lighting, candles, "turpentine", white spirit and various spices. These shops, in addition to being "spetierie", were also called "aromatic", perhaps because the predominant goods in them were those products that came from the "new world", discovered by Christopher Columbus about forty years earlier. Francesco the apothecary left us several accounting records between 1530 and 1533. Fabrizio He too was an apothecary, who lived towards the end of the century. We find records of it in the years 1595 and 1596, when he sells wax, "facole" and apothecaries for the sick in a hospital in Fratta. Bernardino Cibo He had a grocery store. We have news of it in the years 1515 and 1528. Bano de Cibo In 1538 he had a shop, unspecified. It belonged to the Cibo family, one of the most important in Fratta. Giomolo In 1539 he sold "aguti" (ie nails), wax, oil and more. Perinelli In 1590 it had an "aromataria". Felice Manfredi He ran an "aromataria" in the years from 1590 to 1595. His shop was in via Regale (today's via Cibo). Ruggero Burelli In 1590 it has an "aromataria" and in 1595 we find news of it in a document in the notary Curtio Martinelli. He is the son of Tolomeo Burelli. Orfeo Burelli In 1590 he had an "apoteca", that is, a shop. He is the son of Francesco Burelli and lives in a house he owns. Gasparino Haberdashery. We find it in 1572 In addition, there were other shops in Fratta: two butchers and two ovens. Fairs and markets In the sixteenth century, when a villa or castle in the Perugian territory wanted to set up a trade fair, it had to ask the authorities of Perugia for permission, then pay an annual tax to this city. The villa or castle in turn recovered the money from those who attended the fair. Fratta was an exception. Since the fifteenth century it had been exempted from this obligation by the Pope of the time, so whoever came to its annual fair in the first days of June did not tax. It was called "free fair", it brought a greater influx of merchants, therefore a greater influx of wealth which benefited all citizens. The annual fair was that of Sant'Erasmo and lasted from 1st to 4th June. In 1506 we find a "Brief" by Pope Julius II who reconfirms the exemption from taxes and adds to the "free fair of Fratta" another six days to the four granted in 1444 ("said fair of St. Erasmus may last up to ten of said June"). In 1532 the duration will be increased to seven days. In 1537 the Perugian magistracy removed all the markets that were held in its countryside; he made an exception for Fratta and allowed them to continue on a weekly basis here. This was confirmed by Pope Paul III on November 4, 1537. From April 6, 1541, the tax exemption granted for the fair was also extended to weekly markets. The day was, like today, Wednesday. In 1542 the exemption was reconfirmed by Cardinal Sforza and in 1547 by Cardinal Crispo, Apostolic Legate for Umbria. A huge number of people attended the fair from nearby villas and castles. Many people also came from Tuscany, passing mainly through the Pierle valley and the Niccone valley. At the fair they sold livestock, agricultural products, fabrics, plates, vases and ceramic objects of the potters of Fratta, agricultural tools produced by blacksmiths. There are two places of sale: the municipal lawn (the "meadow below") at the end of the bridge over the Tiber and the Sant'Erasmo market, now Piazza Marconi (the "meadow above"). A huge cattle fair took place in the municipal lawn. In the market of Sant'Erasmo cereals and all other edible kinds were sold, as well as handicraft products. The early June fair continued until the mid-1960s, while our weekly Wednesday market has more than six centuries of history. Drawings by Adriano Bottaccioli published in the 2003 Umbertide Calendar Photo by Fabio Mariotti from the Historical Photographic Archive of the Municipality of Umbertide Sources: "Calendar of Umbertide 2003" - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2003 "Umbertide from the origins to the sixteenth century" - Roberto Sciurpa - Ed. Petruzzi Città di Castello - 2007 Ancient frame. Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli Ancient scythes. Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli Piazza S. Francesco (1930s). In the 16th century it was the seat of the blacksmith shops Ancient weapons. Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli Street vendors in Piazza Mazzini in the early 1900s Via Cavour and Piazza Marconi (1930s). In the '500 Mercatale di Sant'Erasmo Le attività economiche Public offices curated by Fabio Mariotti The authority Authority of the government of Perugia, also called commissioner, was the representative of the Roman state within the community and had some powers that did not directly affect the administration of public affairs. He was always a foreigner, a "foreigner", as they said, that is, not a citizen of the Roman state. He was allowed to bring with him the notary, two servants (they had to have livery), a horse and, of course, his wife and children. In addition to the tasks of representation, which kept the community of Fratta united in Perugia, its "dominant city", he was allowed to remove from the agenda of the council meetings everything that, in his opinion, could harm the interests of the city of Grifo and the ecclesiastical state. The term of office was variable, depending on the contingent reasons of Perugia. Chancellor Notary of power, who followed in the movements, remained in office for the time of his "vicariate". He was involved in the drafting, on his own books, of everything that concerned the work of the authority, both in relation to the communities where they resided, and in relations with Perugia. The chancellor (or ordinary judge) also kept the volume of the "trials" that he and the authority held in the administration of justice. The defenders Authorities of Fratta, they were the highest representatives of the community, they decided on what to do for the positive development of public affairs and the good living of the population: they combined the powers of today's mayor and the municipal council. They brought in the council meetings the topics to be discussed and on which to vote, with the endorsement of power. The defenders were four, they remained in office for four months. Considered "officials" of the community, they were chosen from among the "bookies" of the castle, that is, people who had real estate registered in the "Cadastre". The three above the guard There were three "officers" who supervised the military apparatus of the castle, that is, the safety of all the inhabitants. They remained in office for four months. The four councilors Persons in charge of advising defenders on matters to be discussed in the council. They were also considered "officials" of the community and remained in office for four months. The camorlengo He was considered the "official" with the task of keeping the accounts of the community. He paid the salaries and expenses, collected the income and various annuities. The office of camorlengo (or chamberlain) lasted four months. These were the twelve most important people for the life of the community, summing up in them the civil and military power. They alone were part of the secret council (or of the twelve). Photo by Fabio Mariotti from the Historical Photographic Archive of the Municipality of Umbertide Sources: "Calendar of Umbertide 2003" - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2003 "Umbertide from the origins to the sixteenth century" - Roberto Sciurpa - Ed. Petruzzi Città di Castello - 2007 The town hall in the 1920s The seal of the Defenders of Fratta 1905 - Piazza Umberto I (now Piazza Matteotti) - 1918 Artists and works of art curated by Fabio Mariotti There have been many, and some of great prestige, the artists who have worked in Fratta in this century. Bernardino di Betto (Pinturicchio) In 1502 the observant Franciscan friars of Santa Maria della Pietà ordered a work from the Perugian painter Bernardino di Betto, known as "il Pinturicchio" (1454-1513). The painting was done on the main facade of the church, above the entrance portal, in the shape of a lunette. It is called the "Lunette of motherhood". It represents the Madonna with Child in her arms and two angels on either side. Also in 1502 the Franciscan friars of Santa Maria commissioned a large painting from Pinturicchio, a pupil of Pietro Vannucci from Perugia, which was to represent the "Coronation of the Virgin". Pinturicchio performed the work admirably. The painting was stolen by Napoleon's soldiers in 1809 to be transported to France. This did not happen and the work stopped in Rome. Subsequently the Roman curia proposed to the Franciscan friars of Fratta the purchase of the painting and they sold it to the Vatican for five hundred scudi. It was the favorite painting of Pope John Paul II under which he often received heads of state and illustrious guests. In its place, in the church of Santa Maria di Umbertide, a photographic reproduction of the same size has been placed. Luca Signorelli In the first months of 1516 Luca Signorelli from Cortona came to Fratta to paint the "Deposition from the cross". The painting had been commissioned from him by the Confraternity of Santa Croce. The painting, on wood, was placed on the wall behind the main altar of the original and small church of the same name. It was only in 1612 that the still existing wooden exhibition was built by Pietro Lazzari of Sant'Angelo in Vado. Signorelli painted three predellas below the picture and, as can be seen from the records of the brotherhood, also a "top", that is a "Pietà" in the shape of a lunette that dominated the whole. All traces of the latter have been lost since the end of the sixteenth century. Black Alberti On 11 January 1523 the Conventual Franciscan friars of Fratta (they had the convent in the Borgo Inferiore, now Piazza San Francesco) ordered the sculptor Nero Alberti, of Borgo San Sepolcro, a wooden statue, four feet high, depicting Saint Anthony of Padua. , for their church. Eleven florins paid for the work. The other artists In 1556, the painter Marino da Perugia painted a "Madonna in relief" with angels around for the church of Santa Croce. The work was paid to him for twenty florins, twelve soldi and eight denarii. Also the brotherhood of Santa Croce, in 1557 commissioned the painter Vittorio da Montone to create frescoes depicting Jesus Christ and St. Joseph for the "new chapel" of the church, which had recently been slightly enlarged. He was paid with more than twenty florins. From the registers of the brotherhood of San Bernardino we finally learn that in 1596 master Antonio was commissioned by the brothers to make the design of the main altar of the church. It means that during the second restructuring works, which took place between 1554 and 1555, the high altar had not yet been built, just as the large picture of the "Last Supper" above the altar had not yet been painted, executed in 1602. by Muzio Flori . Photo Fabio Mariotti Sources: "Calendar of Umbertide 2003" - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2003 "Umbertide from the origins to the sixteenth century" - Roberto Sciurpa - Ed. Petruzzi Città di Castello - 2007 Le cariche pubbliche The lunette by Pinturicchio on the facade of the church of Santa Maria della Pietà The entrance portal with the lunette The coronation of the Virgin. On the right, the photographic reproduction in the church of Santa Maria The Deposition from the Cross by Luca Signorelli. On the right in the precious wooden exhibition The San Rocco by Nero Alberti in the Museum of Santa Croce Church of San Bernardino. The last supper of Muzio Flori Artisti ed opere d'arte Church of San Francesco. Wrought iron gates made by the blacksmiths of Fratta Churches, convents and the miracle of the Madonna della Regghia curated by Fabio Mariotti The churches In the 16th century Fratta, with a population of less than five hundred inhabitants, there were more than a dozen churches. Chapel of Santa Maria di Castelvecchio At the bottom of the Piaggiola, it was also known as the church of Santa Maria dei Meriti. It had its own hospital which was joined, in 1411, by the hospital of Santa Croce. Santa Maria della Regghia Octagonal in shape, commissioned in honor of the Madonna del miracolo (1556), it was begun in 1560 and completed at the end of the century (1598) with the original dome then replaced in 1612. An image of the primitive structure is visible in the painting by Bernardino Magi ( 1602), in the church of San Bernardino. Santa Maria della Pietà In the Borgo Superiore, or Castelvecchio, it was officiated by the Franciscan friars of Santa Maria dell'Osservanza who lived in the adjoining convent. It was built in 1481. Sant'Andrea In the Borgo Superiore, we have news of it since the year 1146. It was located on the place where (1860-1870) the old hospital of Umbertide was built. Our Lady of Carmel On the first east pillar of the bridge over the Tiber, enlarged and modified, a small church had been built, dating back to around 1570, because it does not appear in the 1565 drawing by Cipriano Piccolpasso. It was dedicated to the Madonna del Carmelo, whose feast was celebrated on the 15th in August. Sant'Erasmo It is located in the "mercatale", the space where the markets were held (today Piazza Marconi). Currently it is no longer visible because a house has been built there. On the ground floor, however, you can appreciate the structure of an ancient crypt, dating back to the 11th century. The church had many real estate properties, including the adjoining hospital. The first news dates back to 1145. Sant 'Antonio It existed since 1374 and was in the Borgo Superiore. On 27 February 1556 it was visited by the episcopal vicar Don Giuseppe Sperelli who found it "well decorated but damp". In fact it was between the Piaggiola and today's Piazza Marconi, subject to the floods of the Tiber. Holy Cross It did not have today's dimensions, which it assumed from 1632 to 1644. The original church was much smaller and more backward than the one we see today. We have the first news in 1338. It belonged to the brotherhood of the same name. St. Augustine It was annexed to a convent of the order of the hermits of Sant'Agostino. It was built in 1374 at the end of today's Via Leopoldo Grilli (adjacent to the Migliorati pastry shop), so it was often flooded by the Tiber. The friars owned land. Saint Francis Built starting from 1299, it was in the Lower Borgo, next to the small church of Santa Croce. It was annexed to a convent of friars which had received various bequests in the middle of the century. In 1530 the chapel of San Rocco was still missing, to the left of the central nave. San Bernardino Also in the Lower Borgo, it belonged to the Confraternity of the Good Jesus which owned its own hospital adjacent to it. In 1550 the works for the enlargement of the church began (first restructuring). In 1558 the brotherhood built the bell tower. St. John Baptist It is the first church contained within the castle walls. Its construction and that of the bell tower date back to the 12th century. It was consecrated in 1250. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, the brothers of the brotherhood of San Giuseppe or of the Body of Christ built a new chapel in the space next to the church, in a room that had previously been used as a stable. There were also the churches of the Madonna del Moro and the Madonna del Giglio . In the surrounding area there were finally San Bartolomeo in Camporeggiano, San Cristoforo in Civitella, Sant'Angelo and Stefano in Migianella, the church and monastery of Santa Caterina in Preggio, San Paterniano (today's Pierantonio where, at the beginning of the century, c 'was only Pier Antonio's house and tavern), San Giovanni a Serra Partucci. Convents and brotherhoods Monastery of Santa Maria We have news of it already in 1521, from the Statutes of the Fratta. It is a convent for women, probably located in the same place where one was built in 1604 of the nuns in Castel Nuovo, after Piaggiola, on the left, going down towards today's Piazza Marconi. It is also traced in 1555 and 1596. Immediately after the convent there was the door of Santa Maria which opened onto today's square. Fraternity of disciplines of the church of Santa Maria and hospital of Sant'Antonio The first news dates back to 1405. In 1515, "mayor and procurator" of the brotherhood is Giovan Paolo del fu Cristoforo. It has a land with the word "Seripole". The church is that of Santa Maria di Gastelvecchio, which Pesci calls "Pieve di Santa Maria". The brotherhood also has the hospital of Sant'Antonio, which joined that of Santa Maria in the distant 1411. Brotherhood of Santa Croce It has its origins in 1330. Large, historical, brotherhood of Fratta, it operated for several centuries up to the last one. She was the owner of many assets and engaged in a vast religious and welfare activity. Deeply engraved in the social reality of the country. Capuchin friars Before 1580 they lived, for rent, in two rooms owned by the brotherhood of San Bernardino. They worked in the various hospitals of Fratta. In the second half of the sixteenth century the brotherhood of Santa Croce hosted them in its houses, in today's Via Soli. Cistercians and Camaldolese in Montecorona The abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, located in the valley, near the Tiber (today's Badia) was built in 1008 by the Camaldolese and inhabited by them until 1234. They also have the small church of San Savino, halfway up the coast of Mount Corona where , in 1190, the saint died. In 1234 Pope Gregory IX transferred them to the Cistercian fathers, who lived there until 1524, the year in which Pope Clement VII gave everything back to the Camaldolese who kept it until around 1860. In 1532 the Camaldolese built the great hermitage on the top of Mount Corona, where their hermits went to live. Observant Franciscan Friars Minor of Santa Maria They lived in the convent of Santa Maria della Pietà since 1481. They also officiated at the church of Sant'Erasmo, providing for the adjoining hospital. Hermits of Sant'Agostino They were in the convent annexed to the church of the same name, at the bottom of the Piaggiola, going down on the right. In 1517 they bought a house owned by the church of Sant'Erasmo, located in the upper district of Fratta, in the town square (today's piazza della Rocca). They had land bordering the word "Le breccie", in the territory of Fratta. In 1597 Fra Gabriele da Polgeto was prior and they owned a field at Petrella, in the word "Campo della nut". Brotherhood of the Good Jesus He owned the church of San Bernardino and the adjoining hospital. In 1587 he signed a contract with the painter Mutio Flori, from Fratta, for a picture to be placed above the main altar ("The Last Supper", still visible today) and in 1588 he built the bell tower of the church. The seat was in the premises adjacent to the church, therefore it was also called the Confraternity of San Bernardino. Brotherhood of Saint Joseph or of the Body of Christ The seat was in the church of San Giovanni Battista, within the castle walls. Brotherhood of Sant'Antonio or della Buona Morte Its church was that of the nuns of Santa Maria Nuova. In 1750 it will be transferred to Sant'Agostino. Convent of San Francesco It was in the Borgo Inferiore, annexed to the church. The conventual Franciscan friars, called zoccolanti, lived there. On February 12, 1516 the general chapter of the friars meets. The custodian and procurator of the convent is friar Angelo di Giovanni, a professor of sacred theology. Other friars are Giuliano, Cipriano di Bartolomeo, Pierfrancesco da Montalcino, Pacifico di Piergiovanni della Fratta, Francesco di Giovanni Ursini. The convent owns a farm in the Rio. The miracle of the Madonna della Regghia The story aroused the explosion of devotion that led to the construction of the great and superb Madonna della Regghia, the Collegiata. We are in the year 1556, on the 14th of September. At Fratta there are many churches, but also several "Maestà" (aedicules with a sacred image) and as many chapels. One of these was located on the public road, on land owned by Francesco Graziani, a nobleman from Perugia, less than twenty meters from the current Collegiate Church (where the former Zampa building now Casi is). This can be deduced from a constructive anomaly in the elements that support the architrave of the west door with respect to those of the north door. The stone columns are placed on bases that each have two oblique sides with respect to the main wall, as if they want to indicate a direction, closely linked to the project. How many times have we walked past it without noticing it? An ideal connection between the existing chapel and the large new building under construction; a set of affection, devotion, gratitude that the people felt towards that image painted inside. The image of the Madonna, hence the "church of the Blessed and Glorious Virgin Mary", near the castle walls of Fratta, called by the people "Madonna della Regghia", from the name of the stream that flowed not far away. On the morning of September 14, a seven-year-old girl, daughter of Orlandino Vibi, born with a serious malformation in a leg that did not allow her to walk without support, was praying in front of the image, when "it is said that this spoke to him" and immediately "she found herself free and healthy and walked frankly." It was the clamor aroused by the event that prompted the bishop of Gubbio to make a pastoral visit to Fratta for two days, Wednesday 7 and Thursday 8 October 1556, appointing his vicar Don Cesare Sperelli to do it. The extraordinary event led the civil and religious community to build a large church in honor of the Madonna, depicted on the small altar of this shrine. A competition of alms and bequests began, so much so that a special metal box had to be built. The construction plans were prepared (authors of the original design were Galeazzo Alessi and Giulio Danti); the Graziani of Perugia ceded the land and in 1560 work began. When they were completed at the end of the century, the painting was transported, together with the wall block on which it was frescoed, to the temple erected to welcome it and placed behind a glass case above the main altar. And today, after so many years, the sacred image of the Madonna is still the object of a special cult on the part of the people of Umbria. Photo by Fabio Mariotti from the Historical Photographic Archive of the Municipality of Umbertide and from the Archive of Giuseppe Severi Sources: "Calendar of Umbertide 2003" - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2003 "Umbertide from the origins to the sixteenth century" - Roberto Sciurpa - Ed. Petruzzi Città di Castello - 2007 S. Maria della Regghia (Collegiata) 100 years ago 1900. S. Maria della Pietà 1976. Church of the Madonna del Giglio Piaggiola today. On the right the building that in ancient times it housed the Monastery of S. Maria and later that of Castel Nuovo The convent of S. Maria in 1977 and today, after the last restoration The abbey of San Salvatore in Montecorona 1980s. Hermitage of Montecorona 1978. Church of the Madonna del Moro 1930s. Church and convent of San Francesco The cloister of San Francesco The image of the Madonna around which it was built the impressive temple The Carmelite church in an ancient painting The church of Sant'Erasmo in a 1910 drawing The Piaggiola. On the left stood the convent of S. Agostino 1915. The facades of Santa Croce and San Francesco 1890. The bell tower of San Giovanni Battista 1910. The church of San Bernardino Chiese, conventi e il miracolo della Madonna della Regghia The Fanfani of Fratta The Fanfani di Fratta, curiously often nicknamed the "Corto" and the "Migno", have been present in our territory for about 300 years, then suddenly there is no trace of this surname in Umbertide. curated by Fabio Mariotti Information taken entirely from the research of the local historian Renato Codovini in the civil and ecclesiastical archives of the ancient Fratta from which the presence of the Fanfani family has been documented from the mid-sixteenth to the mid-nineteenth century. The first news about the Fanfani di Fratta dates back to 1548. It is initially a family of peasants who worked on a Petrella farm, owned by the Confraternity of Santa Croce. In civil and ecclesiastical documents of the time, they are often cited with the nickname of "Corto" and also of "Migno", as if they were people of short stature. In the book of entries and exits of the Confraternity of Santa Croce, year 1548, there is this entry: "And more than many he hauti in the account of the Fanfani for trimming the beam and the ribs ... (it is a Fanfani who lends himself to transport, with the treggia, some wooden beams that probably were used for the house of the Petrella farm; for this work he had 28 baiocchi). From documents of the notary Angelo Tei of 1568 it appears that the "short of the Fanfani" (so generically identified) was a rather quarrelsome type, called into question by several people to whom he caused damage. From these acts it appears that the Fanfani, having to carry pigs or sheep and goats from one place to another, instead of walking along the various farm roads, had the habit, to make it first, to cross the fields of others, even if sown. This caused some damage to the owner of the land who had nothing else to do but sue the "Corto" before the Judge of Fratta. From a civil act of 1607 it appears instead that the Bishop of Gubbio rents a land located along the Carpina to a certain Sante di Tommaso Fanfani who is in partnership with Gerolamo Pisanelli. Rent for three years at 435 scudi a year to be paid the first half on the Feast of St. John the Baptist and the second on December 25th (a sort of Christmas present). From a civil act of 1662 we learn that this Giovanni Maria Fanfani was appointed by the Community of Fratta to make a count on the relationship between flour and the production of bread in the public oven. The Fanfani in question is defined as a "recognized Professor". For the record, the count shows that the flour that comes out of the mill is made up of the following parts: pure flour (51.05%), sembola (33.34%), farinello (6.24%), Tritello (6 , 24%), bait (3.12%). From an ecclesiastical act of 1676 it appears that Bartolomeo Fanfani is Prior of the Confraternity of Santa Croce together with Francesco Burelli and Ippolito Petrogalli. In 1761 Tommaso Fanfani applied to the Church of Santa Croce to be named Spedaliere, a request however not accepted and the assignment was assigned, on May 3, to a certain Giuseppe Padovani. From a civil act of 1767 it appears instead that Alessandro Fanfani is a municipal damsel, whose task was to carry out the orders of the other employees: to clean the building, to ring the public bell for council meetings, for school or for parties. For this he takes a shield of salary every four months, which was the lowest salary, paid monthly with 25 baiocchi. In 1790 Alessandro Fanfani, after 23 years, is still a municipal boy (even then promotions were not within everyone's reach. Perhaps "our Fanfani" did not have enough "Saints in Paradise" and a "White Whale" (1) behind"). From a civil act of 1808 we know that on September 6, during the fence competition (ox against dogs) the scaffolding built in Piazza San Francesco fell. On this occasion, Sante Fanfani, a 54-year-old shoemaker, was questioned about the event. The last official news we have about the Fanfani di Fratta dates back to 1841, when Nicola Fanfani is Prior of the Confraternity of Sant'Antonio da Padova. Since then there has been no news of the Fanfani and this surname is no longer present in Umbertide. Perhaps the Fanfani moved to nearby Tuscany, perhaps to Pieve Santo Stefano, forgetting their ancient Umbrian origins. The most famous was certainly Amintore, a leading exponent of the Christian Democrats from the 1950s to the 1980s (2). Note: 1. " White whale " was the nickname of the Christian Democrats 2. Amintore Fanfani (Pieve Santo Stefano, 6 February 1908 - Rome, 20 November 1999) was an Italian politician, economist, historian and academic. He was president of the Senate three times and five times president of the Council of Ministers between 1954 and 1987 when, at the age of 79 and 6 months, he became the oldest head of the government of the Italian Republic, twice secretary of the Christian Democrats and also party president, Minister of Foreign Affairs, interior and budget and economic planning. - The images of the documents are by Renato Codovini, taken directly from the article by Umbertide Cronache. - Renato Codovini's photo is by Fabio Mariotti - The photo of Amintore Fanfani is taken from the Internet (Wikipedia) Sources: “History of Umbertide - from the century. VIII to the century. XIX "by Renato Codovini (unpublished manuscript) Article by Fabio Mariotti published in “Umbertide Cronache” n.2 - 1995 The Umbertidese historian Renato Codovini GLI STATUTI DELLA FRATERNITA DI SANTA CROCE Dal libro “Statuti e ordini della Fraternita di Santa Croce in Fratta (Umbertide) dal 1567 al 1741” – a cura di Bruno Porrozzi Premessa Allo stato attuale delle conoscenze non siamo in grado di affermare con sicurezza la data precisa di fondazione a Fratta di una confraternita laica di Santa Croce (o di altro nome), ma certamente non dovremmo essere tanto lontani dal vero se ne facciamo risalire le origini al tempo di San Pier Damiani (morto nel 1072), di San Francesco (1182-1226) promotore dei Penitenti, fondatore dei Frati minori. Dopo San Francesco, il pio laico Raniero (o Rainerio) Fasani, propagatore della disciplina pubblica nel territorio perugino e oltre, nel 1260 predicava la necessità di far penitenza, di espiare pubblicamente i peccati rievocando la passione di Cristo, partecipando alle sofferenze di Gesù flagellandosi a sangue. Può essere verosimile che a Fratta, nella seconda metà del XIII secolo, fossero presenti gruppi di penitenti e disciplinati che, riuniti nelle parrocchie, praticavano esercizi penitenziali non quotidianamente, in maniera incruenta, indossando sempre (penitenti) o in certe circostanze (disciplinati) un abito speciale. Con il passare del tempo, dopo il 1260, i confratelli, organizzati in fraternite locali, scelsero una divisa, una uniforme che, per lo più, consisteva in una tunica bianca, rossa o di altro colore, con o senza scapolare e mantello; tali divise venivano conservate, in genere, negli armadi della sede della confraternita ed indossate per andare in processione o durante le riunioni. Le confraternite laiche, secondo quanto affermano il Mavarelli e altri studiosi, avrebbero avuto origine dall'ordinarsi e dal raccogliersi nelle parrocchie delle folle di disciplinati, dopo il 1258-1260, attenuato il primitivo entusiasmo che li aveva portati "fuori dei casali, dei presbiteri, dei tuguri, dei palazzi, per andare processionalmente per le strade e per le piazze e di paese in paese percuotendosi con fruste di cuoio (scope) fino a sangue, implorando con gemiti e lacrime la divina misericordia" (FRANCESCO MAVARELLI, Notizie storiche e laudi della Compagnia di disciplinati di S. Maria Nuova S. Croce nella Terra di Fratta (Umbertide), Stab. Tipografico Tiberino, 1899, pp. 6, 7). Sul finire del XIII o all'inizio del XIV secolo doveva essere attiva a Fratta la Compagnia dei Flagellanti, come attesta un privilegio, concesso dal vescovo di Gubbio, Pietro di Rosso Gabrielli, che reca la data del 1337; il privilegio prevede la concessione di quaranta giorni di indulgenza a chi darà “aiuti per condurre a termine la fabbrica iniziata dell'ospedale” (Cfr. F. Mavarelli, Op. cit., pp. 6, 7). Per carenza di documentazione sicura, non si può dire che dalla Confraternita dei Flagellanti si passò a quella di Santa Maria Nuova e a quella di Santa Croce; di certo c'è che negli Statuti del 1567 che si presentano, si afferma che verso il 1360 “considerando alcuni huomini da bene della Fratta contado di Perugia, come nella detta Terra non si trovava una Compagnia che attendesse alle opere di charità, come nelli altri luoghi si trova, mossi et ispirati dallo Spirito Sancto, si risolvemo unitamente a fondare una sancta fraternita et compagnia sotto il nome prima di Santa Maria nova e di poi sotto il nome et invocazione della S.ma Croce di Cristo..”. A Fratta, come in molti altri luoghi, le confraternite chiesero aiuto ai francescani o ai domenicani per aver in uso una sala per le riunioni e come sede sociale, un cappellano per celebrare i riti religiosi nella chiesa del convento e come assistente spirituale; è questo un momento importante per la vita delle confraternite, per l'istituzione che viene riconosciuta e le vengono accordate delle indulgenze. Numerosi sono gli esempi di confraternite che ebbero l'opportunità di possedere una propria sede, un oratorio, un centro amministrativo, un hospitalis per i pellegrini e poveri malati. La Confraternita di Santa Croce a Fratta ebbe proprietà immobiliari. una chiesa, un ospedale e propri statuti che lasciavano “entro certi limiti” i confratelli liberi di “poter mutare, aggiugnere o dichiarare più et manco li sopradetti capitoli ogni volta che parerà o piacerà alla stessa Fraternita in tutto o per tutto”...; nel 1612 gli statuti del 1567 vengono “aggiornati”, per il buon governo della Compagnia, dal vescovo eugubino monsignor Andrea Sorbolongo e confermati poi dal successore monsignor Alessandro del Monte nel 1622, sempre in occasione della visita pastorale, con decreti del vescovo Sostegno Maria Cavalli nel 1730 e nel 1741. L'indipendenza della confraternita laica dall'autorità religiosa era comunque sicuramente parziale, poiché soggetta al controllo del vescovo che emanava decreti ed esaminava lo statuto sociale con riserva di approvare o apportare modifiche, quasi sempre in occasione delle visite pastorali. Introduzione Il manoscritto originale si compone di due parti ben distinte: la prima di quattro pagine di carta con poche scritte esplicative (1-4), sedici pagine bianche, sempre su carta (5-20), due fogli bianchi (21-24) in pergamena, ventiquattro pagine scritte su pergamena con i più antichi (1567) capitoli degli statuti e ordinazioni della Confraternita (25-48); la seconda parte, su carta, di trentaquattro pagine scritte, con i capitoli degli statuti del 1612 e i successivi ordini (49-80). Concludono il manoscritto otto pagine bianche di carta. Il tutto, nel formato quindici per ventidue centimetri, rilegato in cuoio marrone scuro, redatto in un volgare quasi sempre sufficientemente chiaro e regolare. Le pagine in pergamena non risultano numerate, quelle su carta, dopo l'indice, sono numerate con cifre arabe da mano coeva. La legatura, assegnabile al XVII secolo, è formata da due fogli di cartone ricoperti in pelle, come si è detto, con quattro borchie (oggi scomparse) sulla prima e quarta di copertina. A Fratta, nel tempo, operarono diverse confraternite; le più attive furono quelle di Santa Croce e di San Bernardino, ancor oggi presenti nella realtà umbertidese. Il lavoro di ricerca storica su queste confraternite e su altre rimane ancora tutto da fare, utilizzando la documentazione reperibile negli archivi pubblici e privati in notevole quantità. La pubblicazione dei presenti statuti vuol essere un contributo, uno stimolo all'apertura di un nuovo "cantiere" per la ricerca storica locale, un cantiere interessante, sicuramente significativo se si tiene presente che le confraternite non furono solamente un centro di spiritualità, ma anche una struttura di notevole importanza sociale, politica, economica e culturale nella realtà di Fratta nei secoli XVI-XIX; qualcuno dovrebbe scriverne la storia. In fiduciosa attesa, con la speranza che venga raccolto l'invito, i consiglieri dell'Associazione Pro-loco hanno il piacere di offrire ai propri concittadini i rarissimi, forse unici, documenti che seguono in copia anastatica con "traduzione", ritenendo che leggerli significa, oltre tutto, cercare di capire la nostra storia, le nostre radici, le nostre tradizioni, le origini della solidarietà della quale oggi tanto si parla. A1 termine del lavoro, oltre a chi ha contribuito alla stampa del volume, è doveroso esprimere un sentimento di gratitudine alla dottoressa Silvana Tomassoni , al signor Mario Gasperini , all'architetto Maurizio Pucci , tutti della Soprintendenza ai Beni A.A.A. S. di Perugia, al dottor Stefano Felicetti , archivista e ricercatore, per i preziosi suggerimenti. Capitoli e regole della Compagnia della Croce del castello della Fratta - diocesi di Gubbio - Contado di Perugia Prologo Tutta la vita cristiana e la sua perfezione non è altro che amare, con il cuore e con le opere, nostro Signore Dio, il prossimo nostro, come dicono il medesimo nostro Salvatore nel Vangelo: "Amerai il tuo Dio con tutto il cuore e con tutte le tue forze e il prossimo tuo come te stesso", e il suo diletto discepolo San Giovanni evangelista: "Quello che non ama suo fratello che vede, come può amare Dio che non vede"? Pertanto, alcuni uomini dabbene della Fratta contado di Perugia, considerando come nella detta terra non si trovava una compagnia che si dedicasse alle opere di carità, come avviene in altri luoghi, mossi e ispirati dallo Spirito Santo, decisero concordemente di fondare una santa confraternita e compagnia con il nome, prima di Santa Maria nuova, poi sotto il nome e l'implorazione della Santissima Croce di Cristo, il quale sulla Croce ha dimostrato la maggior carità che mai si è dimostrata verso i poveri peccatori, affinché, anche loro, memori del sacrificio del Cristo, fossero incitati con cristiana carità a compiere le sette opere di misericordia a beneficio dei poveri, secondo le forze che Dio avrebbe concesso loro. Tale confraternita è stata fondata anticamente nella terra di Fratta, duecento anni fa circa, niente di meno, e ai nostri giorni è "alquanto rifreddata", così, sentendosene la mancanza, come si verifica con le cose buone che hanno bisogno di essere riproposte e migliorate, i fratelli sopra citati, desiderando ricostituire la detta confraternita in forma migliore, dedicandola a Dio e alla sua gloriosa madre vergine Maria, riuniti in assemblea generale l'anno del Signore 1566, il giorno della presentazione della Madonna [21 novembre] all'unanimità deliberarono di mandare a Roma, come loro procuratore generale, Gabriello di Bastiano Angelini di Fratta, il quale avesse "piena authorità" di assumere informazioni sugli ordini, capitoli e statuti di qualche confraternita di Roma e di unire a questa la nostra confraternita, che ne imiterà ed osserverà le regole "perpetuamente" ad onore di Dio, della sua santissima Madre e ad aiuto dei poveri della Terra di Fratta. Dunque, avendo il sopracitato Gabriello "ritrovato in Roma la Compagnia della charità" conforme allo spirito della confraternita di Fratta e considerato favorevolmente l'insieme degli ordini della Confraternita della Carità, tenuto conto del prestigio e delle raccomandazioni di questa ed in particolare del consiglio di molti uomini dabbene, specialmente del Reverendo Padre fra' Paulino da Lucca, maestro in sacra Teologia dell'ordine di San Domenico, unita la detta fraternita di Santa Croce alla Compagnia della carità, come risulta da atto pubblico, ne riportò i capitoli infrascritti che si devono osservare da tutti i fratelli "con obbligo non di peccato alcuno", ma di effettuare la penitenza che verrà loro imposta, oppure di essere cancellati dall'elenco dei confratelli. La Confraternita, infine, riunita in assemblea generale potrà deliberare ciò che sembrerà più opportuno e necessario, "secondo li tempi, purchè non si manchi della osservanza, et sustantia di detti capitoli" e, nel più breve tempo possibile, si proceda di bene in meglio, come speriamo, sorretti dalla misericordia di Dio. E poiché prima siamo obbligati ad amare Dio e a cercare la salvezza della nostra anima, poi quella del prossimo, così, prima riporteremo i capitoli che affronteranno "il modo di vivere delli fratelli", poi i capitoli e il modo "circa 1'exercitare le sette opere di misericordia inverso delli proximi". Dunque, ricevano i fratelli questo santissimo dono di Dio, ringraziando sua Maestà [il Signore, il papa, o ...?] e, con grande fervore, si rinnovino al ben fare, come se oggi, di nuovo, fosse fondata questa Santissima Compagnia al nome della Santissima Croce di nostro Signore e della sua Santissima Madre, benedicendo sempre quelli "in saecula saeculorum, amen" [nei secoli dei secoli, così sia]. Capitolo primo Del modo di associare i fratelli di questa Compagnia Quando qualcuno chiederà di far parte della nostra fraternita, la proposta deve essere fatta dal Priore; l'associazione avverrà con voto segreto, con le palline bianche e nere, e dopo che il candidato avrà ottenuto i tre quarti dei voti, altrimenti non sia accettato. Un giorno di festa, poi, riunita tutta la Confraternita, il Priore dirà alcune parole sui presenti capitoli e, chiamato colui che vuole entrare a far parte della Confraternita, lo vestirà della veste della Compagnia, gli darà una candela in mano, mentre i confratelli canteranno l'inno "Veni creator spiritus" o qualche altra orazione; e così sarà inscritto tra i fratelli della Compagnia. Non venga associato alcuno che sia di cattiva fama o che abbia compiuto qualche azione scandalosa o che giochi a carte o che abbia inimicizia o che conduca una vita disonesta o sia un cattivo cristiano. E se qualcuno della Compagnia cascasse in simili vizi o che fosse disobbediente al Priore o che non osservasse i capitoli o non prendesse parte alle processioni o all'ufficio, quando si dirà, dopo essere stato ammonito dal Priore a nome della Compagnia due o tre volte e non volendosi ravvedere, sia espulso immediatamente dalla Compagnia. E affinché nessuno possa invocare ignoranza il Priore convochi una volta al mese tutti i fratelli e, in presenza di tutti, legga i presenti capitoli. Capitolo secondo Degli ufficiali della Compagnia Tutti gli ufficiali della Compagnia si eleggeranno con le palline nere e bianche su nominativi di persone idonee proposti dal Priore; il primo candidato che raggiungerà i tre quarti dei voti verrà nominato ufficiale. Per primo si eleggerà un Priore che resterà in carica per sempre, se, per gravi motivi di grande importanza, la Compagnia non delibererà di eleggerne un altro. Ogni anno, il giorno di Santa Croce, si eleggerà un Sottopriore, il quale farà tanto quanto vorrà il Priore, verrà altresì eletto un Depositario, che, per inventario annoterà e renderà conto, ogni anno, di ogni cosa, né potrà dare né spendere, sia pure un quattrino, senza espressa autorizzazione del Priore; in caso contrario sarà controllato e pagherà del suo. Verranno poi eletti due Sagrestani, ovvero custodi della chiesa, che si dedicheranno a tutte le adunate, feste, processioni, secondo gli ordini del Priore. Infine, si eleggerà uno Spedaliere che stia nell'ospedale a ricevere i pellegrini; se non si comporterà bene il Priore potrà toglierlo dal posto e, con il consenso della Compagnia, metterne un altro. Il Priore potrà distribuire ai poveri e ad altri bisognosi tutti i beni della Compagnia, tenendo però buon conto con il Depositario di ogni cosa, ma non potrà alienare niente, né assumere un cappellano perpetuo, né dare un salario senza l'autorizzazione della Compagnia. Il Priore potrà comandare tutti i fratelli, i quali gli saranno sempre obbedienti nelle cose possibili, ragionevoli e che riguardano l'osservanza dei capitoli e del vivere cristiano, dell'ufficio divino, e nei bisogni e uffici che lui ordinerà; non ci sia alcuno che ardisca ribellarsi e disubbidire, altrimenti sarà cacciato dal Priore dall'Associazione con il consenso della Fraternita. Capitolo terzo Dell'ufficio divino La sera della vigilia di tutte le feste, i fratelli converranno alla loro chiesa a dire il Mattutino della Madonna, la mattina a dire Prima [al sorgere del sole], Terza, Sesta e Nona e, dopo pranzo, a dire Vespro e Compièta; quelli che non sapessero leggere diranno la Corona o il Santo Rosario della Madonna e quelli che, per qualche motivo legittimo, talvolta, non potranno essere presenti mandino o facciano scusa al Priore. Questo medesimo ufficio si dirà tutti i venerdì di Quaresima, e ciascuno dei fratelli sarà obbligato, oltre l'ufficio sopraddetto, a dire ogni giorno cinque Pater noster e cinque Ave Maria a riverenza della Santa Croce e della gloriosa Madre di Dio. Ognuno ancora, potendo, farà di tutto per udire la Messa ogni mattina, per andare alle prediche, per confessarsi una volta al mese, non mancando però mai di confessarsi oltre la Pasqua di resurrezione, alla Pasqua dello Spirito Santo, per Santa Croce di maggio, per la presentazione della Madonna e per il Natale. Tutti imparino, oltre il Pater noster e 1'Ave Maria, ancora il Credo, la Salve Regina e i dieci comandamenti; sarà compito del Priore far controllare simili cose pubblicamente in chiesa durante la festa, affinché chi non le sa le impari. Dopo il giorno di Tutti i Santi si celebri un anniversario per i benefattori della Compagnia, e un altro ancora per i fratelli di detta Compagnia e per i morti sepolti nella loro chiesa. Si faccia ancora la disciplina tutti i venerdì di Quaresima e nelle vigilie comandate. E nei tre giorni della settimana santa si facciano quelle cerimonie che sono riportate sul libro della Compagnia, come si fa negli altri luoghi. Il giorno della Purificazione il Priore farà benedire le candele e, dopo pranzo ne darà una per uno ai fratelli della Compagnia; farà ancora celebrare solennemente tre feste l'anno con il solito ufficio e processione, alle quali feste converranno tutti i fratelli e cioè a Santa Croce di maggio e di settembre e alla Presentazione della Vergine Maria. Capitolo quarto Delle processioni Ogni domenica e ogni venerdì di Quaresima tutti i fratelli andranno a processione devotamente e così i tre giorni di Pasqua di resurrezione e di Pasqua rosata, i tre giorni di Rogazione, il giorno dell'Ascensione, del Corpus Domini, San Bernardino, San Giuseppe, Santa Croce, Sant'Antonio, la Presentazione, la Visitazione e tutte le altre volte nelle quali la Compagnia sarà invitata; chi può si compri la cappa da per sé e a chi non può sia provvista dalla Compagnia e vada cantando o dicendo qualche cosa devota; nessuno ardisca parlare per la strada e chi non sa cantare dica la corona e faccia orazione per tutti. Così in chiesa, nel vestirsi e nello spogliarsi, non si faccia rumore, ma tutti in silenzio e con ordine stiano devotamente, e quando sono alla Messa non parlino, ma stiano in orazione, o leggano o dicano qualche devozione con i due ginocchi in terra e discosti dall'altare con riverenza, mostrando esser presenti al loro Signore. Il medesimo faranno in coro, quando si dirà l'ufficio. E nessuno se ne vada senza licenza del Priore o del Sottopriore. Capitolo quinto Dell'ufficio dello Spedaliere Le sette opere di misericordia sono quelle delle quali, nel giorno del giudizio universale, dobbiamo rendere ragione davanti al tribunale di Dio, per le quali saremo premiati o condannati. Fra queste opere una delle principali è il dedicarsi agli ospedali e ricevere poveri forestieri. Perciò sarà compito dello Spedaliere, quando viene qualche povero secolare o religioso per alloggiare, riceverlo nell'ospedale e subito darne notizia al Priore o Sottopriore, affinché, con loro ordine, sia provvisto di quanto sarà di bisogno per una sera o più, secondo le necessità; e se verrà alcuno che è infermo sarà obbligo del Priore farlo portare o a Città di Castello o a Perugia negli ospedali grandi, secondo il beneplacito dell'infermo; e accadendo che qualcuno muoia nell'ospedale, si provveda ogni cosa circa lo spirituale e il temporale, in vita e in morte, come se fosse un fratello della nostra Compagnia, ricordandosi di fare al prossimo quello che vorremmo fosse fatto a noi stessi. E poiché quello dello Spedaliere è il principale ufficio di questa Compagnia, pertanto, oltre gli altri ufficiali, si userà grandissima diligenza (come anticamente i nostri maggiori hanno fatto e fanno tutti gli ospedali bene ordinati negli altri luoghi) di eleggere ogni anno uno dei fratelli della Compagnia idoneo a questo incarico, da bene, capace, caritativo e sollecito, il quale abbia sempre un compagno coadiutore per tutte le necessità; se sarà necessario la Compagnia potrà deliberare di dare loro un salario giusto e ragionevole affinché non si manchi per alcun motivo a quest'opera tanto degna, la quale è il fondamento di questa nostra Fraternita. Lo Spedaliere, dunque, vigilerà che nell'ospedale non si giochi, non si faccia alcuna cosa disonesta né che sia in disonore di Dio in alcun modo e, se vi sono infermi, che siano somministrati loro tutti i sacramenti della chiesa, e che le donne stiano separate dagli uomini. Lo Spedaliere tenga netto e pulito l'ospedale, i letti provvisti e i poveri forestieri, sani o infermi, siano ricevuti con carità e trattati bene in tutte le cose loro necessarie, pensando che non riceve solamente un povero, ma Cristo Gesù e faccia a loro tutto quello che vorrebbe fosse fatto a sè quando si ritrovasse in simili bisogni. Capitolo sesto Del seppellire i morti Quando ci sarà qualche povero che non ha chi lo seppellisca, il Priore provveda due o tre persone o più secondo il bisogno dei fratelli della Compagnia, le quali lo seppelliscano e facciano tutto quello che sarà necessario a simile opera pia; la confraternita lo porti alla sepoltura e così si faccia per tutti gli altri morti, uomini e donne poveri o ricchi che siano, non essendoci altri che si interessano a questa opera pia. Il Priore potrà dare ordini a quattro fratelli per volta al mese o, come a lui sembrerà più opportuno, a persone più adatte, caritative e sollecite in tale necessità. Il Priore provveda ancora a ricordare i turni di attività e faccia in maniera tale che nessuno muoia senza sacramenti e che nessuno sia abbandonato, né da vivo né da morto, finchè non sarà seppellito. Il Priore provvederà a far lavare i morti, a farli vestire, accompagnare, portare e seppellire; in tutte le cose si faccia quanto richiede la carità e l'abitudine dei buoni cristiani. E tutto questo che si è detto si farà con più diligenza nei confronti dei fratelli della Confraternita quando saranno infermi e poi dopo la morte; verranno vestiti della veste della Fraternita e, con quella sola, senza altri ornamenti della bara, siano portati in chiesa e così sepolti. Tutti i fratelli, quando si seppellisce uno di loro, saranno presenti, leggendo tutti quei salmi o altre devozioni che sono nel libro della Compagnia. I fratelli diranno per il morto, più presto che sia possibile, una volta la Corona, ovvero il Rosario della vergine Maria, mentre il Priore, il giorno medesimo ovvero il seguente se sarà possibile farà dire nella chiesa della Compagnia una messa per l'anima del fratello morto, alla quale messa tutti i confratelli della Compagnia sono tenuti ad essere presenti. Il sagrestano darà in mano a tutti una candela per uno da accendere mentre si dice la messa fino alla fine. Capitolo settimo Del modo di distribuire le elemosine ai poveri Poiché i beni di questa Compagnia sono stati lasciati dai nostri antichi per beneficio dei poveri e non per altro, così il Priore abbia cura che le entrate della Compagnia siano spese esclusivamente per i poveri e per i bisogni della chiesa e dell'ospedale, che non si facciano pranzi solenni né altri pranzi di alcun tipo in alcun luogo. Il Priore vigili affinché non si faccia alcuna elemosina a coloro che non sono poveri e che non hanno bisogno, ma solo a quei poveri che chiederanno l'elemosina, ai quali si dia tutto quello di cui necessitano "in sanità et in infirmità" come pane, vino, medicine, denari e simili e altre cose necessarie; e altrettanto ancora si farà per quelli che sono poveri vergognosi, i quali si vergognano di chiedere. Se poi qualcuno fosse in difficoltà economiche per maritare le sue figlie zitelle, sia aiutato secondo il bisogno e ad arbitrio del Priore. E nei tempi di carestia la Confraternita sia tenuta a distribuire una mina di grano ai poveri nella chiesa della Compagnia ogni venerdì, cominciando il primo venerdì di Quaresima fino al venerdì avanti San Pietro, cioè per circa quattro mesi. Il Priore provveda affinché la Compagnia abbia questi libri: prima il libro che si chiama "Campione", nel quale verranno registrati tutti i beni della Compagnia, mobili e immobili, con le loro misure e confini, chi li tiene e in che modo; il secondo libro riporterà le entrate e le uscite "minutamente" di tutto quello che si spenderà durante l'anno, e ogni anno, dopo la festa di Santa Croce di maggio, si renda conto di ogni cosa in presenza dei sindaci in modo tale però che tali conti siano rivisti e saldati entro e non oltre il mese di maggio e si possa consegnare l'inventario al nuovo depositario. Il terzo libro conterrà tutti i contratti e le scritture importanti della Compagnia e tutti i ricordi di quelle cose che accadranno, meritevoli di essere conosciuti da quelli che verranno, massimamente i presenti capitoli e gli ufficiali che si eleggeranno di anno in anno, gli ordini e i decreti che si faranno dalla Compagnia nel tempo; tutti questi libri saranno conservati dal Priore e da nessun altro. Capitolo ottavo Del correttore, predicatore e cappellano della Compagnia Poiché in tutte le buone opere i secolari hanno bisogno di essere indirizzati e aiutati dai sacerdoti e affinché la Confraternita possa essere governata meglio massimamente nel ben vivere, nel buon costume e nella osservanza dei presenti capitoli, il Priore, con il consenso della Compagnia eleggerà, secondo il costume delle altre compagnie, un sacerdote religioso osservante di buona vita e che voglia attendere, aiutare, consigliare e correggere i fratelli in tutte le cose necessarie al buono stato della Compagnia, al quale sacerdote il Priore con tutti i fratelli, renderà onore e obbedienza e riferirà tutte le iniziative importanti e necessarie; senza il suo consiglio non si ordinerà o cambierà alcuna cosa, in particolare nei confronti dell'osservanza dei seguenti capitoli. Se non sarà possibile avere un sacerdote residente alla Fratta, se ne eleggerà uno che stia a Perugia, ovvero a Città di Castello come meglio sembrerà, mettendolo al corrente delle necessità della Confraternita, invitandolo spesso a venire alla Fratta per insegnare, coordinare tutte quelle cose che saranno indispensabili per lo sviluppo della Fraternita. Il Priore e la Compagnia siano obbligati ad eleggere ogni anno, per predicare tutto l'Avvento fino alla festa dell'Epifania, un religioso osservante dell'ordine di San Domenico o di San Francesco e spendere in simile opera quello che sarà necessario per il predicatore. Se il convento della Fratta non avrà tale predicatore, come non hanno adesso i frati di San Domenico e i frati dei cappuccini, la Compagnia dovrà provvedere l'alloggio il vitto e le altre cose necessarie. Poiché però la Compagnia ha bisogno di continuo aiuto, di esortazioni, messe, confessioni, comunioni e altri simili esercizi cristiani, il Priore dovrà cercare diligentemente, trovare (se però sarà possibile) ed eleggere con consenso della Compagnia e con un salario conveniente, un sacerdote come cappellano della Fraternita e della chiesa, il quale sia uomo di buon esempio, adatto all'opera che dovrà svolgere, e che voglia abbracciare con tutto il cuore questa santa opera, a lode di Dio, utilità comune della Confraternita e di tutti gli uomini e donne della nostra terra. Finis Ed io, Alessandro Marocilli , pubblico notaio, inscritto nell'archivio della curia e segretario dell'Arciconfraternita della Carità di Roma, tutti i sopraddetti capitoli letti e visti, deputato per R. O. da parte dell'Arciconfraternita nel segno della conferma degli stessi capitoli secondo le lettere patenti e la bolla di unione della suddetta Confraternita della Fratta con la predetta Arciconfraternita sotto la data e millesimo infrascritti ho sottoscritto su ordine demandato il giorno 18 del mese di febbraio 1567. Così è, Alessandro Marocilli Come sopra, etcetera. Addì 9 di maggio 1567 Si dichiara per il presente capitolo come i soprascritti capitoli non obbligano, sotto pena di scomunica o di peccato o altra pena o pregiudizio, i fratelli della Compagnia, ma che loro sono liberi di poter mutare, aggiungere o togliere i sopraddetti capitoli ogni volta che sembrerà opportuno o piacerà alla detta Fraternita in tutto e per tutto come del resto è contenuto nella bolla dell'unione fatta il 18 di febbraio 1567. E così io F. Paulino, in presenza della Compagnia, dopo richiesta e consenso di tutti, il giorno sopra scritto ho dichiarato e capitolato per levare via ogni scrupolo dalle menti delle persone. Lode a Dio e alla Santissima Croce. Gli Statuti della Fraternita di Santa Croce GLI STATUTI DELLA FRATERNITA DI SANTA CROCE AGGIORNATI AL 1622 Statuti e ordini per il buon governo della Compagnia di Santa Croce della terra della Fratta fatti da Monsignor Rever.mo Andrea Sorbolongo, vescovo di Gubbio, nella visita dell'anno 1612 e confermati da Monsignor Rever.mo Dal Monte, suo degnissimo successore, Quem Deus etcetera. Capitolo primo Del numero degli ufficiali della Compagnia Essendo necessario per il buon governo di questa Confraternita che vi siano ufficiali con le opere dei quali e col dividere tra loro gli incarichi venga ad essere amministrata e governata con buoni ordini, ordiniamo che ci siano gli infrascritti ufficiali e cioè due Priori, un Camerlengo ovvero Depositario, due Sindaci o Revisori, due Priori dell'ospedale, un Segretario e quattro Sacrestani da durare un anno nell'ufficio; dell'elezione e ufficio degli ufficiali si dirà nei seguenti capitoli. Capitolo secondo Della qualità degli ufficiali Per eliminare alcuni inconvenienti che si possono verificare nelle elezioni degli ufficiali, si ordina che nella Confraternita ci sia un elenco pubblico dei fratelli della Compagnia, nel quale siano riportati e annotati solo quelli che dichiareranno di voler essere di detta Compagnia e vestire l'abito di questa e non di altre di detta terra, dal quale elenco di fratelli così descritti si prenderanno persone adatte per gli uffici della Compagnia, permettendo però che quelli che sono soliti vestire sacchi di altre Compagnie, ancorché siano da lungo tempo anche di questa, nella quale non siano soliti vestire, possano godere gli altri privilegi e grazie spirituali che godono gli altri Confratelli. Non può essere ufficiale chi è scomunicato e bollato di infamia pubblica o che non è comunicato a Pasqua. Similmente è inabile agli uffici chi fosse debitore o creditore o interessato con la Compagnia o che fosse in lite con essa per qualsivoglia causa. Non potranno essere ufficiali nel medesimo tempo padre e figlio, due fratelli, anche zio e nipote. Non possa essere Priore, Camerlengo, Sindaco chi non arriva a venti anni; prima che si effettui qualsiasi elezione, il Segretario legga il presente e il seguente capitolo. Capitolo terzo Del modo di eleggere gli insaccolatori e gli ufficiali Per adattarsi all'uso inveterato di questa Compagnia di eleggere i suoi ufficiali per mezzo di insaccolatori, ordiniamo che nel secondo giorno di Pasqua di Resurrezione dell'anno che si dovrà rifare il sacco dei nuovi ufficiali, in una pubblica assemblea, i Priori, il Camerlengo e i Sindaci eleggeranno sei persone discrete tra i fratelli della Compagnia, dal quale numero si estrarranno tre persone, le quali dovranno rifare il sacco per tre anni; nel fare ciò si procederà in questa maniera: la domenica dell'ottava di Pasqua i tre insaccolatori si riuniranno segretamente in chiesa, ove, recitate le solite preghiere, fatto giuramento di operare con carità e senza tornaconto personale, eleggeranno i nuovi ufficiali o "a voce" o "per voti segreti"; se ci "fosse discrepanza", diversità di vedute, "si metterà la sorte". Il tutto dovrà essere verbalizzato dal Segretario, che parteciperà a tutte le operazioni "senza voto decisivo". Lo stesso Segretario, finita la votazione, rinchiuderà segretamente le schede degli ufficiali eletti per ciascun anno in tre palle di cera, sigillate in un'altra palla simile alle tre, ma più grande, inserendovi un foglio ove saranno annotati tutti gli ufficiali di ciascuno dei tre anni, affinché, verificandosi qualche inconveniente (frode, dubbio o altro) si possa immediatamente confrontare con quanto scritto sul foglio e superare ogni difficoltà o controversia. Si avverte che i tre elettori suddetti "sono privi di voce passiva", cioè non possono essere eletti "per li tre anni futuri" all'ufficio del priorato e camerlengato. Il segretario e i tre elettori dovranno tenere segreti i risultati elettorali [fino al tre di maggio, festa di Santa Croce]. Capitolo quarto Del modo e tempo di dare l'ufficio ai nuovi ufficiali Ogni anno, nel giorno della festa di Santa Croce al 3 di maggio, nella assemblea generale si estrarrà una palla dei nuovi ufficiali il cui contenuto verrà reso pubblico dal Segretario. Quelli che saranno eletti a qualche ufficio andranno avanti all'altare maggiore da dove, pregando Iddio che doni loro la grazia di amministrare bene il detto ufficio e, fatto un cenno dai Priori anziani, se ne ritorneranno; al tornare dei quali, tutti gli ufficiali vecchi si alzeranno in piedi e se ne andranno dal loro posto facendovi sedere i nuovi ufficiali e si consegneranno le chiavi, i libri e il sigillo. Poi il Priore presente più anziano esorterà i nuovi ufficiali a mantenere le opere pie che si fanno dalla Confraternita, pregandoli a conservarne i beni e le robe con ogni loro potere e scusandosi con gli ufficiali passati delle loro negligenze, domanderanno perdono a Dio. Poi si dirà il Te Deum e Deus innocentiae restitutor, e fatto ciò, non essendovi altro da dire, si stabiliranno le ore della giornata nelle quali consegnare le robe, riscontrare gli inventari e rendere i conti in conformità di quanto si dirà nel capitolo settimo. Capitolo quinto Dell'ufficio dei Priori Vogliamo che i Priori siano capi e guida della Compagnia, ai quali ciascuno debba portare rispetto ed essere obbediente nelle cose che riguardano la Compagnia, siano governatori e amministratori di tutti i luoghi e delle robe della Compagnia, procurino che i beni e le robe di essa siano fedelmente amministrate e distribuite in conformità degli obblighi e delle antiche istituzioni della Compagnia affinchè non vengano defraudate le intenzioni e le disposizioni dei benefattori, provvedendo che gli stabili non si usurpino né si alienino. I Priori, all'inizio del loro mandato, siano obbligati ad intervenire ai controlli degli inventari, che si faranno tra gli ufficiali vecchi e nuovi, e ad assistere con i Sindaci alla resa dei conti, avvertendo di non ingerirsi in cosa alcuna prima che siano stati resi i conti dagli ufficiali passati. Procurino, prima che finisca il loro ufficio, di far riscuotere tutti i crediti, pagare tutti i debiti, fare saldo con tutti per non lasciare confusione ai nuovi successori, forse con danno della Compagnia. I Priori siano obbligati, insieme con il Camerlengo, almeno una volta durante il loro ufficio a visitare tutti i beni stabili della Compagnia, faranno convocare tutte le assemblee sia generali sia segrete e assistervi. Provvedano poi affinché nei tempi dovuti siano soddisfatti tutti gli obblighi e carichi della Compagnia. Non possano di loro propria autorità spendere più di uno scudo in cose che non siano ordinarie e solite. Ordineranno tutti i mandati dei pagamenti e spese ordinarie e straordinarie, sottoscrivendoli e timbrandoli col sigillo della Compagnia. Uno di essi dovrà sottoscrivere le lettere missive che occorreranno durante il giorno, in questo modo (I Priori) e l'altro vi metterà il sigillo, il quale dovrà stare in mano di uno solo; il medesimo procedimento potrà essere osservato nel sottoscrivere i mandati. I Priori procurino che si mettano a libro dei ricordi tutte le memorie di atti pubblici e altre scritture pertinenti alla Compagnia, insomma facciano in modo che tutti gli ufficiali e i ministri compiano diligentemente i loro doveri. Terranno una chiave del granaio e della cantina e l'altra il Camerlengo, né la daranno ad alcuno senza andarvi e ritrovarsi presenti, non perché crediamo che il Camerlengo non sia fedele e sincero, ma per togliere via i sospetti e le mormorazioni; per la stessa ragione, fatta la raccolta e finita la vendemmia, si aggiungeranno nell'inventario fatto all'inizio dell'ufficio, tutto il grano, le altre robe raccolte e anche il mosto alla presenza dei Sindaci revisori. Non possano per alcuna via ricevere denari di entrate ordinarie e straordinarie e, finito il loro ufficio si sottopongano al controllo dei sindaci in conformità del capitolo settimo. Procurino di essere più amati che temuti dagli ufficiali e, soprattutto, essendo i primi dei luoghi e degli onori, siano i primi ad osservare i presenti capitoli e, con le opere e il loro esempio, siano specchi, esempio di bene operare per tutti gli altri. Capitolo sesto Dell'ufficio del Camerlengo o Depositario Non ricercandosi minor diligenza nell'eleggere il Camerlengo della Compagnia di quella che si ricerca nel nominare i Priori, avendo egli in mano tutte le robe ed entrate dalle quali dipendono tutte le opere lodevoli che si fanno nella Compagnia, si avvertono gli insaccolatori di eleggere a tale ufficio persona idonea e non sospetta. Il Camerlengo, benché abbia facoltà di spendere per le piccole e consuete cose senza il consenso dei Priori, tuttavia non potrà pagare né spendere denari per qualsiasi causa da tre giulii in su senza il detto mandato, non dovendosi altrimenti ritenere buono dai Sindaci nel rendere i conti; alla fine di ciascun mese farà fare il riepilogo di tutte le spese minute occorse, e delle spese che farà per vigore di qualsiasi mandato, debba farne fare ricevuta a tergo. Userà diligenza nello scrivere nel suo registro, annotando e specificando il nome da chi sono date o prese le robe, il peso, la misura, il numero, il prezzo e il giorno. All'inizio del suo ufficio dovrà prendere in carico ogni cosa per inventario alla presenza dei Priori e dei Sindaci, aggiungendo nel registro, sempre alla presenza dei sopraddetti, il raccolto del grano, del mosto e delle altre cose. Dovrà tenere una chiave del grano, del vino e delle altre robe, mentre l'altra la terrà il Priore, il che si è ordinato solo per rimuovere i sospetti e le mormorazioni; non darà a nessuno la detta chiave senza ritrovarsi presente. Il Camerlengo dovrà ugualmente tenere una chiave delle cassette delle elemosine e l'altra il Priore. Sarà suo dovere riscuotere tutti i lasciti, crediti e altri denari della Compagnia, avvertendo di non lasciare indietro alcun debito o credito per non lasciare confusione ai nuovi ufficiali, forse con danno della chiesa [sic]. In mano sua dovranno pervenire tutti i denari che non si dovranno spendere se non per sua mano; non farà distrazione delle robe ed entrate della Compagnia per convertirle in denari senza la partecipazione dei Priori; finito il tempo dell'incarico consegnerà i suoi libri e l'inventario ai nuovi Sindaci alla presenza dei vecchi e nuovi Priori e si renderanno i conti conformemente al seguente capitolo. Capitolo settimo Dell'ufficio dei Sindaci Benché speriamo che ogni fratello, al quale toccherà qualche ufficio, debba fare il suo dovere diligentemente e con fedeltà, tuttavia, perché a ciascuno è noto quanto siano importanti il giudizio e l'esame degli ufficiali passati, affinché le opere di ognuno siano manifeste e la Compagnia sia servita concretamente, si ordina che i Sindaci che saranno votati nella palla dei nuovi ufficiali, con l'assistenza del vicario foraneo, debbano rendere i conti dell'amministrazione degli ufficiali passati che avranno maneggiato robe e denari della Compagnia; questo sia fatto rapidamente per sommi capi, vedendo solo la realtà del fatto; senza esprimere giudizi si faccia detto controllo entro il termine di dieci giorni, dando assicurazione scritta che verrà consegnata al Segretario affinché la legga in una assemblea generale; resa pubblica, verrà registrata dal Segretario nel registro dei decreti di detta Compagnia. I Sindaci procurino che i nuovi ufficiali piglino l'ufficio col fare l'inventario, dove si specifichi la qualità e quantità delle cose o robe che a quelli si consegneranno e altre circostanze necessarie con la presenza loro, al quale inventario faranno aggiungere, come di sopra tutte le entrate che a suo tempo si ricaveranno dai beni stabili della Compagnia, come grano, vino e biade. Terranno una chiave dell'armario cioè il primo Sindaco una e l'altra il primo Priore. Conformemente a quanto si dirà nel capitolo XIIII, i Sindaci concorreranno ad eleggere gli insaccolatori, conformemente al capitolo XI, interverranno alla assemblea segreta. Sarà cura particolare dei Sindaci "visitare" spesso i beni stabili della Compagnia e procurare che siano ben coltivati e, al possibile, bonificati. Capitolo ottavo Dei Priori dell'ospedale e loro ufficio Sarà carico dei deputati a questo ufficio il sopraintendere al governo dell'ospedale dei poveri e all'ospizio dei padri cappuccini col provvedere quel tanto che farà di bisogno per il servizio di detto ospizio, e di tutte le spese faranno fare mandato, facendolo sottoscrivere come di sopra, da pagarsi per mano del depositario, avvertendo di non comprare robe alle osterie, con maggior spesa della Compagnia, perché non dovrà considerarsi buona l'alterazione dei prezzi. Avvertiranno ancora di non servirsi delle stanze fuori dell'uso convenevole e anche loro siano obbligati a fare tutti gli altri esercizi soliti, dichiarando che nei presenti statuti, facendosi menzione dei Priori, non s'intendono questi dell'ospedale, se non sono specificatamente nominati tali. Capitolo nono Del Segretario e suo ufficio Affinché, tanto dei decreti e risoluzioni che si faranno nelle assemblee, quanto degli infrascritti statuti e di altre scritture pertinenti alla Compagnia, ci sia chi tenga conto del tutto, ordiniamo che ci sia un Segretario il quale dovrà sempre assistere a tutte le riunioni e annotare distintamente tutto quello che si tratterà. Scriverà ancora tutte le lettere missive che occorrono alla giornata, facendole sottoscrivere e sigillare e di quelle terrà copia. Terrà anche conto delle altre lettere che si riceveranno, "facendone filza" [ordinandole], per poterle a suo tempo porre nell'archivio. Noterà in un registro tutti i fratelli e sorelle della Compagnia per ordine alfabetico e se in alcune di dette riunioni il Segretario non fosse presente, qualche altro, su incarico dei Priori, scriverà in un foglio quello che occorrerà, da darsi poi in mano al Segretario affinchè lo riporti sul suo registro; interverrà al momento della resa dei conti e, occorrendo, scriverà gli inventari e altre scritture per la Compagnia. Capitolo decimo Dei Sagrestani e loro ufficio Sarà cura dei sagrestani che la chiesa, l'altare, l'oratorio e tutte le altre robe della sagrestia siano sempre pulite e monde. I sagrestani dovranno assistere la domenica e tutte le feste, alle messe che si celebreranno nella chiesa della Compagnia; saranno diligenti nel far osservare gli obblighi che ha la Compagnia in quanto a messe, funerali e simili e, a questo effetto, dovranno tenere una tabella affissa nella sagrestia, sarà loro cura addobbare con decenza la chiesa nelle feste solite della Compagnia e, per tale effetto, riceveranno dal Camerlengo in denari quel tanto che dai Priori sarà giudicato sufficiente per la spesa di detto apparato, avvertendoli che andrà a loro conto ogni spesa superflua che facessero di loro iniziativa. I Priori avvertiranno ancora detti Sagrestani di non fare, nei giorni di festa "spese straordinarie e indecenti in mangiamenti e refezioni", non dovendole accettare per buone nei conti; se vorranno fare qualche cosa a loro proprie spese sia fatta ancora con ogni temperanza e senza scandalo. I sagrestani renderanno fedele conto ai Priori dei denari e delle elemosine che entrano nella sagrestia ed i Priori dovranno condiscendere ai giusti desideri loro quando facessero istanza, se di dette elemosine e avanzi fatti per loro intervento se ne facesse qualche ornamento per la chiesa o sagrestia durante il loro ufficio. Terranno ancora conto della cera che entrerà nella sagrestia per funerali e altre occasioni. Riceveranno e renderanno per inventario alla presenza dei Priori le robe pertinenti alla sagrestia. Capitolo undicesimo Dell'assemblea segreta Essendo necessario, per la speditezza degli affari della Compagnia, riunirsi spesse volte insieme, e perché sarebbe molto difficile, per ogni circostanza che durante la giornata si presenta, riunire tutti i fratelli, perciò si ordina che una volta al mese, e più o meno secondo che parrà ai Priori, si faccia una riunione segreta, alla quale dovranno intervenire i due Priori, il Camerlengo, i Sindaci, il Segretario e, possibilmente i due Priori vecchi dell'anno precedente, i quali tutti vogliamo che rappresentino la Congregazione [l'Assemblea] segreta, nella quale si possano trattare tutti gli argomenti necessari, proponendo i Priori e rispondendo successivamente gli altri puntualmente; se nel trattare vi sarà controversia, si metterà a votazione e non si potrà prendere decisione in detta riunione se non sono presenti almeno un Priore e cinque altri deputati. Non si possa discutere il problema o prendere una decisione finché non sarà uscito fuori quello (ancorché difficile) che avesse proposto qualche cosa tanto per interesse suo quanto dei suoi sino al terzo grado incluso. La stessa regola si osservi nell'assemblea generale. Detta assemblea segreta avrà facoltà di permettere qualche spesa insolita, però utile per la Compagnia, fino alla somma di tre scudi; alla medesima riunione segreta spetterà di nominare ufficiali nei luoghi che saranno restati vacanti per qualsivoglia accidente, i quali ufficiali saranno nello stesso grado, dignità e ordine che erano quelli insaccolati. Tutto quello che da detta assemblea segreta sarà decretato sia valido come se fosse fatto dall'assemblea generale, ad eccezione però dei casi riservati a detta assemblea generale. Capitolo dodicesimo Della assemblea generale Siccome nella Confraternita tutti i fratelli sono uguali, così la partecipazione ai suoi affari deve essere comune e, presentandosi problemi gravi, si devono risolvere e determinare con il consenso comune; perciò ordiniamo che, oltre la riunione segreta, si devono convocare e riunire tutti i fratelli, tutte quelle volte che ai Priori sembrerà accorgimento utile, in assemblea generale, la quale abbia facoltà di trattare, decidere e risolvere tutti i problemi occorrenti alla Compagnia, proponendo i Priori e rispondendo gli altri puntualmente, dichiarando (per evitare la confusione e il danno della Compagnia) che siano privi di voce attiva e passiva quelli che parleranno quando non tocca loro per ordine in detta assemblea senza avere ottenuto il permesso da uno dei due Priori; questa condizione privatamente duri solamente durante il consiglio o assemblea di quel giorno. Intesi i pareri dei diversi deputati, si metteranno ai voti quelli più "laudabili", e quello che sarà più favorevole rispetto ai voti ottenuti si intenderà approvato. Risolti i problemi e fatti i decreti si rendano pubblici dal segretario con voce intelliggibile; il medesimo si farà nelle riunioni segrete, alle quali assemblee non assisterà alcuno che non sia della Compagnia o che vesta di altre Compagnie e che si presenti armato. Prima che abbiano inizio le riunioni, sia generali sia segrete, si dovrà recitare "Veni Sante Spiritus", come nell'ufficio della Beata Vergine; finita la riunione si reciteranno le preghiere "Post congregatione" come nel medesimo luogo è notato. Capitolo tredicesimo Del modo di mettere i partiti [ai voti] Tutte le votazioni che si andranno a proporre nelle assemblee si devono effettuare per voti segreti, in tutte le riunioni sia generali che segrete e non si intendano valide se i voti non sono più della metà dei fratelli presenti riuniti atti a dare il voto e se non sono i due terzi dei voti favorevoli, come è stato usato sempre in questa Compagnia. Dovendo predisporre per la votazione, si ponga il bossolo davanti ai Priori, dove ordinatamente ciascuno andrà a dare il suo voto; nessuno possa dare voto se non ha almeno quindici anni finiti. Si aprirà poi dal segretario il bossolo davanti a Priori, pubblicamente, e si pubblicheranno e mostreranno i voti a tutta l'assemblea. Capitolo quattordicesimo Del modo di accettare i fratelli Per evitare l'associazione di uomini di cattiva fama e vita scandalosa, al che facilmente da principio si provvede e, successivamente, con difficoltà si rimedia, onde spesse volte succedono scandali e discordie, ordiniamo che, volendo qualcuno entrare a far parte della Compagnia, debba presentare un memoriale ai Priori, i quali, nella prima assemblea generale lo proporranno a votazione ed essendo accettato gli si darà avviso, affinché possa provvedere la veste, o sacco, che farà benedire da qualche sacerdote; sarà poi vestito dal proprio Priore con le solite cerimonie e ammonizioni e allora, non prima, sarà scritto dal segretario nel registro dei fratelli e posto nella tavola pubblica, avvertendolo che per l'avvenire non verranno ammessi nella Compagnia quelli che sono soliti vestire il sacco o la veste di altre compagnie dello stesso luogo. Capitolo quindicesimo Del modo di cancellare i fratelli Occorrendo cancellare qualcuno dei fratelli della Compagnia per qualche giusta causa, questo tale si faccia chiamare davanti ai Priori per sentire se ha qualche legittima difesa; dopo che sarà ascoltato, o non comparendo, il segretario nell'assemblea generale, a nome dei Priori, esporrà la causa. L'assemblea giudicherà a voti segreti e, se il caso proposto meriterà tale punizione, il nome di questo tale si scriverà in un bollettino che verrà stracciato dal Priore; il segretario lo cancellerà nello stesso tempo dal registro e farà nota dei fratelli, in modo tale che se ne faccia perpetua memoria, senza possibilità di essere mai più riammesso. Capitolo sedicesimo Dell'archivio o armario Per conservare i libri e le altre scritture pertinenti alla Compagnia, ove sarà anche l'inventario di detti registri, l'originale dell'inventario delle robe che si consegnano annualmente agli ufficiali, con il quale si confronteranno gli inventari particolari di qualsiasi ufficio, si ordina che vi sia un armario o cassa, dove si conservino tutti i registri, contratti, memorie e altre scritture riguardanti la Compagnia. Il primo Priore terrà una chiave di detto armario o cassa, l'altra la terrà il primo Sindaco. Capitolo diciassettesimo Che non si alienino i beni della Compagnia Desiderando provvedere nei confronti di chi posponesse l'utilità della Compagnia al proprio particolare interesse, stabiliamo che i beni stabili non si possano locare per più di tre anni, e questo con il consenso dell'assemblea generale, né si possano locare a persone, le quali abbiano casa, possessi e altri beni vicini a quelli della Compagnia, affinché non siano usurpati in tutto o in parte e i confini non si sconvolgano. Similmente non si possa locare, vendere o alienare o in qualsiasi modo concedere beni stabili o altre cose ai Priori, al Camerlengo o ad altri ufficiali della Compagnia, né ai loro parenti durante il loro ufficio. Le alienazioni in vita, terze generazioni o perpetue non siano permesse se non quando riguardassero cose dannose, sterili e in caso di grandissima necessità e di evidente utilità della Compagnia, né questo si deliberi senza il consenso dell'assemblea generale, oltre all'approvazione che se ne dovrà ottenere da Monsignor Reverendissimo Vescovo, quando si effettuerà tale alienazione sia fatta a spese del compratore come quando occorresse il sì di qualunque genere. Capitolo diciottesimo Dei prestiti delle robe Poiché prestare le robe della Compagnia è causa di smarrimenti, molte volte per negligenza, oppure di guasti per poca attenzione, con non poco danno di essa, ordiniamo che nessuno possa in qualsiasi modo prestare beni mobili di qualsiasi genere, di proprietà della Compagnia, senza un documento sottoscritto almeno da uno dei Priori, e prestandosi qualche cosa si faccia notare nel registro ciò che è stato prestato e a chi; e quando la riporterà si cancelli. In caso contrario, se le cose prestate perissero o si deteriorassero notevolmente siano a carico di chi le presta. Capitolo diciannovesimo Delle donne che entreranno nella Compagnia Per dare possibilità alle donne che lo vorranno di entrare a far parte della Compagnia ordiniamo che i sagrestani e altri ufficiali che saranno "pro tempore" piglino in nota il nome di quella donna che vorrà entrare nella Compagnia e lo presentino ad uno dei Priori affinché se ne possa prendere debita informazione; dopo aver assunto informazioni e averle trovate idonee, almeno un Priore sottoscriverà quel bollettino, il quale sarà consegnato al segretario affinché lo trascriva nel libro grosso dei fratelli e sorelle della Compagnia delle quali ogni anno gli insaccolatori ne eleggeranno quattro, le quali, con il titolo di Priore, saranno capo e guida di tutte le altre sorelle della Compagnia. Capitolo ventesimo Delle qualità e costumi dei fratelli e sorelle della Compagnia Per ammonire ed avvertire i fratelli e le sorelle di questa Compagnia di incamminarsi ed esercitarsi per la via delle virtù e dei buoni costumi, ci possiamo servire delle ammonizioni ed esortazioni che fa San Paolo nel capitolo quarto delle Epistole che scrive ai Filippesi, ove, dopo molte altre esortazioni vi aggiunge questa: "De cetero, fratres, quaecumque sunt vera, quaecumque onesta, quaecumque sancta, quaecumque amabilia, quaecumque honestae famae, si qua virtus, si qua laus disciplinae, haec cogitate". [Del resto, fratelli, tutto ciò che è vero, tutto ciò che è onesto, tutto ciò che è santo, tutto quello che è amabile, tutto ciò che è rinomato, tutto ciò che è virtuoso e merita lode, sia oggetto del vostro pensiero]. Dovendo riportare da tutto ciò un frutto particolare, questo non sarà altro che quello che lo stesso San Paolo aggiunge: "Deus pacis erit vobiscum". [il Dio della pace sarà con voi] . Se questo riguarda tutti i cristiani, molto di più deve riguardare quelli che, oltre all'obbligo universale della legge cristiana, scegliendo quasi una vita più severa in questa Compagnia, si sono spontaneamente obbligati alle opere di pietà e devozione; per questo vogliamo, dunque, che i fratelli e le sorelle della Compagnia, prima di ogni altra cosa osservino tutti i comandamenti di Dio e della Chiesa, ascoltino ogni giorno la Messa o almeno visitino il Santissimo Sacramento, frequentino i Sacramenti della Confessione e della Comunione, se non una volta al mese, almeno nelle feste principali del Signore e della Madonna, e in particolare per la festa di Santa Croce di maggio e della Madonna di novembre, feste principali della Compagnia, nella propria chiesa tutti insieme. Si esercitino nelle opere di pietà e di misericordia con tutti e in particolare con quelli della Compagnia, soccorrendo i bisognosi, visitando gli infermi di essa, seppellendo i morti, per i quali dovranno far celebrare un ufficio tanto per i fratelli quanto per le sorelle della Compagnia dopo la morte di ciascuno, e fare una particolare orazione per essi. Abbiano qualche devozione particolare e siano riverenti e obbedienti ai superiori, siano solleciti alla frequenza della Compagnia nelle attività e processioni pubbliche, alle quali intervengano sempre con l'abito della Compagnia e con quella modestia pietà e devozione che sono dovute a tale abito, sempre con la faccia coperta e senza cappello in testa. Abbiano sempre davanti agli occhi l'onore e il timore di Dio, perché con tali mezzi verranno ad essere più disposti a conseguire le grazie, e privilegi e le indulgenze concessi a questa Compagnia in conformità di quanto è contenuto più espressamente nelle bolle dell'aggregazione, con l'avvertenza di non lasciare vestire il sacco né di intervenire ad alcune attività a quelli che non sono iscritti alla Compagnia, se non per necessità o convenienza e in questi casi con il permesso degli stessi Priori della Compagnia. Tutti i sopraddetti singoli capitoli, intimati dal Mandatario dell'assemblea generale e quella riunita, furono letti ad alta ed intelliggibile voce da me cancelliere infrascritto, e di nuovo furono accettati ed approvati per voto segreto, nessuno intimamente contrario e il decreto dovrà essere osservato inviolabilmente, riservati il consenso e l'approvazione dell'Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Signore Alessandro del Monte vescovo eugubino per grazia di Dio e della Sede Apostolica dal giorno 23 ottobre 1622. In fede, scrissi e sottoscrissi di mia propria mano Paolo Cibo notaio e cancelliere I capitoli sopraddetti confermati ed approvati dal vescovo eugubino. Capitoli sopra le doti da vincolarsi per le zitelle Per eliminare molti abusi e dare qualche forma al costituire, al distribuire le doti per elemosina alle zitelle e apportare maggior utile ai poveri, onore e decoro alla Compagnia, si stabilisce e determina che per l'avvenire l'assemblea generale pubblica possa vincolare e assegnare una dote o due al più l'anno, secondo che lo consentiranno le entrate e i bisogni della Compagnia, e non più; e ciascuna delle dette doti possa ammontare alla somma di venticinque fiorini e questi non superare. Parimente si ordina e stabilisce che non si possano proporre per tale effetto se non zitelle povere onorate, di buoni costumi, residenti nella Terra di Fratta o nei suoi borghi, e che dei parenti di quelle almeno il padre sia nativo del detto luogo. Nello sborsare le dette doti se ne debba fare atto pubblico per mano del cancelliere della Compagnia, e si debbano dare con patto o condizione, purchè, per tutto il tempo che, e fino a quando avrà conservato una vita casta ed onesta; e anche con patto che, morendo la donna senza figlioli legittimi e naturali, la dote consegnatale debba ritornare ed essere restituita alla Compagnia nel modo migliore, senza la detrazione del terzo o di altro; e a questo effetto si farà mettere in beni stabili la detta dote, o dare sicurtà idonea di restituirla nei sopraddetti casi, non altrimenti. Si determina ancora che le sopraddette doti non si possano assegnare se non nei giorni delle feste principali della Compagnia cioè nella festività di Santa Croce il 3 di maggio, e nella festività della Presentazione della Madonna il 21 di novembre, una però per ciascuna festa, nel caso che piacesse assegnarne una o due, come si è detto di sopra, e nell'assegnarle si leggeranno i memoriali di ciascuna zitella da proporre all'assemblea pubblica e per ciascuna si metterà la decisione a voto segreto e quella che avrà più voti favorevoli si intenderà assegnata, avendo avuto però più dei due terzi dei voti favorevoli, in modo conforme alle disposizioni della Compagnia; e se eventualmente due o più zitelle riportassero un numero uguale di voti, si scriveranno i nomi in due o più schede "conformi" e da quelle si estrarrà a sorte, intendendo per assegnata quella che verrà estratta, dichiarando che i sopraddetti capitoli, tutti e ciascuno di essi in tutto e per tutto si debbano osservare "inviolabilmente" e contravvenendovi, in tutto o in parte sia nullo e di nessuna importanza ogni atto e la dote si consideri non assegnata, né si debba rimborsare la somma a chi la pagasse. Tutti i sopraddetti singoli capitoli, intimati dal Mandatario dell'assemblea generale, e quella riunita, furono letti ad alta ed intelliggibile voce da me cancelliere infrascritto, e furono accettati ed approvati con voto segreto, nessuno intimamente contrario, e il decreto dovrà essere inviolabilmente osservato, riservati il consenso e l'approvazione dell'illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Signore Alessandro del Monte, vescovo eugubino per grazia di Dio e della Sede Apostolica, dal giorno 23 ottobre 1622. Paolo Cibo notaio e cancelliere I Capitoli sopraddetti confermati ed approvati dal Vescovo eugubino Decreto del 16 giugno 1730 Decreto dell'Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Signore Sostegno Maria Cavalli vescovo eugubino, emanato il 16 giugno 1730 in occasione della Sacra visita a questa chiesa della venerabile Confraternita di Santa Croce, e trascritto tra gli altri decreti. Ordiniamo che in futuro nessun fratello eletto della medesima società possa prendere il sacco o la veste e indossarli se non per mano del Priore che amministra al momento, fatti salvi i riti e le cerimonie prescritte nei capitoli della Società e inoltre [ordiniamo] che nessun confratello possa essere accolto, eletto o ammesso oltre il numero di quaranta confratelli, altrimenti l'elezione o l'ammissione sia, in ambedue i casi, nulla immediatamente. Pietro Nalducci segretario Decreto del 6 giugno 1741 L'Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Signore Sostegno Maria Cavalli vescovo eugubino, in occasione della sacra visita effettuata nella chiesa di Santa Croce di questa Terra di Fratta, essendo il suo animo mosso da giusta causa, derogando in quella parte del capitolo XIV ordinò che in futuro la Confraternita non accolga nuovi confratelli se non mediante il consiglio segreto. Così è il 6 giugno 1741. Fratta, in occasione della sacra visita, come sopra Firmato S. M. Cavalli (aggiunta postuma) C. Leandro de Bonfatti Cancelliere vescovile generale

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