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Storia, memoria ed identità Umbertide. Il sito si propone di divulgare la storia, la cultura e la memoria di coloro che hanno abitato ad Umbertide (Pg) per contribuire alla costruzione di una identità culturale comune nel rispetto dei principi Costituzionali. Questa divulgazione è e resterà senza sc HISTORY AND MEMORY UMBERTIDE Virtual place of memory and identity in motion Who we are We are a group of history lovers and scholars who want to create a space for the transmission of documents, memories and traditions of our city. The aim is the development of a shared identity that is inclusive of those who lived and those who live in Umbertide. The cultural and economic aspects, together with the Second World War, over time they have shaped the city, with its architectural elements and its spaces, but also the rural territory which for centuries has maintained its characteristic of scattered "settlement" and polyculture. For about 70 years, the scenario has been rapidly evolving. We are convinced that knowing the past, or who we were, will help understand how the life of the population will be structured, that is who we will be. Knowing allows you to have "new eyes" to see ... and think. Approfondisci la "memoria" ad ottanta anni di distanza dal bombardamento del 1944... Visita "OTTANT'ANNI" la sezione dedicata al progetto pensato da Mario Tosti con UNITRE di Umbertide, CENTRO SOCIO-CULTURALE S. FRANCESCO, UMBERTIDESTORIA e con il Patrocinio del COMUNE DI UMBERTIDE. Il racconto del passaggio del fronte durante la seconda guerra mondiale ad Umbertide, per riattivare la memoria, riflettere e non dimenticare. Progetto nato in collaborazione con il Dipartimento di Filosofia, Scienze umane e Storia della scuola secondaria superiore “Campus da Vinci” di Umbertide, in funzione della trasmissione e crescita della memoria tra le giovani generazioni, che ha visto già diversi incontri con le classe terze dell’a.s. 2023-24. Azioni che hanno portato alla ricerca e sistemazione delle informazioni poi diventate libro e pagine web. OTTANT'ANNI Il 1944 In questa sezione il progetto "Ottantani" per il ricordo della tragedia che colpì la nostra città il 25 aprile 1944. Tragedia che si lega in modo più vasto al territorio dell'alta Umbria per il periodo del passaggio del fronte nel 1944. Un progetto che ha permesso la pubblicazione di un libro cartaceo e ora la versione digitale, nata per far crescere la memoria in maniera collettiva. Un progetto a cura di Mario Tosti, Unitre di Umbertide, Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertidestoria, con il Patrocinio del Comune di Umbertide; con la collaborazione di Pietro Taverniti, Massimo Pascolini, Sergio Bargelli, Corrado Baldoni, Francesco Deplanu, Sergio Magrini Alunno, Antonio Renzini, Luca Silvioni, Romano Vibi. Gennaio La situazione al 31 dicembre del 1943... Aprile APRILE 1944 - L’ Umbria ed Umbertide nel mirino degli aerei inglesi... Luglio Luglio... distruzione e liberazione... Ottobre 1° ottobre: è morto Fabio Fornaci combattendo con la RSI... Febbraio 4 febbraio: Nuovo bando di arruolamento. La RSI ordina la chiamata alle armi per le classi 1922/1923/1924... ... Maggio 1° maggio. Dovrebbe essere la festa dei lavoratori, ma non si festeggia niente... Agosto Agosto... Le condizioni a Umbertide migliorano nettamente... Novembre 2 novembre . Gli americani hanno sferrato un attacco aereo su Tokio... Marzo Umbertide, già sconvolta dalla guerra civile, sta per trovarsi nel cratere del fronte del fuoco che avanza... Giugno 4 giugno: Liberazione di Roma... passaggio del fronte in altotevere... Settembre 2 settembre: nomina del nuovo Sindaco... Dicembre 1° dicembre: Morti umbertidesi: Piccioloni, artigliere, soldato della RSI... OTTANT'ANNI Il 1945 Continuiamo a raccontare, mese per mese, i piccoli fatti locali (ma coraggiosi e lungimiranti) che hanno caratterizzato il 1945, anno drammatico ed al tempo stesso esaltante, dopo la catastrofe della guerra in casa. Per superare le difficoltà è necessario rivitalizzare la forza con cui la comunità è riuscita, allora, a rinascere e prosperare in ottant’anni di pace. Gennaio Dopo il 6 luglio 1944, quando gli Alleati sono entrati a Umbertide, il nostro territorio passa formalmente dalla Repubblica Sociale Italiana (RSI), regime collaborazionista con la Germania nazista, al Regno d’Italia (cosiddetto Regno del Sud)... Aprile Il 24 aprile il sindaco Renato Ramaccioni comunica che, per ragioni di studio e di famiglia, dovrà assentarsi dalla sede per circa 20 giorni. Sentito il parere favorevole del locale Comitato di Liberazione e della Giunta comunale... Luglio Il sindaco Astorre Bellarosa, con la sua Giunta, non perde tempo per dare un forte segnale politico con l’intitolazione della Piazza a Giacomo Matteotti, simbolo dell’opposizione al fascismo... Ottobre Il Comune concede gratuitamente un loculo al cimitero per la salma della medaglia d’argento Giuseppe Starnini, caduto combattendo nella guerra di liberazione il 30 aprile 1945. Il Sindaco mette a disposizione della società sportiva Tiberis quanto rimane dell’attrezzatura del gioco pallacanestro... Febbraio Il 6 febbraio, Fausto Fornaci cade nel cielo di Thiene. Allontanatosi un po’ dalla sua formazione, è circondato da caccia americani. Dopo aver abbattuto uno degli avversari, viene attaccato da tutte le parti... Maggio Dopo le dimissioni del sindaco Ramaccioni, si insedia la nuova Giunta, formata in gran parte da comunisti e socialisti: Astorre Bellarosa (il nuovo sindaco)... Agosto La Giunta comunale, con il sindaco falegname e il vicesindaco meccanico, ha la sensibilità di perseguire l’apertura di un liceo scientifico, seppure in presenza di scuole senza vetri, distrutti dalle onde d’urto delle bombe, e senza sedie per gli insegnanti.... Novembre L’amministrazione Bellarosa segna un passo decisamente positivo nel difficile cammino della ricostruzione, anche morale, coinvolgendo quanto più possibile i cittadini che, responsabilizzati da una partecipazione dimenticata da anni... Marzo Il 3 marzo muore Rino Pucci del “Gruppo di combattimento Cremona”. Giuseppe Rosati, rimasto gravemente ferito, spira il 5 marzo all'ospedale canadese di Ravenna. Con essi cade anche la loro mascotte, un ragazzo di 15 anni, Giuseppe Battiglia di Roma, colpito alla testa, il cranio svuotato... Giugno L’urgenza di affrontare le condizioni disastrose, lasciate dalla guerra, non impedisce di impostare la soluzione del problema della ricostruzione... Settembre Il Comune si trova a fronteggiare gravi situazioni di necessità ed assistenza per diversi soggetti. Prende in carico la retta di refezione, a favore di 10 bambini poveri, per i pasti forniti nel locale interrato dell’ala posteriore della scuola elementare di Via Garibaldi... Dicembre Il 4 dicembre le salme di Quirino Pucci, Giuseppe Rosati e Giuseppe Starnini sono traslate ad Umbertide, dove si svolge un funerale solenne, con la partecipazione di tutta la popolazione... Scopri le nostre pagine dinamiche Ogni pagina è un percorso, un grande contenitore dinamico, anche con decide di approfondimenti, sempre in possibile crescita perché la ricerca non deve avere una fine. Ogni pagina è un piccolo "sito" specifico all'interno di "Umbertidestoria". Pagine strutturate in modo da facilitare la navigabilità e quindi la fruizione. La Fratta di Carta Prima della progressiva standardizzazione della cartografia tra '700 ed '800 si sono prodotte rappresentazioni del territorio e di città mosse da diverse esigenze... Memoria e Tradizioni La sezione delle nostre tradizioni e della memoria da preservare, curata da Sergio Magrini Alunno... Ricordi umbertidesi Nuova pagina del sito nella quale intendiamo dare spazio a tutti coloro che vorranno condividere con noi i loro ricordi e i personaggi caratteristici nella Umbertide di una volta anche con documenti e foto d’epoca... Montecorona Sabbianiani Estratti a cura di Giuliano Sabbiniani sulla storia, vita e produzione della Tenuta di Montecorona dal suo libro “Montecorona – la Tenuta e la sua gente”, Gruppo editoriale locale, Digital Editor srl, Umbertide - 2021"... Video di Storia e Territorio Raccolta di pagine con video si luoghi storici architettonici e particolari fonti storiche della storia e del territorio di Umbertide... Fratta del Quattrocento Prima pagina dinamica che raccoglie i vari aspetti del sito su uno specifico periodo storico: il XV secolo dell'antica Fratta... Le storie di Pascolini Prima pagina dinamica che raccoglie i vari contributi con ricerche di archivio di Massimo Pascolini... .... o visita le nostre pagine tematiche di raccordo... ... o scopri le nostre pagine tematiche tradizionali , strutturate come raccordo degli articoli singoli, a volte ancora da sistemare, da dove puoi accedere a specifici approfondimenti.. Nel tempo sostituiremo le pagine tradizionali con quelle dinamiche... "work in progress"! STORIA vai alla pagina STORIA PER TEMI vai alla pagina MEMORIA vai alla pagina TRADIZIONI vai alla pagina ARRIVI E PARTENZE vai alla pagina CALENDARI vai alla pagina TESI DI LAUREA vai alla pagina ALBUM vai alla pagina The information from the birth of the first residential agglomerations to the first archive news, The rapid time of political changes from the Middle Ages to the history of the twentieth century, the architectural remains, our monuments and works of art, the slow pace of changes in the territory that have come to define our landscape, the structuring of traditions, family memory ... all this defines the identity of a place and of the people who live there. Please help us to remember by sending photos (with date and place if possible), reporting errors on our texts, suggesting improvements or writing your memoirs, possibly with historical and contemporary sources, to build a vision of our future. Those who choose to send us images can choose to do overwrite, with the "water mark" technique, your "name and surname" or "family archive ..." on your photos, this to prevent the images from being used once on the web beyond the cultural purposes that we aim. For the same reason we have applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark over the historical photos of Umbertide which have been on the web for some time and in various private archives; in this way we try to avoid that further disclosure on our part favors purposes that are not consonant with our intentions. We come out publicly with parts that are incomplete and to be improved. Ours is an ongoing project that needed to be shared in order to grow. For now, thank you ... Adil, Adriano, Alberto, Alessandro, Alessandro C., Andrea Levi, Anna, Anna Maria, Brunella, Diego, Dritan, Fabio, Federico, Francesco, Giovanna, Giovanni, Giulio, Imperia, Isotta, Mario, Miriam, Loredana, Kalida, Paola, Silvia, Simona, Tiziana, Valentina RV, Valentina P. and all those who have sent us photos or supported. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com EH Carr "Change is certain. Progress is not "

La vita durante il ventennio fascista ad Umbertide. Memoria della vita di Aristide. Aristide and the twenty years curated by Francesco Deplanu Aristide Guardabassi, the first on the left in the photo was born in 1912, became an adult during the Fascist period. After the military started in 1931, participated in the "Ethiopian enterprise" from 1935 to '36, the era of the "great consensus", then he was recalled in 1941 in the military battalions of the "shirts." black " and died in 1942 at the "mouths of Cattaro" together with a commissioner, Massetti, from Città di Castello affected from "friendly" batteries. The remains of his body were tracked down by the Maggior Suppa of the Italian army only after twenty years and brought back to a now democratic and pacified Umbertide. His funeral, in a very cold March 1960, with the banner of the Municipality in front, climbed on foot to the cemetery with all the citizens in tow, after having crossed a plain that still showed the promiscuous culture of the vine, the last landscape of an ancient world. He had reached the "sixth" elementary and so on long years of military service and then as a "black shirt", volunteer for the AOI and recalled for the Second World War, he had a very long correspondence with his wife, Olinda Guardabassi. Linda, as she was called, responded less to difficulties between work as a "tobacconist" and other jobs to be able to live and raise the little daughter; moreover, like many girls before the war, he was prevented from finishing elementary school because he was "a woman". After the second class, in fact, it had been held home to provide for family needs ... his writing was therefore more tiring. In addition to many documents of the time among the many letters left, where they are substantially absent i references to the "enemy" e to war, there are affections, memories and common life as in an "escape" from a present that is difficult to live and tell. Linda kept everything she had left in her wooden barber box: her compass and sewing supplies, letters, postcards, some documents, the metal plate found with the remains of her body, the newspaper with the 'announcement of death and some letters from friends to alleviate his loss. The barber's box contained about 300 letters, 144 postcards, filled for almost all the space available, and some telegrams written in the decade 1932-42. Almost all the letters are by Aristide some by Linda. The letters are concentrated above all in the second year of the war, as many as 110 letters, when he was recalled and left for the conflict, and in 1942, third year of the war, 52 letters before dying. In particular 68 letters were kept during his military service and 10 postcards; between 1934 and 1936, during the African campaign, 66 letters, 1 telegram and 29 postcards remain; 170 letters, 105 postcards and 3 telegrams remain for the period of the World War: 1932 - 4 letters, 1933 - 61 letters from Vercelli, 10 postcards, 4 edelweiss, 1934 - 3 missives, 1935 - 38 missives 1 telegram and 29 postcards, 1936 - 25 letters, 1939 - 2 telegrams and 15 postcards, 1941 - 110 missives 2 post card, 2 telegrams 70 postcards, 1942 - 59 missives 4 postcards 1 telegram 35 postcards and 1 letter from Alberto Burri to his wife Linda after her death. Interno della cassetta da barbiere In addition, many personal photos were kept in the box, 30 photos of the funeral that took place in the post-war period in Umbertide, various personal and time documents, "Various materials" including, a compass used in the AOI, a needle holder and wooden thread, a branded cigarette holder with still some cigarettes inside, a small santino di Sant'Antonio kept inside a small bussolotto, the identification plate kept in a green canvas bag with the personal data, the flag with which the small chest with the remains of Aristide was displayed in the Collegiate Church for the funeral about twenty years after his death; Linda after many years used to say that only at that moment, when the remains were brought back in a small box, did she really stop hoping for his return ... A decade of alternating correspondence for a few years, after the "unlimited leave" from military service, first from the "African enterprise" and then from the outbreak of the conflict. A very long correspondence in which Aristide wrote almost exclusively of love, affection and everyday life; an aspect that goes hand in hand with the historical moments in which he writes, writes from Vercelli and Biella to the compulsory service of the state, writes from the "steamer" that takes him to Africa for the Empire, sends postcards where the propaganda phrases of the "Fascism" as he greets his Lindina, postcards that have as their theme the geographical map of the AOI or busts of beautiful African girls that the regime shows as trophies, he writes more and more often when he is sent to the coasts of Albania and present-day Montenegro . He wrote from Podgorica, from the "very Italian" Boka Kotorska, until his death at the hands of his own army in an Italy that soon will be divided in two, with the central part and its Umbertide that from that moment will live another story: drama and liberation. In addition to the correspondence, the preserved documents tell us about that moment: the cards of the fascist, workers and women's organizations, the lists of members of the Umbertidese militias of the "black shirts", the recall orders for the lack of behavior of these Umbertidesi militiamen on the part of the Perugian nucleus, an internal propaganda theme made to write to the daughter for the return of the father who will never return ... A remarkable material to be investigated at another time because it is too vast. The affections for the young Linda, first girlfriend then wife and mother of a child seem to be almost the exclusive subject to communicate. Here are some examples as a soldier of Leva in 1933 and then as a husband in '39 and on the day of his death in July '42: "Biella 04/21/1933 - IX EF ("Fascist year and period" Ed.) I reply to yours ("letter" Ed.) With a little nervousness caused by your silence. Lindina you will never imagine how I desire one of yours ("letter" Ed), and not receiving it, the saddest thoughts assault my brain, and the most phantasmagoric visions come before my eyes making me see who knows how many times you that you no longer think of me, that you do not love me, and who knows how many other bad things that my miserable language cannot pronounce ... " "Sora 16-7-39 - VII" ("fascist year" Ed.) Dearest love, with the greatest joy, I reply to your dear letter, which has reached me today. Lindina you will want to excuse me if sometimes in my letters I am a little impulsive, but you must understand, that it is the love I have towards you that makes me insane. Not a minute of the day goes by, that my thoughts are not turned towards you, and I remember all our talks, all our walks, every intimate we had with you and I wonder: what will my Linda do now without me? Maybe he will think of his distant love? And my heart answers yes. " "(Place not present for military reasons) - 29/07/1942 - XX ... I really liked the two conchigline I found in the letter of the 22nd from Imperia. Do you think Linda wanted to be a little bird, and see our daughter how he looked for them, and what he told you when he gave them to you to send them to me. I think of you how happy you will be, that you see Imperia growing like a flower, and that you guide it, and you look at it as you look at an angel. But for my part, I am happy all the same, because when it is joy for you, it is happiness for me too. Perhaps you will be even more worried than me, as despite being happy you have the constant thought for me, and who knows how many times you will repeat a name that with the help of our good God, will return safe and sound. "... He died immediately after the last letter together with his friend Massetti from Città di Castello, the other Umbertidesi present with him in Podgorica buried him. We insert here some images of 1933-34, the love letters and the envelope that Linda carefully preserved with the 6 edelweiss that Aristide had sent him; the letter of departure for the AOI; postcards, front and back from Eritrea with images that are racist and sexist in our eyes today; sheets for the symbols of the 1: 25000 tablets of the IGM, the patriotic propaganda theme made to write in class to the daughter ... 1/1 Linda also replied, although less frequently, moreover only a few letters have survived, those reported in the few licenses by Aristide. The writing is more tiring and with spelling errors that we decided to leave to remember the female condition of the time where compulsory schooling was not respected especially for girls. The last letter visible in the images inserted above was from Linda but he returned only later with the remains of Aristide in 1960; it was probably kept in its uniform. "Arille" was the affectionate way in which he called Aristide, and as usual the family affections dominate the thoughts of the two but the letter also briefly describes the situation of rationing during the war in Umbertide "nothing is found" and the solidarity between women with the wife of another "recalled" who brought food to their little daughter. “Recalled” indicates those who, like Aristide, had obtained “unlimited leave” but were “recalled” to arms with the worsening of the conflict; condition according to Linda suffered by Aristide and the other young people from Umbertide who left in '41. Linda also used to tell how the conflict led Aristide to moments of despair and that once, returning from leave, he seriously asked her to throw all three under the train nearby. "Umbertide 3-5-942 My dearest Aristide For a few days, I have not heard from you, the last of yours on the 22nd, Rille my thoughts vague, that again you will be moved, for another action, this is the thought that does not give me peace, Arille with a contracted heart , and full of hope I never tire of praying our good God, who is so good and merciful, will always watch over you, to make you return as soon as possible to your home, which is always full of your memories, where Imperia remembers its father a hundred, but a hundred times a day, your caresses, your sweet little words, full of fatherly love, Arille when our little one reminds me of your compliments, a knot tightens my tears, my heart no longer knows how to fight it has this great pain, of this your distance, that I do not know what I would give just to let me pass by in a moment to see you, and see the state you are in, Arille in these days that are without news from you the saddest thoughts assail me and make me suffer so much, Arille mirror everything as long as I get a line of comfort from you and relief, explaining the delay of this post. Arillino days ago I sent you the photo Imperia I hope it has reached you. Arille as I told you, indeed you will know, that times are difficult now and nothing can be found, but I tell you that our Imperia has lacked for nothing up to now, because there are the wives of those recalled who are with you that every so much they bring me eggs and flour, today Gigino di Dalai's wife came and brought Imperia 10 eggs and flour, dear kisses Linda and Imperia. " Linda young and still beautiful, with her darker and lighter eyes, peculiarity given by a benign neoplasm to the eye, found herself facing a life in poverty with a small daughter but with great strength and courage; with the bombing of Umbertide he welcomed Pompeo who was one year older than his daughter, who was orphaned by his whole family. They grew up as brothers until he had to send them far away to give them the future by making them come back whenever possible. Linda didn't want to anymore no one close to him waiting secretly and irrationally, in his heart, that Aristide's death had been communicated by mistake; conviction that ended at the return of the petty cash with what remained of his body. In addition to the family story, Aristide's documents tell us about our local history. Among the various documents that you can see in the gallery above, for example, there is one that can shed light, although it is undated, on the composition and structuring of the "umbertidesi fasci" system, part of history for obvious reasons not much in-depth since the war. up to the present day. In the typed document, with the caption "FEDERATION OF THE COMBAT BANDS OF PERUGIA" at the head, continuing underneath with the words "BAND OF UMBERTIDE", the distinction of the city is evident in at least five sectors, since this was the fifth. This "sector" concerned the area of Piazza S. Francesco, Via Secoli, Via Soli, Via Spoletini, Via Stella, Via Cesare Battisti. There was the "head of the sector": Ramaccioni Gino e 3 "nuclei". At the "head" of the first "nucleus" there was just Guardabassi Aristide with the particularity of being registered without the reference to be a "(CN)", or a black shirt. This writing instead appears next to the names of the "head" of the "II nucleus", Ramaccioni Dino, and of the "III nucleus", Pucci Carlo. Thus the list seems to have been written before the '' African enterprise, when Aristide was certainly a "Black Shirt" but was also used later ( 1935-'38) seen that in pencil you can read next to various names of the components of the "nuclei" the military destination of some: Bologna, Africa, Milan, Albania. However the components of this list are 17 in first “nucleus”, 17 the second and 23 the third. Overall, the "V sector" alone therefore counted on 61 belonging to the "Fasci di Umbertide". Here are the names present in the document relating to the "V sector" of the "Fascio di Umbertide": V sector (Piazza S. Francesco - Via Secoli - Via Soli - Via Spoletini - Via Stella - Via Cesare Battisti) Head of Sector - Ramaccioni Gino I Nucleus Head of core Guardabassi Aristide Burzigotti Eugenio Cardinals John Marine limestones Bebi Carlo Bebi Fausto Bico Antonio Cingolani Beetle Martini Adolfo Panzarola Nello Pini Giulio Ramaccioni Fortunato Ramaccioni Silvio Reggiani Francesco Santini Giovanni Tarragoni Ginetto pupils Tarragoni Students Enrico Zurli Arnaldo II Core Head of nucleus Ramaccioni Dino (CN) Alberti Alvaro Alberti Quintilio Angeletti Giuseppe Oreste children Baldelli Dante Ciocchetti Oliviero Corradi Anteo Fiorucci Thales Jets Decio Mancini Carlo Mancini Giuseppe Domenico Pucci Puletti Calisto Ramaccioni Ramiro Renzini Alessandro Renzini Pietro Renzini Oberdan III Core Head of Core Pucci Carlo (CN) Tullini Elmo students Anastasi Amedeo Bartoccini Pietro Becchetti Tito Giuseppe Becchetti Caldari Bruno Andrea Cecchetti Cerrini Renzo Ghisalberti Adolfo Lucaccioni Riccardo Lucaccioni Antonio Mariotti Ettore Giuseppe screeds Palazzetti Nazzareno Paoletti Antonio Paoletti Natale Rondini Aldo Rossi Vincenzo Starnini Warrior Serafino Fiorentino Tosti Quintilio Tognaccini Romeo Other letters speak to us, however, of historical events of national significance such as the departure for the AOI when he writes from from the ship Princess Giovanna: "Sender: Aristide Guardabassi Black Shirt, First Division CC. NN. March 23 202 th Legion, First BTG Second company, East Africa. 08/28/1939 - XIII EF ("Fascist Year and Epoch" Ed.) Dear Linda, first of all, I extend my affection to you, with the best wishes for a goodbye soon (before it is possible). Linda as she announces by telegram that you left on Sunday evening, the last 25th, with the ship Principessa Giovanna, and indeed it was. Our ship has lifted the anchors to head to Massawa in Eritrea, at 5 and 45 minutes, and we will arrive on 2 September the same day. Linda when the ship left the quay, to head towards the East, the immense crowd that filled the port, gave us a warm show of sympathy and affection, (and some faces were covered with tears) that you cannot imagine ... " An analysis of the long correspondence in search of historical elements as well as affective ones could reveal further information on the modalities of life during Fascism in the upper Tiber Valley and in our country. The correspondence is interrupted with the life of Aristide, just a end of July 1942, after 18 years his remains will return to Umbertide. A red envelope Linda kept inside the wooden box contained the last one missive written by Aristide, one page newspaper with the news of the death and the letter from her friend, Alberto Burri, written to Linda at the time of the news of the killing in July 1942. Burri, 3 years younger, was captured in Tunisia the following year, on 8 May 1943, and after several trips he was taken to the concentration camps of the United States . This is the text of the letter: " Dear Madam, You know how great our friendship was and you can understand how I too suffer for the loss of dear Aristide. However, the knowledge that he has left us in fulfilling all his duty as an Italian and a Fascist must help you and help us to bear this pain. He will always be alive in our memory with his eternally smiling face and with his good humor that increased with the difficulties of the moment. He was an excellent soldier and an excellent father, and little Imperia can be proud of him. You like mine Madam best regards. Alberto Burri " alberto burri 1 alberto burri 2 alberto burri 1 1/2 Aristide was one of the 93 dead or missing in the war of our country, but in addition to them the toll of lives for this war was very conspicuous because 70 died under the bombing of 1944 people, 22 were killed in retaliation (in Penetola, Serra Partucci, Civitella Ranieri and Montecastelli), 34 people died as a result of the war, 1 in prison camps and 2 at the front after 8 September as partisans. For those wishing to see their complete list, you can read the precious text by Mario Tosti " Beautiful works. Information, documents, testimonies and images on life and death events that took place in the Municipality of Umbertide during the Second World War ." Municipality of Umbertide, 25 April 1995. In total, therefore, a good two hundred and eighty-two Umbertidesi died during this conflict. Source: - Family archive of the Micucci-Guardabassi family - Oral source Fam. Guardabassi-Deplanu - Mario Tosti: " Beautiful works. Information, documents, testimonies and images on life and death events that occurred in the Municipality of Umbertide during the Second World War . Edited by Mario Tosti. Municipality of Umbertide, 25 April 1995. - Photo: Family archive of the Micucci-Guardabassi family

LA FRATTA DEL QUATTROCENTO a cura di Fabio Mariotti Notizie generali, le strade e la Rocca La Fratta del Quattrocento è per lo Stato della Chiesa, specialmente nell'ultima parte del secolo, un punto di vitale importanza strategica. Posta al confine con i possedimenti fiorentini, funge da baluardo settentrionale per la difesa di Perugia. La zona urbana è formata da tre nuclei ben definiti. Il primo, costituito dal centro cittadino racchiuso nelle mura castellane e diviso in terzieri: "della Greppa", la parte tra l'attuale via Cibo e il Tevere, dalla Piaggiola fino al ponte verso San Francesco; "Superiore" detto anche "della Campana" (dalla campana posta sulla torre in cima alla Piaggiola), dalle mura a nord, quindi dalla Rocca, verso il centro fino alla chiesa di San Giovanni; il terzo, "Inferiore" o di "Porta Nuova", che dal centro raggiungeva le mura verso sud, lungo il corso della Reggia fino alla porta di uscita del ponte sul Tevere. Il secondo nucleo, del "Borgo Superiore", posto al di fuori delle mura settentrionali, oltre la porta della campana e la discesa dell'attuale Piaggiola, era divisibile in due parti. Una veniva detta il "Mercatale", l'odierna piazza Marconi, il piazzale del sagrato della chiesa di Sant'Erasmo; la zona poi si spingeva verso la chiesa di Sant'Andrea (dove sorgerà nel 1877 il vecchio ospedale) fino alle fornaci. L’altra parte era il "Castel Nuovo", comprendeva l’attuale Boccaiolo (via Bovicelli) e la zona vicina, ove si trovava anche la chiesa di Santa Maria dei Meriti. II terzo nucleo, anch'esso fuori delle mura, detto "Borgo Inferiore", era situato a sud di Fratta, oltre la Reggia e prospiciente il Tevere (attuale piazza San Francesco). Cuore di questa zona era il "sodo dei frati" o "pratale", lo spiazzo su cui si affacciavano la chiesa e il convento di San Francesco, la chiesetta di Santa Maria (poi detta Santa Croce), possesso dell'omonima confraternita di Disciplinati. Nel borgo c'erano numerose officine di fabbri ed anche un mulino di proprietà del vescovo di Gubbio. Fratta godeva di libertà di fiera; erano fiorenti le arti della merceria e spezieria, il commercio del cuoio, del "bambage", del vino, degli artefatti in ferro, della ceramica. Esisteva un discreto servizio postale che utilizzava cursori, corrieri, fanti di procaccio e "cavallai" di posta i quali potevano effettuare un buon lavoro in quanto il paese non era molto distante dalle grandi vie di comunicazione. L’istruzione era a cura della comunità di Fratta, ai cui rappresentanti i genitori si rivolgevano per iscrivere i ragazzi, pagando la retta del maestro. La spesa era relativa al numero e al tipo delle materie di insegnamento: latino, aritmetica, religione e geografia. Nel 1486 la magistratura locale fa un invito all'istruzione aperto anche ai non possidenti. Esistevano sette ospedali, annessi alle chiese, per i poveri, i pellegrini e i malati non abbienti; ben dodici luoghi di culto, fra chiese e cappelle. A Fratta, nel Quattrocento, viveva una comunità ebraica di una ventina di persone, qui insediata fin dal secolo precedente. Le strade di comunicazione Nel Quattrocento la nostra Fratta era fuori dai grandi percorsi viari dello Stato Romano che partivano da Roma nei secoli XVI e XVIII, e se erano così allora, all'inizio del Quattrocento non erano certo più numerose e meglio percorribili. Comunque verso nord partiva una sola strada di grande comunicazione, che dopo il lago di Bracciano (Baccano) si ramificava in due bretelle: - una proseguiva in direzione di Firenze, via Bolsena, Siena, San Casciano; - l'altra strada si dirigeva verso Fano, via Terni, Foligno, Nocera, Cagli. Quest'ultima aveva una diramazione da Foligno e da qui iniziava una strada che passava per Perugia, il lago Trasimeno, la Val di Chiana, la valle dell'Arno centrale, fino a raggiungere anch'essa Firenze. Erano percorse dalla maggior parte della gente allora in movimento: eserciti, cavalcate, grandi carri a quattro ruote dei mercanti, pellegrini, religiosi, cortei di principi, cardinali, governatori che si spostavano da una città all'altra, mendicanti, uomini dei servizi di posta che correvano a piedi o a cavallo di stazione in stazione. Fratta si trovava in posizione isolata e non vedeva molto di questo transito se non saltuariamente e, comunque, in misura molto ridotta. Il nostro castello aveva bisogno di comunicazione con la città di Perugia e ciò era possibile attraverso la pianura del Tevere. La città dominante svolgeva un'attività di tutela dei mulini sul Tevere (Ponte Felcino, Ponte Pattoli ed altri), per cui questi dovevano essere senz'altro allacciati a Perugia con una strada carrabile. Considerato questo e anche che Fratta era il castello del confine nord di Perugia, dunque tenuto sempre militarmente approntato, è facile capire che dovesse esserci una via da Fratta a Ponte Pattoli, a Perugia. Oltre questa strada (che sarà detta poi “del piano”), Fratta era unita a Perugia anche da un percorso montano, non carrabile, per soli pedoni e cavalli in quanto l'asprezza dei luoghi (diverse salite) ne sconsigliavano il passaggio, specie d'inverno, ai carri piccoli. Iniziava oltre il ponte sul Tevere, sulla sinistra (odierna strada per la Badia di Montecorona). Dopo circa trecento metri lasciava, sulla destra, la stradetta che saliva a Romeggio (bivio visibile anche oggi) e proseguiva diritta. Passava sotto e nei pressi dell'odierno Palazzo del Sole (abitazione Ramaccioni), poi si inerpicava, come ai giorni nostri, verso la base di Monte Acuto. Alla Villa di Monte Acuto svoltava a sinistra, lungo la base del monte, passava a lato della casa-torre di osservazione (ancora esistente - gruppo di casa Ferranti), passava a lato dell'ospedale di Galera (in piedi ma disabitato) ed arrivava al pianoro di Galera (apprezzabile come complesso abbandonato) ed arrivava alla casaforte di confine con Perugia (non utilizzata). Da qui scendeva alla Nese, passando a lato di quell'ospedale (lebbrosario?) e proseguiva per la Villa di Pantano e Cenerente, da dove iniziava la salita finale per Perugia. Altra strada era quella di Montone, ma non volendo transitare per quel territorio, si poteva percorrere la via che portava al torrente Niccone, subito dopo il ponte del Tevere. Dal Niccone, passato il fiume sulla barca oltre Montecastelli, ci si ritrovava sulla via tracciata da Città di Castello, in pianura ed abbastanza transitabile. Infine c'era la strada per la Toscana, alla foce del Niccone sul Tevere. In proporzione al grande traffico nazionale, molto limitato appariva il transito nelle nostre zone ma, considerata l'importanza commerciale di Fratta, c'era comunque sempre un movimento di persone e merci che ne aiutava molto gli abitanti, alla ricerca delle soluzioni dei loro problemi quotidiani. Lavori alla Rocca La Rocca di Fratta fu voluta nell'anno 1374 e disegnata, molto probabilmente, dall'architetto Matteo Gattapone da Gubbio. Venne posta ad est delle mura castellane, unico tratto sprovvisto di forti, sia per aumentare la difesa del castello dalla parte di Perugia, sia per allungare meglio lo sguardo su tutta la pianura del Tevere verso Montecorona. La Rocca consisteva, all'inizio, in un semplice parallelepipedo esterno alla cinta che, nella zona sud, aveva un'alta torre sopraelevata di una quarantina di metri dal prato sottostante. Questo volume fu costruito nel primo ciclo dei lavori, dal 1375 al 1384, mentre il completamento, come voleva il disegno originario, avvenne con un ulteriore intervento tra il 1385 e il 1386, quando fu unita alle mura castellane. Così la Rocca si presenta all'inizio del Quattrocento. Ha i lati contrapposti lunghi dodici metri e quelli perpendicolari, sette. Per il passaggio delle persone è collegata al castello di Fratta da una porta (visibile ed agibile anche oggi) munita di ponte levatoio che faceva perno sul forte, cadeva sulle mura castellane sostenuto da una sola trave e passava sopra un tetto realizzato nella seconda fase dei lavori (1385-86). Nel punto di battuta era stato costruito, interno al borgo, un piccolo edificio merlato detto "chiostro" in cui c'era un posto di guardia, essendo questa zona militare sorvegliata per impedire l'accesso anche agli abitanti di Fratta. La Rocca aveva poi un'altra entrata fornita di ponte levatoio. Conduceva all'esterno del castello, verso il prato sottostante. Era la "porta del soccorso", elemento comune a tutti i forti e le rocche. Serviva, in tempo di guerra, a far rientrare qualche soldato rimasto fuori o in altri casi straordinari. Questo secondo ponte levatoio era sostenuto da una sola trave il cui vano è ancora esistente e visibile dalla zona sottostante. Poggiava sopra un alto muro di pietra, rimasto fino alla metà dell'Ottocento. Fra il muro e la torre passava il letto naturale del torrente Reggia. Da qui iniziava la strada, in forte discesa, verso il prato sottostante. Il tutto era chiamato "calzo de fuora". Nel gennaio 1405 fu costruita la grande volta in muratura che univa (e unisce tuttora ) la Rocca alle mura castellane, al posto del tetto sotto il ponte levatoio. Fu pure innalzato il tratto di mura castellane prospiciente alla piazza del Comune (ora piazza Fortebracci), elevato di circa tre metri e munito di feritoie. Fu tolto il ponte levatoio ovest e restò solo quello "del soccorso", in funzione fino alla fine del Settecento. Nel 1495 la Fratta era occupata dai fuorusciti perugini della famiglia Degli Oddi. Erano combattuti dai Baglioni che portarono qui l'assedio fino a che, l' 11 settembre 1495, Fratta si arrese alle forze di Perugia. La città dominante, riavuto il nostro castello, pensò bene di restaurarlo e di aumentarne le difese militari, affinché potesse resistere ad altri eventuali attacchi. Dal 1495 al 1499 vennero eretti i torrioni laterali circolari merlati, uno a nord e uno a sud, e la Rocca assunse l'aspetto attuale. Per la costruzione dei torrioni si dovette abbattere il "chiostro" ed un tratto di mura (per costruire il torrione nord), mentre sul lato della piazza del Comune venne aperta una nuova porta d'ingresso. Foto della Rocca di Fabio Mariotti (quella antica dall'Archivio fotografico storico del Comune di Umbertide) Fonti: - Calendario di Umbertide 2004 – Ed. Comune di Umbertide – 2004 - Renato Codovini: Storia di Umbertide - Il Secolo XV. Dattiloscritto inedito, 1992 - A. Guerrini: Storia della terra di Fratta ora Umbertide dalle sue origini fino all'anno 1845 - Tipografia Tiberina, Umbertide, 1883 - M.G. Moretti: Salute e spezierie alla Fratta (Sec. XV - XX): Breve introduzione alla mostra, Umbertide, Biblioteca Comunale, 27 settembre - 12 ottobre 2002. Dream Service, Umbertide, 2002 - P. Vispi: Il soggiorno e l'opera di Pico della Mirandola ad Umbertide - Ed. Comune di Umbertide, 1996 L'economia e la libertà di fiera L’economia del territorio di Fratta nel XV secolo è basata su una modesta attività agricola e su una fiorente attività artigianale. Già nei primi del Quattrocento assistiamo a timidi insediamenti stabili in campagna di lavoratori agricoli che si recano a lavorare terre alquanto distanti dal borgo. Terre via via "rancate", cioè messe a coltura. Ma i tempi sono ancora insicuri, la pericolosità direttamente proporzionale alla distanza dalle mura del castello. II passaggio di eserciti che razziavano il bestiame e le colture, insieme a bande di malviventi rendevamo molto rischiosa la coltivazione della campagna. I lavoratori agricoli, quindi, non potevano produrre grosse quantità dei vari generi. Solamente due secoli dopo, in pieno Seicento, la coltura del grano aveva ancora una rendita di tre o quattro parti contro una di seme seminato. L’attività artigianale nel castello di Fratta era, invece, più progredita e produttiva, regolata anche negli statuti del 1362. Era un'economia prevalentemente corporativa, a compartimenti stagni, con ogni Arte strettamente osservante di quelle regole che si era data con il proprio ordinamento, comprensivo anche delle pene per i trasgressori. Ma era l'aspetto religioso il collante che univa i componenti. La produttività degli artigiani era soltanto sufficiente ai loro immediati bisogni, ma a volte poteva superare il limite dello stretto necessario e dar loro qualche soddisfazione in più. Notevoli risultati davano le fornaci di laterizio che producevano materiali da costruzione. Altre piccole attività, con laboratorio e bottega annessi, sfornavano vasellame di terracotta d'ogni genere, necessario alla vita quotidiana della famiglia del borgo e di quella contadina. Vari molini da cereali e da olio, avvalendosi della forza motrice dell'acqua dei fiumi e dei torrenti, occupavano un discreto numero di persone. C'era poi la lavorazione dei panni di lana, per mezzo della gualchiera e la rifinitura di prodotti in metallo che per l'affilatura usava ruote in pietra, anch'esse mosse dall'acqua. Tutti questi meccanismi si trovavano all'interno dei maggiori mulini ed utilizzavano la stessa acqua che muoveva le grandi macine dei cereali. La gualchiera. L’arte dei panni di lana Anche in Fratta si esercitava l'arte della lana, seppur per un prodotto minore che doveva soddisfare soltanto i bisogni del luogo. Il panno lavorato serviva per cucire i vestiti di uso comune, indossati dalla maggior parte degli abitanti, quasi tutti poveri. La lavorazione era possibile in quanto nei maggiori mulini c'era sempre la "gualchiera", meccanismo fornito di grosse "martelle" di legno che, mosse dall'acqua della diga, battevano la lana opportunamente trattata (acqua bollente e un qualche collante). Probabilmente, si trattava di una postazione per ogni mulino, locata a terzi per più anni. In un atto notarile del 12 novembre 1464 si parla del “Mulino dei Calvi” con la gualchiera ad esso annessa che serviva a "gualcare i panni di lana": si trovava in aderenza a questo molino, era affittata tre anni. La notizia dell'esistenza, vicino a Fratta, di tale gualchiera, e fuso per cui serviva, sono le notizie più antiche sull'argomento. L’insieme delle altre Arti fabbricava gli oggetti necessari alla vita della collettività; erano fabbri, falegnami, magnani, pittori, sarti, panacuocoli (fornai), indoratori. Tutte persone che oggi chiameremmo operatori economici ed avevano molto spesso un grande limite nella difficoltà di reperire i capitali necessari. Non essendoci ancora istituti di credito come intendiamo oggi, dovevano far ricorso, in caso di necessità, al prestito dei "banchi" degli ebrei. A Fratta ce n'erano una ventina ed alcuni di questi esercitavano appunto l'attività di banchieri. Sebbene avversati dalla popolazione e dalla legislazione della città di Perugia valida anche in Fratta, riuscivano sempre a svolgere il loro lavoro in senso positivo e la stessa comunità perugina faceva ricorso alla "prestanza" ebrea in caso di bisogno. Obbligati a portare un disco giallo sui vestiti, esclusi dai pubblici uffici, era negata agli ebrei anche la possibilità di acquistare beni immobili, di fabbricare carte da gioco e dadi. Non restava loro che dedicarsi ai prestiti su interesse e lo studio della medicina. Il commercio del cuoio Era molto praticato nella nostra Fratta, come nell'alta valle del Tevere e nel Perugino. II grande commercio del cuoio aveva la sede principale, per il centro Italia, nelle città di Pisa e di Ancona. Pisa lo importava dalla Spagna (da Cordova, pelli cordovane), dalla Francia meridionale e dal Maghreb (Tunisia, Algeria e Marocco). Ancona lo importava invece dalla cosiddetta Morea (Medio Oriente), dalle isole dell'Egeo e dai Paesi rivieraschi del Mar Nero. Da queste due città poi, a mezzo di grandi carri a quattro ruote, il cuoio arrivava a Perugia (via lago Trasimeno e via Fabriano). Qui si riforniva Fratta in limitate quantità, incrementate dalla stessa merce proveniente da Città di Castello, i cui mercanti erano direttamente collegati con le "strade del cuoio" marchigiane. Il commercio del "bambage" Anche il bambage (o bambagio) arrivava dai Paesi del medio oriente (Turchia, Cipro, Siria, Egitto), con le navi fino ad Ancona; poi i mercanti lo introducevano nel territorio perugino. Con il bambage, sottoprodotto del cotone, si fabbricavano veli da donna per la testa, per il collo e per le spalle. Coloro che trattavano tale prodotto erano detti "bambagiari" e facevano parte dell'Arte omonima. Avevano botteghe per commerciare sia il bambage puro che i suoi derivati, quali ad esempio le passamanerie, vendute dai merciai. L’Arte della merceria All'Arte della merceria erano iscritti coloro che commerciavano in generi relativi soprattutto all'abbigliamento: filati per cucire (vengono nominati "refe"), gomitoli e matasse, fazzoletti (per la testa, il collo, le spalle), veletti (per cappelli), "camicie", calze di lana, cappelli, nastri d'ogni tipo, spille, orecchini, aghi (fatti a mano) e quant'altro relativo al vestire. Non troviamo fazzoletti per il naso (ancora da inventare), maglie (si confezionavano in casa, sul telaio domestico), giacche, pastrani e mantelli (li cuciva il sarto). Non esistevano però botteghe specializzate in un unico tipo di merce. Era facile quindi trovare, in quella del merciaio, stoffe, paludamenti (per l'addobbo di chiese, tendaggi per la casa), ma anche cera, candele, "facole", radici saponarie. L’Arte della "spetiaria" Chi esercitava l'Arte della spetiaria aveva una bottega, chiamata anche aromataria, dove vendeva i generi che anche oggi chiamiamo spezie, ma con una gamma più vasta, essendo maggiore l'uso di tali generi. Molti servivano per la farmacopea. In queste botteghe, comunque, molti prodotti esulavano dal campo speziario, comprendendo i generi più disparati, anticipando i bazar ed i moderni supermercati. I calzolai C'erano, nel Quattrocento, in Fratta, diversi calzolai (calceolarius) iscritti alla relativa Arte e semplici ciabattini. L’attività dei calzolai consisteva nel costruire e vendere le scarpe, per cui avevano bisogno di comprare cuoio, pellami ed attrezzi d'uso. Il ciabattino (sutor), più semplicemente, si adattava ad accomodare le calzature, senza entrare nel commercio delle stesse. Nell'archivio storico comunale esiste un contratto del 4 settembre 1448 con il quale il padre affida il figlio di minore età ad un calzolaio per imparare il mestiere. Il ragazzo doveva andare a vivere in casa del calzolaio il quale, a sua volta, si impegnava a formarlo e a dargli vitto e alloggio. Il ragazzo è Mariotto, figlio di Domenico di Ercolano da Pietramelina; il calzolaio è Nardo di Francesco, di Fratta. Domenico di Ercolano si impegna a far restare Mariotto per un anno presso Nardo di Francesco e di non mandarlo da altri calzolai. Garantisce che Mariotto sarà sempre sottomesso e obbediente come deve comportarsi ogni buon discepolo. Nardo, di sua parte, si obbliga ad istruirlo nell'arte della calzoleria, a dargli un salario di tre fiorini e mezzo per tutto l'anno, oltre il vitto e l'alloggio. Le monete Nel Quattrocento, nell'Italia centrale si usavano, per i grandi importi, monete d'oro, fiorini e ducati, insieme ai loro sottomultipli e alle tante monete dei vari Stati esistenti. Il fiorino veniva rapportato ai bolognini (moneta bolognese di piccolo taglio). Se era integro (cioè di giusto peso, non limato per appropriarsi di una parte del suo oro come spesso accadeva), valeva quaranta bolognini. Se invece aveva un peso inferiore a quello di conio, veniva considerato in proporzione a quanto mancava. Il fiorino era anche quotato in "soldi": cento se integro. Il fiorino fiorentino veniva a volte ragguagliato alla lira perugina. Verso la metà del secolo c'è parità tra le due monete. Troviamo infatti, nel 1464, una somma di undicimila fiorini che, qualche riga sotto dello stesso documento, diventano undicimila lire. Il "soldo" (sottomultiplo del fiorino) viene rapportato talora al "denaro" (moneta perugina sottomultipla della lira). Abbiamo infine un'altra misura monetaria, la "libra". Ce ne volevano cinque per un fiorino. A Fratta si adoperavano indistintamente sia i fiorini, sia i ducati (ma anche altre monete). In un atto notarile, "la pena" da darsi a chi non sta ai patti viene stabilita in "100 ducati d'oro", nonostante in Fratta prevalesse l'uso dei conteggi in fiorini. Nel 1471 troviamo il "carlino", di basso valore, di origine napoletana. Valeva dodici baiocchi. Sempre in quest'anno esiste anche il "ducato d'oro largo": ha il valore di un fiorino e 75 baiocchi circa. . . . Libertà di fiera Mercati settimanali e fiere si svolgevano a Fratta fin dal XIV secolo, regolamentati dagli Statuti del 1362. Nel 1400 sembra esserci solo la fiera di Sant'Erasmo, che si svolgeva il 2 giugno, giorno della festa del santo, davanti all'antica e omonima pieve, nell'odierna piazza Marconi. Come negli altri castelli e ville del territorio, era soggetta ad una tassazione imposta da Perugia (città dominante), che poi la comunità di Fratta riversava sui commercianti intervenuti, recuperando così la somma versata. La tassa della fiera comportava per i mercanti un certo onere, imponeva loro di fare una scelta sul venire o meno a Fratta, a seconda del vantaggio. In pratica, condizionava l'affluenza della gente a queste manifestazioni. In considerazione di ciò, la comunità di Fratta cercò di liberare la fiera dalla "gabella", allo scopo di aumentare il concorso di venditori, quindi avere la maggior quantità e varietà di merci, prezzi più bassi (legge della concorrenza), in definitiva un vantaggio per la popolazione, oltre maggior guadagno per osti, marescalchi, "carradori", botteghe in genere. Il risultato venne raggiunto a partire dal 1441, quando ne fece richiesta a Perugia. L’approvazione arrivò dal cardinale Firmano (Domenico da Fermo), delegato apostolico per l'Umbria e la relativa concessione, detta "privilegio", riguardava la fiera annuale del 2 giugno, probabilmente l'unica del secolo. Fratta non doveva più pagare la tassa come le altre comunità dello Stato Romano e di riflesso non chiese più nulla ai commercianti. La concessione venne rilasciata per due giorni consecutivi, tanto durava la fiera di Sant'Erasmo dal 1441. Nel 1444, il 31 ottobre, lo stesso cardinale Domenico da Fermo ribadisce la concessione (che doveva essere rinnovata annualmente) e permette di allungare la fiera a quattro giorni consecutivi: dal primo (vigilia della festa del Santo) al 4 giugno, decisione che il Comune accettò di buon grado. Il 30 ottobre 1445, papa Eugenio IV conferma il "privilegio" specificando che 1'esenzione è "tam entrando quam in exeundo", sia all'entrata in Fratta, sia all'uscita a fine manifestazione e riguarda tutte le persone che intervengono con le bestie e con le merci ("cum eorum animalibus et mercantiis"). Il provvedimento rimane esteso anche agli abitanti di Fratta che prendessero parte a questa fiera che in quei quattro giorni “solemniter celebratur”. Fratta fu informata del provvedimento del Papa dal cardinale legato di Perugia, Domenico da Fermo. Nel XVI secolo, invece, la durata dell'evento fu portata ad otto ed anche dieci giorni. Foto di Fabio Mariotti (quella del calzolaio dall'Archivio fotografico storico del Comune di Umbertide) Fonti: - Calendario di Umbertide 2004 – Ed. Comune di Umbertide – 2004 - Renato Codovini: Storia di Umbertide - Il Secolo XV. Dattiloscritto inedito, 1992 - A. Guerrini: Storia della terra di Fratta ora Umbertide dalle sue origini fino all'anno 1845 - Tipografia Tiberina, Umbertide, 1883 - M.G. Moretti: Salute e spezierie alla Fratta (Sec. XV - XX): Breve introduzione alla mostra, Umbertide, Biblioteca Comunale, 27 settembre - 12 ottobre 2002. Dream Service, Umbertide, 2002 - P. Vispi: Il soggiorno e l'opera di Pico della Mirandola ad Umbertide - Ed. Comune di Umbertide, 1996 La comunità ebraica Il progressivo formarsi di una piccola comunità ebraica alla Fratta probabilmente risale verso la fine del XII secolo, allorché una forte corrente migratoria di mercanti israeliti da Roma tende a diffondersi dapprima nelle città umbre, per poi espandersi verso tutto il nord Italia. C'erano grossi insediamenti e una consolidata tradizione ebraica a Perugia, Città di Castello e Gubbio. A Perugia, nel rione di Porta Sant'Angelo al quale si era aggregata la comunità ebraica di Fratta, c'era una delle due sinagoghe della città e si contavano il maggior numero di abitazioni israelite. Il periodo però non è tranquillo per il mondo israelitico italiano. Agli inizi del 1485, infatti, giunge anche in Umbria Bernardino da Feltre, che aveva imperversato nel nord Italia per ottenere la soppressione dei banchi ebrei a favore dei nascenti Monti di Pietà. Egli predica, fortemente spalleggiato dall'Ordine dei Minori, una violenta crociata antisraelitica che ottiene buoni successi. Da quel periodo comincia ad assottigliarsi a Gubbio la presenza degli ebrei. Anche Perugia e Fratta non furono immuni da forme di intolleranza, che però non raggiunsero gli eccessi registrati altrove. La comunità ebraica frattigiana, per quanto piccola (una ventina di persone), doveva avere una certa importanza economica. Già nel 1398, infatti, un certo Beniamino di Aleuccio della Fratta esercitava l’attività di banchiere a Mantova. Vi sono presenze documentate di ebrei umbertidesi dopo la metà del 1400. Abitava a Fratta, ad esempio, un ragguardevole banchiere, Dattilo di Salomone: di lui esistono testimonianze di una cospicua attività e sappiamo che in giudizio veniva rappresentato dal fratello Manuele. Il suo nome e quello della sua famiglia ricorrono più volte nella storia perugina come il gruppo finanziario di maggiore importanza. Probabilmente parenti con il finanziere Dattilo, e anche loro abitanti in Fratta, erano Salomone, Elia e Davide "Dactoli". Quest'ultimo firma, anche a nome dei fratelli, una petizione alla magistratura perugina nel 1483. Altra attività, oltre quella bancaria, nella quale molti ebrei godevano di grande considerazione, era l'arte medica. Nella Fratta della seconda metà del Quattrocento vi esercitarono in due. Il primo fu Manuele da Monticolo. Abitava in una casa in affitto nel Terziere Superiore (zona della Rocca) e la sua presenza è documentata dal 1477. Fra il 1484 e il 1486 c'è in Fratta Manuele di Angelo, da Padova. Questi in precedenza aveva esercitato a Montone e qui aveva abitato in una lussuosa dimora, di proprietà dei monaci di Camporeggiano, posta accanto al palazzo del conte Carlo Fortebracci, signore del posto. Di questo secondo medico rimangono testimonianze sia nell'archivio comunale di Umbertide sia in quello di Gubbio. L’attività di alcuni ebrei a Fratta era quindi a un livello ragguardevole. Ma se coloro che influenzavano la vita sociale cittadina godevano di libertà e considerazione, probabilmente non tutti avevano vita facile. C'era infatti una forte attività denigratoria contro di loro da parte dei frati minori francescani. La legislazione romana, applicata dalla Magistratura di Perugia, aveva imposto loro, già dal secolo precedente, un contrassegno sugli abiti. Consisteva in un tondo di stoffa gialla del diametro di una quindicina di centimetri che dovevano cucire sul davanti per farsi riconoscere e differenziarsi dai cristiani. Le donne, invece, dovevano essere contraddistinte da un certo tipo di veletta in testa e portare orecchini a cerchio. Tutti sapevano che era bene mostrarsi il meno possibile, ma in occasione di funerali, per arrivare al luogo della sepoltura, dovevano attraversare alcune strade scegliendole tra le meno frequentate e comunque evitando il centro del paese. Ma anche qui trovavano spesso "cristiani" che li aspettavano per dileggiarli e gettar loro addosso pietre. Questa manifestazione, detta "la sassaiola", in uso a Perugia già all'inizio del secolo (a Fratta non esiste certezza in merito), proseguirà per tutto quello successivo. Fonti: Calendario di Umbertide 2004 – Ed. Comune di Umbertide – 2004 Renato Codovini: Storia di Umbertide - Il Secolo XV. Dattiloscritto inedito, 1992 A. Guerrini: Storia della terra di Fratta ora Umbertide dalle sue origini fino all'anno 1845 - Tipografia Tiberina, Umbertide, 1883 Gli ospedali, la peste e le guerre Nel Quattrocento troviamo in Fratta sette ospedali. Appartengono a chiese o confraternite e sono tutti di piccole dimensioni, due o tre ambienti in modeste case, spesso incorporati alle chiese stesse. Di solito vi prestano la loro opera i padri Agostiniani, uno o due frati. Qui vengono ricoverati i malati poveri del paese e i viaggiatori che hanno bisogno di cure durante il passaggio a Fratta. Sant'Antonio Si trovava in Castel Nuovo, in fondo alla Piaggiola. Ne abbiamo notizia nel 1400 e nel 1404. Nel 1411 si unì all'ospedale di Santa Maria Nuova, sito anch'esso in Castel Nuovo. Aveva alcuni beni, due appezzamenti di terreno lavorativo in Villa Galera (Monte Acuto), ai vocaboli Vignale e Fossato e possedeva anche una terra al vocabolo Seripole, al confine col torrente Reggia. Santa Maria Situato anch'esso in fondo alla Piaggiola, era legalmente "unito" alla chiesa di "Pieve di Santa Maria di Castel Nuovo", almeno fin dall'anno 1397. Confinava da un lato con "le cose della chiesa" (un orto: ) e dall'altro con il "foveo" della Comunità, il fossato lungo le mura castellane (zona palazzo Baglioni). Santa Maria e Sant'Antonio Si fondono nel 1411. Nel 1423 decidono di iscrivere le loro proprietà al catasto di Perugia. La registrazione viene fatta da Giovanni Corbelli di Fratta, rettore e governatore degli ospedali, tramite un suo procuratore, Francesco di Simone. Possiedono una casa nel Borgo Superiore di Castel Nuovo e quattro appezzamenti di terreno nel comune di Montone, al vocabolo Buschi. Santa Croce E' situato nel Borgo Inferiore, nell'odierna via Soli. Risale alla prima metà del Trecento. Appartiene all'omonima confraternita che ha una quarantina di proprietà immobiliari. E' così grande il numero dei beni, che mette in difficoltà anche l'ufficio del catasto di Perugia allorché Bartolomeo di ser Nicola, procuratore della confraternita, si reca a registrarne alcuni. L’ufficiale del catasto si vede costretto a riportare l'elenco in un nuovo libro, appositamente iniziato, in quanto nel foglio riferito alla confraternita non c'era più posto. Fraternita del Corpo di Cristo o del Buon Gesù Era anche questo nel Borgo Inferiore, aderente al lato sud della chiesa di San Bernardino, non ancora costruita all'inizio del secolo. Ne abbiamo notizia nel 1448 quando, il 15 aprile, i frati di San Francesco cedono una loro casa vicina al chiostro del convento ai Disciplinati della Fraternita di Cristo. Fra le clausole, i compratori sono obbligati a "edificare un ospedale per i poveri di Cristo". Nel 1477 l'ospedale riceve un lascito di 5 fiorini per acquistare dei letti. San Giovanni Entro le mura castellane, nel Terziere di Porta Nuova, a confine della chiesa di San Giovanni (odierna via Mancini). Il 4 giugno 1455 il vescovo di Gubbio, Antonio Severi, tratta con la comunità di Fratta la cessione di un rimbocco posto fra la chiesa di San Giovanni e la casa dell'ospedale. Le sei persone nominate dal Comune per trattare la questione cedono tale pezzo di via al Vescovado a patto che serva "per i poveri dell'ospedale" e che nel termine dei sei anni il lavoro di ampliamento sia compiuto. Si trattava quindi di unire, con una nuova costruzione, la casa dell'ospedale alla chiesa di San Giovanni, in modo da ingrandire l'ospedale. Sant'Erasmo Si trovava nel Borgo Superiore, nella zona centrale detta il "Mercatale", aderente alla chiesa omonima. L’edificio è tuttora visibile nella sua interezza, anche se adibito ad abitazione. Era tenuto dai frati di Sant'Agostino, che facevano da infermieri. Aveva dei terreni in proprietà ed era il più grande ospedale di Fratta. I medici Nel Quattrocento, in Fratta esiste la figura del medico generico, detto "fisico" e quella del chirurgo, il "cerusico". Uno di questi svolgeva la funzione di medico "condotto", assunto dalla comunità che ne stabiliva diritti e doveri in un contratto notarile dal quale risultavano i casi nei quali poteva farsi pagare dai clienti e le visite ai molti poveri che doveva effettuare gratuitamente. Nell'eventualità in cui il medico aveva a che fare con una malattia molto grave o allora sconosciuta, poteva ricorrere alla clausola "pro corpore mortuo": per contratto non si assumeva responsabilità se l'ammalato moriva. In altri casi prospettava alla famiglia del malato (pagante) due somme alternative: se il congiunto guariva, avrebbe avuto la somma maggiore; se invece la cura non aveva effetto e il paziente passava a miglior vita, si sarebbe accontentato della somma minore. In questo secolo lavorano in Fratta soltanto medici ebrei. Uno di questi, maestro Manuele da Monticolo (Bolzano), operò in Fratta dal 1447. Negli anni 1484 e 1485 opera un altro "fisico" ebreo, Manuele da Pavia. Nel 1485 arriva l'israelita Emanuele di Angelo, da Padova, che abitava a Perugia. Forse ci si chiederà come mai le comunità assumessero medici ebrei. Perchè venivano pagati la metà di un medico cristiano. Il salario infatti era di 25 fiorini l’anno per un ebreo, 50 o 60 per un cristiano. Era la conseguenza dell'ostracismo dello Stato Romano verso gli ebrei e non delle differenti capacità professionali dei medici. Gli ebrei valevano come i cristiani, quando non erano addirittura più abili e più preparati. La peste La peste, presente di continuo a brevi intervalli, era la peggiore malattia che potesse capitare in questo secolo. Abbiamo poche notizie relative al nostro paese, ma siccome il contagio colpiva vaste zone, quando l'epidemia si manifestava a Città di Castello e a Perugia, sicuramente Fratta non ne era immune. Nel 1438, ad esempio, un farmacista di Fratta scrive un elenco di medicamenti da usarsi contro la peste, tra i quali, principalmente, 1'aceto. Nel 1400 la peste colpisce l'Italia centrale, soprattutto la Toscana. A Perugia e nel contado morirono 35mila (!) persone e migliaia di decessi si contarono anche a Città di Castello. Stando così le cose, pure a Fratta ci saranno stati molti contagi e conseguentemente parecchie vittime. Nel 1411 e nel 1417 la peste imperversa di nuovo. Nell'ultimo anno colpisce particolarmente Anghiari. Nel 1429 tornò a Perugia e in tutto il suo territorio, Fratta compresa. A seguito di questo la Magistratura perugina ordinò per la prima volta di controllare la salubrità delle carni in vendita nelle "beccherie". Nel 1435 scoppiò l'epidemia a Città di Castello, da marzo a novembre, ed alla fine perirono mille tifernati. Nel 1438 peste a Fratta, dove il nostro bravo farmacista descrive i rimedi che secondo lui avrebbero evitato la malattia. Un'altra ondata di contagio arrivò dieci anni più tardi e nel 1463 il morbo colpì ancora duramente Città di Castello. L’anno dopo la peste invase tutto il territorio di Perugia e il 14 settembre 1464 a Montone il Consiglio decide di "ricorrere ai santi del Paradiso per esserne liberati". Sei anni dopo, però, il feudo di Braccio Fortebracci sarà di nuovo sotto il contagio. Dal 1467 al 1476 1a peste torna ad intervalli regolari nell'intero Perugino. Nel 1478 abbiamo la notizia della peste a Fratta. Città di Castello non ne fu immune e contò cinquecento morti. L’anno successivo, a ottobre, ricominciò la pestilenza. Colpì in particolare Gubbio e Perugia. Durò tre anni e nella sola città di Sant'Ubaldo morirono quattromila persone. Nel luglio del 1468 scoppiò ancora a Perugia. Qui dimorava Pico della Mirandola che fu costretto ad abbandonare la città e a rifugiarsi a Fratta dove, in quel il momento, il morbo non si era manifestato. Questa tremenda epidemia tormentò la nostra zona e l'Italia intera ancora per molti secoli, senza che alcuna cura potesse aiutare le popolazioni. L’aceto ed altre sostanze di sapore aspro, considerate i rimedi più efficaci (anche in un grande trattato del 1610 presente nella biblioteca Vaticana), con i quali si lavavano gli abiti, i cibi e ci si cospargeva il corpo, servivano solo, purtroppo, a rendere ancor più dura la vita del tempo. Le guerre Ladislao, re di Napoli, sconvolgeva i territori dell'Italia centrale, intenzionato a conquistarne buona parte. II 25 giugno 1408 entra in Perugia. I Fiorentini ed il Papa tentano di contrastarlo con ogni mezzo e i Toscani chiamano Lodovico d'Angiò (incoronato re di Napoli dal Papa) per contrapporlo a Ladislao. Lodovico entrò negli stati della Chiesa con Malatesta da Pesaro, Angiolo della Pergola e Braccio Fortebracci. Quest'ultimo, prima di unirsi al d'Angiò, si era portato a Città di Castello e nei pressi di Fratta aveva sconfitto Giulio Cesare da Capua, capitano del re Ladislao, forte di duemila cavalieri. Nel 1411 Braccio Fortebracci tornò in Umbria, sorprese Montone e Fratta seminando distruzione e spavento, si diresse poi verso Perugia, che conquistò nel 1416, due anni dopo la morte di Ladislao. Scomparso Martino V nel 1431, Niccolò Fortebracci, nipote di Braccio, giunse a Città di Castello e in pochi giorni s'impadronì di gran parte dell'alta valle del Tevere. I perugini tentarono con ogni mezzo di dissuaderlo, ma alla fine tutto risultò vano. Più efficace si rivelò l'annuncio dell'arrivo di un esercito inviato dai Fiorentini ed altri alleati, tra i quali i conti di Montefeltro: oltre quattromila cavalli e molti fanti stavano dirigendosi verso il territorio tifernate, ma Niccolò Fortebracci non ne attese l'arrivo ritirando le forze a Montone, dove provvide a organizzare la difesa. E quando il 18 luglio 1431 seppe che i Fiorentini erano rientrati in Toscana, uscì da Montone, piombò sui castelli vicini conquistandoli. Il 12 agosto giunse alla Fratta Niccolò Piccinino con centocinquanta cavalli, diretto in Romagna; l'anno seguente arriveranno tremila fanti e cavalieri al comando di Francesco Sforza, in lotta con Niccolò Fortebracci, e notevoli danni provocheranno agli abitanti. Successivamente si aggiungeranno i soldati di Francesco Piccinino e dell'arcivescovo di Napoli governatore di Perugia, i quali, in contrasto tra loro, transiteranno per il territorio di Fratta e apporteranno lutti e violenze. Fratta vide giungere nel suo territorio, nel 1475, una gran moltitudine di persone per una sommossa scoppiata nel territorio tifernate. Nel 1479 si riaccese violenta la lotta tra Perugia e Fiorentini ed il nostro territorio subì ingenti danni. Molti castelli vennero distrutti, gli abitanti crudelmente uccisi. Capitano dell'esercito fiorentino era Niccolò Vitelli, scomunicato dal Papa. Dal 1488, alle lotte tra popolani (raspanti) e nobili (beccherini) a Perugia se ne aggiunsero altre, coinvolte le famiglie Baglioni e Degli Oddi, con disastrose conseguenze per tutti. I Degli Oddi furono cacciati, ma tentarono di procurarsi alleati e soldati, specialmente nel Ducato di Urbino, per rientrare in città. La venuta in Italia di Carlo VIII e la politica del Papa offrirono loro l'occasione per tentare di recuperare Perugia. I luoghi di rifugio dei fuorusciti erano tre: il territorio dei duchi di Urbino, parenti di alcuni Papi, di Siena e Fratta, dove volsero inizialmente le armi i Baglioni, informati che in questa zona avevano trovato asilo i Degli Oddi. Era l’anno 1495: all'abbazia di San Salvatore di Monte Acuto (Montecorona) giunsero Guido ed Astorre Baglioni con mille fanti e duecento cavalli; si riorganizzarono in fretta, andando a piazzare le artiglierie nei pressi della chiesetta di San Pietro di Romeggio. Ai primi colpi, gli uomini del Baglioni si resero conto che i proietti facevano più danno alle case che alle mura di Fratta, essendo queste a terrapieno. D'altra parte numerose erano le sortite degli assediati che quotidianamente riuscivano a ricevere aiuti da Assisi, Urbino, Matelica, Siena, Foligno e da altre terre amiche. I Folignati, intanto, si erano fatti promotori della formazione di un esercito che, verso la fine di agosto, al comando di Niccolò e Sforza Degli Oddi, si stava dirigendo alla Fratta. I Baglioni, conosciuta l'iniziativa, abbandonarono l'assedio di Fratta e ritornarono a Perugia, inseguiti dai nemici fino a Corciano. La battaglia fu combattuta il 4 settembre 1495 con vittoria dei Baglioni. Fratta, una settimana dopo, temendo rappresaglie per aver dato ospitalità ai Degli Oddi, tornò a sottomettersi ai Perugini. Fonti: Calendario di Umbertide 2004 – Ed. Comune di Umbertide – 2004 Renato Codovini: Storia di Umbertide - Il Secolo XV. Dattiloscritto inedito, 1992 A. Guerrini: Storia della terra di Fratta ora Umbertide dalle sue origini fino all'anno 1845 - Tipografia Tiberina, Umbertide, 1883 PICO DELLA MIRANDOLA A FRATTA Arrivò nell’antico borgo fortificato nell’estate 1486 Giovanni Pico della Mirandola e Fratta: un connubio che dette risultati fecondi. Il grande umanista, originario appunto di Mirandola, in provincia di Modena, celebre per le capacità intellettuali e la prodigiosa memoria, arrivò nell'estate del 1486, spinto da un'epidemia di peste scoppiata a Perugia dove si era rifugiato in seguito alla burrascosa vicenda amorosa con la moglie di Giuliano di Mariotto de' Medici, fiorentino. II borgo fortificato di Fratta offriva garanzie di un buon isolamento sanitario dal contagio, essendo completamente circondato dalle acque ed avendo soltanto due ingressi (la porta del torrione decagonale all'inizio del ponte sul Tevere e la porta della Campana), dai quali era facile controllare ogni persona che entrasse. A Fratta trovò un ambiente sereno, tranquillo nonostante gli echi delle lotte politiche tra Perugia, il Papato, Firenze e Città di Castello. Non è fuori luogo pensare che alloggiasse in una qualche casa del Terziere Superiore, a contatto con la folta e ricca comunità israelitica locale. Opportunità unica per uno studioso di cultura e di lingua ebraica. Di pari passo, Pico migliorò le proprie conoscenze anche in aramaico ed arabo per approfondire quelli che chiamava i tesori delle letterature orientali: Zoroastro, gli Oracoli dei Maghi, gli scritti di Esra e Melchiar. Rapporti molto intensi con quel mondo, quantunque anche a Fratta spirassero i venti della crociata antisemitica promossa dal frate minore Bernardino da Feltre. Sono dello stesso periodo "Commento alla canzone d'amore" di Girolamo Benivieni, "Elogio della pace" e lettere a personaggi di chiara fama: Taddeo Ugolini, Marsilio Ficino, Domenico Benivieni. Alcune lettere scritte da Pico durante la sua permanenza a Fratta si traducono in uno spaccato della vita sociale del tempo. Intanto, completa l"'Oratio de dignitate hominis", considerata il manifesto del Rinascimento. Secondo fico, la dignità dell'uomo è nell'assoluta libertà di scelta, nell'essere aperto a qualsiasi possibilità di vita. Nessuno ha una "natura" predeterminata da leggi, stretta entro limiti precisi. Libero "fabbro" di se stesso, a differenza delle altre creature, l'uomo può scegliere tra decadere al rango dei bruti o sollevarsi al divino, attuando in sé, ancora mortale, la congiunzione del finito e dell'infinito. Concezione "rivoluzionaria", nata all'ombra della Rocca e maturata da fonti eterogenee quali Platone, Aristotele, Ermete Trismegisto, Tommaso d'Aquino, la Cabala. Poco prima della morte, avvenuta nel 1494 a soli 31 anni, Pico della Mirandola si accostò alla predicazione di Girolamo Savonarola, alla cui difesa si dedicò appassionatamente, scrivendo due opere rivolte alle autorità ecclesiastiche ed una lettera intesa a sollevare l'opinione pubblica. Tutto inutile: il 23 maggio 1498 fra' Savonarola venne condannato ed arso a Firenze, accusato di eresia. Il soggiorno di Pico a Fratta fu quindi fecondo. E c'è da essere orgogliosi che abbia scritto proprio qui il manifesto del Rinascimento e la più alta celebrazione della centralità e libertà dell'uomo nel suo rapporto con Dio. Testi presi direttamente dal volume di Pietro Vispi “Il soggiorno e l’opera di G. Pico della Mirandola ad Umbertide” Dalla prefazione (o meglio non prefazione, come la definisce l’autore Gianni Codovini) “All’Autore (e non solo) Innanzitutto un grazie per averci restituito un pagina veramente alta della nostra Fratta, nonché per averci consegnato un rigoroso esempio di ricerca storica e un coerente metodo di lavoro, che sembra derivato non solo dai suoi profondi studi teologici e giuridici, ma anche mutuato da una persona - Renato Codovini - alla quale la città di Umbertide, ed io stesso in primis, dobbiamo gratitudine e stima, tanto per il suo essere l'inarrivabile fonte archivistica locale quanto per il suo meticoloso e discreto modo di orientare giovani studiosi ed esperti ricercatori nello studio storico e documentario. Non credo di allontanarmi dal vero, o perlomeno di non far violenza alla volontà dell'Autore se affermo che, Don Pietro Vispi, con l'abituale sensibilità intellettuale che conosciamo ed apprezziamo, riconosce il debito metodologico nei confronti di Renato Codovini in quella affettuosa e bella dedica in calce al libro che, credo, tutti condividano. Nel congedarmi dall'Autore e dal Lettore, consegno una mia impressione generale che vado sempre più confermando, che è quella poi di un intellettuale a me caro, Benedetto Croce: «ogni vera storia è storia contemporanea»(1). Condizione prima ed essenziale della storia - scrive Croce - è che il fatto, che si prende a narrare, vibri nell'animo dello storico. Ne consegue che ogni storia «se è davvero storia se cioè ha un senso e non suoni come discorso a vuoto», è contemporanea, sia che prenda in esame eventi remoti sia che consideri fatti vicini o presenti. Tale la morale generale che ho rafforzato leggendo il prezioso libro di Pietro Vispi.” Umbertide, settembre 1995 Umbertide, Tishri 5756. Gianni Codovini Note: 1. Vds. B. Croce, “Teoria e Storia”; Laterza, Bari, 1976, pp. 1-5, ma anche “La storia come pensiero e azione”, Laterza, Bari; 1938, pp. 170-172. Il soggiorno a Perugia ed in Fratta “Il periodo di tempo che riguarda il soggiorno perugino e poi a Fratta è in verità molto breve, ma, se rapportato alla brevissima vita del conte, e soprattutto poi a quanto e come in questo breve lasso egli abbia prodotto, potremmo quasi dire che sia stato uno dei più importanti vissuti da Pico. Come già detto nelle brevi note biografiche, nella primavera del 1486 Pico è di ritorno da Parigi e, dopo aver sostato qualche tempo a Firenze, volendo, pare, dirigersi alla volta di Roma, allorché fu in Arezzo, il 10 di maggio, si trovò invischiato nella non chiara faccenda del rapimento di Margherita, moglie di Mariotto de' Medici. Come sappiamo, l'intervento del Magnifico mise fuori dai guai Pico, che, o per già deciso programma, o per altra ragione a noi sconosciuta, si ritira a Perugia. Nasce abbastanza spontanea la domanda: come mai Perugia? Una risposta potrebbe essere data guardando bene gli interessi di Pico contemporanei all'avvenimento. Giovanni aveva finora studiato con estrema profondità la filosofia specialmente aristotelica e averroistica, ma proprio questo studio “chiariva al Pico l'urgenza di risolvere il problema dei rapporti fra le sempre più ardite sue dottrine e la religione cattolica, quale è insegnata dalla Chiesa di Roma. Sotto l'incalzare di questo problema, anche i suoi studi orientali prendono un indirizzo nuovo. Finora sotto la guida di Elia, aveva soprattutto studiato il pensiero arabo nel suo più grande esponente: Averroè. Ora si volge verso pensatori che abbiano fatto oggetto di riflessione l'esperienza religiosa e, partito da Maimonide, si addentra nel campo del pensiero ebraico finché, affascinato dalle più esuberanti correnti mistiche, nelle immaginose interpretazioni simboliche dei testi scritturali crede di aver trovato una soluzione ai suoi problemi e una via di uscita per le sue difficoltà"(1). Così egli comincia a studiare la Cabbala(2), utilizzando questa non tanto dal punto di vista dottrinario, quanto invece come metodo esegetico scritturale. La confidenza con i testi dell'ebraismo era nata già a Padova attraverso l'iniziazione avuta dal del Medigo e continuò poi a Firenze, diventando vera attrazione, in seguito all'amicizia sorta col Mitridate; anzi, abbiamo certa notizia dell'organizzazione, proprio in casa di Pico, di convegni di ebrei per discutere i rapporti di interconnessione filosofica fra ebraismo e cristianesimo. I due maestri però non proponevano a Giovanni la stessa ottica; l'uno, Elia, israelita ortodosso, conosceva la Cabbala ma la rigettava come sapere spurio, l'altro, convertito al cristianesimo, era invece un fervente cabbalista. La differenza tra i due fu la causa di una reciproca inimicizia che durò tutta la vita; Pico comunque non interruppe i rapporti né con l'uno né con l'altro. Il giovane conte resta dunque affascinato “dalla dottrina misteriosa, che Elia e Mitridate gli espongono; con notevole spesa egli si procura quei libri che legge con indefessa fatica; il risultato di tali letture è che Pico trova addirittura nei documenti della cabbala , oltre a dottrine filosofiche degne di Pitagora e di Platone, la conferma piena dei fondamentali misteri del cristianesimo, tanto osteggiati dagli ebrei intransigenti”(3). Perugia, per quanto diremo nel capitolo seguente, era il luogo adatto ed ideale per la conoscenza e l'approfondimento dei testi cabalistici, luogo con una forte e colta comunità israelitica, centro di produzione di codici e città qualificata da uno Studio di ormai antico prestigio. Del soggiorno perugino abbiamo molte testimonianze ricavabili dagli scritti di Pico, di Elia(4), del Ficino, e proprio a Perugia Giovanni fu raggiunto da Elia del Medigo; un ricco e fecondo colloquio intercorse tra i due, ma fu presto interrotto: nel luglio a Perugia scoppia un'epidemia di peste che consiglia l'allontanamento dalla città. Il rifugio, da Pico, fu trovato in Fratta. Noi non sappiamo i motivi precisi della scelta, ma forse, proprio la presenza nel piccolo centro di una qualificata comunità ebraica, oltre il tranquillo isolamento anche sanitario, che il munito nucleo urbano poteva offrire, non dovrebbero essere stati argomenti ignorati da Pico. Va poi sottolineato un particolare che, per quanto accidentale, ci ha molto incuriosito: nell' Oratio, allorché Pico afferma che la cabbala stessa diviene strumento di confutazione per gli ebrei... “integralisti”, egli ci dice di aver convinto alla dottrina trinitaria cristiana un coltissimo israelita, esperto di cabbala, di nome Dattilo(5). Sappiamo noi per certo, e lo illustreremo nel capitoletto apposito, che di sicuro uno dei massimi esponenti della comunità ebraica perugina, originario ed abitante di Fratta, era, all'epoca di Pico, proprio un certo Dattilo di Salomone, facoltoso banchiere. È solo sicuramente una pura coincidenza, quella appena descritta, e da questa non vogliamo certamente trarre conclusioni indimostrabili; essa tuttavia è causa di legittime suggestive fantasie. Due parole vogliamo spenderle a chiusura di questa parte per dimostrare come la Fratta, nella quale Pico si trattiene, sia l'attuale Umbertide. È vera la constatazione che di “Fracta” o “Fratta” la toponomastica del perugino ne annovera più di una: Fracta Filiorum Azzonis (Collazzone), Fracta Filiorum Fusci (Castiglion Fosco), Fratta di Guido (F. Todina), Fratta Cornia (nei pressi di Lisciano Niccone), ecc., però, nessuna mai viene citata in alcun documento senza la specificazione patronimica. L'unica Fratta, per antonomasia, in quanto anche centro senza dubbio più ragguardevole degli altri, e massima fortezza perugina, è Fracta Filiorum Uberti, che nella seconda metà dell'ottocento muterà il proprio nome in quello di Umbertide. Già dal 1145, in un diploma di Eugenio III, pubblicato negli annali camaldolesi(6) - e sempre in seguito, così come del resto fa lo stesso Pico e come sempre si riscontra nella cartografia ufficiale pontificia - Fracta Filiorum Uberti viene indicata col solo termine di "Fratta" o Fracta" senza il timore di cadere in equivoci di interpretazione o di definizione toponomastica. Giunge pertanto Pico nella nostra regione, desideroso di studi, di approfondimenti personali, di serenità, in previsione del grande progetto romano. Egli trova una realtà ambientale ed umana che certamente gli aggrada e lo stimola se qui rimane fino all'immediata vigilia della, purtroppo mai sostenuta, disputa.” Pietro Vispi Note: 1. E. Garin, Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, Vita e Dottrina, Firenze, 1937, p. 27. 2. La Cabbala, o Cabala, significa “tradizione”, e divenne una delle componenti culturali del Rinascimento. Essa non è di facile definizione, consiste sostanzialmente in una forma di misticismo giudaico tuttora non molto studiato. Tale misticismo ebbe buona diffusione nel Rinascimento, e specialmente nel mondo cristiano fu utilizzato come metodo di esegesi biblica. La chiesa è sempre risultata diffidente nei confronti della cabbala tanto che dalla controriforma in qua essa venne vietata, così come tutti i testi di origine ebraica. 3. G. Di Napoli, op. cit., 55. 4. Cfr. Heliae Hebrei Cretensis, questio de ente et essentia et uno. Venetiis, 1546, fol. 142/r (volume contenente Super octos libros Aristotelis…, di Giovanni di Jandun) 5. Cfr. Oratio…, Trad. di E. Garin, fol. 139/r., Firenze, 1942. Foto di Fabio Mariotti Disegno di Adriano Bottaccioli Fonti: - Calendario di Umbertide 2004 – Ed. Comune di Umbertide – 2004 - Renato Codovini: Storia di Umbertide - Il Secolo XV. Dattiloscritto inedito, 1992 - Pietro Vispi: Il soggiorno e l’opera di G. Pico della Mirandola ad Umbertide – Ed. Comune di Umbertide - 1996 Disegno di A. Bottaccioli (Calendario di Umbertide 2004) La Rocca nel 1912 ed oggi. Nella foto più antica si può vedere il torrione laterale ancora coperto e le facciate della case diverse da oggi La zona dove si pensa esistesse la gualchiera Disegno di A. Bottaccioli (Calendario di Umbertide 2004) Disegno di A. Bottaccioli (Calendario di Umbertide 2004) 1911. Il calzolaio a Montecorona Disegno di A. Bottaccioli (Calendario di Umbertide 2004) Disegni di Adriano Bottaccioli (Calendario di Umbertide 2004) Disegno di A. Bottaccioli (Calendario di Umbertide 2004) Disegni di A. Bottaccioli (Calendario di Umbertide 2004) L'Abbazia di Montecorona La chiesa di Romeggio Disegno di A. Bottaccioli (Calendario di Umbertide 2004) Disegno di A. Bottaccioli (Calendario di Umbertide 2004)

THE STORY OF ALESSANDRO GRELLI Fallen in 1938 in the Spanish war From the book by Maria E. Menichetti Bianchi "Alessandro Grelli - An anti-fascist who fell in the Spanish war (1936 - 39)" Municipality of Umbertide - San Francesco Social Cultural Center Nuova PRHOMOS Editions - April 1990 THE FOUND SYMBOL Thanks to the National Literary Prize "Umbertide 25 aprile", another precious piece has been added this year to the history of our city and our people. In fact, a historical research on Alessandro Grelli, a Umbertidese of humble origins and noble sentiments, a volunteer of the International Brigades, who fell on the Ebro front in September 1938, while fighting against the threat of fascism which, within two years, would shock the whole world with the Second World War. We therefore believe, by publishing the research, that we are fulfilling a civic duty, which we perform with great pleasure and with legitimate pride, in order to draw greater attention to this writing which removes a name from a corner of the atrium of the town hall and finally gives it a face and a human dimension. The careful work of Prof. Maria Ernesta Menichetti Bianchi offers the opportunity to see the life and political path of our heroic and unknown fellow citizen reconstructed in a passionate and intelligent research punctually marked by references to interesting archive documents. While we take note, with great pleasure, of the positive evaluation given to this work by the Commission of the Award and of the equally authoritative judgment expressed by Prof. Luciana Brunelli of the Institute for the History of Umbria, we express our deepest appreciation and thanks to the Author. She has given back to the light of knowledge the civil and political figure of the peasant-shoemaker of Romeggio, whose supreme sacrifice had been relegated to the cold memory of a commemorative plaque. Alessandro Grelli, on the other hand, deserves to be remembered with warmer signs for the teaching he gave us with his short life, but no less rich in ideals. He represents the revolt of the poor. The revolt of emigrants for work reasons who, in contact with previously unknown realities, arrive through political convictions to the concept of freedom, for which they do not hesitate, if necessary, to sacrifice their own existence. The names of the Heroes are kept in the memory of their homelands to be pointed out, especially to young people who, opening up to life, need sure points of reference, witnessed truths, which enhance the spirit and make them aware of the priceless gift that Grelli, and many others like him have given us by bringing freedom back to our country. Freedom to love and to defend as the most expensive good that man can ever possess. Umbertide, April 1990 MAURIZIO ROSI Mayor of Umbertide RAFFAELE MANCINI President of the Socio-Cultural Center PRESENTATION If it is true, as Broué and Témine write, that "the intervention of foreign troops in favor of the Spanish republic, the aid brought in from abroad was, in the final analysis, only the sum of a series of individual contributions" , then this work by Nini Menichetti on Alessandro Grelli represents a precious contribution to the knowledge and reflection on that extraordinary political, social and cultural phenomenon that was the international volunteering in support of the Spanish republicans. The interest of local scholars had hitherto been mainly directed to the most well-known characters of Umbrian anti-fascism - Mario Angeloni, Armando Fedeli, Carlo Farini, Leonida Mastrodicasa -, men who had a prominent role in the Spanish civil war and who were subsequently protagonists ( Farini and Fedeli) of the Resistance and Umbrian political life. Turning attention to the "minor" figures of the voluntary sector - which were numerous, about 80 Umbrian militiamen -, the emphasis inevitably shifts from the political aspects of the civil war to the more specifically social ones, connected to the exile and emigration of the years twenty and thirty, to the life of emigrants abroad, especially in that triangle of land that goes from France to Belgium to Luxembourg. Still recently, historical and literary studies have underlined the importance of the 1930s in European political and cultural history, and in particular the originality of the French experience, a crossroads for masses of men, a melting pot of ideas and hopes during the exciting period of the Popular Front government chaired by Léon Blum. Alessandro Grelli was one of those men, whose life refers, as a prelude to his departure as a volunteer, to the great events and great movements within which motivations, ideas and ideals matured that brought thousands of men to fight and die in Spain. The patient and intelligent work of Nini Menichetti consists precisely in weaving with very thin threads the weft of a life apparently without history, marked almost only by the fact that it ended in September of '38 fighting on the Ebro in Spain. It was not an easy search, in the shortage of documents and testimonies, in the poverty and partisanship of official sources. Little or nothing is known about Alessandro, his relatives and the village hardly remember him, the files in his name at the Perugia Police Headquarters and at the Central Political Casellario are too poor in information, even the plaque in his memory is inaccurate. And then, in this situation, the author opens a dialogue, begins to question men and materials - the brothers, the papers, the photographs, the former Garibaldians - and finds a path, or rather many paths that from the sharecropping life of the Umbertidese in the 1920s they lead it to Alexander's death in Spain. Thus the research takes place along various paths - from the State Archives of Perugia to that of La Spezia to that of Salamanca - and, through forays into the lives of others, Grelli's life is also filled with events and characters. Characters who were protagonists of his "sentimental upbringing" - the landowner Ramaccioni, Aldina, the Communist Bertieri - or who shared emigration and the myth of Spain with him. The rich apparatus of notes to the text shows us the many directions in which the research has opened and the multiplicity of materials necessary to approach the story of Alexander. Even those who have not directly measured themselves with the difficulties of historical research on the Spanish war, will be able to appreciate the complexity of the work, deriving not only from the limits of the official sources but also from those particular historical circumstances that require listening to many materials, of many and different stories and memories. Grelli's life unfolds along a path that belonged to many of those who went to fight in Spain: the passage from the peasant condition to the hard experience of emigration, which was both defeat and emancipation, certainly was awareness, encounter, communication. , discovery. It must have been all this if - according to official papers -, emigrated in '30 with "attitudes in favor of the regime", in 1937 he had become "a dangerous Communist subversive". In Saint Laurent du Var in the Maritime Alps, a privileged destination for Umbrian emigration, Alessandro, together with the various fellow villagers who converged there, lived the decisive years of his training before leaving for Spain. Among the Umbrian antifascists who volunteered, the largest group is made up of men originating from the Umbertide-Città di Castello area, peasants who became cobblers, carpenters, bricklayers or even laborers in the gardens of southern France. The police reports themselves, through the dense network of informers of the regime, give us ample documentation of the solidarity towards the Spanish republicans which soon matured in emigration groups and in anti-fascist circles abroad. In following the history of these and Grelli, the work of Nini Menichetti, while also making us reflect on the different languages and the different attitudes that transpire from the official sources, fully gives us the sense of the drama and of the ideals that moved the men who, between '36 and '38, they went to fight and die in Spain. LUCIANA BRUNELLI Institute for the History of Umbria PREMISE The years of anti-fascism, before and after 1926, and beyond, and of the Resistance, before and after 1943, were objects of study in historical works of a general nature, and in local or regional works, the latter useful. to bring movements and ideas of the past closer to the reality of the present, since they give voice and face to characters, sometimes just mentioned in the first ones, whose memory could be lost in the historical consciousness of today and of the future. We have traced the story of ALESSANDRO GRELLI, precisely to save him from this fate. A "red militiaman" - nice qualification on the Franco side! - born in Umbertide in 1907, died in 1938, fighting on the Ebro. One of those anti-fascists who had volunteered to defend the young Spanish republic, having identified in Francisco Franco's plan the primary objective of defeating it, and the implicit purpose of launching an attack on anti-fascism, not only in Spain in the late 1930s. , but in the broader sphere of European and international politics. The difficulties encountered in our research are evident from the subtle web of news, documents, information, which we have been able to access, which we give, schematically, below: a - what memory of Alessandro Grelli are preserved in his hometown, his family, historical texts, the local press; b - what information we have drawn from other sources, some of which have been consulted to no avail; c - what news did the ex-Garibaldini of Spain, still alive, give us. a - The Municipality of Umbertide keeps in the Registry the certification relating to the birth, the military conscription and the presumed death certificate. But he did not register any repatriations from France, which there were. He entitled - we do not know on what date - in a suburban district, a street after his name, whose toponymic plaque does not offer the reader either a date or a historical reference. He posted, on behalf of some citizens residing abroad, - we do not know on what date - a plaque in the hall of the municipal residence, with the following dedication: To Alessandro Grelli fallen fighting for the freedom of the Spanish people The Umbertidesi democrats residing in Nice - Anti-Franco War 1936-1937 (1) The historical archive of Umbertide has a material, poured there from various and interesting parts, not cataloged. Two of Alessandro's brothers live in Umbertide, one of whom is just two years younger, Angelo born in 1926. They do not keep correspondence from France or Spain, which also came, at least from France, as is documented (2). They do not keep the memory of a name of one of those who temporarily repatriated brought them news, or of who brought them the saddest news. Among their scant and meager memories there are, however, some details that illuminated one or two points in Alessandro's life, up to 1933, the year of their mother's death. From that date on, the brothers have learned unpublished news and unknown to them, which we have gathered from the consultation of the file on the Grelli of the Perugia Police Headquarters and of the CPC file that the Ministry of the Interior has been forming, as soon as the political police realized that Alessandro was carrying out anti-fascist activities, and from the research we carried out, according to the itinerary of his stay abroad. Rometti Clotide's historical work (3) dates back to 1954, citing Grelli among the Umbrians who fell in the Spanish War. He mentions him as Achille Grelli, that is, the nickname he brought from home and town (4) and which appears in a single official document, long after his death. Among the memoirs written by veterans from Spain, only the exhaustive work of the Garibaldian Giacomo Calandrone (5) mentions the name of Alessandro Grelli among those who died in the bloody days of the offensive on the Ebro, in a very numerous list. The vintages of "The Claim", a large-format four-page weekly (6), founded by the socialists in 1902, in Città di Castello, suppressed by fascism in 1921, offered material for the reconstruction of the historical and political context of Upper Tiber Valley, where the birthplace of Grelli stands. b - The fundamental and irreplaceable source for our research is constituted by the archives, of which we give a list, which respects the significance, from a historical point of view, of the documents coming from them: - Central State Archives and State Archives of Perugia which preserve the first file of the Central Political Casellario on Alessandro Grelli and many of his friends and acquaintances (7), the second the file of the Perugia Police Headquarters; - State Archives of La Spezia which preserves the documentation of an exile from Sarzana whom Grelli met in France and whose political activity carried out even before emigration in La Spezia (8); - Current archives of the Provincial Directorate of the Treasury of Perugia, and of the Directorate General of the Treasury of Rome which have provided the complete dossier of the pension procedure authorized to Abramo Grelli for the death in combat of his son, which contains the exclusive documentation of the circumstances of the death of Alexander (9); - Archive of the AICVAS which does not have relevant historical and documentary material, as occurs for the Archive of the Regional Institute of the Resistance of Bologna (10), in which the former Garibaldi Brotherhood of Spain has poured its material, when it merged into AICVAS; - Archivo Historico Nacional, Seccion Guerra Civil, Salamanca wanted by Franco in the 40s, responds to the desire to document the participation of Spain in the defeat of the Republic with particular emphasis on high military ranks and exclusion of low military roles, and, obviously, neglecting the presence of those who were considered the "red killers". However, the material stored in Sect. of the Civil War is so large (n.5598 very consistent dossiers (carpetas)) and flanked by inventories that refer region by region to the places where the Francoist front was present and moved, that it would deserve a prolonged examination, not experienced by us, also a little discouraged by the assurances of the Archive staff, who have been helpful and generous with us, and whom we warmly thank here, in the people of Maria Pilar Raulì Lopez and Gregorio Redondo. They, while accompanying us in our research, told us "esto senor no tenemo nada" (11). We quote, in alphabetical order, the sources consulted to no avail: - ANPI, General Committee of Bologna (Archive); Current archives of the Ministry of the Interior and the Ministry of Defense (12); - École Frangaise, Rome; - Mairie de Saint-Laurent du Var, Alpes Maritimes (France); c - We had the opportunity to meet the ex-Garibaldini of Spain still alive (13) by participating in "Jornades internacionales por la Pau y la Libertat y la Democracia, 1938-1988", organized by the Catalan Coordinadora d'associations de ex combatentes de la Repubblica and which took place in Barcelona on 28, 29, 30 October 1988. We asked many present, who were almost seven hundred, - French, Spanish, Americans, Belgians, Irish, English, Jews of various nationalities, etc. - news from Grelli. Nobody knew him, nobody remembers him. The Italian fighters on the Ebro do not remember him and neither does Ferrer Visentini who, in the form compiled by the former Garibaldini Brotherhood of Spain, is indicated as the one who "denounces" the death of Grelli, together with family members. From the years following the end of the war to 1942, the Ossuary Tower of Zaragoza-Casa degli Italiani collects the remains of all those who died in Spain. By virtue of this homologation between anti-Francoists and Francoists, on which we do not allow, there are the names of the fallen of the International Brigades, including that of Alessandro Grelli, who here has his plate marked with a lowercase BI (14). In the cemetery of Fuencarall, in Madrid, a large plaque, discovered only in 1986, commemorates the fallen anti-Francoists, with the following inscription: "Volunteers of the International Brigades, fallen as heroes, for the freedom of the Spanish people, the prosperity and well-being of 'Humanity". In October 1988, on the aforementioned occasion, the "David y Goliat" monument to the memory of the fallen belonging to the BI ranks was discovered in Barcelona in the presence of the BI volunteers, gathered from all the countries. The monument was donated by the SCWHS. We wait for the municipality of Umbertide to complete the toponymy plaque headed to Grelli, specifying: "Red militiaman, who fell as an anti-fascist on the Ebro front, September 1938", as a reminder to remember a protagonist of a historical period and an idea not to be archived. Note: (1) The only date indicated on the tombstone is wrong. In fact, the anti-Franco war ended in 1939. The dates of the death of the fallen and the posting of the plaque are missing, certainly after 2 June 1948, given the presence of the coat of arms of the Italian Republic that frames the plaque. (2) ASP, Inv. Quest. fasc. Grelli Alessandro. The CCRR of Città di Castello affirm this in 1938. (3) ROMETTI CLOTIDE, Sixty years of Socialism in Upper Umbria and Italy, Città di Castello, Il Solco, 1954, p. 132. (4) It was not the "battle name", but the nickname he bore from Romeggio, clearly remembered by his younger brother, Angelo, who still today speaks of his brother with the nickname "Achillino". (5) CALANDRONE GIACOMO, Spain burns, Garibaldi Chronicles, 1st Edition, 1962. Consulted in the AICVAS library. (6) BCC, "The Claim", 1906-1921. (7) The CPC dossier of Grelli Alessandro in ACS is the one formed by Sect. I of the Ministry of the Interior Div. PS Affari Gen. Ris. The one kept in ASP is formed by the Perugia police headquarters. The ACS dossier is more interesting, because it offers material that does not appear in the file of the Perugia Police Headquarters, relating to the date of Grelli's departure for Spain, and other details. (8) ASLS, Leva Office Fund of the Municipality of Sarzana for the year 1892, Bertieri Giovanni Tomaso Nello registration number, 1912; ibid., Fondo Prefettura de La Spezia, Cabinet Series, envelope 7 file 16 "Report dated 17/6/1921 by the Official Deputy Commissioner of PS di Sarzana regarding the events that occurred on 12, 13 June 1921, on the occasion of the raid fascist of Sarzana, upon notification of 13 June by the Mayor and the Councilors Calderini and Bertieri. (9) We thank the Provincial Directorate of the Treasury of Perugia and the Directorate General of the Treasury of Rome, and we are pleased to have arrived, just in time to consult very important documents, for the purposes of this biography, before the expiry of the current archives. (10) IRB, sheet by Grelli Alessandro (Achille). It contains an inaccuracy relating to the paternity of Grelli (of Alberto, but of Abraham), and of his residence abroad (Nice, but St. Laurent du Var). Participation in the II Garibaldi Battalion is not completed by the indication of the Company. The death - according to the file - "is reported by Visentini and his family". We interviewed Ferrer Visentini - author of a beautiful memoir on the war in Spain - who does not remember meeting Alessandro Grelli. The family members were unable to "report" the death of their relative for two reasons: because they were unaware of the fate of Alexander, and because it was the former Garibaldi Brotherhood of Spain that gave them the news. We will talk later about the photographs that remain of Grelli, but we want to immediately realize that the photograph stored in the file we are talking about does not appear in the files, neither in ASP nor in ACS CPC. It is a mugshot, according to the rules dictated by the Circ. of the File Service, namely: a face photograph, a profile photograph and a three-quarter profile photograph. In fact, Grelli is portrayed here in this last pose, in a tie, in hair, and shows an age that must have slightly preceded his departure for Spain, which took place, as we will say, in 1936, when he was 29 years old. (11) Ministerio de Cultura, Archivo Historico Nacional, Seccion «Guerra civil», 37001 Salamanca (E). We share the pessimism on Grelli, but not for a research on the presence of BI, supported by some titles, which were quickly glimpsed in Salamanca, such as: «Milicia POUM»; "Regiment Milicia popular"; "Prisioneros"; "Secret service"; "Milicia los Comuneros"; "Army rojo" ("el Campesino"), etc. Other archives can be consulted in Valencia, in Castellon and mainly the "Archivo Historico Militar" in Madrid, the material of which refers mainly to the personnel of the armed forces, police and carabinieri who remained framed in the republican area, for the purpose of recognition of their service. (12) The current archives of the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of the Interior should have kept the minutes of the "Interministerial Commission for the formation and reconstitution of death and birth certificates not drawn up or lost or destroyed by war ». It is this Commission that drew up the certificate of "presumed death" of Grelli, on 16 October 1957, deposited, according to the explicit declaration of the same Commission, in the aforementioned archives. All our research carried out through institutional and private channels was useless. (13) We interviewed Fucile Domenico, who is the only Umbrian Garibaldian still alive, on the verge of turning ninety. He remembers nothing of Grelli and the years of the Spanish War. He enjoys repetitively telling an anecdote, which refers to the circumstances of his enlistment. The Rifle, a little by convincing, a little by challenging, was able to encourage about forty men, Italian and French, to leave volunteers. Therefore the departure was commented, alluding to the surname of the leader, "The rifles are leaving"! (14) How aberrant this homologation was and still is, results from the thought of a visitor to the Torre Ossario in Zaragoza who "thanks the fallen for having given us forty years of happiness and peace, fighting Marxism". I. - THE LIFE OF ALESSANDRO GRELLI UNTIL THE EXPATRIATION Head of Alessandro Grelli's family was Abraham, born in Umbertide in 1878, where his parents had immigrated from Monte Tezio, married to Maria Ercolanelli, and died in 1957 (1). They had raised a large family, Maria and Abraham, an ordinary circumstance among the settlers, who thought of working arms rather than mouths to feed: Alessandro born on 27/10/1907 was the second child, preceded by Fenenne (1906) and followed by Giovanni (1909) and by Angelo (1921) living; followed by Adolfo (1923) and Gina (1926). Carlo and Sabina were born and died respectively in 1914 and 1919, the years of the Spanish. Abraham was a partial settler and went to work for the day, as a laborer, wherever he happened to be. He lived with his five brothers, who in turn, except one, had a wife and children, in the Parish of S. Giuliano di Umbertide, voc. Box no. 487, Frazione Romeggio, Villa Corradi, and subsequently, after the birth of Giovanni, he had moved to Villa Pantano, still in the same hamlet, where with the whole tribe, about thirty souls, he could enjoy a better income with a farm in thirty-five hectares, working and wooded altogether. These are not the data just mentioned, taken from the tax register, but learned from the brothers, Giovanni and Angelo, who gave us news, reported episodes and memories, which we will promptly report gradually. The Marquis Liborio Marignoli was the owner of those lands assigned to his ancestors, three centuries earlier, by the Spanish rulers, for military merits. Contact between the colonists and the marquis was neither direct nor frequent and everything was done by the farmer who demanded half of the harvest from the Grelli - wheat, maize, grapes, tobacco -. Furthermore, from the partial share of the settler, a percentage was removed for sowing, and for the fertilizer, estimated by Giovanni at around 30%, while the owner never punctually paid the money corresponding to half of the expenditure necessary for the threshing - wheat, corn, seeds - just as he never paid the money for verdigris and sulfur, in compensation for the manual labor that the settler took on. The master kept the animals, paid us the taxes, and the land taxes were his responsibility. Still in the 10s of the century, however, there was still discussion on the payment of cures for the diseases of animals and the serious dispute had not been concluded. According to Giovanni's estimate, the Romeggio farm produced 15 quintals of wheat per hectare, so he had 150 quintals left, enough for bread and cake, but the beans were necessary to supplement. The side dish - the pork belonged entirely to the owner - consisted of "cooked grass", cod, salty because it was cheaper, and herring. These foodstuffs, together with salt and sugar - oil was replaced by lard - were paid for in kind at the shop, mainly with eggs. In conclusion - Giovanni admits - we ate, but did not dress, evaluating the situation at the time with current parameters. The houses, even when they were discreet, were very bad - we read in the local newspapers of the time (2) - a bedroom, including that of the spouses, even housed four people, who, after the short vigils in front of the fire, stretched out on straw straws of maize leaves, placed on four wooden boards or on metal nets. In April 1911 the battle for the improvement of the Colonial Pacts, carried out by the League of Peasants, among which those of Lama had distinguished, still dealt with the "colonial accounts", which had been the banner of the historic strike of 1906 : that the accounts had to be cleared year by year; that "if the owner keeps part of the credit to secure the livestock" "the interest on the money withheld had to be paid to the farmer" (3). Abraham was illiterate, but he sent all his children to school, even the girls, up to the third grade, in the schools set up in the rural hamlets and then in Umbertide - an hour away, from the farm - where they could obtain the elementary school certificate (4 ). Alessandro, according to the personal data sheet (5), had done up to the third grade. However, the news provided by the Military District, that he had obtained the elementary license up to the 6th class, is reliable. In support of this, the testimony of his brother who says: "he was very good at school, he was a genius." At home - Giovanni continues - we never got a hint of what was being said outside or written in the newspapers; as, for example, we insinuate - that still in 1911 people were forced to become aware of their rights and not to follow the priest "the eternal enemy of those who work and produce", "who condemns the struggle of the peasants" and " it organizes the colonial circles "" to maintain the political dominion of the masters "(6). The Grellis had not listened to, and perhaps had not wanted to hear, these and other exhortations and had never been approached by the organizers of the Leagues and Cooperatives. They lived their lives with precise points of reference: work, necessary to live, and, at some time of the year, to survive; the call to arms, under the feared control of the Arma Station stationed in the village, the relations between the sexes, necessary to increase hands in the fields, for housekeeping, and, perhaps, for a wise and kind female presence; and, first of all, the parish priest, the church, of which the Grelli women, vestals of the most rigorous Catholic observance, - as John says - were devoted faithful. During his childhood, neither at home nor at school, he heard Alessandro talk about events and facts that will take weight in his adult life: some, such as the expulsion of Benito Mussolini, in 1914, from the Socialist Party, of which the local newspaper spoke. , they slip away because of his very tender age. But he was a little older when his father and his uncles Annibale and Natalino left for the war and he could have understood something about the dispute about the appropriateness of Italian intervention in the immense conflict, a dispute that, in reality, at home. Grelli, did not take place at all. Having become a teenager, he had no better opportunity to become aware of the news that reached Romeggio faded, on the occasion, for example, of the elections of 1921, preceded by an electoral campaign in which fascist violence had also been active in Umbria (7), or of serious events that took place in the nearby Perugia, so serious as to bring fascism to power. In 1924 he still did not have the right to vote, which he will never exercise, being that of 1924 the last electoral consultation authorized by the fascist dictatorship, which had it carried out under the surveillance of the MVSN soldiers, who presided over seats and favored fraud. For Alessandro, the days spent working in the fields and the winter evenings were endless. He could not be happy or satisfied with this life, with that "gang", "comrade", "cheerful", "expansive", "always in good humor, very healthy, very intelligent" temperament described by Angelo. He loved friends - Giovanni insists - he liked girls, he loved to dress well, but ... at least he never had a few cents in his pocket! Alessandro thought for himself to get out of this situation, giving proof of a transgressive will, this first time towards the owner, who, informed by the farmer, reluctantly saw Alessandro absent himself from the fields and go to the village to learn the trade of shoemaker in the shop of the "poor Giuliano", which he reached on foot in the suburb of Borgiacca on the outskirts of Umbertide. This first gesture of independence, very important in itself because it made him change his social status, will be followed by others, in Grelli's private and public life, around which we will have the opportunity to speak at length, and from which Alessandro is characterized as a nonconformist, a curious man eager for experience, courageous, even reckless. It will turn out that this is not a psychological interpretation of the character, but an evaluation of the character and his temperament, as transpired by events and concrete facts. The brothers tell us that, while working as a shoemaker, he had met Mr. Luigi Ramaccioni, owner of a large estate bordering that of the partial regime of the Grelli, older than twenty years, with whom he had formed a great friendship. Not an anti-fascist - Giovanni specifies - like those he will meet in France - we add - but a fascist, albeit a moderate one, neither relentless nor troubled. In our opinion, the passage of the biographical notes drawn up by the CCRR of Città di Castello, based on direct information from the Umbertide Station (8), derives from this friendship, which does not hide from anyone: "he did not have a PNF card, but showed attitudes in favor of the regime ”, referring to his political conduct before his expatriation. Without excluding the hypothesis, however fragile, that Alessandro simulated, it seems to us that the CCRR interpret a fact that refers to the late 1930s, with the experience and perspective of the year in which the biographical note was drafted, that is nine years later, expanding it enormously and coloring it with meanings suggested a posteriori. But there are other reasons for not agreeing with the carabinieri on a "pro-fascist phase" in Grelli's life, even if, if it were proved to be authentic, it would not constitute a fact to be scandalized, considering the uncertainty and even the confusion of the times, the subordination of the lower classes to intellectuals, and the inadequacy of their means of orientation and critical tools. The CCRR give the fact, which was certainly to their knowledge, a bureaucratic evaluation, without describing and circumscribing it: we try to highlight in Alessandro's frequentation with Mr. Ramaccioni not so much the political aspect, but the realization of a personal relationship, which came to the great advantage of Alessandro. The relationship between the young ex-peasant shoemaker and the rich and educated adult owner was not equal in many respects, almost all of which can be understood. But Alessandro could be led to nod and perhaps agree to things he had never heard before, which fascinated him, on topics that opened up horizons that were unexpected compared to the air he breathed at home. If Ramaccioni, without making rowdy propaganda, but persuasively, as Giovanni assures us, had spoken to his young shoemaker friend, for example, about the economic program of fascism which presented captivating aspects on the worker and peasant side - we mention the reduction of working hours in factory and the tax on the capital of the "medieval barons" - could Alexander have guessed the demagogic implications? (9) We would say no, at least in the days of Romeggio! Times in which Alexander absorbed information and news but had not yet made political ideas, as he did say the RACs. Who, making assessments of this kind, which are not infrequent, thought they were rendering a service to the filed for which a pro-fascist past could constitute a positive precedent and lightened, indeed canceled, any responsibility of their investigative role, for the time in which they had had it under their control. The period of Alessandro's military detention (10) then opens and he spends in Modena, in an environment that was perhaps not only dominated by the military bureaucracy. We say it was influenced by the passage in that military milieu of a Perugian who fell in Spain (11) and assuming that Grelli had already acquired some valid tool for looking around. We do not have any documents of the period and therefore we know nothing official, except that the Royal Quaestor of Perugia twice asked about the behavior of the infantryman Alessandro Grelli. We do not know if the Royal Quaestor had particular reasons for doing so and we believe that the failure to reply means that everything was regular, or simply a bureaucratic inefficiency. It appears, in fact, that Alexander regularly spent his months as a soldier, sixteen months, excluding the training period that preceded the "call to arms" (12). A postcard-size photograph of Alessandro in uniform is preserved in his file. We offered it in photocopy to the brothers who, not knowing it, received it with emotion, crying and kissing it (13). Alexander is portrayed in a soldier's uniform with the envelope on his head, in a "rest" position, with the right arm resting on a perforated wooden shelf that supports a vase of flowers, between the fingers of the hand the cigarette and the left arm on the side. It's the classic photo to send to his girlfriend, to whom to ask for the complicity of being considered not the freshman soldier, but a boy, indeed a man, easygoing, like they say all the details, scarcely martial - the cigarette, the hand on the hip, the body lithe, together with the flowers on the "good room" shelf -. The brothers reciprocate mine gift with a photograph received from France and which appears in the bulletin of the RF (14). Grelli is more years old, and a virile and determined expression, underlined by mature features of the face. In hair, and the shirt open on the chest, in the casual French fashion, denotes greater awareness, which is neither new nor in contradiction with the photography of Modena. A little more mature, in a tie, Grelli appears in a third photograph, as already mentioned (15). The bureaucratic, hasty and distracted description that the Regia Questura makes him at the moment of expatriation, in which the only particular apt it is the "bass". In fact, the Grelli was just one and a half centimeters higher than the minimum required to be "skilled enlisted". On the period of Alexander's life that elapses between the military leave - early days of September 1928 - and the date of expatriation, which is no earlier than the date of issue of the passport - October 1930 - a span of just over two years - sheds light on the testimony of John. Who says: «Before the official expatriation, Alessandro went to France clandestinely, reaching the Ventimiglia border by train, where he entrusted himself to expert people, indeed in charge of the need, who accompanied him, partly on foot and partly on mules along the paths and passes of the Maritime Alps, up to France. During this trip - continues Giovanni - he stopped in Florence in Via della Scala, at the Engineers Regiment, where I was a soldier ». The memory of Giovanni is reflected in his military registration number which shows that he arrived in Florence on 28/4/1930 (16). Therefore Alessandro's Florentine stage can be dated not before the end of April, but not after the end of October, the date of issue of the passport. Why was Alexander going so adventurously to France? Giovanni knows: it was a love escape! Alexander - as his temperament requires - went to join his girlfriend, Aldina, who was expatriated to France with her whole family (17). The motivation confided to his brother in Florence was verifiable in the real circumstance. Other reasons, in concurrence with the sentimental ones, had to be kept silent by him: he could not manifest his own, even generic desire to escape from the family; political motivations, unlikely at the moment, but not to be absolutely ruled out, it would have been better not to even talk in the air. He did not stay in France for long, not only because his love story did not lead to marriage - Alexander died celibate - but because his fellow countrymen, political emigrants, may have advised him not to stay one more day abroad, without documents. , where he would run a hundredfold risks compared to those, already very serious, that expatriates in good standing with their passport ran. And in fact, having completed his military service, in 1930 he obtained a passport valid for one year, and regularly expatriated "for work" for France. At this point, two periods in Alexander's biography open, the one relating to his stay in France, until 1936, and the dramatically shorter one of his enlistment in the red militias of the «Garibaldi» Brigade, in the Laroche Group. The one and the other period will be treated separately on the basis of the documentation obtained in the file in his name by the Regia Questura of Perugia and in the CPC file, of which the brothers do not even exist. Before becoming Giovanni and Angelo's informants, we want to report what they replied to us on issues concerning their brother, but also general aspects common to many emigrants: - what relations existed between the Grelli family and the Umbertide CCRR, considered as the first link in the chain of investigators; - what memories do the Grellis retain from the French period of their brother's emigration, and subsequently from Spain. The carabinieri of Umbertide, who depended directly on the Tenenza di Città di Castello, never showed up either to ask for news or to give it. The information could not have been obtained from the family, since - the carabinieri well knew - they were either liars, or reticent, unreliable and misleading, even in the face of a sincere "we know nothing". As we shall see, "confidential" or "trustworthy" information was important and fundamental. On the other hand, the carabinieri never said anything to the family. Yet they had learned some good things about him: "subversive anti-fascist", "communist to be arrested at the border", "red militiaman in the ranks of the army, in Spain", where there was a war, all the more serious and compromising, how much more unknown! But, did the Grellis ever know something that the CCRR did not know, and that not even the secret police would ever find out? At least in three cases: Alexander's first clandestine emigration; the trip of Abraham who had gone to visit his son in France, reporting excellent news about the Cordonnerie (18) the shoe shop he had opened, to the point that he urged his brothers to join him to collaborate with the four workers already hired; and, finally, the clandestine repatriation of Alexander due to the death of his mother (19), of a very short duration and of which we can establish the exact date (20). The brothers gladly return to 1933, when Alessandro, clandestinely crossing the Maritime Alps, had come to greet his sick mother and had arrived in time to see her dead, an extreme sign of the deep family bond that united the Grellis among them, for which, even Today Alexander is remembered by them with a fraternal affection that has priority over the pride and pride of a brother "who died as a hero for freedom". Since the death of their mother, the Grellis have not known anything about their brother: we anticipate them that there were political reasons that led Alessandro to silence, also belatedly discovered by the police. The family - not a suspect, but an intuition - was convinced that Alexander was in France exclusively for work, and did not ask too many questions about his expired passport or about other details they learned superficially and almost indistinctly. Grelli's life, not limited to his first period, which we have dealt with, but relative to his entire arc, together with the historical approach deserves an epic evocation. Instead we must conclude with the squalid episode of the "package" we learned in the conversation with the brothers. Says Angelo, the younger brother: after the war in Spain - the chronological confirmation does not emerge - we received a postcard from the Post Office of the Umbertide station to collect a package from France. Father and John went there - therefore before 1957, the date of Abraham's death -. They were told that the package had already been collected. They did not protest, they did not investigate, and perhaps, Angelo concludes, they did wrong! Giovanni nods and comments: «There was certainly no money in that package! Why go and steal it? It was someone who agreed with the Railways ». From that "someone", neither an indiscretion nor an allusion is derived. We insinuate that perhaps there were those in town who wanted them badly, and that perhaps it was the fascists who eliminated that one concrete sign of the past of their political adversary. John closes in a silence, from which we are able to understand a profound pain, resigned and powerless. Note: (1) MU, Registry Office, Abramo di Agostino and Bussotti Filomena was born in Umbertide on 6 / XII / 1878, married to Ercolanelli Maria in 1906 and widowed in 1933. (2) BCC, «The Claim», cit., Year 1907. (3) BCC, «The Claim», cit., Years 1906 and 1911. (4) BCC, "The Vindication", cit., Year 1913. It had been a successful campaign of the Socialist Party which had fought since the early years of the century for elementary education, for an adequate preparation of the teachers and for the establishment of school sponsorships. (5) MU, Matricular Role Register 62, Matric. 535, Alessandro Grelli. On 23/10/1926 there is the military visit: he is "skilled enlisted" he can read and write, 6th grade, "stature m. 57.50 ". Recalled to arms, arrived in Modena at the 36th Infantry Regiment on 30th - 4th - 1927, discharged by the same on 2/9/1928 - Ibid, Population Register, Grelli appears to have attended only up to the third grade. (6) BCC, «The Claim», cit., Year 1911. (7) BCC, «The Claim», cit., Year 1920. (8) ASP, Inv. Quest., Fasc. Grelli Alessandro cit. (9) BIANCHI ANTONIO, Social struggles and dictatorship, in historical Lunigiana and Versilia, (1919-1930), Florence, Leo S. Loschki, 1981. (10) See no. 5. (11) We refer to Mario Angeloni. (12) See no. 5. (13) ASP, Inv. Quest., Fasc. Grelli Alessandro. The photo was taken in Modena by Foto Insvardi Via S. Michele Modena -. It is therefore not the Grelli who supplied it to the CCRR, which perhaps managed to obtain it for other channels. The photo was very important for the registration in the BR. (14) ACS, Grelli Alessandro, CPC. The report in the BR is not contained in ASP, Inv. Quest., Grelli Alessandro, cit. (15) IRB, card by Alessandro Grelli, of which we mentioned in the Introduction. (16) MU, Registry Office, Register of Matricular Role Giovanni Grelli Matric. 10290 VII.mo Corps Engineers Regiment. Giovanni passed the visit at the end of 1928 and "called to arms" reached the VII.mo Genius on 24/4/1930. (17) Aldina's surname is uncertain and confused in Giovanni's memory. The records of the population of Umbertide from the 10th century have not given any confirmation following a search on the name «Aldina». It is clear that his family was not registered in the registry of Umbertide. (18) ASP, Inv. Quest., Fasc. Grelli Alessandro. The CCRR speak about the footwear industry installed in St. Laurent, providing the Police Headquarters with the address “Cordonnerie de Puget. St. Laurent du Var ”and the brothers told us that business was going well for Alexander. (19) MU, Population register 1933, Maria Ercolanelli died on 20/02/1933 in Umbertide. (20) Alexander immediately returned to France, after the funeral and therefore on February 22 or 23 he was traveling again. We deduce it from a curious tale by Angelo: when he returned here for the death of his mother Achillino - it was this, as we know, the nickname with which Alexander was usually called - he did not want to sleep the first evening under the same roof as the deceased, because he would be forced to sleep there for nine days. This is so as not to "disturb" the dead woman. Achillino-Alessandro slept in a neighbor's house and then left long before the nine days were up. Il simbolo ritrovato - I La vita di Grelli fino all'espatrio II - III Il fascicolo della Questura e Grelli in Francia IV - Grelli in Spagna Il simbolo ritrovato - I La vita di Grelli fino all'espatrio II. - THE FILE OF THE DIRECT QUESTURA DI PERUGIA HEADED TO GRELLI ALESSANDRO The file of the Perugia sul Grelli police headquarters contains five photographs (1) and forty-seven papers, from 1936 to 1951. Do not think, however, that the Regia Questura of Perugia and the other police bodies have dealt with Grelli for fifteen consecutive years. There are only nine years (2) that date ordinary certificates, forms, bulletins and printed matter of the File Service, and the various correspondence, letters, confidential and highly confidential, registered in double envelopes, service tickets, telegraphic circulars, telespress, etc. Only three years refer to Grelli still alive (1936, 1937, 1938). The following years (1939, 1940, 1941, 1942) attest to the useless search by the police, the town of birth and the carabinieri, about the fate of Grelli, while the last year revolves around the suspicion of the disappearance of Grelli, who however it is not officially documented. Grelli's dossier, already modest as a volume, is therefore chronologically reduced with respect to the emigration period (1930-1938), spent partly in France and partly in Spain, and is limited in content, as there is no living presence of the Grelli, what could it be, eg. a letter from him intercepted on departure or arrival. The dossier on Grelli, of which we give an analytical confirmation in the appendix (3), however, contains a precious indirect reference to a person whom he met in France, who, as we will say, illuminates his political story of Grelli. A copy of the Grelli dossier can also be consulted at the Central Archives of the Central Political State Records Office, Ministry of the Interior Division I CPC Service. It offers more detailed documentation about Grelli's departure for Spain and other substantial details that will be very useful to us. On the outer cover, in thin yellow-orange paper, common to all the files of the Perugia Police Headquarters, his name, surname and paternity stand out in calligraphy, and, in indelible ink, the wording "filed" stands out. Two essential notes follow: «Communist ex militiaman red», as a political qualification, and the indication of the inscription in BR, and in RF «for arrest», ordered by the Ministry of the Interior (4). In the month of July 1936 two letters, which follow one another after a single day, arrive, one to the Ministry in Rome and PC to the Royal Prefect of Perugia, and the other to the Royal Quaestor of Perugia. The sender of the first letter is the Royal Prefect of La Spezia; who writes to the Quaestor is the UPI of the Command of the 102nd Legion MVSN, stationed in Perugia (5). The subject of the two letters is identical: Grelli is a "subversive and anti-fascist" who works with a very dangerous individual from Sarzana - the reference to the latter is exclusive to the letter that arrives from La Spezia - and with three other Umbrians, the whose names are communicated by both letters. The senders declare that they have received Grelli's report from a "trust source", that is, from the secret police. Therefore, Grelli has been "discovered", and from this moment the formation of his dossier starts, and is "filed" in Cat. A / lett. 8 of the R. Questura of Perugia, which will keep the Public Security Division of the Ministry of the Interior informed step by step (6). Both the Prefect of La Spezia and the UPI of the MVSN are recommended that the four reported to be denied the "repatriation" permit and that investigations be carried out for their identification. From the first card, which is precisely the first letter mentioned above, to the last card, the dossier on Grelli becomes for us the testimony of the intertwining of investigations and searches of the police and his life as an emigrant, politically engaged; as a tacit challenge between the police and the anti-fascist, won, in the years preceding 1936, by Grelli. The sign is in this long news gap from about 1930 to 1936, a period in which he managed not to be discovered. The delay is not an exclusive detail of Grelli's biography: it was generally a few years before the police discovered anti-fascists abroad. But it also took a little luck and a lot of forethought to get away with spies, and Alessandro knew how to give himself the image of an individual on the margins of politics, fully occupied as was shown in the Cordennerie, from which perhaps he was making money for the cause as well. He was, in essence, a modest character, whose natural gifts, borrowed from his peasant origin, had been difficult to guess: to make it in spite of the master. We will see, however, that there is a document that illustrates the period that remained obscure for the investigators (7). Grelli's report is very serious and heavy, because it is circumstantial: he put up with a person in sight, emigrated for several years, a thoroughbred propagandist, well-known in his homeland and in France, head of a group that does "deleterious work" in against his compatriots, managing to win the fascists themselves against anti-fascism. Which, while wanting to "keep good Italians" - which means to remain fascist! - were influenced by the strength of his propaganda. There were three Umbrians in the group, as we have already said, two of whom were fellow villagers, natives of San Giustino, inhabitants of St. Laurent du Var, a bricklayer and a carpenter, and both Communists 8. The third Umbrian reported, who a handwritten note in the letter from the UPI of the Militia declares that he had been suspended since 1930, deserves a separate discussion (9). The immediate effect of the report was to be the obvious and somewhat obvious denial of the repatriation permit and mainly the initiation of the "identification" investigations. The commissioner, who does not know anything about it, consulted the CCRR of Città di Castello, who promptly transmit the information received from the Umbertide Arma Station. The content of the information is favorable to Grelli and the tone used by the informants is decidedly benevolent: Grelli has maintained good moral, political and civil conduct - note the exhaustive adjective of all, absolutely all, aspects of behavior; he has no criminal record and no ongoing pending with the carabinieri of Umbertide - in this matter it is always better to abound in the specification. However, as surprised by the anti-fascist report, they declare that Grelli, despite not being a member of the PNF, showed favorable sentiments. As for expatriation, he was regular "for work", with a passport issued by the commissioner himself. They attach the photograph and describe the features. It is not infrequent to find muted tones in the information of the carabinieri, while other police bodies often look for a way to slander the filed, with an apparently banal detail, sometimes with a real slander. The behavior of the Carabinieri of Città di Castello seems to conceal the concern of being held responsible for not having recognized Grelli as an anti-fascist, as was later "reported" in France. For this reason they accentuate and underline the positive things they can say about him, which is perhaps partly authentic, but a little ostentatious (10). We add that their benevolence results in other circumstances: they do not respond to the repeated requests of the commissioner who wants to know how Grelli behaved during his military service; they are careful not to fill in the finca prepared in the biographical form (1939) for the names of the officials or agents who had known him: yet, if they had known him! Finally, they close in silence when they are questioned (1949) by the commissioner on the advisability of revoking Grelli from the group of subversives of the province. We approve of them, adding that ten years after their death it seems unlikely that the police station still knows nothing! The information requested from the CCRR reaches Rome in the first days of January 1937 (1937). From this date, the file does not indicate a document, a form, or a letter. This was not due to bewilderment (11). At the beginning of the second half of the year a telegraphic circular arrives (1937) sent to the Royal Prefect of Perugia and to all the Prefects of the Kingdom, signed by Bocchini Fr. the Minister, with confidential news: Grelli enlisted in the Spanish red militias (12). The news is given in a spectacular way: the postal vehicle is not of ordinary administration; the secret police are present in the use of the conditional "would have enlisted"; the barrage of repressive measures against Grelli acquires drama in the long sequence: he is arrested "returning to the kingdom"; RF and BR be entered, with photograph; a reserved control of correspondence directed to family members is ordered "to ascertain remittances of money from red aid". This is, therefore, the year in which the police report a relative success with an explosive news on Grelli's account - we will see that the chronology is not exact - and in which the repression is relentless with the means that are their own. Ten letters and three modules, concentrated in just over a month - from 19 July to 14 August (1937) -. Seven times the commissioner is the sender and fulfills all the tasks entrusted by the minister. In less than a week he fills out the form for reporting a person to be searched, which should be accompanied by a photograph that the carabinieri sent him the year before. But the Royal Quaestor is lost, so he must have recourse to the Scientific Cabinet of the Terni Police Headquarters for reproduction, which, this time, has a large number of them done, now uselessly (1937). Inside the year there is even the ticket removed from the RF, where Grelli is described as a "dangerous communist", to be arrested. (1937). The year 1938, on the other hand, consists of a single card (1938), coming from the Quaestor's Cabinet: "The Grelli fighter or suspected fighter in the ranks of the Red Army" was inserted in October 1938 in the Cat. A / 9 , which is the category of the red militiamen. In accordance with the date that the card bears, 1938, we have placed it in its natural place, while in the file it has a location on card 1, that is, after the last documents of the file (1951). The silence of the investigators does not derive from their knowledge of what had happened and was happening in Spain, where Alexander had now fallen into the rage of the attack on the Ebro and for a few days he had missed the withdrawal of the Garibaldini - la despedida - episode painful, but not inglorious, also agreed with the consent of the republican government and the League of Nations. Rather, it must be linked to a crisis of consensus towards fascism. In fact, public opinion had come to acknowledge the warmongering and repressive aspect of the regime - War of Africa and racial laws - and the investigators themselves seem to suffer a decline in motivation in carrying out their tasks. We have already detected some stretch marks and we continue to note that the certificate of the Criminal Record was requested only in 1939 (1939). Furthermore, the delay in acquiring such a document denounces the gap between the regime police and the ordinary judiciary. And it is surprising that the Questura starts all over again with the request for the birth certificate (1939) and the address abroad, when this documentation had been acquired three years earlier (1936). The drafting of the biographical card which took place belatedly (1939) brings the news of the "emigration from red Spain" and of the "confinement". Emigration from Spain and confinement that do not find any confirmation in the history of Grelli, nor in archival documents. In the years 1940, 1941, and the first quarter of 1942, the commissioner is busy searching for Grelli and continues to send updates to the Ministry of the Interior of Grelli's residence abroad, which he takes for granted, asserting "nothing to report". Only once (1939) does he confess that "there is no news"; some doubts assailed him in 1941. Realizing, during the review of the Political Record, that Grelli is no longer reported, he asked the CCRR of Città di Castello for information on moral conduct, but "especially political" held "before today". He still asks for his address and the carabinieri (1939) reply that they do not know, because no more correspondence arrives either to friends or relatives "from here", that is to say from Umbertide. In this same circumstance the carabinieri choose not to pronounce themselves - as already mentioned - on the advisability of the revocation of Grelli from the list of subversives of the province. Completely insignificant is the duplication of the biographical card in 1942 (1942) which, moreover, does not have a comma more than the first edition (1939), if not the updates referred to in the years 1940, 1941 and 1942. We have reached the last two years of the dossier which refer to Grelli's death: in 1949 the Quaestor ordered the revocation of Grelli from the Bulletin of the Wanted "for ceased reasons", a ritual formula that foreshadows his death. In 1951 a letter from the Ministry of the Interior, due to the interest of the Ministry of the Treasury, was sent to the Questore of Perugia to give circus news about Alessandro's death, considering that his father had asked for his son's war pension. The most concrete answer comes from the carabinieri who assert without hesitation that the death of Grelli, which took place in combat in Spain on 12 September 1938, is in the registry office of the Municipality of Umbertide. But we have no declaration from the Municipality of Umbertide, which closes the history of Grelli with the Act of Presumed Death (13). Scrolling through the names of the senders of the various documentation contained in the Grelli file, it appears that at the peripheral level the CCRR and the Police Headquarters operated in correspondence with the Ministries of the Interior and Foreign Affairs who had various representations abroad, the embassies and consulates of His Majesty the King of Italy, closely linked to the police bodies, typical of the regime, such as the UPIs of the MVSN and the apparatus that the PNF had given itself abroad. But it was concretely efficient and capable of a penetrating investigation only by the police organization, hidden under the formula "trust source" or confidential source, that is, the secret political police. From it came the decisive information on the account of the files, following which the aforementioned peripheral and ministerial investigators were only a bureaucratic role. The analysis of Grelli's file leaves many problems unresolved: the chronological question relating to the dates indicated in the file, not the macroscopically incorrect ones because they go beyond death, but the date of his notification, which is certainly delayed compared to Grelli's political commitment , and the date of enrollment which is not - we have anticipated - that of the telegraphic circular of the Ministry of the Interior. Finally, there is the question of confinement and the emptiness of the circumstances of his death. The file offers - we repeat - indirect documentation, but decisive for tracing Grelli's political itinerary, in the period 1930-1936, the years he spent in France before his departure for Spain. From Grelli's meetings with prominent figures in the history of anti-fascist emigration, both in the political and ideological debate of anti-fascism, and in the concrete struggle against fascism, the precise outline of his political evolution emerges and it seems richer and more lively to us. general scenario of Umbrian political emigration. Note: (1) An original postcard size is the photograph in military uniform, produced on the cover, from which four card size copies were made. (2) These are the years 1936, 1937, 1938, 1939, 1940, 1941, 1942; 1951. The term a quo coincides with the sixth year of Grelli's emigration, the ad quem with the thirteenth anniversary of his death. (3) The Grelli file is fully analyzed, in Appendix I, according to the following items: year, type of document or correspondence, date, sender, recipient and subject, In the text we put the year to which the document refers in parentheses of Appendix I. (4) ASP, Inv. Quest., Fasc. Grelli Alessandro, cit. Two entries appear on the cover: one that finds unique confirmation in the biographical card of Grelli 1939, reports that Grelli was "confined" to the date 12/6/1939. There we will deal with this detail elsewhere: The other reports that it was registered in the 1942 Statistical Register. The note is in pencil followed by a question mark and is not reflected in the file, nor has it archival evidence. On the cover are also the «Revisions». (5) ASP, Inv. Quest., Fasc. Grelli Alessandro, cit. Appendix II. (6) The Cat. A / lett. 8 corresponded to "subversive and anti-fascist"; «Subversive dated back to the Circ. Internal Min. 5343, 1 June 1896, instituting the Filing Cabinet, "anti-fascist" had been added in the fascist era. (7) This is what we will do in III. "Grelli in France". (8) ASP, Inv. Quest., Fasc. Gattini Goffredo di Gerasimo and was Corsini Giuseppa. Gattini was born in S. Giustino 4/8/1892, carpenter worker, anti-fascist. Ibid. Tarducci Ottavio was a communist Giuseppe, born in S. Giustino on 8/9/1898. (9) ACS, September Luigi Antonio CPC. The September was Giuseppe and it was Biondini Gelsomina, born in Todi on 16/9/1880 a shoemaker, a socialist who had been struck from the ranks of subversives there and 2/9/1930. September cannot be consulted in ASP because the files on the "Radiated" are not yet available and therefore we do not know the reason for the radiation. September is mentioned under different surnames: on the cover of the Grelli issue there is Settembrini Luigi and it is the only time that his paternity and maternity are not reported, data that are repeated and unchanged in other quotes. The place of birth is now indicated in Città di Castello, now in Todi. We found his birth certificate in the Todi registry office with the day, month and year that appear in his file in the Central State Archives. September has been living in Rome since 20/10/1930 where he had gone from France, from the Rome Population Register. (10) We have already dealt with the alleged "pro-fascist" phase of Grelli. (11) We exclude that it was a question of loss, because even among the papers in the CPC dossier on Grelli in ACS we found this void. (12) The date of Grelli's departure for Spain is therefore attributed to the year 1937. We will examine in IV Grelli in Spain the documents offered by the file on Grelli preserved in ACS, which anticipate it by a year. (13) MU, Death Certificate Register 1957, p. II, Series C. Sentence authorizing the transcription of the death certificate of Alessandro Grelli. The copy of the death certificate was provided to us by the Umbertide Registry Office, subject to authorization by the Court of Perugia, Attorney General. III. - GRELLI IN FRANCE If emigrants could feel almost at home at the first impact with an environment where, according to some testimonies (1), Italian was spoken more than French, as in St. Laurent du Var, in the Department of the Maritime Alps, an obligatory destination for Grelli for the well-known reasons of the heart, and fixed residence during his emigration (2), they could not rest assured among their compatriots, who were not all anti-fascists, many willing to denounce and inform, at the service of the secret political police, and some who had made or were making a fortune, "exploiting the fellow countryman." "It was full, full of spies," which created an atmosphere of distrust, suspicion, fear of everything and everyone around the emigrants. They felt and were, followed, spied on even in private life and always alert to the risk of having an infiltrator among their everyday friends - the most unthinkable and least suspicious person - by whom they could be branded as "anti-fascists" and as such files. There is no story of an emigrant-anti-fascist that does not begin with a report by a spy, worthy of absolute credit. Consequently, police measures were taken, or the Special Court was put into action, whose laws had reinstated the death penalty, not only for attacks on the king or the leader, but only for belonging to a dissolved party (3 ). If the spies understood that they had been identified, they ran away, but, not infrequently, they were trapped by our people, who knew how to transform themselves into "good policemen" (4), and to the infiltrators of the Avra they responded by dislocating "trusted, unknown" individuals, who did not attract attention, in the offices of the Dopolavoro, or in the sections of the PNF, places where they spoke of trade union problems and political issues to prepare the offensive strategy against the anti-fascists. The ordinary judiciary, the one established by the liberal state, had not been suppressed, but deprived of authority: bodies structurally unrelated to the role of police carried out investigative tasks. The Royal Consulates of Italy abroad, solicited by the Ministry of the Interior, or by the Ministry on which they depended, were very efficient, diligent and, to be honest, even precise, compared to the Royal Police Headquarters and Royal Prefectures. The Consul of His Majesty the King of Italy had a direct line with the trustee of the foreign sections of the PNF - the Case d'Italia or Case degli Italiani - which offered a recreational activity - radio, cards and conversation - to program , quietly, political action plans. On the occasion of the registration, a map of the "registered or not" was drawn up, with big problems for the latter (5). The UPIs of the MVSN, directly dependent on the Presidency of the Council of Ministers, had the means and men, belonging to bureaucratically autonomous roles. They were present in all situations, and spread the confidential news, which they received first. The local administrative authorities, for example the Mairies, were hostile to them and were prejudiced against them, like the government police. Relations with the French democrats were not easy; but we have the documentation of an "anti-Italian" - that is to say anti-fascist - demonstration in which our compatriots are associated in large numbers with the French and the naturalized in an armed attack on the House of Italians in St. Laurent, to demonstrate against the policy of their government, on the occasion of the call to arms of the reservists: an intertwining of ideological, political and claim reasons in military roles (6). They encountered no slight difficulties in looking for work, unless they resigned themselves to being peasants in the fields planted with vegetables and fruit in southern France, to harsh living conditions and wages, which Grelli was able to escape by putting to good use. his ability as a craftsman that benefited him, also as a social position. The salaried workers had to pay a tax of 25 francs, with which they obtained the "work card", indispensable for being hired; self-employed persons paid the "work card", 100 francs. Also this tax was an opportunity for the sections of the PNF abroad, in agreement with the French authorities, to implement discrimination and blackmail (7). The period initially spent by Grelli, immediately after his expatriation, is illustrated by the conversation with his brothers: the clandestine flight from Umbertide, followed by regular emigration "for work", frequent and reciprocal visits, an opportunity to urge the brothers to move to working in the shoe factory until 1933, the year of his mother's death. From this date Grelli never returns home, and he doesn't let anyone know anything about himself, either by oral messages or by letter, as the carabinieri also attest. It seems that his life has undergone a turning point and is taking place in a context that pushes him to estrange himself from his family and from any relationship with Umbertide. Detail of which the brothers complain and do not agree. Specific circumstances and precise reasons for justifying this behavior of Grelli can be seen in his meeting, already mentioned, with Giovanni Tomaso Nello, Bertieri who formed and directs a group for political propaganda. Grelli joins, together with other Umbrians - but they are not only Umbrians (8) - to be part of the group, he begins to military in the anti-fascist struggle with awareness and risk, which induce in him prudence, confidentiality, mainly towards the family who , in Umbertide, he could have undergone interrogations and searches. Grelli, who emigrated without political qualifications, became a communist at the Bertieri school who "worked" with his followers. The expression "work" used by the informant suggests the feverish propaganda activity, the meetings, the internal coordination, the new contacts and the constant displacements, as the surviving emigrants frequently report. In meeting with Bertieri, Grelli found the opportunity to enter politics and the instrument of his ideological maturation. Which evolved, first of all, with the assimilation of the meaning of the various experiences made by Bertieri before 1923 and subsequently on all the occasions in which he was involved in concrete initiatives, which were framed in the context of the ideological debate. Bertieri had been the witness and the protagonist of a central fact in the history of anti-fascism, which was the revolt of Sarzana in July 1921 against the aggression of the squads, the first and for a long time the only example of victory over fascism: "an event that became a sort of myth during the dark years of fascism, for the persecuted, for the exiles, for those who suffered in prison "(9). Before 1921, Bertieri had been the animator and promoter of all the demonstrations and of every strike, in a strip of land such as Lunigiana with a concentration of workers in the La Spezia shipyards, and a peasant in the vineyards of the Ligurian "bands". Sarzanesi. He was an assiduous reader and speaker of the left-wing press, but he had never been a contributor to the editorial staff of any newspaper, as claimed by the carabinieri who knew him. In the role of socialist councilor (10) of the municipal administration of Sarzana - a position he held from 1921 as a socialist, passed to communism after the Livorno Congress - he had proclaimed a state of siege in the municipal council in the face of squad aggression, and command of the proletarian defense committee of the Arditi del Popolo (11), which he himself organized, had determined the humiliating retreat of the fascists, at the end of a week of bloody clashes that had claimed many victims among the aggressors (12). From the clash between the fascists, financed by the agrarians and the industrialists and the proletarian opposition that tried to raise the conditions of the people, organizing leagues, cooperatives, unions and committees, as had happened in Sarzana, Grelli understood the political significance of the Italian situation . And he discovered a confirmation of this in his life in Romeggio, personally and by the family itself (13). After the events in Sarzana, to escape the arrest warrant, which had already hit some of his followers (14), Bertieri went into hiding and was eventually forced to emigrate illegally to France, reaching Marseille, where he did not stay long. . In fact, he continued his activity as a propagandist which led him to travel throughout France to hold meetings and rallies. The Socialist International chose him as the official speaker. We find him in this role in Marseille, in 1930, on the occasion of the great party of the proletariat of that time, which was May 1st (15). Oratory skills - "he speaks well" and is a "discreet comitiante" - even investigators are recognized. We endorse them, as they are also supported by the level of university studies he has reached (16). However Bertieri never exhibited the qualification of "student" and declined, without any exception, that of "worker" or "mechanic" who leads him - it was convenient for him to say - to work now in one place and now in another. In the end, even the police realized that this was an "excuse" for the political activity of Bertieri who "wandered a little here and a little there" "appeared and disappeared", because he was busy "working" at the " service of Italian-Franco-Russian subversivism "(17). On another occasion Bertieri amused himself by making fun of the police (18), confusing them for almost a year because of the nickname, Buccin or Bucin, with which he was also known in Sarzana and cheated them to the point that they were induced to provide personal data of a non-existent person. The political debate abroad and in Italy was animated by all the democratic forces in the field - we mention, without being complete, liberalism, republicans, socialists, communists, popular people and all the various associations that branched off from them. Differently articulated in terms of political content, they were aimed at forming an organism, as unitary as possible, to oppose fascism. We could give a historical account (19), but it seems significant to us to use the material contained in the CPC dossier on Bertieri, and to report on some initiatives and experiences of his group, which are the precise reflection of the ongoing debate, and in addition they open a glimpse into the political newspaper of our emigrants. He had contacts with Luigi Campolonghi (20), also from Lunigiana, older in age and in exile. It was Campolonghi who introduced him to the anti-fascist concentration (21) without pushing him to join it. But it helped him from the organizational and ideological point of view to found a section of the LIDU in St. Laurent du Var (22). Grelli had it at home, and he attended the weekly meetings in a local audience, called by Bertieri who had become its president. In front of a fairly large audience - by admission of the investigators themselves - Bertieri mainly gave political speeches "marked by anti-fascism" and oriented towards the social-communist currents, which would have given life to the French Popular Front. The headquarters held "conferences", that is, meetings with prominent figures - for example, Pacciardi, Campolonghi himself - who took stock of the situation and gave information on the work done by other sections. On the sidelines of the meetings, funds were raised by selling, for example, the folders of the «Loan of liberty», for L. 1000 each, with the fruit, to tell the truth, scarce, of L. 5000 francs. They organized the annual party of the Italian League of Human Rights, which took place on March 30 (23). As president of the LIDU of St. Laurent du Var Bertieri obtained a special "political refugee" card, a pass authorized by the League of Nations (24), well known to the investigators' controls. It will have been very useful to him on the occasion of his expulsion from Luxembourg, an episode in Bertieri's life, of which we do not know the reasons or the circumstances. But the political position naturaliter adhering to the "fervent gregarious of the French Popular Front", to the communist Bertieri, who had opened - it is important - a section of the communist party in St. Laurent (25) and consequently to his group was that of the FU, the Single Front, as the anti-fascist Single Front was identified in police jargon. On January 24, 1934, XII ff, a meeting of the FU took place in Nice at the Cafè de la Gare, present, among the many emigrants, Bertieri, who is cited in second place in the list (26). An infiltrator tells us how that meeting took place in a report drawn up for the General Management PS Division of General and Reserved Affairs Division I of the Ministry of the Interior. Much information relating to the composition, dissemination and organization of the FU, to the strategy of its political project, are true from the report of the infiltrator, as we will see below. However, aware that he is reporting burning, and perhaps alarming information, he takes care to minimize them - he considers them to be "of little importance and of little importance" - and evaluates the data and perspectives of the political work of the FU with skepticism and pessimism, such as those which are, at the base, tainted by the hegemony of the Communists. They want to "impart a too marked character to the movement" which is endemically - the infiltrator seems to think - on the verge of rupture. There are those who leave the FU (27), but must admit that there are also more definitive and concrete adhesions, the maximalists, for example (28). He informs us that the FU is widespread throughout France, in Paris, where the meetings are "repeated and numerous" in Cannes, Nice, Beausoleil and frequented by the LIDU, by republicans, by the maximalists, by the Mutual Society Brotherhood, by the reformists, by the socialists and, of course, the communists. The presence in the meeting of January 1934 of exponents of the French Communist Party and for the past of a prestigious figure such as Henri Barbusse was at that time an indication of success (29). The formation of the single body to oppose fascism according to the proposal of the maximalists, which is accepted, is to replace the enlarged single committee with many small neighborhood committees or sub-committees articulated on fragmented realities and situations, similar to communist cells. The economic claims of emigrant workers were for the FU a fundamental premise for a unitary action against fascism, according to the tradition of socialism of the years of the II and III Congress of the International, which inspired the FU. The problem at the moment was to defend the workforce and protect it against the French law on wages (30). Therefore - say the defendants - it is essential to have people infiltrate the sections of the Dopolavoro who collect the intentions and plans drawn up in this regard. Lastly, small work is not neglected, such as sending propaganda letters, circulars with a political content, and, with great precision, invitations to meetings so that it should not happen that someone is absent, just because they have not received the notice of convocation (31). When the propaganda for the recruitment of volunteers to defend the Spanish republic exploded in the early months of 1936, Grelli decided to go and fight. He abandons the group to the most discreet extent, as we shall see, and seals the meeting with Bertieri with an act of great political significance. A meeting in which the many differences and diversities between the two protagonists - age, education, political militancy, reason for expatriation, temperament and character - could have crushed the weak position of Grelli, who instead comes out strengthened in the bond of ideals and common intentions. "Among the subversives it should be noted a tall individual, thin, blond hair, about fifty, worker, ardeasiac eyes, red complexion ...", a description of Bertieri written by the political police that convinces us and almost excites us. Let's compare him with the Grelli, whom we know by photography: short - for only one and a half centimeters "skilled at the draft" - rough, with no particular characteristics, other than those inconspicuous and captivating ones of his face of a genuine Umbrian peasant. Taciturn, he listens to Bertieri's tales and speeches with fluent speech, made incisive by the melodious Ligurian-Tuscan cadence. The passionate strength and the ability to persuade are evident from the description of his temperament, drawn up by the Carabinieri of Sarzana: "ambitious" "overbearing", that is, with a will to be a boss, because he knew he could do it. The negative evaluations of "bad reputation" and "weak worker" are the result of the slanderous campaign that the fascists made to him after Sarzana and of the objective scarcity of the garages and bus services, of which he declared himself dependent. Alessandro's brothers have neither known nor heard of an Umbertidese family, the Broccolicchi who, after a failed internal emigration to Gubbio, had expatriated in 1902 in France, father and mother, almost fifty, with nine children, all between fifteen and five years (32). But Alessandro certainly knew and frequented them, because the second and third Broccolicchi generations were known and active in southern France, precisely in the period in which Grelli was there. Proof of this is that among uncles and nephews, living in the 1920s and 1930s, three of them are registered. They are Antonio meant Alfonso, Vittorio and Maria: we give a brief account of the files in the inventory of the Perugia Police Headquarters relating to Alfonso and Vittorio (33). The character we want to point out is Maria Broccolicchi, belonging to the third generation, daughter of Eugenio, listed as an anti-fascist - the "above-mentioned woman" specifies the PS official - because we understand the exceptional nature of the feminine anti-fascist (34). Maria worked closely with a cousin, Gino, for whom the police headquarters did not formalize the file, perhaps because he was assimilated to the nationality of his father, naturalized since 1928. Note: (1) We refer to the late Mariano Fulmini and Probo Martinelli, and to Italo Nicoletto, Vincent Tonelli among the many surviving former Garibaldini. The most incisive passages of their testimonies appear in quotation marks in the text. (2) The brothers of the Grelli refer only to the address of St. Laurent, like the carabinieri. Even the Consulate of Nice, in what can be defined, as we shall see, the last certain news on Grelli, before Spain, refers to the same town in the Department of the Maritime Alps. (3) AA.W. Lessons of anti-fascism, Bari, Laterza, 1962, p. 138 and ss. (4) One of our witnesses relates: "we managed to locate the home of a spy, we seized a letter from her, which contained very serious news: a communist had been murdered to avenge a fascist killed in Paris". Our witness gives the names of the protagonists of his story. (5) ASP, Inv. Quest. fasc. Goffredo kittens. Gattini, during his interrogation in confinement, says he asked the trustee of the St. Laurent section of the PNF for the card and obtained it. Unable to pay the outstanding annuities, he ended up arousing the suspicions of the trustee, who threatened him. telling him «I'll arrange it!». Gattini was terrified by the trustee and withdrew from frequenting the fascist section. Thus began - according to his version - his persecution as an anti-fascist. (6) ACS, Bertieri Giovanni Tomaso Nello, CPC. Twice a week, on Mondays and Thursdays, the House of Italians, at least that of St. Laurent, remains open to fellow countrymen to listen to "the radio, play cards, chat". But no meeting - the note continues - has the character of a "ceremony" or is marked by a political meeting. On the occasion of the declaration of war by France and England on Nazi Germany - we are in 1939 - the French reservists were recalled to arms, which constituted a reason for resentment for them. Therefore, an anti-fascist demonstration was organized on their part with a nocturnal aggression against the House of Italians, wanting to hit the policy of the regime allied to Nazism. (7) ASP, Inv. Quest., Fasc. Tarducci Ottavio. Tarducci, still in 1935, had not managed to obtain the "work card", even though he had even requested it from the Mairie of St. Laurent. Eventually he resorted to the local Casa degli Italiani and began to attend the section quietly and apparently convinced. of the PNF. Having obtained the employment card, Tarducci changes his behavior, begins to associate with extremist elements - as the investigators point out. For the humiliation suffered and the anger accumulated in the refusal of the Mairie he goes out in a sensational demonstration on the occasion of the feast of the patron saint of St. Laurent. In the midst of the festivities he sings the Internazionale - and it is immediately a choir. The Mayor invites him to stop and Tarducci responds with threats and insults and making him under with a clenched fist accuses him of not having wanted to help him for the "work card". (8) ACS, Bertieri Giovanni Tomaso Nello, CPC cit. More numerous than the Umbrians were the Ligurians - Sarzanese, communists, anarchists, republicans, all registered, whose residence abroad, profession or occupation is unknown. They are natives one of Arcola (La Spezia), one of La Spezia, two of Sarzana, one of Lerici, and a name that does not respond to an individual born or known in Sarzana - notes the investigator - who, like us, underlines the common geographical origin of Bertieri's followers. (9) Bianchi A., cit. Foreword by Giancarlo Pajetta. (10) ACS, Bertieri Giovanni Tomaso Nello, CPC. The biographical card only recognizes his election as Municipal Councilor; instead he was councilor in the year of the Sarzana events. After Bertieri was already expatriated for reasons of personal security, the fascists in 1926 denounced him for embezzlement, according to their classic public administrator-thief equivalence. The Court of La Spezia sentenced him to one year of imprisonment, a fine of L. 300 and one year of interdiction from public office. The sentence never reached him in France. From other convictions - a 1919 offense and simple bankruptcy - he was acquitted respectively by prescription and by amnesty in 1924. (11) Bianchi A., cit. It was a political formation in which anti-fascists from various sides had converged to face the violence of the squads. In the events of Sarzana they had had an important weight. Bertieri had set up a department in Sarzana with a contingent of 150 men, all workers and peasants. They had their own newspaper and, according to the work quoted by Bianchi, they also operated in Umbria. Of the fact, however, we do not find any reference in the newspaper The Claim, cit. (12) We have read two versions of the events in Sarzana, one historical (see Bianchi A., cit.), And the other ASLS Fondo Prefettura della Spezia, Report 12 and 13 June 1921 by the Deputy Commissioner PS, from Sarzana, to be sent to the Sub-prefect of La Spezia, upon notification by the Mayor of Sarzana, and by the councilors Calderini and Bertieri. The PS Commissioner presents them as "a fascist raid" in Sarzana, Bianchi as an attack by the terrorist squad against the Sarzanese population, with which the municipal administration of the city supported by the left-wing parties had sided. The first version presents the defeat of the fascists as a "retreat" to avoid police intervention; the historical testimony speaks of a vigorous response of the popular forces, peasants, workers and bourgeois, once in tune with the anti-fascist parties of Sarzana and all of Lunigiana. (13) Not Grelli personally, nor his family, but the democratic movement of the Upper Tiber Valley circulated a sheet "Umbrian Communist Union Committee - Nov. 1924 Appeal" denouncing the responsibility of the capitalists for the continuous increase in life and for the decrease in wages, cf. Appendix III. (14) Bianchi A., cit. We refer to Bocciardi Ugo, anarchist, blind, accused of murder, a character close to Bertieri in the Sarzana facts, who does not appear to be part of his group. (15) ACS, Bertieri Giovanni Tomaso Nello, cited CPC. (16) ASLS, Leverage Office Fund of 1892 - Municipality of Sarzana. Visit passed by Bertieri in 1922, that is, at the age of 22. He is a "student". In the biographical card of his CPC dossier it appears instead that he did "elementary courses" and that consequently his capacity as a propagandist due to lack of schooling must be considered scarce and not very effective. (17) ACS, Bertieri Giovanni Tomaso Nello, CPC cit. (18) ACS, Bertieri Giovanni Tomaso Nello, CPC cit. For at least a year, the correspondence relating to Bertieri is concerned with deciphering whether Bucin or Buccin was another Bertieri's person or not. The Municipality of Sarzana puts an end to the investigation. But the Royal Prefecture of La Spezia had mobilized, the Ministry which had issued a "circular for research" and the Division of the PP, of La Spezia had even provided the personal data of a non-existent Alfredo Bucino to whom the same activities were attributed that played the Bertieri. The whole investigation was complicated, in part, by the fact that Bertieri had managed to prevent the La Spezia police headquarters from coming into possession of a photograph of him. (19) Alatri Paolo, Italian Anti-Fascism, Ed. Riuniti, 1973. (20) Luigi Campolonghi had joined the anti-fascist Concentration, to which neither Justice and Freedom nor the Communists had joined. (21) The anti-fascist concentration established in France in 1927 substantially refers to the Aventinian position and included dissenting elements of the Italian League of Human Rights. It crumbled around 1934. (22) The LIDU is an association older than the anti-fascist Concentration and survived to it and still operating today in France and Algeria. It arose along the lines of the Ligue des Droits de l'homme whose origins date back to the Dreyfus affair. (23) ASP, Inv. Quest., Fasc. Marian lightning. (24) ACS, Bertieri Giovanni Tomaso Nello, CPC, cit. (25) ACS, Bertieri Giovanni Tomaso Nello, CPC, cit. The news is reported with the indication «sec. socialist "and corrected in" sect. communist »in pencil. The confusion arises from the fact that in the biographical notes he is described as "socialist" as he was before his accession to the Communist Party after the Livorno Congress. (26) ACS, Bertieri Giovanni Tomaso Nello, CPC, cit. Appendix IV. (27) ACS, Bertieri Giovanni Tomaso Nello, CPC, cit. While the Socialist Party is increasingly in favor of rupture, in Beausoleil, the Maximalists have even fully joined the FU, and perhaps even the Communist Party. (28) ACS, Bertieri Giovanni Tomaso Nello, CPC, cit. In addition to those present whose names are mentioned, our speaker refers to an unknown Communist who is the main "speaker". (29) Henri Barbusse was certainly not known to Grelli for his literary work but he became so on the occasion of the war in Spain when Barbusse organized the volunteers with a battalion of the BI, with his name. (30) In that precise historical context it was necessary to defend the Italian workforce abroad and protect it against the law on wages, which followed the Fascist law on the reduction of wages, aggravating it with quotas, i.e. reducing the amount of Italian workers that French employers could or had to hire. (31) ACS, Bertieri Giovanni Tomaso Nello, CPC, cit. It had happened to the Republicans. (32) MU, Registry. The emigrants of 1902 were called Celestino Broccolicchi and Stella Crispoltoni, born respectively in Umbertide and Città di Castello in 1852 and 1853. The children were all born in Umbertide, with the exception of two who were born in Gubbio. Once in France, they spent the first period occupied in cultivating the fields and with the large number of arms, all in the family, which they can employ, they draw good results, if, around the 1920s, Antonio intended Alfonso (born in 1874) the eldest son "is »Cultivate land« owned by him ». By decree of 1928 he became a French subject. Later he became the owner of a car service, like his brother Eugenio and also hired Bertieri Giovanni Tomaso Nello as a mechanic. (33) ASP, Inv. Quest., Fasc. Broccolicchi Antonio, Broccolicchi Antonio, understood as socialist Alfonso di Celestino, born in Umbertide 22/3/1874 - papers 34, 1934-1944. Antonio had become a socialist in France, having been expatriated at eighteen. "He made pomp of his principles"; he is mentioned among the participants in a conference held by R. Pacciardi in Nice in 1934, an event of primary political importance, which led the political police to draw up a list of participants, to be considered suspects. His brother Antonio, ten years younger (see ASP Inv. Quest. Fasc. Broccolicchi Vittorio di Celestino, anti-fascist born in Gubbio on 25/4/1895, papers 16 + 2 photos 1939-1944) is infamous by the police with every sort of accusations (exploiter of prostitution and keeper of houses of ill repute) that would have made him merit judicial charges on the French side. Of which we have no documentation, just as his alleged expulsion from French territory in 1936 is not documented. From the file it does not appear that poor Vittorio ever left France. (34) ASP, Inv. Quest., Fasc. Broccolicchi Maria, Maria Broccolicchi in Polidori, by Eugenio, antifascist, born in Gubbio 25/4/1895 - cards 16 + 2 photos 1939-1944 - Maria, daughter of Eugenio and wife of the red militiaman Polidori Francesco, di Domenico, is reported as "Very active anti-fascist propagandist and registered in the RF, with the specific purpose of subjecting her to a close interrogation on her political activity, and on that of her husband:" she is extensively questioned and reports on the merits ". According to her file, many important details of Maria's life had escaped the police: who had learned from her brothers-in-law in Città di Castello to use printed type and that she had emigrated with her son and her husband, persecuted for his ideas " anti-national and sympathy for subversive parties "in Nice where she was employed in the printing sector. To provide for her son and her husband, the latter unemployed, she had been helped by the "red aid" during the period in which Polidori had tried, twice, to go to fight or work in Spain. II - III Il fascicolo della Questura e Grelli in Francia IV. - GRELLI IN SPAIN The context in which Alessandro Grelli spends the last two years of his life is the Spanish Civil War, whose complex origin, internal to the country in which it broke out, would seem indispensable to discuss and indicate, moreover, why it inevitably became a European and international affair. , as soon as the contenders - the republicans in government and the revolting Francoists - quickly asked for military aid, receiving generous and ambiguous responses, almost always of common origin and of opposite sign towards the two sides, driven by interests that they went beyond the ideology of merit itself. It might seem indispensable to talk about the parallel civil war that took place, bloody and terrorist, behind the republican lines, between communists and anarchists, a sinister projection of Stalin's Bolshevism, and the massacre of a large number of Franco's political opponents, decimated by the platoon of execution ordered by him (1), a sinister prelude to the decline of the "liberal spirit" of Spain for long successive years. We want to place that dramatic event in the circumscribed reality of the anti-fascists, especially the exiles, to grasp the signs of the political passion of the few who voluntarily exposed their life for the ideal: what they thought about it, how their willingness to participate was organized, how the war changed individual and group attitudes. Circumstances that border on the human drama, barely guessed, that even Grelli lived. - We will tell of his death in combat through mean news, but enough to put him in a solitary, heroic position with respect to the group to which he belongs. The news of the Francoist military uprising of July 1936 spread rapidly throughout Europe, thanks to the radio stations, official or clandestine, especially the Catalan ones, which the technological renewal was making protagonists of mass information (2). The anti-fascists were "fascinated and magnetized" (3), and, having set aside the mulch reserves, they saw near the dream of a direct confrontation with fascism, established in their country: for freedom against tyranny. This is the interpretation that Carlo Rosselli promptly and clearly enunciated in a speech to Radio Barcellona, on November 13, 1936, addressing himself to "Compagni, Italian brothers": identity between Francoism and Mussolian fascism, identity of the struggle to defeat the one and the other. other (4). In the memoirs of the veterans of the Spanish War (5), written a few years after its conclusion, there are rare references to the pacciardana reading. The Rossellian thesis prevails with class variants - anti-capitalist war - and nationalist variants - war of support for a people threatened from the outside - with a clear rejection of the democracy-communism opposition, of which Franco managed to persuade some Italian diplomats. The reaction of the anti-fascists in Italy was prompt and worried following the speed with which the regime sent, as early as the end of July, to Morocco, contingents to reinforce the Francoists. They were not unaware that Mussolini's sympathies for Franco were joined by the long-standing links and affinities between the Savoy and Bourbon monarchies. In the various Italian cities there were no demonstrations of solidarity, repressed even before they exploded, while the regime intensified the arrests, and the Special Court the sentences. In France and Belgium and elsewhere in Europe, where anti-fascist Italians had emigrated, who in the years of exile had experienced the not only material importance of economic support, the first cure was the collection of funds for the Spanish people at war, and for the travel expenses of the volunteers (6). Political propaganda in favor of republican Spain took the form of conferences, meetings, circulars, leaflets, person-to-person meetings, or with groups. The work of the recruiters, organized in the ways that we will analyze later, was so intense and effective as to push Mussolini's government to decree, just six months after the start of the war, their detention, from one to three years (7) . Similarly, in the same period, the French Chamber, following the governmental orientation of "non-intervention" alongside England, had voted a decree to prevent the departure of the French for Spain (8). The long-standing anti-fascist organizations, the LIDU and the FU, found a unity of purpose they had never achieved in ideological discussion. Communists and Socialists, Liberal Party leaders and Republicans worked side by side in informing about the modalities of enlistment and travel. In the area of the Maritime Alps circulated a flyer reproduced in mimeograph style, and therefore of wide circulation, edited by "Fronte Unico Italiano of the Department of Launching" (9), which Grelli may have had on hand and discussed with his companions. On the merits we tend to believe that Grelli's decision was first of all temperamental, and, only in part, the result of a collective elaboration of the group. Within which the possibilities of influence were bypassed, and almost canceled, by the solicitations of the numerous committees, which had formed and were being formed, in favor of Spain, which feverishly multiplied the initiatives to organize recruitment and to inform about course of the war. Also in Ponte S. Luigi, on the border with Italy, a Section of the "Revolutionary Committee pro Spain" functioned, and in Nice a "Russian bureau" hired volunteers. The Spanish government itself had opened its own representation in France to promote the republican cause, and was authorized to circulate its own recruiting agents. The Consul of Spain in Marseille organized the transfer of volunteers to Barcelona, on Spanish ships, which departed twice a month, with a capacity of 450 militiamen at a time, and assured them of triumphal welcome upon arrival (10). The UPI of the MVSN, stationed in Marseille, managed to obtain the lists of transported persons, relative to the last quarter of 1936, for a total of one thousand names. It is obvious that the UPI sent the list to the Ministry of the Interior, which set in motion the bureaucratic process of identification, and subsequent phases, not different from that reserved for those registered. Grelli's name is not included in the lists, as we had hypothesized, knowing for sure that he had left Barcelona, but not taking into account that he had left, yes, from Barcelona, but with the Laroche group, which may have followed differently itinerary (11). - Aggregated with a group, which officially denounced the reasons for enlisting, Grelli did not have to invoke the justification "for work" (12) similar to that of the emigrants of the 1920s and 1930s who, even in the context of the war in Spain , found its objective justification in the contraction of the available manpower (13), as had happened for the emigrants of the 1920s. Nor did he head to sorting places where volunteers from France itself and from other places generally went (14). In these "bureaux" they could regularize the passport, if they were in possession of it, or were provided with special passes. Nor did he have to face the adventurous departure of those who left isolated and individually, as often happened in many parts (15). In this way those "non-party" volunteers crossed the border, statistically given the first place as a numerical participation (16), who ran many risks, even if the "Red Aid" had set up the "Red Help" service at the border. Red Guides "(17). In the land of Spain, the volunteers who arrived by sea were welcomed in the great infantry barracks of Pedralbes, those who arrived by land, crossing the Pyrenees, in Albacete (18). In these and other centers, Grelli also had to stop for training, that is, to follow a military training course, learn how to shoot, and other warfare techniques. At the end of the course he was enrolled in the official BI lists, with a registration number, which is the same as that of the "Carnet militar", the militiamen's identity card (19). Training was often limited to only one week, or even less, depending on the contingent requests coming from the front. In any case, the militiaman was included in the Spanish army, with the same military rank he had achieved in the Italian army, and at the initial rank, if, as could happen, he had not done military service (20). In gray-green, not with a soldier's uniform, but in overalls, the uniform of the worker, appropriate to a war, in which more than half of the fighters were made up of workers (21), on the head the bag with the star three-pointed, with his clenched fist raised at the height of the temple, in the Garibaldi salute, the militiaman appears portrayed in period photographs. In which, however, the black berets of the anarchists and the colonial helmets refer to the diversified political origins of the participants (22). There are two documents referring to Grelli's departure for Spain (23): the telegraphic circular from the Ministry of the Interior (1937) to the Royal Prefect of Perugia and to all the prefects of the kingdom, dated July 1937; the telespresso of the Royal Consulate General of Nice (1937) to the Minister of the Interior, dated June 3, 1937. The date of the first document is a few days after the date of the second, and does not suggest any particular observation other than that of detecting its coincidence. Substantial differences, however, exist between them, regarding the origin and structure of the news itself: the minister writes from Rome, a peripheral place with respect to Nice, from where the Royal Consul writes who had the opportunity to check, albeit indirect evidence of what he says, close as it is to the place where the events took place. The minister informs that Grelli "would have enrolled" uses the conditional, typical of the news of "trust source" - and does not specify any chronological reference; the consul writes that Grelli "left St. Laurent du Var in October 1936". The consul uses the mode of certainty for an event that happened under the eyes of all and that even the friends of Grelli, the companions of the group, may have confirmed, since, with this indication, they did not compromise either the friend or themselves. The motivation for the removal of Grelli is made explicit with the conditional and that is "he would have gone to Barcelona to fight in the international militias of the Laroche group". In conclusion, the minister gives the news for investigative purposes, which does not require chronological details; the consul communicates a date from which Grelli had not been seen again in St. Laurent du Var. Therefore, adding that some time passes from when a person moves away from a place until those of the place realize that he has moved away, we can establish the chronology of the departure of Grelli for Spain, in October 1936, which is in contrast with the date with which in the file of the Perugia Police Headquarters this important junction in Grelli's life is mentioned, as we have already observed. When to the Laroche group, we further specify that, in our opinion, it is a political group and not a military one, for which a different appellation - column, battalion or other - would have been used. In fact, the military group - company or battalion or brigade - was not known upon departure, but assigned, after training, when the soldiers were about to leave for the front, or perhaps the front itself. Grelli, dunqúe, was in Spain from the end of 1936 to September 1938. He spent about two years there, around which we have no documentation relating to the war fronts, in which he could have fought, nor to injuries, illnesses and hospital stays. , nor to probable licenses. Grelli was unable to leave us any news of him because he did not return to his homeland, as happened to the veteran militiamen, who during interrogations or at the border or at the police station, told the details of their Spanish experience. Many tell of moving from one front to another, many had been hospitalized for injuries or illnesses. There are those who can boast of having been fighting for twenty-two months, with only one interruption because they were hospitalized (24); there are those who, despite having returned to Spain twice, never reached the front for reasons beyond their control (25). We will see how the documentation, albeit poor and uncertain, on his death can authorize us to present him in two different phases of the Spanish war: the battle of Madrid at the end of 1936 and the first months of 1937, and the great battle of the Ebro, started in the second fortnight of May 1938, bloodyly culminating precisely in the days in which Grelli lost his life. The documents relating to the definition of the date, place, causes of Grelli's death and particular annexes relating to various circumstances, such as the fate, which moves us with pity, which touched his body, were not found in the archives, but in the current archives of the Ministry of the Treasury, War Pensions Office in the provincial and national headquarters. The Perugia office provided us with the pension application from Alessandro's father (26) which is confirmed by the documentation provided by the Rome office, with the complete documentation acquired to authorize Abramo Grelli's pension (27). Two documents emerge from this documentation, of which we will speak extensively - Notoriety Act of the Consul General of Italy in Nice and the letter from the secretary of the former Garibaldi Fighting Brotherhood in Spain - ten years after the death of Alexander, but absolutely the richer in data and, relatively, closer to the event. Documents of undisputed historical validity, especially with respect to the Death Act, twenty years later (28), which has an exclusively bureaucratic value and does not offer any documentation on the cause of Grelli's death, since it was not possible to find the minutes of the Commission that he drafted it, as we have already complained. As for the date of death, day, month and year, it coincides with the documents mentioned above, and in the Act of presumed death. But let's see what new elements the documents of the pension operation initiated by Abraham bring. They come from various sources: the oldest is drawn up by the Consul General of Italy in Nice, who, acting as a notary, certifies Grelli's death on the basis of "four known and suitable witnesses"; the second is drawn up by the secretariat of the ex-Garibaldi fighting brotherhood in Spain, which certifies the death on the basis of «the results of the documents in its possession». They coincide on the date - night 12-13 September 1938 - and on the cause of death - firearm, enemy machine gun -. But they differ on the toponym in which the event took place; "Arganda in the Ebro area" according to the witnesses summoned by the consul; "The Sierra Caballs on the Ebro" according to the data of the former Garibaldi Brotherhood fighting in Spain. The geographical and chronological error of the first is evident: Arganda, a few kilometers from the capital, is one of the places where the long battle of Madrid took place, which took place in the last months of 1936, until April 1937, that is a year and a half and more before Alexander's death; Sierra Caballs is the place where the battle of the Ebro was taking place in the days when the Grelli fell, from May 1938 to September 1938. The confusion in which the witnesses of the consul of Nice have incurred confirms the chronology indicated by us for the departure of Grelli for Spain, since the geographical error could document a possible participation in the battle of Madrid, in the first phase of his stay in Spain, which we have, in fact, placed in the last months of 1936. Therefore we define the data of Grelli's death, together with the details connected to them, as follows: - date: night between 12 and 13 September 1938; - place: front of the Ebro, Sierra Caballs; - cause: died on the spot following wounds sustained in combat from enemy machine gun bursts, firearms; - burial: the burial place is not known, because the body remained in enemy territory having prevented its recovery during the night; - military situation: soldier, volunteer enlisted in the IV Company, II Battalion "Garibaldi". The battle of the Ebro - July 26 - September 23, 1938 - stands out for its "terrible", compared to all previous military events, in a war that had lasted for two years. Historians tell (29): never seen such a bloody battle and such quantity of artillery, tanks and aviation concentrated on the Ebro. The republican army had crossed the river by order of the government, which was looking for a military success, temporarily achieved, but immediately blocked by the influx of Francoist reinforcements, exceptional and impressive, which determined tragic consequences. It was communicated several times that the "Garibaldi" brigade was in difficulty, in a compromised situation. But whenever the Fascists launched an attack, the Garibaldians emerged, as if by a miracle, from underground, from the semi-destroyed trenches, causing losses and suffering more serious ones, to the point that when the brigade was sent to reserve, only nine hundred fighters. The number of dead and wounded was so great that it could not be covered by the arrival of new volunteers, hindered, moreover, by the growing difficulties in crossing the borders, strictly controlled by the "commissions" set up by the non-intervention committee. The veteran Garibaldi's soldiers (30) tell us: «the armament superiority of the Francoists was crazy. We did not have tanks, we did not have aviation, and the two machine guns supplied were not usable due to lack of bullets. The shotgun with thirty rounds in the barrel and the only two hand grenades we had, did not put us in a position to defend ourselves, under a deluge of cannon fire that came at us, exposed as we were open-faced, without a shrub or a bush that sheltered, on bare and stony ground. We settle down on the ground, waiting for the blow to pass by. In a single day, twenty times, we withdrew from the heights of the sierra, and for as many times we regained them. There was no longer a porter service, there was no drink, there was no food. We went to get it, when it was possible, in the warehouses, which were increasingly lacking. Because the rear, if they could still be called that, had only one task, that of collecting the dead and helping the wounded ... In the evening the group was reconstituted, which diminished day by day: in a single day, - the memory he is very much alive - we had fifty left from the two hundred we were ». And, on the night of 12 to 13 September - we add - a "minus one" of those present was Alessandro Grelli. They saw him lifeless in the opposing field, where he had rashly pushed himself, without being able to escape the enemy fire, which also raged on the dead (31). The tragic situation lasted until 23 September, when the order of the "despedida" arrived, the withdrawal of the BI, made necessary under the pressure of the United Nations Society, to slow down the influx of external aid to Franco, and perhaps also to put an end to the massacre of the fighters of the two fronts. The anti-fascists, as the veterans testify, had not known anything in advance, but they realized that it would be absurd to continue this carnage. More than fifty years after that event we have caught in the stories of some veterans of the BI - not only of Italian origin - some shadow, almost like a regret, an afterthought, the questioning of their voluntary participation, so dramatically closed by order of the "despedida", as to make one lose the reasons. But those few add that in the current situation the struggle for freedom still has to continue. The detachment from his Spanish comrades is defined as "painful" by some Garibaldians and only partially alleviated by the preparation of the spectacular parade for the Barcelona Diagonal, which took place at the end of October. The veterans never saw any of the prisoners again, because they were all murdered by the fascists. For them, fate reserved internment in French concentration camps, determined by the complex and politically contradictory situation of relations between Spain and France. More than a hundred veterans managed to escape from Argèles or Vernet and among them some entered the resistance to the Vichy government; others entered to fight among the partisans in various countries of Northern Europe. Those of them who presented themselves, challenging fate, at the border of Ponte S. Luigi, were arrested and sent to police confinement, with destination, for the most part, Ventotene. In the interrogation reports that they underwent, it is noted that they never wanted to denounce anyone responsible for their decision to voluntarily participate in the war in Spain, and sometimes proudly declare that they are convinced "that they have done their duty". The rare times that they indicate persons or circumstances, they do so in a generic way, so as not to offer investigators a possible trail of research, which is difficult, however, to follow four or five years later. From confinement, Garibaldi's ex-combatants were freed in 1943 - 25 July 1943 - and in the following months they wanted to continue their political struggle by entering, as organizers, the partisan struggle. The members of the primitive nucleus of Bertieri's group conclude their history of political emigrants with a common characteristic, albeit in the specificity of personal situations, which can be interpreted as the signal of the crisis that the phenomenon of political emigration was going through, in the imminence of the outbreak of World War II, about three years before the fall of fascism: they all saved their lives and lived for a long time in republican Italy, which they had also contributed to building, at home, and this due to circumstances not lucky or fortuitous, but for voluntary, carefully calibrated political choices and decisions. September "disbarred" by repentance in 1930, he lived in Rome until 1950; Gattini lived in the country where he was born and escaped any sanction, because he had repeatedly and insistently denied the political faith he shared with Grelli and Bertieri and even their friendship, declaring that he hardly knew them, and that he was always been a fascist. Fascist and moreover persecuted by the trustee of the St. Laurent du Var beam, only because he had not been able to pay the arrears of the PNF card issued to him since 1934. Bertieri, the hero of Sarzanese anti-fascism, wrote in 1940, in his own hand, a question to Mussolini "Your Excellency the Head of the Government of Rome", in which he asks to "be able to freely and definitively return to his homeland", committing himself to " no longer dealing with politics "and" devoting oneself to family and work ". He was not answered. He insists with a second request addressed to the Delegation for repatriation and assistance, managed by the Italian Armistice Commission with France. The application was rejected "due to the poor political record" of the applicant, who "was still poorly remembered in the fascist circle of Sarzana". Bertieri does not give up and expatriates without authorization. On March 13, 1943, he was arrested at the Menton border and transferred to La Spezia, where the Court, by order of July 9, assigned him to police confinement for a period of three years in a small town near L'Aquila. It is likely that the ordinance has suffered some delay until it reaches the historic date of September 8th. Which certainly changed the fate of Bertieri. Finally, Tarducci presents a case in itself: we have not found the date of his death, not even in the country of his birth, nor the evolution of his political history. Let us suppose that by virtue of the years of emigration matured since 1926 he has naturalized and definitively integrated into French society. To unearth the story of Alessandro Grelli from oblivion - we stated it in the Introduction - we carried out this research. The silence of the living people of Umberto weighs on him who, despite having known him, remember him so vaguely that it seems they never knew him. We therefore want to suggest a further path of research that we have carried out, without any result: given that among the "Umbertidesi residing in Nice" signatories of the plaque located in the atrium of the municipal residence of Umbertide and three of the texts summoned by the Consul General of Nice for the Act of Notoriety who are, in fact, two natives of Umbertide, and one of Città di Castello, there is some probable identity, which would mean that living people, or their descendants, who have known Alexander, are traced, we hope that the search for others will have better luck (32). Note: (1) Silvestri M., The decline of Western Europe, Turin, Einaudi, 1954, III, p. 399. (2) Rosselli C., in «Justice and freedom», April 1937. They were called Radio Barcelona, Radio Valencia, Radio Madrid, Radio Toulouse. Others did not indicate their geographical origin in their denomination, such as Radio Verdad, a souped-up Spanish station that broadcast from Italian stations, renamed after the battle of Guadalajara in Radio Falsidad. Even in the silence of the ether - Rosselli observes - war was fought. (3) Silvestri M., cit., P. 360. (4) Rosselli C., Today in Spain, tomorrow in Italy, Turin, Einaudi, 1967. It is in one of the speeches contained in this pamphlet that was printed for the first time in Paris that Rosselli launches the appeal «Today here , tomorrow in Italy ", which in the following January will become" Today in Spain, tomorrow in Italy ", as already noted. (5) AA.W., The International Brigades, La Pietra, 1976, p. 83. The Czechoslovakian Communist Party, which was the most active force that rose to defend the Spanish anti-fascist fighters, also launched the slogan "In Madrid there is also a fight for Prague". (6) There was an important mobilization of intellectuals. In this regard, we cannot escape the suggestion of the verses of Pablo Neruda, who participated intensely in the aid and solidarity campaign for the cause of republican Spain: "I remember, years ago, in Paris, / one evening I spoke to the crowd / I came to ask aid for republican Spain / for the people in their struggle ... »Canto Generale XXXIX - 1945 - P. Neruda - Poesie, Florence, Hoepli, 1962. In which, a few years later, the poet gathers the heroes of the anti-Francoist war to the heroes of Latin America, on a memorable occasion in Brazilian history. (7) Silvestri M., cit., P. 271. The decree is published in the Official Gazette of 2/2/1937. Silvestri comments on this "... by punishing the recruiters, that is, the government itself." (8) ASP, Inv. Quest., Fasc. Zangarelli Emilio. The native Zangarelli of Pietralunga, enlisted in the Death Battalion stationed in Santa Perpetua di Moguda should have received a letter "in the Barracks 19 July of the Red Militias of Barcelona ”sent to him by his brother, intercepted and by the recipient never read. It is attached to his file and contains the news of the resolutions of the French Chamber. We add that Zangarelli, to justify and deny his participation in the war, claims that he went to Barcelona to visit it, since he worked in France in Perigueux, a town very close to the Spanish border. (9) ACS, DGPS Ministry, Volunteers enlisted in the Spanish War for the Red Army, Envelopes 62, 63, 64, Years 1937, 1938. These are three very bulky envelopes that contain unnumbered papers, also referring to 1936. the leaflet described is contained therein. (10) ACS, DGPS Ministry, cit. The ships were called "Villa de Madrid" and "Ciudad de Barcelona". (11) ACS, Grelli Alessandro, CPC. The news of Grelli's enrollment in the Laroche group can only be read in the papers of the CPC dossier in ACS. In this regard, we report that we have not found any news regarding the Laroche group, neither from the live information of our former Garibaldi friends, nor in the various CPC files consulted, nor in general information works, nor in specific works or in French and Spanish encyclopedias and Italian. However, we can make some hypotheses. If Laroche stands for Laroque, it could be connected with Pierre Laroque, a figure who in the 1930s took an active interest in the trade union problems of emigrants, recognizing their important role in replacing the shortage of French manpower. By his name it may have been called a group of volunteers, as has happened for other characters. Laroche can refer to a locality in the Loire - La Roche La Meuliere - where a chemical products factory worked, where many emigrants worked. We learned the news of the Laroche la Meuliere factory from the file of the Terni anarchist Conti Ardito, who started from this locality, but does not refer to a group with that name (see ASP, Inv. Quest., Conti fasc. Ardito). (12) ASP, Inv. Quest. fasc. by Baciotti Guido, Bernardini Vincenzo, Carnevali Settimio, Galli Guido, Giacometti Giuseppe, Zangarelli Emilio. They are all Umbrian militiamen, to whom we will refer for news about their transfer to Spain and the reasons for participating in the war. (13) ASP, Inv. Quest. fasc. Galli Guido. Galli tells us that the newspaper "Esclaireur de Nice et du Sud-Ouest" hosted, at the end of 1936, an advertisement from the Spanish government with a request for drivers and mechanics. There were those who "knew" that "work" meant enlistment and started out as a convinced volunteer. But there were those who were surprised by the trick and tried to escape. As for Galli, he uses the advertisement in the French newspaper to try to deny his participation in the war, which was instead effective in the role of driver of the republican army. (14) ACS, DGPS Ministry, cit. In Basel, Lugano and Zurich, those coming from Germany and all of Northern Europe were welcomed by special bureaux. In Genoa, volunteers from Southern and Northern Italy gathered at the famous "Bar della Borsa". Everyone passed through the Union Bridge, on the border with France, from where the last stage began. (15) ASP, Inv. Quest. fasc. Lightning Mariano, cit. Lightning says that in many French cities, especially in the North, the Spanish People's Relief Committee took care of isolated departures: it paid, for example, the train ticket from Paris to Perpignan to Italian and other nationals volunteers, and he gave them L. 50 - it was not cheap - for what they might need during the trip. At the border they were awaited by a Spanish border committee, which was responsible for accompanying volunteers to Spain. (16) AA.W., The International Brigades, cit., P. 180. He reports other data: about 5000 volunteers were Italian, of which 1822 were communists, 137 socialists, 124 anarchists, 55 militants of radical democratic parties. More than half of the volunteers were workers. The largest group of volunteers was the "non-party" group. (17) ASP, Inv. Quest. fasc. Lightning Mariano, cit. Speaking of the strong flow from Toulon to Perpignan, Fulmini observes that the volunteers formed groups of even a hundred at a time, anarchist exiles. and communists. Their departure - here is the interesting observation of Lightning, who was a character who was particularly attentive to things - was not hidden, on the contrary, in the days before the volunteers made farewell visits to friends, and in the local Chamber of Labor took place a farewell reception, of which Fulmini read the report in the local press. On the merits, the Consul of Italy complains that "the French local authorities ignore or pretend to ignore and every now and then they impose the" duty "to" stop " some volunteers about to leave, to announce it to the newspapers, to document French neutrality, but these were isolated cases ». The Lightning captures the shrewd objectivity of the consular authority. (18) AA.W., The International Brigades, cit. Albacete had been chosen by the Spanish government because it was far from the trajectory of military aviation. The BL was born in Albacete on October 14, 1936, after the arrival of the first five hundred volunteers, belonging to various nationalities, including Italians. In the same month, still in Albacete, the formation of the "Garibaldi" Battalion was decided, in which Italians from all the political components of the democratic movement converged. (19) The "Carnet Militar", of which we are in possession of a photocopy, given to us by the former Garibaldino Gaspare Francioli, whom we would like to thank warmly, bears the serial number, the photograph, the political party of the holder, the date of his entry into Spain, and the issue of the «Carnet», the military rank, the illnesses contracted, any injuries and consequent hospitalization, leave, services on the various fronts, the description of the military uniform supplied and its replacements. Finally it indicates the "pay" in the various periods. On the last page of the "Carnet" a long stamped mention, signed by the Head of the administrative service of the BL, authorizes the soldier to participate in the "retreat" - in Italian in the stamp - and recognizes him the merit of having fought for independence of the Spanish Republic. (20) Rosselli C., Today in Spain, tomorrow in Italy, cit. Rosselli does not have an exemplary memory of military training, he defines it as "summary": the rifle was delivered without cartridges, and then, "up there", at the front, the militiaman would have "the cartridges, the helmet, the bombs , shoes, socks, plates and spoons ». Instead, "up there" - Rosselli concludes - there will be nothing, or very little and "a column leaves as soon as a truck of rifles arrives". (21) See no. 16. (22) AA.W., The International Brigades, cit. From the frontispiece photo. (23) See Appendix I, Telegraphic Circular (1937) and Telespresso (1937) Appendix V. (24) This is the case of Garibaldino Mosca Giuseppe, a lieutenant, who rightly boasts of having been at the front for twenty-two months, for the same time that Grelli was in Spain, with the only interruption, however short, of a hospitalization due to illness in Benicasin, as we have seen from the lists of hospitalized patients also in Salamanca in AHNGC, where the Moscow whose nationality is not mentioned is, according to the spelling - moska josef - considered to come from the East. (25) ASP, Inv. Quest., Fasc. Polidori Francesco. Polidori spent the first period of his volunteer work in a Spanish hospital and was sent on leave shortly after because he was suffering from a serious illness. In Nice, at his home, he recovered discreetly, to the point that he returned to Spain, where he was immediately the victim of an airplane bomb, which did not injure him but, due to the great blast, caused him a concussion, later to which he was definitively repatriated. (26) The DL 19 March 1948, n. 249 with which "pensions and war checks are extended to Italian citizens, who, being part of anti-Francoist formations, have reported mutilations and disabilities as a result of their intervention in the Spanish Civil War, and to their families, in the event of death" is reported in its full text in Appendix VII. Abraham's pension application bears the date of January 2, 1949, with a delay, however granted, with respect to the terms of the Decree, due to the difficulties in finding the documents to be exhibited. (27) DGT, The War Pensions Office, requested by us, provided us with certified photocopies of the documents acquired, at the time of the pension procedure started by Grelli Abramo, Alessandro's father as reported in the introduction. They are: 1) Notoriety deed of the Consul General of Nice dated 3 November 1948 (Appendix VI); 2) Letter from the Promoting Committee of the former Garibaldi Brotherhood of Spain, dated May 12, 1949. We give a detailed description of each of them, which will make the explanation in the text clearer. 1) The Deed of Notoriety on headed paper, free consular mark, is drawn up in Nice, at the headquarters of the Consulate General of Italy: the Consul acting as Notary, at the request of the Mayor of Umbertide, with sheet no. 7302 of 21 September 1948 - letter not found in the offices of the Municipality of Umbertide a Protocol - summons four witnesses "all known and suitable", who consulted separately and jointly certify, under oath that "Mr. Alessandro Grelli, known as Achille, of Abraham and Maria Ercolanellí, born in Umbertide on October 27, 1907, volunteer in BI, died in combat and as a result of gunshot wounds in nucnN From Spain - Ebro front, in the night from 12 to 13 September 1938 ". The ritual formula follows: "We Consul General requested have drawn up the present deed that comes with us and with the Chancellor signed by the appearing parties". Signatures follow. 2) Letter from the Promoting Committee of the Ex-Garibaldi Brotherhood of Spain "Somo hermanos de Espana y Italia", dated from Bologna 12/5/1949: the secretariat of the Committee addresses the letter on headed paper to the Grelli Family, Umbertide, with the subject " declaration of death of the Garibaldian Alessandro Grelli ». The Brotherhood speaks explicitly of "documents in its possession". The declaration prompted us to search the Archive of the «Brotherhood ...» which today, having become extinct, the «Brotherhood» is transferred to the IRB. Here we have read the card headed to Grelli, which is not free from inaccuracies, already highlighted, and is weak in reporting the "documents in his possession". In fact, the death of Grelli is "reported" by Ferrer Visentini, who today does not remember anything, and by his family, who, as we know, were the least informed. On the other hand, the news that emerges from the rest of the letter is interesting: «during the fighting that took place in the Sierra Caballs in the night from 12 to 13 September, hit by bursts of enemy machine guns, he died on the spot. Therefore, since the body remained in enemy territory, the burial place is ignored ”. (28) Presidency of the Council, «Interministerial Commission for the formation and reconstitution of death or birth certificates not drawn up or lost or destroyed by war», in compliance with the Royal Decree Law of 18 October 1942, n. 1520 and Legislative Decree Lieutenancy April 5, 1946. The "Commission ..." on October 12, 1957 draws up the death certificate of Alessandro Grelli which, with the authorization of the Court of Perugia, is transcribed by the Municipality of Umbertide in the Registers of the Dead. We have already noted that the minutes of the "Commission ..." which drew up the act and which should contain the data validating the act itself has not been traced, despite careful and appropriate investigations. (29) There are detailed accounts of the battle of the Ebro, both from a strategic point of view and from the angle of the political situation that determined the "Plan of the Ebro". Fundamental is the typed report that can be read in the Appendix to Hugh Thomas, History of the Spanish Civil War, Einaudi 1963. Of which Nicoletto Italo also speaks in Years of my life, Micheletti, 1980. Other works, already cited, are: AA.W ., The international brigades, translated from Spanish, which has the merit of a work written by historians of various nationalities, all those represented in the ranks of the BI. An extensive bibliography - historical works in various languages, anonymous or collective works, novels, newspapers, magazines etc. - updated to 1977 can be found in Brouè Pierre and Emile Temine, The Revolution and the War of Spain, Mondadori, 1980. As regards the archives, the work of Hugh Thomas offers a complete indication. (30) The most exhaustive testimony was given to us by the Garibaldian of Spain Vincent Tonelli, today President of the Garibaldini of Toulouse, whom we warmly thank. (31) Calandrone G., cit. The battle of the Ebro is narrated by the Garibaldino in dramatic pages, day by day, from August to 23 September. We were struck by the observation relating to the heights of the Sierra Caballs which, precisely in the days in which our Alexander met his death, seemed "immense skimmers, they were so pitted". We have pointed out the Calandrone among the few official texts that speak of Grelli. We add, in this context of our narration, that, in relation to the date of Grelli's death, Calandrone reports it on a day following the night of 12-13 September, moreover without specifying it and without reconstructing the circumstance of the night, which prevented the recovery of the his body. (32) The names are Agabiti Luigi fu Felice, born in Umbertide, on 1st January 1898, industrialist, residing in Nice; Lucaccioni Angelo, was Achille, born in Umbertide on 18 October 1898, bricklayer residing in Nice; Bastianelli Angelo di Florio, born in Città di Castello on 1 June 1907, shoemaker, resident in Nice. IV - Grelli in Spagna

Dialect (edited by Francesco Deplanu) The "dialect" of our areas, like any "language", it is changeable, it is a stratification of influenced terms from historical events, such as the Umbertidese dialect term "luzzino", dialect term attested both in Sansepolcro and in Città di Castello and Pietralunga, usually referring to a child who does not sit still or to a very fast one: according to Professor Mattesini (biturgense), teacher for many years of "History of the Italian language" and "Dialectology" at the University of Perugia, it would derive from the Greek " luchnos " which means "torch", from which by extension "lightning" ... or from the Greek of the 5th century with the domination of the Eastern Roman Empire in "Byzantine corridor". The varieties linguistic locales, such as language they manage to convey to us the continuity of what we call "history", a cultural stratification that is used, without awareness, even by those who come to live in Umbertide from other countries, especially from children born here. As for this aspect that links history and language, what we know of our dialect was incomplete and not very thorough for a long time. In one of the most complete Italian attempts to give life to a "new story" that was publishing in the 70s, de la " History of Italy series ", for example, there is a notable lack of knowledge of the dialect of Upper Umbria. In fact, as regards the sociolinguistic paper by Corrado Grassi which indicates the limits of the use of " imo " to " go " present in " Words and tools of the peasant world " within vol. 20 of the " Atlas Images and numbers of Italy " volume edited by Lucio Gambi, of the " History of Italy " series (gigantic and innovative work of 1976 reprinted by “Sole 24 ore, in Turin in 2005), we cannot fail to notice that this map does not show any particularities present in our dialect. Here it is reported, in fact, in table n. 2 " Conservative and innovative linguistic areas of the Latinity of Italy " with a line called " d " the northern limit, which goes from the Conero directly to Rome, of the persistence of the verb “ire” in central southern Italy (for example “ imu ” in Sicily, “ iamme ” in the Neapolitan for “let's go”) due to the different modality in which Latin in the linguistic Romanization of the peninsula took root on the previous linguistic substratum. Grassi reports that this persistence of Latin came instead replaced by " vadere " throughout the "Romània" with the exception of very areas further south of our Umbertide, as reported above. Notoriously, however, the use of dialectal terms of this type in our area is present and still in common use even among the youngest: “ gimo ” for “let's go” and “ gite ” for “go”. Image reconstructed in simplified and approximated form on the basis of some information present in Table 2, " Conservative and innovative linguistic areas of the Latinity of Italy", by Corrado Grassi. Today we can say that several things have changed. From the point of view of linguistic knowledge of the Umbertide dialect, the remarkable work of prof. Sestilio Polimanti and in his " Vocabulary of the dialect of Umbertide and its territory. Collection of lexicons, proverbs, idioms, nicknames, stornelli and toponyms "; precious work of knowledge already begun in the other works he has curated on the Tiber since the 90s: “ The Tiber and Umbertide ” "recently reprinted by the" Società Storica Umbertide Edizioni "(2018). Source: - " Words and tools of the peasant world " by Corrado Grassi vol. 20 of the " Atlas Images and numbers of Italy ", edited by Lucio Gambi, in " History of Italy Series ", Sole 24 ore, Turin 2005. Table 2, " Conservative and innovative linguistic areas of the Latinity of Italy", pp. 437. - https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Map_of_Italia.svg - https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/f2/Map_of_Italia.svg/376px-Map_of_Italia.svg.png Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

The kitchen Introduzione La Torta di Pasqua Dagli Statuti... What we eat is linked to what we produce and to trade. In the previous centuries the typical cuisine of an area reflected the possibilities of the social productive system of its own places and of the neighboring areas. In the Middle Ages, with the considerable political division of Italy, very different uses and gastronomic traditions gradually developed. From here they were born the first regional cuisines. The relationship between history and cuisine is close, it is a path where even political history could have influenced but sometimes this correlation does not stand up to historical evidence. Why do we have traditional unsalted bread? Many of us from Umberto I, together with those of the Province of Perugia would reply that it was because of the papal taxation on salt and the protests that also led to the "salt war" between Perugia and the papal power. But Zachary Novak, in his " The unsalted bread and the Perugia salt war " reminds us that the geographical area that uses the "unsalted bread" is wider and covers not only the north of Lazio but also Umbria and the Marches. Tuscany, where there was certainly no papal taxation. In his study Nowak also excludes that the cause could be connected to the distance from the sea and to the salt flats because in the case the "unsalted bread" had to extend throughout the Italian Apennine belt. For Nowak, the question remains at the end without solution even after analysis of historical written sources coeval with the "salt war". Instead, it assumes that the identification "salt war" / "bread sciapo "is a construction of the Risorgimento before the passage from the State of the Church to the Kingdom of Italy as an anti-papal legend From the Statutes ... And so to understand our cuisine and its relationship with history we will start from our written sources, that is " Statutes of Fratta of 1535 " to then point out Bottacioli's worthy work published as "Umbertide's Calendar" in 2012 which has saved a whole world of flavors and colors that risked being forgotten from the 60s and 70s. However, we are aware that even this aspect of Umbertide's "history" should be expanded with archival studies but also with video recordings of the "recipes" of the last century. Fratta, a small town on the Tiber river located between land and water, or the Tiber and its alluvial plain, developed its gastronomy on these aspects. The doves "reared" in the walls of the houses, the fish of the Tiber, the honey of bees, the breeding of "farmyard animals" such as chickens, pigs and sheep and goats from sheep and goats, wheat and wine from agriculture these are the main products of Umbertide cuisine since 1500, in fact in the "Statutes of Fratta of 1535" we read: Doves : ... " DELI PIGLANTI THE DOMESTIC COLOMBS o DE COLOMBAJO "... "the domestic doves of the piglianti " ... "... X de dinars worth of money for everyone who steals in any way, palomba de palomboro or domesticho or casalengho ". Pisces : "... Statuimo adonqua et we order that in the river of the Tiber in that part where it is pesscha and that for the common one if it concerns: it is lawful for no person to pesschare or pesschare ...". Chickens, sheep, pork ... "... Statuimo et we order that no person as foreign as terrazana ardisscha or true presume me either in el di del merchato either for himself or through an intermediary person to bring or to have brought: neither to bring nor to have quantities of chickens compared to sell to chicken coops . .. ". "... The Berbece sheep meat must be mixed with it. O goat: o beak between the gelding: ne carne de scropha or real cionchola between that of the male pig ... ". Honey "... Statuimo et we order that by swarming the bees of others and placing themselves on some tree of the possession and property of others being followed by the patron whose sleep dicte ape in anci the intra of the posession must be the one who follows them first adimandia licentia to the patron to enter us in epssa et corre dicte soi ape ... ". Wheat and miller "... We also order and provide that the furnishing of the said castle and so the villages be kept and that they must cook the bread and provide them well and legally ... ". "... S tattoo and we order that each miller of any mill of the said castle be kept havere and hold the cups and measures adjusted and stamped with the bill of the municipality ... ". Grapes and wine "... And this has no place in the Moscatello grapes which if they can harvest according to the patron's approval: at omni tempo ... ". But for those who really want to "savor" Umbertide cuisine with our " cappelletti ", " brustenghi ", potatoes under the ashes and many tales of men and uses on food until the recent past ... we encourage reading the supplement of Umbertide Chronicles n. 2/2012 with the works of Adriano Bottaccioli, with the collaboration of Fabio Mariotti, Amedeo Massetti, Walter Rondoni: http://www.comune.umbertide.pg.it/content/download/106876/1131995/file/Calendario%202013.pdf And again by the same authors you can deepen the work of two years earlier, namely 2011, focused on the Tiber with a research and description of the cuisines linked to the river: the "barzo", the "eel", the "frogs, the" roaches "etc ... at this address: http://www.comune.umbertide.pg.it/content/download/107058/1133936/file/Calendario%202011.pdf Sources: - http://www.comune.umbertide.pg.it/content/download/106876/1131995/file/Calendario%202013.pdf - https://online.scuola.zanichelli.it/enogastronomiacucina/files/2010/06/Storia_gastronomia.pdf - Zachary Nowak, Dull bread and the Perugia Salt War (PDF), Diomede: Umbrian culture and politics magazine n.17, Diomede Cultural Association, Perugia, Italy, 2011 in https://web.archive.org/web/20150924014359/http://www.foodinitaly.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/GuerraDelSale-DiomedeWEB.pdf - http://www.comune.umbertide.pg.it/content/download/107058/1133936/file/Calendario%202011.pdf - http://www.comune.umbertide.pg.it/content/download/106876/1131995/file/Calendario%202013.pdf Introduzione Dagli Statuti... The Easter Cake La Torta di Pasqua The Umbertidese cuisine uses the "Easter cakes", cooked throughout Umbria although they are known with some linguistic variations. The Cake is a food / cultural element connected to the Easter rituals, which celebrate the death and rebirth of Christ. On Easter morning the cake was accompanied by capocollo, salami, hard-boiled eggs, wine and vinsanto. They were baked in the ovens of farmhouses or in city bakers that allowed the preparation of family cakes, marked with a "brand" or thanks to characteristic "customized" containers to be recognized; the cooking was also accompanied by ritual signs, of the cross or phrases such as “Dio t'accresca” (referred to by Rita Boini). Today we have switched to industrial preparation or in a safer way from a food safety point of view, but many families continue to make them at home on their own oven. The type of preparation that was once more varied, in less than a century has seen a homogenization of the ingredients that followed the cultural homogenization between geographical areas and countryside compared to the cities. Salty or sweet, with spicier cheeses or gruyere, this food still identifies Umbria. as far as we are concerned, according to Rita Boni, "The cheese cake invaded the city districts at the hands of the inhabitants of the Umbertidese countryside inhabited between the fifties and sixties of the last century." This simple food brings with it two thousand years of religious identification linked to Christianity, but it must be remembered that Easter rituals fall in the spring period and re-propose some aspects of an archaic pre-Christian religiosity that is rich in propitiatory symbologies connected to the death-rebirth of the earth. . This is because popular culture "readjusts old clothes", adapts them whether they are rituals, stories, songs or culinary traditions. Following Rita Boini we can trace the antecedents "cheese cakes" between the ancient Umbrians and the ancient Romans. In the Eugubine tables of the III-II century BC, present in the Civic Museum of Gubbio, the “mefa spefa”, a 'seasoned crescia' is mentioned. Boini says that the "mefa spefa ... is surprisingly close to our Easter cake: flour, eggs, milk, cheese", as well as being leavened. But also the Savillum, it seems somehow its antecedent: a cheesecake (sweet) described in Cato's “De Agri Cultura” (2nd century BC) and which has similar ingredients. Here we provide you a link with the description and preparation of this "cheese cake" from ancient Rome made with 100 grams of white wheat flour, 500 grams of fresh cheese, 50 grams of honey, 1 egg, white poppy seeds: https://historicalitaliancooking.home.blog/italiano/ricette/savillum-torta-al-formaggio-dellantica-roma/ For those who want to see the reconstruction of the preparation of this ancient cake (English language) here is the video: https://youtu.be/hpDowZJj0rE Adriano Bottaccioli, author of numerous researches on our traditions also on the culinary ones, tells us that " an anticipation of the current Easter cakes could be that" Pancasciato "which had among the ingredients, in addition to cheese and saffron, also pieces of lard. This is confirmed by the fact that already in the seventeenth century Confraternities of Fratta and among these that of Santa Croce, offered it to their associates on the occasion of Easter, together with the Ciaramicole. Information taken from the volume "Umbertide nel sec. XVII" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa and reported by me on the 2013 Umbertide Calendar. It should be added that "Pan Caciato" is still considered a typical product of some Umbrian cities, although with different names and preparations (in Todi it becomes "Pan nociato"), in our part of Italy the tradition is now lost. ". - Image from the 2013 Umbertide Calendar (quoted in "Sources"). Sources: - Rita Boini, https://www.studiumbri.it/alIMENTO/le-torte-di-pasqua-da-cibo-ruale-a-cibo-identitario/ - http://www.tavoleeugubine.it/L_attivita_divulgativa/La_%C3%A7esna_dell_IRDAU.aspx - https://historicalitaliancooking.home.blog/italiano/ricette/savillum-torta-al-formaggio-dellantica-roma/ - http://www.comune.umbertide.pg.it/content/download/106876/1131995/file/Calendario%202013.pdf Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

HISTORICAL NOTES OF THE UMBERTIDE MUSICAL BAND From the book by Amedeo Massetti "Two centuries on the march - Umbertide and the band" (Petruzzi Editore - May 2008) We dedicate this page of umbertidestoria to Amedeo Massetti who dedicated the last years of his life to local historical research with great passion and competence and of which he left us testimony with the beautiful and well documented book on the history of the city band. We propose here some excerpts, also considering that the story of the maestro Alessandro Franchi (a myth for the old musicians who knew him) is included in the page dedicated to the biographies of the twentieth century. It is clear that we refer to Amedeo's book all those who wish to deepen or know better this exciting story that continues even today. Curated by Fabio Mariotti The origins: music in Fratta The practice of singing during religious services, as is well known, was widely consolidated in medieval times. The first testimonies of musical performances in Fratta date back to the fourteenth century and are to be contextualized in the context of associative life linked to lay Confraternities. These Confraternities or Companies had their own headquarters and carried out their activity in some churches in the town, such as those of Santa Croce and San Francesco. They had their own regulations, their own administration and were under the control of the bishop. In the chapels, the Confraternities had the religious offices celebrated by a clergyman regularly paid by them, who also had the task of teaching music to some boy who then performed what he had learned in the liturgical ceremonies in the church. Hence, in Fratta the first approach to musical language consists of these simple performances of sacred and liturgical music which took place under the direction of the chaplain. In the Fratta of the seventeenth century, the teaching of music was entrusted to the teacher of the public school of the country - always a priest - managed by the Confraternity of Santa Croce. He instructed the young people of the most prominent families and being often an expert in music and organist in the church, he also took care of the parish choir. Even in the following centuries, musical education will find its natural and qualified seat in the oratories of the churches. The wealthiest Confraternities had always had a chapel master employed by them, usually a clergyman. He took care of the singing liturgy and gave music lessons to the children who attended the oratory and were part of the choir. In 1764 the chapel master of the parish of Santa Maria della Reggia, Silvestro Fanfani, received a (considerable) compensation of 76.33 scudi. Between the parishes and the various Confraternities "a competition of emulation was often unleashed to give religious events the character of grandiose solemnity, precisely through music and choral singing". For the feast of the Madonna, for example, on September 8, 1695, the parish of Santa Maria della Reggia spent 1.62 scudi for the musicians who performed lettanias, sung mass and solemn vespers. Even two years later, on 9 September 1697, Maurizio Savelli received 7 paoli for recognition of the music, that is, for the payment of the musicians who had solemnized the festivity with their work ". The rich Confraternities, such as that of Santa Croce, called foreign masters among the best and most famous of the time. These musicians had a salary of a few scudi a year, but they supplemented their income with other proceeds and lent their work in more Confraternities. In Fratta, there were never more than two or three, despite being the most numerous Confraternities. In a receipt of payment of 1704 to the master Galeazzi by the Confraternity of Santa Croce, we find this annotation: "Our Brotherhood has always been in the habit of keeping the Chapel Master of this land salaried with the annual salary of four scudi, with the obligation to make music for the feast of the Holy Cross, the Madonna and for the three evenings of the 'Exhibition of the Most Holy in Carnival, and other festivals such as at the Council of 21 November 1704 ”. In the minutes of the meeting of May 3, 1707, there is confirmation of the existence of a regular music course dedicated to children at the Oratory of Santa Croce and in it it is even proposed to give a salary to the youth who practice music by half paul for each time they will participate to sing for the feasts of our church. There was therefore a real music school, so much so that an economic incentive was deemed necessary for those less motivated young people, who perhaps preferred other amusements to the commitment of the choir. Even the Confraternity of San Bernardino, second in importance to that of Santa Croce, had its own Chapel Master, who in 1706 was Father Romanelli, a friar minor convent of Perugia, for the exercise of music in ecclesiastical functions and for the routing of young people. In some particularly important circumstances, musicians were brought in from outside, paying them high fees. In 1765, for example, for the construction of the Collegiate Church, 116 scudi and 31.5 baiocchi were spent on the new choir. The sum was considerable: in addition to the remuneration for the numerous musicians and the various transport costs, the sumptuous and delicious lunch was also very important, the main dish of which was the Sicilian maccaroni pie, prepared during the three days of the group's stay at Fratta. In 1795, the Confraternity of the Holy Conception, for the feast of the same name, brought ten professors of music and the chapel master of the cathedral of Città di Castello, for which ten scudi were spent, however, not considered Mr. Domenico Bruni who came to favor. Other expenses incurred for the payment of musicians can be found in the recordings of Santa Maria della Reggia, in the note of the gifts given to various attendants of this Collegiate on the occasion of Christmas, Easter and 8 September 1819. In addition to the chapel master , a remuneration was also paid to Dr. Burelli, GioBatta Spinetti, Bonaventura Spinetti (singer), and Antonio Manzini (tenor singer). "In that year at Santa Maria della Reggia there was still the chapel master Giovanni Manzini , who died a few years later; in 1824 the Collegiate Church paid a sum to Mariangela Manzini, widow of the choirmaster. Alongside the teaching linked to the ecclesiastical environment, there was a musical teaching that took place in the classic way of the time: the disciple stayed in the master's house in a kind of boarding school or boarding school for the years necessary to learn all the secrets of the art. . The relationship between the pupil's family and the teacher was regulated by a notarial deed, and the chapel masters often trained young people in music. In Fratta we find a first example of this in 1774: Clemente Ciangottini entrusted his son Mariano to Domenico Romeggini, from Lucca, who at that time was the chapel master of the Confraternity of Santa Croce. The boy would have had to stay with him for ten years, following the teacher in all his movements, and an annual fee would have been paid to this. But Mariano, two years before the expiration of the contract, ran away leaving his teacher and forcing his father to pay the teacher a large sum for damages. Photo: Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide The first marching band The group with the characteristics of a musical band, in the sense that is given to this term today, was established in Fratta on September 1, 1833. It took life within that private company, not dependent on civil or religious institutions, freely created by a group of citizens associated with each other and music lovers, of which it has been said: the Philharmonic Society of Fratta . The founders of the association were almost all very young and belonged to the class of landowners, bourgeois, or to that of craftsmen, that is, artisans or artists. The group of twenty-two members, who were also called Academics, because the Philharmonic Societies also had the name of Philharmonic Academies, was made up of Domenico Agostini, Giuseppe Agostini, Ruggero Burelli, Macrobio Brischi, Niceforo Cambiotti, Luigi Carelli, Domenico Carotini, Pasquale Chimenti , Giovanni Gigli, Lelio Lazzarini, Luigi Magi Spinetti, Luigi Mariani, Alessandro Martinelli, Angelo Martinelli, Demofonte Mastriforti, Antonio Montagnini, Averardo Paulucci, Cipriano Santini, Francesco Santini, Luigi Savelli, Luigi Vescarelli, and Antonio Vibi. We have news of almost all of them in the municipal historical archive. - Domenico Agostini , employee of the Municipality, in charge of "road maintenance assistant"; - Giuseppe Agostini , born in Fratta on 21 August 1817, landowner, lived in via Dritta (now via Cibo); he will carry out the functions of Prior and will participate in the first war of independence ''; - Ruggero Burelli , born in Fratta on 25 June 1803, landowner and notary; municipal secretary, a position he held for many years; lived in via del Teatro (now via Alberti); - Macrobius Brischi , "artiere" (craftsman), blacksmith; - Niceforo Cambiotti , miller: his family practiced this trade already in the 17th century; - Domenico Carotini , born in Fratta on 14 July 1805, maker of clay vases; lived in via di Castelnuovo (now via Cavour); in the municipal concert of 1862 he will play the "quartino"; - Pasquale Chimenti , ceramist; - Giovanni Gigli , born in Fratta on March 4, 1813, potter; he lived in Piazza del Mercato (today's Piazza Caduti del Lavoro); - Lelio Lazzarini , landowner, municipal councilor; from 1856 until September 1860, the year in which the temporal power of the Pope in Umbria, Prior of Fratta, ended; in December 1862, councilor acting as Mayor; - Luigi Magi Spinetti , owner; - Luigi Mariani , born in Fratta on September 6, 1807, "artiere", probably a blacksmith, lived in via San Francesco (now via Soli); in the municipal concert of 1862 he will blow the horn; - Angelo Martinelli , born in Fratta on 25 July 1805, potter and landowner; lived in via del Mercato (now via Magi Spinetti); he will be municipal councilor from 1838 to 1847; he played the bass (he will also play it in the 1862 concert); - Demofonte Mastriforti , born on June 28, 1813, lived in via Bremizia (now via Roma) at no. 24; "blacksmith-gilder, on 12 March 1849 he was elected municipal councilor"; - Antonio Montagnini , born in Fratta on May 31, 1815, shoemaker, lived in via Dritta (now via Cibo); in the 1862 Concerto he will play the clarinet; - Averardo Paulucci , born on 10 April 1810, cashier of the Philharmonic Society; landowner, he lived in via Cavour; he was also the contractor for the duty on the introduction of wood and other fuels; in the 1862 Concerto the piccolo will play: - Cipriano Santini , landowner, was among other things the owner of the farm in the Vocabolo "Fosso"; - Doctor Francesco Santini, born in Fratta on 24 May 1795, landowner, lived in Piazza San Francesco; municipal councilor; in 1840 and 1841, Prior; - Luigi Savelli , born in Fratta on November 22, 1800, landowner, lived in via Dritta (now via Cibo); from 1838, for some years, municipal tax collector; from 1 November 1817 until 1818 and from 1825 until 1860 teacher of reading, writing and numerics in the municipal school; - Luigi Vescarelli , born in Fratta on February 19, 1810, post officer; lived in via di Castelnuovo (now via Cavour); he will be elected city councilor on 12 March 1849. In a meeting following the establishment of the Philharmonic, on December 1, 1833, the Academicians drew up a regulation in which the organizational, financial and musical aspects of associative life were established. This Specification, which consists of 26 articles, is the oldest document found so far on our band, and places it among those with more distant origins, not only in Umbria, but also in Italy. The formal constitution deed of the Company made official the existence of a group that had already been aggregating in previous years. It was most likely some of these musicians who had performed Don Antonio Guerrini's Te Deum in the church of San Francesco six years earlier, on 10 June 1827, even though the instrumental group had been integrated with foreign elements. Guerrini himself, a man of great culture and promoter of important initiatives in the early nineteenth century Fratta had cooperated in the formation of the band, probably also teaching music to many of its members. It is interesting to note how the regulation, in 1833, highlights the presence also in Fratta, within the Philharmonic Society, of a Turkish band, that is, of a "specialized" section of the band, limited to a few instruments, probably only percussions ( the kick drum, the cymbals, the snare drum, etc.), which was convened only for special occasions and upon prior notice. In fact, it had to provide its service - reads the Specifications - only when it had received the prior notice. Let's see the rules that our academics had set themselves and how the Philharmonic Society of our country worked, whose urban center had 825 inhabitants in that year. Organizational and artistic aspect Two deputies dealt with the general economic aspect. Similar to the managing directors of our day, they were renewed every six months, by drawing (by lot) among all the members of the Company. Therefore the two top managerial functions were held in turn by all the shareholders; this criterion denotes a notable form of internal democracy, balanced however by the selective admission of members who, without class prejudices, must have been pleasing to the group of founders. In fact, it was difficult to enter the music association and the admission requirements make us think of a fairly closed group. The candidates had to submit a written request to the president who, after having ascertained the musical ability of the applicant, submitted it to the shareholders' meeting; the request was accepted only with a majority of 2/3 of the votes. However, if any of the shareholders were against it, he brought his reasons to the assembly, and if they were recognized as correct, he did not even proceed to the vote. Discipline, in a group of a fair number of people, was quite rigorous. Everyone had to submit to the authority of the music teacher, the band leader and the director, the most important operational roles in the association, who chose the pieces to be performed and also indicated those to be learned by heart. They could establish additional tests in addition to the usual Sunday tests. In fact, since the components were busy during the week in their work, being owners, employees and artisans, the rehearsals took place on Sunday, usually at two in the afternoon, in a room intended for this use, probably the theater, the only space then existing in the village for recreational activities. Only the Academicians attended, that is, the members of the Philharmonic Society, who had to behave in such a way as not to disturb education in the slightest part. The player could not show up late for rehearsals or music services. If he did so, after half an hour of tolerance, he was fined three baiocchi, and for each piece performed before his arrival he paid another baiocco, in addition to not receiving his share of the regalia, that is, the compensation received by the band for that performance. . No other reason was admitted, if not illness or urgent commitments, of which the director had to be notified in advance. Who notified the musicians of the date of the extraordinary rehearsals and of the services to be performed through the janitor, who probably also had the task of preparing and rearranging the registered office. Within 15 days of the assignment, a musician chosen by lot had to copy the scores with clear and correct writing. Everyone had to have some training and know how to write the music in beautiful handwriting, then distributed to the banders who had to read and play it. The music masters of the various instruments attributed to their students the place in the band and established their role in the instrumental ensemble. Alternatively, the attribution was the responsibility of the director, bearing in mind the boy's ability and talent. The teachers trained the young pupils in a way complete, providing them too (such as could do Antonio Guerrini , gifted with great musical preparation) notions of harmony, composition and counterpoint, in addition to those of reading of music and instrument technique. The Fratta Philharmonic Society included a set of wind instrument players (brass and woodwinds and strings (strings), and also a singer; depending on the type of service requested, he adapted the staff to the circumstance. The uniforms were not provided by the Company. But charged of each musician. The winter one, which was worn from autumn until March, it consisted of a black dress and black trousers; in spring and summer, however, he would wear black dress and white trousers. Failing that, it was recommended to wear the most decent clothing. Some, therefore, do not they possessed what was required and, on the occasion of the services of the band, wore the best clothes. The musicians had the obligation to jealously guard their instruments and repair any damage; at the end of each service they had to return them and deposit them in the gang room. They could also buy them, and in this case the gifts due to them were passed to the cashier until full payment. But the hit instruments, that is the bass drum, the tambourine, the cymbals and the triangle, even if purchased, had to remain in the band's room and, in case of absence, the player delegated to use a person he trusted. If he had not done so, the Society of the band would appoint the most suitable and responsible: the rhythmic instruments were considered essential in the performance and there always had to be someone to play them, like today. The musical group also performed services outside Fratta and could stay away even more than a day. He animated village festivals and gave concerts. The Philharmonic Society had an eminently civil and secular character (even if it participated in religious feasts and ceremonies), with a repertoire both sacred and profane. The deputies (managing directors) thought of providing the venue or space suitable for public performance. The amount of the donation payable by those requesting the musical services was determined by the deputies themselves. In the country, it could not be less than scudi 1.50; outside Fratta with scudi 2, in addition to transport, food and lodging. If a theatrical company required the intervention of banders for a show at the theater, the deputies established a preferential price with the manager so that the amount of it does not ruin the company and prevent the population from enjoying this entertainment. In this case, therefore, the local instrumentalists necessary for the theatrical performance played for a low fee, sometimes even symbolic, for the appreciable purpose of allowing the Frattisans to attend the theater performances of the passing companies ". The compulsory exits were those of Corpus Domini and of the Holy Conception (8 December), occasions in which probably the band, in addition to playing in the church, also accompanied the procession. Those who joined the band had to sign a specification for acceptance which established, among other things, the duration of the Society for a six-year period, which would end in August 1839. We do not know for certain whether at the natural expiry of the six years the Philharmonic Society of Fratta formally renewed his commitment; however it is certain that the brass and woodwind band continued to play regularly, and five years later, in 1844, at the height of its activity, it will serve in important celebrations in the country. Economic aspect A deputy, elected every two months, kept the register of the attendance of musicians at rehearsals and services, of delays and fines (puntature), which he himself applied by collecting the sanction, for unjustified absences. At the end of the mandate, he presented the statement, pouring the proceeds into the hands of the cashier. The cashier had to keep the cashier of the stakes and gifts: in essence, he paid the fees for the services of the band in the cashier, from which he took the bonuses for the players. The money from the stakes was reserved (when there was an adequate sum) for a recreation (convivial meeting, party) at a time chosen by the players, but, depending on their amount, they could also be reinvested in the Company for the purchase. of tools or other. In the event of expulsion, the musician was not entitled to the distribution of the gifts; the episodes of disagreement between the master, band leader or director with the banders were dealt with by the entire Society, convened to resolve the dispute. The musicians received an equal share, including the singers; the ringleader one and a half altitude, the low band half altitude. The latter was almost certainly the rhythm section of the group, that is, those who played the percussion instruments. In fact, we find that, in the Treviglio band (also from 1833), the term low band indicated the tamburone bass drum), the tamburella (snare drum), the sistro chinese and the cymbals. The players of these instruments were evidently thought to be a less educated and less skilled group and took half the others. The Philharmonic Society of Fratta, structured and regulated in this way, continued to exist until 1852 as a private association, independent from public institutions, even after the issue of Cardinal Gamberini's circular. Evidently the Statute respected the criteria established by the circular of 1835 if the Prior of Fratta, in 1852, reported to the Austrian Command of Perugia that the Philharmonic Society, even though it had not "asked for nor ... had any superior permission", had continued to operate . Photo: - Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide - Amedeo Massetti (from the book on the history of the Umbertide band) The centenary party and the fanfare of the Civic Guard The Centenary Festival and the band A memorable performance by the Band of the Fratta Philharmonic Society took place in 1844, on the occasion of the great Centenary Festival which was celebrated for the second time, repeating that of 1744, a century earlier. An event was recalled whose echo, after two centuries, had not faded at all, but still profoundly marked the collective memory: the end of the war of the Grand Duke of 1644, which had also closely affected our small city on the Tiber, besieged by he Tuscan army which had put the Fratigians in serious danger, who had built formidable fortifications on the walls and with great fear had prepared for the worst. The bicentenary became the occasion of grandiose celebrations that were concentrated particularly in the days of the traditional September festivities: from the 5th to the 8th of the month. The greatest expenses were borne by the Confraternities who, since January 1st, had formed deputations with the task of going around the country to collect funds. Printed tickets were sent to the owners of the houses to light them with torches, and on September 6 a balloon was raised. There was also a free horse race along the straight stretch of the road to Città di Castello, over the bridge over the Tiber, where, in the first hundred meters, a long embankment ran. And since a large turnout of people was expected, as in reality it was, a long wooden fence was built on both sides of the road to ensure the safety of the crowd. On the 7th and 8th of September, at nightfall, fireworks were launched at will; over a thousand mortars were purchased in Città di Castello and shot by the only Frattisan expert, Pietro Barafano. The houses, the town hall and the town gates were illuminated with wind torches, and the oil lamps were left on along the streets for all four nights. There were various performances at the theater and a service of the marching band. After those of 1835, 1837, 1839 and 1840, this is another important historical documented news of the performance of our city band complex in a specific public service. He had been called to animate the party by the Compagnia della SS.ma Concezione, from which he was also paid. Perhaps he had done months of rehearsals to prepare a repertoire worthy of this special occasion and he had probably never played in front of so many people. We imagine the skill of these musicians in obtaining harmonious notes from the instruments of the time, not as perfected and technologically advanced as the modern ones. The players probably wore the "black dress and white trousers", the summer uniform established by the regulation. Perhaps they will have performed in Piazza del Grano , also called del Marchese, which was smaller than today or perhaps, after having gathered in the space between the doors near the bridge, they will have pushed marching towards the Prato del Comune where there were so many people who attended the horse race. Or, more likely, they will have played in the Sant'Erasmo market or in the Piazza del Borgo Inferiore enough space for a stationary performance, surrounded by hundreds of festive people. In addition to all this, there were solemn religious functions with the participation of many players who came from Sant'Angelo in Vado, Città di Castello, Gubbio, Perugia and Foligno. The anniversary remained memorable. In this feast there was also another orchestra in Fratta made up of about twenty elements from outside, which had played in the various churches during the solemn religious functions. The components had been paid for separately, one by one, as shown by specific registrations and regular receipts. The band had therefore carried out a mainly civil service, of animation of the party, parading and playing among the crowded streets of the town, even if it is probable that it participated in some procession, which certainly did not fail for this event, given the devotion of the Friars to Madonna della Reggia to which they attributed the grace of having escaped, two centuries earlier, to the fury of the army of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. Dense of events, therefore, these festivals of September of 1844, and never repeated again. After this anniversary, for the celebrations in honor of the Madonna, everything fell within the usual limits. The fanfare of the Civic Guard Different from that of the band was the phenomenon of the fanfare of the Civic Guard in Fratta. In March 1848, on the occasion of the institution of the Civic Guard, the Municipal Council decided to bring together a concert for the Civic Guard with the obligation to also lend itself to the public sorties of the Magistrate [...] and it was approved. The proposal to organize a musical band within the City Corps came from the councilors Giuseppe Savelli and Angelo Martinelli , passionate musicians, both double bass players, whom we will find four years later as members of the Fratta Philharmonic Dilettanti and in 1861 active directors of the Concert Society. Probably, what was intended to be created and which was almost certainly established, was a fanfare: a small group of musicians from the band who were also part of the civic guard and gathered to play in public events and in the outings of the Magistrate for civil ceremonies. A military fanfare, in short, with instruments that were perhaps more suited to parades than to concerts. In these circumstances it was necessary to use a few more percussion instruments, at least two more drums. For the occasion it was said that he would have wanted to buy one, finding someone from outside, because Fratta's was not very capable. However, the question was resolved by sending the drummer Giacinto Tancredi to a specialization course in Perugia. The institution of the Civic Guard created in Fratta great enthusiasm, and probably the members of the fanfare were the best wind instrument players of the band, who had thus found another opportunity to express themselves and assumed a further commitment in their musical activity. Since no expense was spared for the equipment of this Corps, it is possible that new tools have been purchased. There is no other information on the activity of the fanfare which, however, probably had to lend its work to Fratta on several occasions. Photo: - Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide - Theatrical poster from the book on the city band by Amedeo Massetti The teaching of music in Fratta The Collegiate Church and the choirmaster. Giuseppe Foraboschi While with the birth and development of the bands the music came out of the churches to spread into civil life, the music schools held by the chapel masters continued to be active in Fratta, who shared the alternating fortunes with the bands for a long time. From the music schools, in fact, the bands will draw the highest professionalism and the new generation of musicians. Up to now, the one who had been involved in teaching music in Fratta was the Collegiate Church. Together with the Compagnie (the Confraternities) that contributed to the expense, this provided for an annual sum of 70 scudi for the salary of the choirmaster. In 1810, the master was paid 54 scudi per year. A fabulous figure, considering the salaries of the time ", which always remained at high levels. This explains how many of the best musicians of the time aspired to come to our country to occupy that position. Among the most authoritative masters who had held this position. role had been the canon Antonio Guerrini, composer of Masses and other sacred pieces, such as a full orchestral Te Deum (1827), a Tantum Ergo a tenore (1830) and a Kyrie (1837?) in which only instruments were used for many years Guerrini exercised the office of chapel master of the Collegiata (the main church of his homeland) for many years without ever receiving any remuneration. From 1835 the Municipality of Fratta also contributed to this expense of the Collegiate, participating however in the choice of the teacher. In that year he had allocated a contribution of 25 scudi for the three-year period 1835-1837 and Giuseppe Foraboschi was commissioned, who was also supposed to teach music to young people. “Born in Montefiascone (Sabina) [in 1806, NdA] which later became Perugian, Foraboschi managed the chapel of the cathedral [of San Lorenzo] and the municipal school of Perugia in 1844-1846. Giuseppe Foraboschi of Perugia is named in the diploma of chapel master of the Academy of S. Cecilia, conferred on him on May 30, 1845, which was kept in the reception room of the Shelter he founded. Advisor and censor of the Accademia S. Cecilia, [he was] a pupil in Rome of Maestro Fioravanti, then a teacher in San Pietro. Finding himself in Corfu on the occasion of the passage of King Otto, he was appointed director of all the music of that city, where he replaced Maestro Battagel in the direction of the musical band of the 88th Regiment of His British Majesty, commanded by Colonel O 'Malley, direction that held for six years. From England he moved to Perugia, where he was appointed by the magistrate to succeed Tancioni in 1844 [...]. He attended with many other personalities of music at the funeral of Francesco Morlacchi, celebrated in the cathedral of Perugia on January 14, 1842. Giuseppe Foraboschi resided for a few years in Umbertide, where he married Blandina Agostini. He died in Perugia on June 22, 1878, in his house in via del Circo, at no. 5. Foraboschi distinguished himself for an extraordinary work: the creation of the "Shelter for poor music virtuosos of the Province of Umbria". The institute "originates from the holographic testament of Foraboschi dated January 15, 1883 and subsequent codicils deposited with the notary Benedetto Rates on June 25, 1887 and is governed by the rules laid down by the Law on Pious Works. The Shelter that bears his name was opened on July 12, 1891, and every year it was commemorated with gratitude by the inmates. According to the statute, only the virtuosos of music, excluding the instrument makers of the Province of Umbria who drew their source of income exclusively from the exercise of the musical art and that as they got older they could no longer exercise ". Foraboschi composed the Funeral Sonata (1841) for the funeral of Francesco Morlacchi. His symphony for orchestra, Il bivacco, was performed in Perugia in 1874. Other musical compositions and writings of his are known. The choirmaster Foraboschi certainly also had relations with the Philharmonic Society, because some of the boys who learned music from him then joined the band to play an instrument. Perhaps he was the brass teacher himself and it is very likely that for some time he was also the director of the band, since no names of other masters have been handed down. Giuseppe Foraboschi, however, did not stay long at the keyboard of the organ of the Collegiate and instructing the young people of the band in music. At the end of his three-year assignment (1837) he left Fratta, leaving the town without a choirmaster for many years. He must have been a truly excellent musician if, as we have seen, he later settled in the service of his British Majesty; then he went to Perugia as a music teacher. Francesco Colombati choirmaster and the musical band On 15 December 1849, when the expected specifications were drawn up with the Municipality and after the approval of the act by the pontifical commissioner, the chapel master in service, Professor Francesco Colombati di Pergola, was confirmed. Colombati, organist, graduated from the Philharmonic Academy of Bologna, was born in Sant'Elpidio a Mare in 1823 and came from an illustrious family of musicians. Two years later, on January 15, 1852, Francesco Colombati was re-affirmed by the Municipality; in that year he was also part of Fratta's Philharmonic Dilettanti of sound and song. Therefore, at this date, the Philharmonic Society operated under this new name. It is no coincidence that Colombati is in first place in the list of musicians and, most likely, was also in charge of the instruction and direction of the band, given that part of his annual remuneration was paid by the Municipality. Colombati's musical group played both in the theater and in the church, and also provided services in the village on the occasion of parties and public events. It rang, for example, for the celebrations organized on the occasion of the visit and stay in Fratta of Cardinal Giuseppe Pecci, bishop of Gubbio, on 9 May 1852. It was a great celebration and the Municipal Council, on the following 3 June, resolved the payment of ( huge) expenses, of 21 scudi and 43 baiocchi, for fireworks, refreshments and reconnaissance to the band, the reward, as a sign of "recognition" for the work done by the musical group. But in November 1852, the professor gave up his post and in December he left Fratta because he was appointed chapel master of the Cathedral of Gubbio. Colombati was married, had two children, Emanuele and Maria: the salary offered to him by the Gubbio Chapter was higher than that of the Collegiate Church and more suited to the needs of his family. From now on, for several years, we will see the events of our band intersect directly with those of the chapel master of the Collegiate. In Fratta, as happened in many other cities, the figures overlapped. This musician of ecclesiastical nomination, who was required to have a complete preparation, so much so that he also had to be a composer and teacher, was used by the Municipalities or by the Philharmonic for the training of young people who would be part of the band. In addition to accompanying religious ceremonies with the organ, he imparted the first rudiments of wind instruments and directed the band. The Fratta band was an autonomous entity, born from the Philharmonic Society; the Municipality, however, supported it indirectly by financing the Collegiate Church with a contribution for the salary of the choirmaster who, with his teaching, created the nursery for future musicians. Photo: From the book by Amedeo Massetti "Two centuries on the march - Umbertide and the band" - Petruzzi Editore, 2008 Le origini: la musica a Fratta La prima banda musicale La festa centenaria e la fanfara della Guardia Civica L'insegnamento della musica a Fratta La rinascita della banda dopo la Grande Guerra Il maestro Pietro Franceschini La banda di Pierantonio La banda di Preggio Le origini: la musica a Fratta La prima banda musicale La festa centenaria e la fanfara della Guardia Civica L'insegnamento della musica a Fratta The rebirth of the band and the feast of Santa Cecilia The band restarts after the Great War Maestro Franchi worked assiduously at the school with his uncommon didactic skills that he knew how to apply to the study of every instrument. "On May 27, 1920 he invited the old members of the Umbertide band to a meeting that would take place on May 30 at the headquarters of the music school, in the Nunzi house. The meeting would have prepared a meeting requested by the Prefectural Commissioner, Tacchi, who has recently taken over from the mayor Andreani. The interview with the Commissioner took place on 10 June at 9.30 pm, in the Town Hall. , for a total of 44 musicians. 1. Pucci Celestino, trombone accompaniment - 2. Guardabassi Gaetano, does not play - 3. Pucci Arnaldo, clarino - 4. Bebi Quadrio, clarino - 5. Cozzari Giovanni, bass Bb - 6. Lisarelli Eugenio, cornet - 7. Vibi Ovidio, bass F - 8. Alberti Quartilio, clarino - 9. Bettoni Raffaele, cornet - 10. Salciarini Raffaele, trombone accompaniment - 11. Bartolini Giovanni, bass or trombone - 12. Fucelli Galileo, clarino - 13. Melgradi Silvio, bass drum - 14. Melgradi Michele, flute - 15. Mariotti Celestino, quartino - 16. Villarini Domenico , trumpet accompaniment - 17. Rinaldi Giuseppe, genis - 18. Zurli Astorre, genis - 19. Fiorucci Amedeo, cornet - 20. Codovini Riego, bombardino - 21. Ivo Rossi, bombardino - 22. Barbagianni Giuseppe, trombone - 23. Barbagianni Angelo , trombone - 24. Ceccarelli Luigi, trombone - 25. Celestini Giovanni, genis - 26. Polveroni Giuseppe, clarino - 27. Villarini Mario, clarino ". There was a long discussion about the measures to be taken to reconstitute an efficient band. The speakers were very motivated and Franchi explained the situation thoroughly to the Commissioner, who was interested in the subject. He pointed out the numerous lack of tools, even if the staff was sufficient to start over, waiting for some other boy. In the end, also to start again on the most certain possible bases, it was decided to put pen to paper, to entrust to some people the compilation of a statute. The regulation commission was formed by Quadrio Bebi, Riego Codovini, Giovanni Cozzari, Giovanni Bartolini, Giuseppe Polveroni, Ivo Rossi and Gaetano Guardabassi ". The meeting bore fruit and the first measures in support of the gang began from the Municipality. On July 16, 1920 Commissioner Tacchi adopted a resolution to repair the instruments, in need of restoration, or for the long time in which they had been abandoned or for other "technical deficiencies". The owners, almost all workers "and therefore in very limited economic conditions", did not have the possibility of providing with their own means. Tacchi approved an expense of 801 lire, then added another 52.50 for the purchase of 35 "booklets for marce". And in that same month of July the musical group finally resumed activity. By the end of the summer, the gang was resurrected. Il Messaggero, published in the days close to the Solemnity of Our Lady, says that it had resumed functioning regularly and had been appreciated by the people of Umbria in the celebrations of 8 September 1920: "... It is in the religion of art, of good and of beauty , that Maestro Franchi, with a truly admirable work, managed to resurrect our Concerto which, made up of many young elements, promises a lot ... " (1) . It is also interesting to note the richness and solemnity of the religious celebrations, organized for the occasion by the young "diligent parish priest Don Luigi Cozzari " (2) , in which master Franchi also played a large part. The bishop of Città di Castello, monsignor Carlo Liviero , participated. The "Santa Cecilia Alarm Clock" is born On November 22, 1920, on the initiative of Maestro Franchi and president Gaetano Guardabassi , the feast of Santa Cecilia was celebrated for the first time. The band, "from early morning, walked the main streets of the town thus starting the nice party with a brilliant idea". The gang had inaugurated the "alarm clock" of Santa Cecilia. By parading and playing through the streets of the town in the early hours of the morning he had brought a pleasant musical awakening to the people of Umbria. Franchi and Guardabassi had a good idea, so much so that this tradition continues to this day. In the afternoon there was a concert prepared with all artistic diligence by our talented teacher prof. Alessandro Franchi who deserves the greatest credit for the revival of the city concert. And after the musical program, the traditional dinner. Il Messaggero of 28-29 November 1920 dedicates an article at the event: “… All the pieces, including two very successful compositions of the same master, received unanimous approval of citizenship that was wide of deserved applause for the overall success of the program and of the nice party. There was no lack of the traditional banquet during which the most cheerful and frank reigned enthusiasm of all the participants and there was no lack of it not even greeting speeches praising this beautiful such an effective institution, especially for culture music of the people and for life and brotherhood small town; and so that this new institution can worthily prosper, let us hope it gets moral and financial support, both from the Administration municipal and every single citizen. To the beloved Maestro Franchi, to the diligent president of the Band, Mr. Gaetano Guardabassi, and to all the musicians, go to satisfaction of the citizens of Umbria ". In addition to the students and the components of the concert, "they took part even the former musicians and became more fraternal alliance disparity of ideas and views, thus demonstrating how with joviality and moderation they can still be in similar circumstances unite in a good and friendly thought people who, unfortunately, well they often fight bitterly. "The dinner of Santa Cecilia she had managed to bring together politically minded people completely different, at a time when the victory of the socialists in the local elections of October 24 he had created forts oppositions and one began to feel the violent reaction of the first fascist organizations. The feast of the patron saint of musicians was therefore very successful in her familiarity, and unanimous gratitude was given to Maestro Franchi, "a young and good author and conductor who does so much good to the country both with having restored the city concert and for the perfect performance he gives very good trust for the future, both for the local Schola Cantorum of which he is the true soul ". Probably, however, there was a need for an adequate location, if in December the new mayor Settimio Rometti asked Count Emanuele Ranieri for a room in a house he owned in via Cavour. But the count replied that it was not possible to grant it because it was already occupied by the “Antonio Guerrini Youth Club”. Note: (1) Il Messaggero of 11 September 1920 also reports the description of other events that took place during the feast of 8 September 1920: "Our town, thanks to the tenacious and indefatigable work of a few young people, to whom partisan hatred does not it makes a veil and has not destroyed the love for its native place and for the fine arts, it has been enlivened by gracious celebrations for public benefit. ... The master Maccarelli revealed himself last night for a perfect artist, in the recitation of the "Gruff Beneficial", the very difficult work of Goldoni, together with the master Rondoni, Antonio Igi and Domenico Pauselli; the teacher Fornaci and Professor Garognoli are also very nice and perfect. The Charity Fair and the swimming competition on the Tiber were very successful and charming ... ". (2) Don Luigi Cozzari was born on February 4, 1982. In 1906 he was ordained a priest. Very active in Catholic organizations, he founded in Umbertide, together with Don Bosone Rossi, the Catholic club "Silvio Pellico" based in via Soli, annexed to the church of Santa Croce. He was parish priest of the Collegiate Church of San Giovanni Battista from 1911 to 1956, when Don Antonio Fanucci took over. He died in Umbertide on March 15, 1965. Photo: - Amedeo Massetti photographic archive - Corradi photographic archive - Photographic archive of Don Luigi Cozzari La rinascita della banda dopo la Grande Guerra The master Pietro Franceschini From favorite pupil of Maestro Franchi to the direction of the reconstituted musical band di Umbertide from 1966 to 1970, but above all an exceptional teacher and trainer of many young people Pietro Franceschini is a cornerstone in the history of the gang. And not just ours. There is no wind instrument player in Umbria who does not know him. His activity as a musician has intersected more or less directly with the history of all bands in the region for almost fifty years. He was born in Montecastrilli, in the province of Terni, on 10 December 1919. To follow the movements of his father, a railway worker, he arrived in Umbertide in September 1925 together with the brothers Dino and Goffredo (who will become in the band respectively a flutist and a clarinet player) and he settled with his family in Montecorona. At the age of nine he joined the band of Franks who taught him solfeggio and the first elements of the trumpet. The maestro understood that he had an exceptional natural talent in front of him and immediately included him in the staff by making him play in the band services. At the age of ten he was already performing in concerts in Piazza Umberto I, with a wooden box under his feet to be "up to par" with the others. Franchi had discovered a trumpet player of rare skill, became fond of the boy, took care of his musical training and entrusted him with increasingly important roles. Pietro, at the age of twelve, was already an appreciated instrumentalist and he was also called by the most famous dance orchestras in the area, such as that of “Palazzone”, “Pippo del Caporale”, and others. Franceschini will play in the Umbertide band for many years, attracting attention also in the surrounding area for his skill. Later he will be part of pop music orchestras and his trumpet will become legendary. In 1939 the winds of war began to blow and Franks, like a good father, worried about the boy's destiny. He knew well the director of the Presidential Band of the 81st Infantry Regiment of Rome, Edoardo Castrucci, and wrote to him asking him to include the young talent in order to avoid a possible call to the war zone. In fact Franceschini had already been subjected to a military visit and assigned to the Vº Bersaglieri Regiment of Siena: he was only waiting for the postcard to leave. The master of the Presidiaria, at the end of September 1939, immediately invited the young man to Rome to take a test, brilliantly passed, and the young recruit was drafted into the military band. He didn't even go home to get his personal effects and some documents, but he had the most urgent things sent by his family. Thus began his engagement with the military band of Rome, in which he performed many important services as a soloist in concerts often held at the Basilica of Maxentius and at the Pincio. He had as a colleague an “exceptional” cymbal player, Alberto Sordi, son of a well-known professional of the tuba bass, also recently enrolled in the band, perhaps helped by his father to avoid the front. The young Roman was already embarking on a career as an actor and was acting in prose shows at the Sistine Chapel and in avanspectacle theaters; he had also been the voice actor of Oliver Hardy. Franceschini often amused himself with the funny jokes that the budding actor improvised in the evening in his dormitory, without imagining that soon that cymbal player would become the national Albertone. His fellow musicians (including Professor Luigi Francavilla) looked at him with admiration and were amazed to learn that this talented trumpet player did not have a formal academic degree. The pressures for his enrollment at the Conservatory began, but Pietro remained undecided for a long time until one evening he witnessed his solos in a concert by Tullio Semproni, first trumpet of the Augusteo's orchestra who, after speaking with the master of the band, convinced the young man umbertidese to enroll in regular academic courses. Franceschini plunged into his studio, took private lessons in harmony and history of music, burned all the stages and in just three years, in September 1942, he graduated in trumpet at the “Santa Cecilia” Conservatory in Rome. In the summer of 1943 he will be joined in the band by a fraternal friend of Umbertide, Renato Radicchi, also an excellent trumpeter also sent by Franchi to Castrucci, who will happily share with him three months of military life and musical experience in the Presidency. in Rome not yet occupied by the Germans. After the war, Franceschini returned to Umbertide and began the profession of musician. On February 26, 1946 he won a national competition and began teaching at the Liceo Musicale Pareilato "Francesco Morlacchi" (since 1968 State Conservatory) in Perugia. The acquaintance with the famous conductor Franco Ferrara dates back to this period. He immediately had the position of deputy director of the school, while he carried out an intense concert activity hired as an "adjunct" in the most famous orchestras: that of the Teatro dell'Opera di Roma (at which he won in 1947 the national competition for the position of second trumpet), the Philharmonic Orchestra of Santa Cecilia, the Orchestra of the Maggio Musicale Fiorentino, the Orchestra of Palazzo Pitti in Florence (with whom he toured for a month in Spain) and the Orchestra of the Festival dei Due Mondi in Spoleto . He also played with the Berlin Philharmonic Orchestra, conducted by Herbert Von Karajany, the Vienna Symphony Orchestra and the Krakow Radio Orchestra during repeated seasons of the Umbrian Music Festival. In his spare time he took care of the Umbrian bands, their reconstitution and musical direction: those of Ponte Felcino, Ponte San Giovanni, Spina, Cerqueto, Petrignano d'Assisi, Ponte Pattoli, Gubbio, Pietralunga, Piegaro. Many owe their current activities to Franceschini's professionalism and commitment. He also took care of the teaching of music and the training of students. He followed for the Umbria Region and for 1'Anbima (National Association of Italian Autonomous Musical Bands) numerous events and band competitions, of which he was often an esteemed member of the commission. The reconstitution of the town band and the creation of a music school In 1966, on behalf of Professor Bruno Porrozzi , president of the Pro Loco Umbertidese Association who together with Giuseppe Fiorucci was working on the reconstitution of the local band, he personally committed himself to revive a complex that had dissolved ten years earlier and which he will direct until 1970. At the same time he established a music school which immediately saw the influx of many young people. The musical teaching will continue even after the dissolution of the band, until 1989, and will form a large number of young people from Umberto I, many of whom will be initiated by him to the Conservatory and to a career as musicians. He held the position of director of the Perugia Conservatory from 1974 to 1975, crowning his academic commitment. Among the members of the Umbertide band there had never been a graduate musician, no one who had completed regular courses of study. His teaching was a tremendous incentive. Franceschini, taking them from the large nursery of his students, began to bring prominent elements to the Conservatory. This is a great merit that is unanimously recognized in the Umbertidese musical environment, and beyond. The role of exceptional teacher and trainer continued even after the period of his direction in the band, launching many young people on a musical career. Many have graduated from his school and many professionals have come out of his school. Many other boys (now ex boys) owe to him the only pleasure of playing an instrument and having fun with the music in the local band or orchestras. Franceschini also taught solfeggio to a great Umbertide musician, maestro Gerardo Balbi, making him continue his studies at the Conservatory where he graduated in piano, harpsichord and composition. Umbertide's first graduate was Galliano Cerrini, initially a pupil of the master Corsaro, then of Franceschini who had him enrolled in the Conservatory. An excellent teacher, he managed to bring out the best in anyone, professional or amateur, always paying great attention to detail. In early December 1999, on the occasion of his 80th birthday, he was celebrated with a concert in his honor in the auditorium of the Museum of Santa Croce in Umbertide, held by the "Ottoni di Perugia" group directed by maestro Massimo Bartoletti who he succeeded in the chair of trumpet at the “Francesco Morlacchi” Conservatory. Maestro Franceschini died in Umbertide on 4th August 2004. At his funeral there were many and authoritative exponents of the Umbrian musical environment. The string orchestra "I Solisti di Perugia" wanted to honor him by performing touching musical pieces during the religious ceremony celebrated by Don Gerardo Balbi, his old pupil, in the church of Santa Maria. The town band of Umbertide, integrated by musicians from other Umbrian bands, was waiting for him lined up under the arcades of the Franciscan convent. In an atmosphere full of emotion, under a pouring rain, he sang, at the exit of the coffin, the beautiful funeral march by Ugo Manfredi "Mother's cry". Photo: Amedeo Massetti photographic archive Il maestro Pietro Franceschini Pierantonio's band The "Pierantonio Concert Society" was born in 1886 The constitution of Pierantonio's band almost certainly dates back to 1886. The letter in which Giuseppe Mannocci, on 10 February 1920, asked for a subsidy in the name of the members and the president of the “Società del Concerto di Pierantonio, founded in purpose of entertainment since 1886 ". Mannocci wrote to the Commissioner of the Municipality of Umbertide, Tacchi, recalling that in the village “there are no other entertainments and the members of the band had been forced to give up on Maestro Franchi due to lack of funds. But that Pierantonio's band could already be active in 1886 we are also told by the fact that the musical group, directed by Maestro Massimo Martinelli, received in 1887 from the Municipality a "small annual subsidy" of about one hundred lire, increased to 125 over the years subsequent. However, in those last decades of the nineteenth century, as well as financial means, Pierantonio's gang also needed expert guidance. In fact, on 24 April 1889 Giuseppe Carlani wrote to the Mayor asking to insert in the specifications of the Umbertide band, for approval in those days, the obligation for the music teacher to go to Pierantonio once a week with expenses to be borne by the Pierantonio Concert . The clause was not included in the regulation. But the meeting of the City Council of 26 April established that Massimo Martinelli, conductor of the Umbertide Municipal Concert, for the duration of three years from May 1, 1889, had to go to Pierantonio every Friday for two hours, to "continue teaching music there and direct the relative rehearsals of that concert ". He would have been paid by that same band: five lire every time he went to the hamlet, the same for the "invention or reduction" of every piece of music that had been ordered by the directive commission of that concert. Finally, it was established that this condition was valid only for Pierantonio, excluding Preggio, another fraction of Umbertide in which there was a gang. The activity of the Pierantonio Concerto (probably directed by Massimo Martinelli from 1889 to 1897, albeit discontinuously) continued until the end of the century amid various economic difficulties, relying solely on the shares of the members, ready to self-tax to keep the musical group, much felt and loved. In 1900 he received from the Municipality of Umbertide a small subsidy, of about one hundred lire per year, insufficient to meet the expenses. And the constant lack of funds pushed the executives to appeal to the local administration every time. On November 22, 1906 Pompeo Fanelli wrote a letter asking for a contribution for the "Musical Society of the Village of Pierantonio", established for twenty years and always financed by the members: "The teacher pays the rent of the hall alone - underlined Fanelli - and it meets all other needs with its own means ". But the subsidy did not have to change if a few years later Fanelli was forced to repeat itself. On 22 October 1912 he requested an increase in financial support in the name of the Concerto: "Pierantonio's Concerto Society - he explained - has 25 years of activity and has supported with its own resources the costs of renting the venue, for the master and 'lighting". In exchange, the gang offered itself for any services requested by the Municipality. Finally, after so many questions, on 15 December 1912, the Municipality decided to increase the annual funding from 125 to 2001ire, allowing the gang to continue its activity more calmly. The contribution was even raised to 300 lire in 1913. Now the conditions existed for a profitable and lasting musical commitment, but the First World War was approaching and, starting from 1914, all young people of military age will be called up and sent to various fronts. The band activity thus suffered a long interruption. After the conflict, the musical group slowly resumed work. On October 18, 1919 Pietro Carlani communicated to the Mayor that "the Pierantonio Concert has been reconstituted for some time" and that the partners, wanting a "licensed" teacher, had requested the work of Alessandro Franchi di Umbertide. Carlani specified that the partners paid the rent for the rehearsal room, the maintenance of the instruments and all other small expenses. Therefore he asked the Municipality to intervene. Another letter for a loan will be sent on February 10, 1920 to Commissioner Tacchi, signed by Giuseppe Mannocci, on behalf of the shareholders and of the president for the Società del Concerto di Pierantonio, the owner Pietro Carlani. The Company - underlined Mannocci - had always supported itself with small municipal subsidies, which had been removed during the war period. In the absence of financial means, it was not possible to pay the remuneration to the master Franchi. Almost six months will pass before Mannocci's request is accepted and it will be the new commissioner Lino Molinari, who succeeded Tacchi, to grant a contribution of two hundred lire to the Società del Concerto with a provision of 23 July 1920. The following year, September 24, 1921, Pierantonio's gang again wrote to the Commissioner asking for an increase in the annual contribution. The new prefectural commissioner Angelelli tried to find out about the situation and the next day he replied to Carlo Carlani, head of the section of the Fascio di Pierantonio, asking him "some information on the foundation, purpose and political and financial direction of the local Concerto Society". On 19 October 1921 Carlani expressed a favorable opinion, and the Commissioner thus raised the contribution from two hundred to six hundred lire, starting from 1922, given that an increase of 2,200 lire had been granted to the Umbertide Concert. “We also consider the courage and enthusiasm of Pierantonio's small population - concluded Angelelli - who were able to put together over 20 elements to make up a musical body”. On November 28, 1921, a telegram from the president and the master of the band expressed Pierantonio's gratitude to the Commissioner. The band served on the occasion of civil and religious events or festivals in the town and in the countryside. But on November 4, 1921 he also played together with that of Umbertide in the imposing event in homage to the unknown soldier; memorable is the performance of the hymn of the Piave in Piazza San Francesco. And it often happened that on important occasions she was called to "reinforce" the Umbertidese group. On 10 June 1923, directed by Maestro Franchi, she went alone to La Bruna where the Parco delle Rimembranze was inaugurated. The mayor of Perugia, the Uccelli lawyer, was also present and a long procession, preceded by the band, paraded to honor the fallen by bringing flowers to the commemorative plaque. On 9 September 1923 Pierantonio's musical group played together with those of Montone and Umbertide at the inauguration of the monument to the fallen of the 1915-1918 war, in front of the elementary school building in via Garibaldi. And among the immense crowd, the three groups united managed to create a suggestive sound power. In 1925 the director was Alessandro Franchi. The rehearsals were usually entrusted to a band leader of Pierantonio, Severo Scapicchi, a former clarinet player. Scapicchi, however, only directed the preparation of simple repertoire pieces, such as marches or dances. If pieces of opera or complexes were to be set up, master Franchi from Umbertide would arrive. The gang leader then directed the services for processions or country festivals and his role also appeared from external signs on the uniform: two fillets on the cap unlike the banders who only had one. The band was made up of 30-35 elements, artisan workers, peasants, depending on the availability of each and any absences were due only to work commitments or illness. For the people of Pierantonio, who always stayed in the village in the evening, the band was one of the few diversions. In some particularly large farming families, even two or three members played in the band. The band members included: Sestilio Marcucci (first clarinet) Sigilfredo Valentini (first clarinet) Eliseo Valentini (tenor flugelhorn) Domenico Medici (baritone flugelhorn) Riccardo Fanelli (tenor flugelhorn) Rolando Fanelli (second clarinet) Enrico Arcelli (flugelhorn in E b - pistoncino) Pierino Bistoni (second trumpet) Enrico Ragni (first trumpet) Igino Tosti (second soprano flugelhorn) Giuseppe Scapicchi (first soprano flugelhorn) Pietro Scapicchi (small clarinet in Eb - quart) Fidenzo Mannocci (second clarinet) Ninetto Mannocci (alto flugelhorn) Eraldo Arcelli (second clarinet) Luigi Mannocci (horn) Luigi Giulianelli (trombone) Aldo Giulianelli (alto flugelhorn) Luigi Briziarelli (bass drum) Paris Marcucci (cymbals) Renato Martinelli (horn) Lorenzo Rosini (Eb bass) Pompilio Lazzarini (Bb bass ) Bettino [?] (Solo clarinet) Dante Fanelli (flute) Guerriero Marcucci (second clarinet) Pompeo Fanelli (second clarinet) Alberto Fanelli (co rno accompaniment) Pasquale Casciarri (janitor). On November 22, 1925, Pierantonio's band celebrated the feast of Santa Cecilia with a concert. For the occasion, ten young students made their debut and seventy attended the social dinner, attended by the mayor of Umbertide, Gualtiero Guardabassi and the teacher Franchi. In 1927 Pierantonio's 1st band received an annual contribution of 1,500 lire; that of Umbertide of 4,000. On 8 September 1927 he went to Umbertide together with its president Domenico Medici for a concert in the square together with the band of the capital, forming a group of eighty elements directed by Franchi. Also the following year it will be called to Piazza Umberto I on the day of the feast of the Nativity of the Madonna to play with the band of Umbertide: in all, a group of ninety people. On 28 October 1928 he played again with his colleagues from Umberto who had come with Maestro Franchi for the inauguration of Pierantonio's Casa del Fascio. An important ceremony: the building was among the first of its kind in Italy, thanks to the offers and the industriousness of the inhabitants. The activity in 1929 was intense, with probable services in the capital, since the Municipality assigned a further contribution of five hundred lire. On September 8, 1930, the two bands of Pierantonio and Umbertide still played together. But sometimes, on important occasions such as the patronal feast, the master Franchi called only a few musicians from Pierantonio. In general, Eraldo and Enrico Arcelli, Domenico Medici and Pompilio Lazzarini who went to "reinforce" the roles of Umbertide, also participating in the rehearsals prior to the concert. In these cases, Franchi was very strict. One evening, in the music room of Umbertide, not happy with the success of a piece, he held the band until half past one in the morning. And the clarinetist Eraldo Arcelli returned by bicycle to Pierantonio pedaling for almost an hour. At 2 pm the following afternoon he had to go back to Umbertide again for the concert. Arcelli used the bicycle every time he came to Umbertide; at night the acetylene lamp allowed you to see the stones on the road and not hit them: "It was a tough discipline - remember now, ninety-five - but we were twenty and it was a prestige to belong to the gang". Pierantonio's band, made up entirely of local elements, held concerts in the village at least four times a year. A large audience, on those occasions, flocked to the unpaved square, strewn with breccia. In the lineup pieces of opera, under the direction of the master Franchi. The group then played at the processions for the Ascension, Sant'Antonio, on June 13, Corpus Domini and Easter. But he also went out on the occasion of religious holidays. Like in San Sugaro - Parlesca (the second Sunday in May), in La Bruna (twice a year, but always on the first Sunday in September), in Rancolfo (the first Sunday in June), in Pietramelina (last in August, "At the end of the watermelons") and on August 15, the feast of the Assumption, in Castiglione Ugolino. At country festivals he received salaries ranging from fifty to one hundred lire per performance. The rehearsals were held once a week with Maestro Franchi, in a rented room, also used as a dance hall. Above there was the "Circle of the Lords", where the notables of the town went in the evening to play cards and where dancing parties were organized at carnival. He played an orchestra formed by the instrumentalists of the band (always the good Lorenzo Rosini on the bass). Maestro Franchi came to Pierantonio twice a week, by bicycle. One, for the afternoon music school for the boys and he went home: the salary was five lire. Another, for the evening rehearsals of the band: in addition to the five lire, he was paid for dinner and room for the night. Franchi, in fact, after the rehearsals, slept in Pierantonio in the house of Luciano Barcaroli, owner of a grocery and butcher shop. It would have been hard for the teacher, at eleven in the morning, to travel eight kilometers on a bicycle: the road, unpaved, was full of cobblestones. Pierantonio still reminds us of Franchi's extraordinary speed in composing. Eraldo Arcelli was also a member of a local orchestra and when he needed some new pieces (at that time there weren't many printed scores), he went to Franchi with two pigeons (a sign of gratitude, but also a welcome consideration in lean times) and the teacher, at the piano, instantly churned out a waltz, a polka or a mazurca: a danceable piece to play in the evening. With Franchi, the clarinetist Eraldo Arcelli also played in the Umbertide band. He was second clarinet (2nd A) together with Goffredo Franceschini (2nd B). The first clarinets were Mario Villarini and Filippo Filippi. On July 7, 1930, the 1st band performed under the direction of Franchi in the "beautiful and magnificently illuminated square of Pierantonio". The musicians, "admirable for their discipline and spirit of sacrifice, performed very well all the numbers of the rich and difficult program". Riccardo Fanelli, Domenico Medici and Enrico Arcelli distinguished themselves in a particular way "for their passionate performance". Unanimous praise goes to the master Franchi who even in this hamlet "carries out his skilful activity". A special thanks to the president of the band Ciro Carlani who "supports this beautiful institution which is so useful and accepts the whole country". On Sunday 23 July 1933, at 9 pm, Pierantonio's Dopolavoro band, directed by Maestro Franchi, held an applauded concert in homage to the 1st Artillery Regiment stationed there for tactical exercises. The musical program was greeted with lively cheers from the officers and from all citizens. The symphony of Verdi's Nabucco and the duet of Bellini's Norma were particularly appreciated. The musicians were much acclaimed, including the young Eraldo Arcelli and Pierino Bistoni. After the concert the dances began, very animated in the hall of the Casa del Fascio. The band's activity was interrupted from 1935 to 1939 due to the call to arms of many young people. In 1940 it was reconstituted by a group of boys. It was always directed by Severo Scapicchi, and once a week Franchi came for rehearsals. There was then another interruption during the war period. But it started again immediately after the crossing of the front. Severo Scapicchi and Alessandro Franchi still ran. The gang provided services in La Bruna, in Santa Giuliana, in Pietramelina, in Montelovesco. And also to the Madonna del Monti, after Camporeggiano, which the musicians reached on foot. Bulky tools, such as the crate and dishes, were moved on the back of a mule. The band also went to the Abbey of Montecorona and the Hermitage, Castiglione Ugolino, Murlo, Bagnaia (for San Giuseppe), Rancolfo and Parlesca-San Sugaro. In the latter locality the musicians used a horse cart. The musical group played in Pierantonio for the Ascension, for Sant'Antonio (June 13), for Easter and December 8 (Immaculate Conception). Sometimes he also performed in the square in concerts which he attended all over the country. He was rehearsing in the former “casa del Fascio”, the elementary school building. They made up the group: Evelino Briziarelli (clarinet in Eb - quart) Eraldo Arcelli (first clarinet) Carlo Montacci (clarinet) Goffredo Sannella (clarinet) Giuseppe Salciarini (clarinet) Sestilio Marcucci (clarinet) Guerriero Marcucci (clarinet) Giulio Fanelli (clarinet) Antonio Castellani (clarinet) Renato Fucsina (soprano sax) Enrico Arcelli (trumpet) Pierino Bistoni (trumpet ) Elio Mariucci (trumpet) Renato Arcelli (soprano flugelhorn) Giuseppe Ugolini (trombone) Alberto Arcelli (trombone) Remo Riberti (horn) Marcello Rossi (horn) Ugo Binucci (alto horn) Ugo Fanelli (alto horn) Vincenzo Montanucci (baritone horn) Luigi Monsignori (tenor horn) Ennio Marri (baritone horn) Alfeo Rosini (tenor flugelhorn) Renzo Castellani (bass Bb) Lorenzo Rosini (bass Eb) Pompeo Grelli (bass Fa) Giuseppe Cozzari (bass Bb) Enzo Nottoli (tambourine) Romolo Briziarelli (bass drum) Paris Marcucci (cymbals) Pasquale Casciarri (janitor) . Subsequently Giuseppe Cencetti replaced Romolo Briziarelli at the cash desk. The instruments had been purchased by the musicians themselves. The band reconstituted after the war, however, did not reach the levels of preparation and harmony of the first. When Franchi died in 1948, Severo Scapicchi continued to direct it, helped by Eraldo Arcelli, until 1959, the year of its closure. Photo: Amedeo Massetti photographic archive La banda di Pierantonio La banda di Preggio The band of Preggio Born in the mid-nineteenth century, it remained alive until the early sixties when the depopulation of the territory began The band of Preggio originated in the second half of the nineteenth century, with a considerable numerical consistency when compared to the population and the difficulties that this small mountain town encountered. Both for the poverty of resources, and for the lack of communication routes that would facilitate relations and exchanges with one's own Municipality and the rest of the territory. There were therefore also obstacles to have a qualified musical guide, stable and present over time. In fact, in the decades in which the Preggio band was alive, it often had to provide itself with an autochthonous teacher, while requesting from time to time contributions from Umbertide for its own survival and the presence of the master of the municipal band. For example, with a resolution of April 26, 1889, the municipal council of Umbertide agreed to the request that Massimo Martinelli , master of the band of the Municipality, went to Pierantonio once a week to teach music and conduct the rehearsals of the local Concerto. But in the act it was established that this should happen only for Pierantonio and not for other hamlets of Umbertide. The restriction to a single fraction can be explained by the fact that Martinelli, already occupied by two groups, could not take on a new commitment in another town eighteen kilometers from Umbertide and moreover difficult to reach. Consequently, the Preggio band continued to carry out the activity by providing itself with a local teacher. The request of the president Giovanni Battista Contini on 7 March 1898 is documented, asking the Municipality for financial support of fifty lire "as usual in recent years as an encouragement". Contini specified that the contribution should be received by 12 May, because a "title" had to be paid to the band of Umbertide for the purchase of instruments. The council decided to disburse the requested sum, but specified that this should not have constituted a precedent that would constrain the action of future administrations. It can be deduced that the Municipality had already granted the subsidy for some years, and continued to pay out the same sum of fifty lire, in the following two years, on February 26, 1899 and in January 1900, thus satisfying Romolo Fabbri's requests for " encouragement to the Preggio Music Society ". The preggese group was probably directed in those years by a local person and urgently needed a trained teacher to train the new recruits and carry out the tests. In fact, on 7 September 1901, 67 heads of families, together with the members of the band, signed the petition to the municipal council that the teacher Stanislao Franceschi, recently director of Umbertide, would go once a month to Preggio to give lessons to the members of the philharmonic who otherwise it risked melting. The Mayor gave a favorable opinion. It is probable that the inhabitants of Preggio already knew the maestro, having directed the band of the nearby Castel Rigone in previous years. In 1902 Franceschi continued to go to Preggio every month; his salary, in that year, had been increased from 800 to 1,050 lire. His was a real “journey”, because he arrived in a horse-drawn carriage crossing the Niccone valley up to San'Andrea di Sorbello, touching a strip of Tuscany. Sometimes, between the two groups he directed there were exchanges of instruments and two bombardini were also used by the band of Umbertide. The Concerto di Preggio continued its activity with commitment over the years later, until, in 1905, Stanislao Franceschi left for Sigillo. Umbertide's new master, Carlo Morbidelli, arrived at the end of 1906, he probably did not deal with Preggio due to his many commitments in place with the music school and the subsequent collaboration with the band of Ponte Felcino, in 1909. Preggio had to continue alone again, with the constant problem of scarcity of means. In 1913 Guido was its president Fabbri, who on April 20 presented a request for subsidy to the Municipality. The president pointed out that the eight hundred lire destined as of onsuetudine to the band of Umbertide that year had not been disbursed due to the inactivity of the group, which was expected reconstitution. So he got that from this unused fund a good hundred lire were granted to the band of Preggio. The Great War was also a cause of interruption for the musical activity of the country: there were many young people who left for the front. A regular activity resumed only in 1927, when the organization of the regime's Dopolavoro tended to favor and frame all forms of aggregation between citizens. On 5 January 1928, the mayor of Umbertide, Gualtiero Guardabassi, granted a room for reconstitution to the “Società Filarmonica di Preggio” of the band ”and on 7 December approved a contribution of five hundred lire to the “Banda del Dopolavoro di Preggio, an institution essentially understood to the moral and intellectual elevation of the working class and of one large population that for strength, activity and discipline with which follows the directives of the new regime, deserves every possible regard ". Even under the aegis of fascism the musical society preggese lacked means, so much so that to make the site accessible it had appropriated one of the three oil lamps of public lighting, at whose operation it was chief Giuseppe Cardini. The fact sparked protests and was reported to the Municipality by Romolo Fabbri and David Trentini. In 1929 the band depended on the “Società Musicale di Preggio”, of which the lawyer Antonio Contini was president. The Municipality intervened with a contribution of five hundred lire a year, as it did with the Pierantonio Musical Society, restoring fair treatment between the two fractions. In October 1929, with a provision of the podestà Guadabassi, the "musical society of Preggio" was formally associated with the Dopolavoro: the Podestà granted a contribution of five hundred lire. The 1930s were glorious for the band. The group was directed by a local gang leader, Gaetano Boni; from time to time the teacher Franchi arrived from Umbertide to assist him in teaching young people and in rehearsals. The activity was intense and the repertoire was vast: it included marches and Opera pieces that were played in the square on Sunday evenings in the summer. The presence of the band was often required at religious festivals in nearby parishes, such as Racchiusole or, on the opposite side, in San Paolo, Reschio in the municipality of Lisciano Niccone. The musicians gladly answered the invitations because (as the popular saying states that "all the psalms end in glory") they were occasions for a cheerful feast of macaronias. It wasn't just a recreational function, for an hour's entertainment or an afternoon of celebration. The band of Preggio, and those of all the small towns, far from the cultural circuits and lost in inaccessible areas of a poor and backward nation, deserve the merit of having played a role of cultural promotion in times in which the presence of means of mass communication, as specifically, was limited to the telegraph of the Regie Poste and the radio equipment of the headquarters of the beam. The band activity was a vehicle of knowledge, through a certainly not secondary part of culture and national identity, capable of igniting interest and passion among a population far from cultural centers. It also had the merit of spreading the knowledge of melodrama, so much so that not only men but also completely illiterate women sang songs by Verdi, Puccini, Donizetti by heart. Almost all the families of Preggio had a musician in the band: some more than one. Among the buffaloes, Giovanni called Nino, cornet player, and his brother Luciano the clarinet. Then there were the Stoppa: Settimio on trumpet, Bruno and Benedetto on baritone flugelhorn. To the Contini family belonged the brothers Dino, clarinetist ("quartino"), David, bass player in Eb, Alceo and his father Luigi, also at the clarinet, whom he had to abandon when the shotgun exploded in his hand and lost two fingers. Maestro Boni also belonged to the Contini family, having married Luigi's sister and thus becoming the uncle of two brothers; and they were also his nephews on the part of his mother Giovanni and Luciano Bufali. Relationships of kinship, musical activity, work connected families and players. For example, Alceo Contini was a carpenter together with his uncle Gaetano Boni. This man, a rigorous and tenacious man, was a master of the band and a skilled craftsman; tireless educator, in his spare time he gave music lessons to the boys in his own workshop. A kind of head of the family for that band that among the many relatives, also included another nephew and a brother. The hamlet of Preggio, at the beginning of the thirties, was close to two thousand souls, while in the countryside the families had up to thirty or forty members. The country itself was densely populated. The population increased when work began for the construction of the road section from Preggio to Umbertide through Monte Acuto and Polgeto. Workers came from all over Italy and it was a real providence, because in a period of high unemployment a work of this magnitude, built entirely with a pickaxe, employed hundreds of workers. The road was inaugurated on October 28, 1934, a historic date for Preggio which had been waiting for the connection with its Municipality since the time of the unification of Italy. The service of 21 April 1934 is unforgettable, when the band participated in the inauguration of the cross placed on the top of Monte Acuto, in memory of the holy year 1933-34 and the fallen of the war 1915-1918. It was hard to get to the top, the heaviest tools loaded on the back of a mule, but the wonderful view of the valleys below repaid the efforts of the long climb. Another historic occasion for the town, and therefore for his band, was the "taking possession" of the parish of the Holy Trinity by the new prior, Don Espedito Marcucci, who would hold the Priory until his death in 1973. The band actively participated to the celebrations; the importance of the ceremony was underlined by the presence of civil authorities and by Archbishop Giovanni Battista Rosa who "placed the young priest in possession of the parish benefit". At 11.30 on February 20, 1938, mass sung by the local “Schola cantorum” directed by Alessandro Franchi; at 4 pm, solemn thanksgiving with the performance of the “Te Deum” and the “trina benediction”. The party ended in an evocative way: in the evening Preggio was all lit up with "Venetian lanterns" and "fires of joy" were lit in the countryside. The band continued to be called in the surroundings for the holidays: its services were required in a large area, from Castel Rigone towards Lake Trasimeno, up to Migianella, near Umbertide. By now she had beautiful uniforms and was renowned for the vast and well-kept repertoire, which animated the associative moments in the surrounding countryside and centers. In the mid-forties we find it always active. And in the immediate post-war period, in the period of political elections in which heated and violent partisan passions were unleashed, the gang was the protagonist of an eventful episode. On May 18, 1947, the Sunday after the Ascension, she was called to Monte Acuto, to the traditional feast of the Madonna della Costa, where, after the religious celebrations, she was to hold an "outdoor musical entertainment". He had already started playing in the open space in front of the church when a "communist speaker", climbed onto an embankment, began a meeting addressed to the many present. Impatient for the prolongation of the play, the politician urged the "comrades" to stop the music and they accepted the invitation so well that they lashed out at the players, forcing them to stop with swear words and shoving. The event, although serious, seemed to be over, especially since the lunch seemed to have calmed the spirits. But when, in the afternoon, the band was invited to resume the program, the "comrades" began to mock the band-players who, even hit by a few stones, placed the instruments on the grass and put the jammers to flight with punches. Even the parish priest and his brother, also a priest, were victims of the turmoil, who, in an attempt to gain the door of the rectory to take shelter, were slapped by the mob. The story did not end there, but it had serious consequences. In 1949 the group celebrated the ordination of another priest from Prese, a former member of the band, Don Dino Contini. He accompanied him from home to the church of the Holy Trinity, where the young priest celebrated his first mass. Since then Don Dino would no longer play the "quartino" in the band, but the piano and the great organ of the cathedral of San Lorenzo in Perugia, of which he has been an appreciated organist from 1942 to the present day. But shortly afterwards the good teacher Boni, who had led the group with firmness and skill for many years, died. In the pouring rain of a stormy summer day, the gang accompanied him to the cemetery amidst general emotion. It was a strong and engaging atmosphere that the players managed to create at the funeral of a companion or a relative: people were always struck by it. The gang, therefore, fell silent for a while, but the activity was soon resumed. The prior, Don Espedito Marcucci, passionate about music and aware of the importance of the band for the community of Preggio, took steps to reconstitute it, managing, in 1950, to recompose a group of twenty-three people. Don Espedito had also thought of the instruments, in need of repairs, entrusting them to the tuner Schippa di Passignano. He also bought new ones at his own expense, equipping the gang with everything they needed. The group thus resumed playing under the guidance of Gaetano Boni's nephew and pupil, Alceo Contini, Don Dino's brother; his brother David was then at the baritone flugelhorn (bombardino), Nicola Boni at the cash desk bought by the prior. The director of the band Alceo Contini was a good instrumentalist who played all woods and also the saxophone; famous for his clarinet skills. Contini also took care of the children's music school; the rehearsals took place in a local of the Municipality under the square, in via Dritta. The headquarters will then be moved to the "theater" room, in the large hall overlooking the square. Carlo Boni played the trombone, Otello Sergenti the bombardino, Tommaso Orsini the cornet, Marino Orsini the bass, Biagio Trentini the bass drum, Raimondo Stoppa the "quartino". Then there were Terzilio Peverini and Antonio Cinaglia on clarinet, Gino Falomi and Rolando Trentini on bass, Luciano Bufali and Pietro Bastianoni on clarinet, Quintilio Zandrini on cornet, Pasquale Secondi and Primo Falomi on trombone, Gustavo Bastianoni on alto horn, Riccardo Benigni on tambourine and Alfredo Peverini with dishes. The Preggio band lasted until the early 1960s, when the depopulation of the Apennines began, which would reduce the population down to a hundred inhabitants. Photo: - Amedeo Massetti photographic archive - Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide

L'arrivo degli aerei e la prima ondata La prima sosta e la seconda ondata CRONACA, MINUTO PER MINUTO, DEL BOMBARDAMENTO DI UMBERTIDE DEL 25 APRILE 1944 di Mario Tosti dal suo libro “IL NOSTRO CALVARIO” con la collaborazione di trecentoquarantacinque testimoni L’ARRIVO DEGLI AEREI L’udito come difesa: perché sono i rumori ad annunciare i fatti. Dalla cadenza degli scarponi, dal bussare alle porte, al sibilo sinistro degli aerei. I rumori hanno un linguaggio diverso, secondo i tempi; e quelli del tempo di guerra sono udibili immediatamente per un vigile senso di attesa e di allerta(1). Un brontolio lontano annuncia l’approssimarsi di aerei. Prima stazione Gesù davanti a Pilato è condannato a morte Gesù innocente è abbandonato dal potere imperiale. Crucifige! Crucifige! Il paese impotente è lasciato in balia dell’arbitrio della barbarie. 1) Eliana Pirazzoli, dattiloscritto, 1986 L’attacco I quattro aerei che, stanchi del carosello, avevano accennato a lasciare il girotondo, hanno davvero deciso di dirigersi verso il paese(1). Dei primi due(2), uno vira verso il Faldo(3); l’altro, abbassatosi sulle schioppe, segue il Tevere(4) verso Montecorona(5). Entrambi puntano verso Sud, come per tornare da dove sono venuti. Gli altri due li seguono a distanza. La maggior parte di quanti si erano fermati ad assistere allo spettacolo, vedendo gli aerei scomparire dietro i tetti, verso Pian d’Assino, riprendono il cammino interrotto, pensando che lo spettacolo sia finito. Non sanno che è il prologo di una tragedia immane. Altri cominciano a capire. I due aerei, scesi minacciosi da Montaguto, hanno attirato l’attenzione della Vera (Vibi) che, dalla finestra sul Tevere, stava buttando sul fiume i fondi del caffè appena colato, per non sporcare il lavandino di marmo bianco. Corre verso la camera della mamma che è a letto, inferma(6). Anche i ragazzini cominciano a capire. Lamberto (Maccarelli) stava piantando i fagioli nell’orto con il nonno; ha riconosciuto che sono degli Alleati quegli apparecchi che continuano a volare da diversi minuti sopra la sua testa nel cielo bellissimo, di pieno sole. Capisce che stanno per bombardare. Corre in cas per avvertire la mamma e la sorella che fanno le maglie: dapprima le donne ninnano un po’. Si radunano tutti nell’atrio in fondo alle scale. Il nonno vorrebbe uscire verso la bottega di Conti. Lo convincono a restare lì. L’Antonina, la mamma di Lamberto, comincia a piangere. Il nonno Giuseppe (Fiorucci) la consola: “Sta tranquilla, ‘ché i travi en de ferro...”(7). 1) Fabrizio Boldrini, Domenico Mariotti, Francesco Martinelli 2) Amedeo Faloci 3) Franco Mischianti 4) Paolo Mazzanti 5) Franco Mischianti 6) Vera Vibi 7) Lamberto Maccarelli LA PRIMA ONDATA (1) I due aerei, giunti sopra Montecorona, virano verso Poggio Manente. Il primo, pilotato dal capo-pattuglia Jandrell, punta il muso rosso verso il ponte sul Tevere. Segue la traiettoria ottimale secondo la tecnica militare: deve essere obliqua rispetto all'asse della strada, di quel tanto necessario ad indirizzare gli ordigni alla base del ponte, in modo che l'onda d'urto si espanda dal basso all'alto, per aggredire l'arco lungo la direttrice di minor resistenza; centrare la carreggiata raramente genera danni irreparabili rispetto alla transitabilità della campata(2). La direzione di avvicinamento deve lasciare il sole dietro le spalle, per evitare abbagliamenti. In questo caso, la traiettoria così determinata ha anche il vantaggio che il tratto più basso della picchiata, sviluppandosi sopra i tetti, mantiene il bombardiere fuori del tiro di eventuali armi antiaeree, che i ricognitori possono aver sospettato ai margini del centro storico. Nei piloti è del tutto marginale la preoccupazione per l'incolumità dei civili. Non sono bastati decenni di dittatura, quattro anni di guerra e di miseria, per risparmiare ad un paese inerme il colpo di grazia. Si è deciso di infierire. Ecce homo. Dalla stazione, già quasi deserta(3), si riesce a vedere la testa del pilota con la cuffia di cuoio(4) che sfreccia sopra la casa del contadino della "Commenda", la rivendita di vino e latte di Civitella(5). Il cacciabombardiere compare all'improvviso alla gente in piazza, che guarda in su, attratta dal rombo crescente, paralizzata, nelle gambe e nella mente: piomba in picchiata(6) verso di loro, nero contro il cielo pieno di luce. Crepita la mitragliatrice, per dissuadere l'antiaerea che non c'è. Adriano Zurli, militare dell'aeronautica, non appena ha sentito un paio di raffiche, si è reso conto del pericolo; insieme a Gigi de Torello (Luigi Carlini) salta negli orti dietro le case di Via Roma e fugge risalendo la Regghia(7). Ugo Forni, arruolato in aviazione, è in casa di Mogi (Alessandro Romitelli), il gestore del Dopolavoro della ferrovia. Quando ha sentito il crescendo della picchiata, ha fatto riparare tutta la gente del caseggiato nel fondo della Lisa (Baldoni)(8). Anche Secondo, alla Caminella, esperto perché convalescente per ferite riportate in prima linea, capisce che stanno per bombardare(9). Seconda stazione Gesù si carica la croce sulle spalle Prima scarica La vista delle bombe All'improvviso due cilindri luccicanti, simili a grossi maiali(10), abbandonano la pancia del "picchiatello"; fanno un paio di capriole(11), come se vogliano indugiare; poi precipitano, lasciando una scia rossastra(12) in mezzo ad un frastuono assordante. Brizio (Boldrini) ed i suoi amici le guardano più curiosi che impauriti(15). "Ma queste en bombe!!" urla all'improvviso la Pomeìna (Armando Silvioni), facendo gelare il sangue(16) a quanti sono in piazza. "Bombardano!" ripete Sganapìno (Giuseppe Galmacci) guardando in alto(17). Sembrano una coppia d'uova(18). "Buttono ji ovi d'oca!", conferma puntando l'indice un ragazzino, più esperto di pollai che di macchine da guerra, dalla collina della Serra(19). Anche al Faldo, vedendo cadere quei cavulìni, non sanno paragonarli ad altro di conosciuto che ad una coppia d'ovi d'oca: comuni, innocue uova, solo più grosse del normale. Le bombe non hanno mai abitato qui(20). La Pia (Gagliardini), in casa dietro le scuole, visti cadere dall'aereo che si abbassa quei due cavolini, incuriosita chiede ad Alfredo (Briganti): "Che ha lasciato cadere quell'apparecchio?". "Fuggi, sono bombe. Fuggi via!(21)". A Muzio (Venti) sembrano dei bijittìni, uguali a quelli che hanno buttato nei giorni scorsi per avvertire la gente del pericolo(22). Ognuno, da dovunque li guardi, ha la sensazione che gli ordigni puntino sulla propria testa. Tuttora sono in pochi - perlopiù giovani - ad avere l'istinto di fuggire. I ragazzini delle magistrali scattano dove le gambe li portano, rispondendo ciascuno alla propria indole e prestanza. Nino (Grassini) si rifugia dentro il locale più vicino: il negozio di alimentari di Palchetti, in piazza, a pochi metri da dove si trovava(24). Brizio (Boldrini) sfreccia veloce verso Piazza Mazzini, gira per il mercato, mentre Sergio (Celestini) gli grida qualcosa correndo al di là della Regghia(25): per la velocità - lui è l'ala sinistra della Tiberis, un fulmine! - non è riuscito a curvare verso il mercato ed è filato dritto verso la piazza della Collegiata. Bruno (Burberi) indugia qualche attimo. Ramiro, quando era arrivato a casa tutto trafelato per aver visto i ricognitori, aveva trovato Bruno Righetti che voleva fare una saldatura su un pezzetto di macchina per cucire: gli aveva detto del pericolo e che avrebbe riparato il pezzetto se stava fuori a far da sentinella; prima però era salito in casa per avvertire la mamma e per mangiare un boccone. Mentre stava portandosi alla bocca un pescetto in bianco, la mamma, che nel frattempo era andata in terrazza, con voce eccitatissima gli ha urlato. "Ramiro, che è `sto rumore?". Lasciando il pesce, lui è stolzato in terrazza ed ha visto, all'apparente distanza di trenta metri, la sagoma di due ordigni che lasciavano una scia rossastra; sente il fischio delle bombe ed il rombo dell'aereo in picchiata, che non può vedere a causa del sole che ha di fronte(26). La grossa bomba / che pare d'argento, / per i riflessi della luce del sole / girando su se stessa, / piomba giù(27). La maggior parte della gente è rimasta bloccata, attonita(28): non riesce ancora a credere che stia arrivando la morte sul paese; sugli amici; sui famigliari; su di sé! Gli ordigni sembrano ancora galleggiare sopra le teste della gente in piazza, come sostenuti dalla volontà delle persone atterrite. Poi planano via, fino a scomparire sibilando dietro la casa di Burelli(29), verso il Tevere. Al di sopra delle bombe sta sopraggiungendo anche l'aereo che le ha sganciate, preceduto dal crepitio delle pallottole delle mitraglie sui tetti(30) e dal ruggito parossistico dei motori che vogliono risalire; anche la fusoliera, adesso diventata d'argento nel riflettere i raggi del sole, scompare dietro le case. Galeno è sulla soglia del suo "salone"(31), attonito, col camice bianco ed il pettine in mano(32). Forse cerca il suo amore(33). Due amichette vestite da piccole italiane non sono ancora tornate a casa dalla scuola; si sono fermate a parlare lungo il Corso. Hanno alzato lo sguardo verso l'aereo che è appena passato proprio sopra le loro teste. Tutte contente esclamano: "Oh ... quant'è bello!"(34). Il boato Qualche attimo di silenzio, ancora nell'illusione che nulla sia vero, che si sia trattato di un'allucinazione, che tutto sia finito. Invece, un tuono(35), un boato immane, indicibile, più sconvolgente di un terremoto, scuote tutto: case, corpi, sentimenti, ragione. Quando sentii il rumore / lo credetti un tuono dapprima / ma lungo e nero e sempre / più forte. / Un grido di cielo squarciato / rauco interminabile / adunco / sopra le case dentro la terra / nel soffitto nei pavimenti nei muri / in ogni più piccola cosa / e dentro di me(36). Le due bombe si sono schiantate sulla riva destra del Tevere(37), a nord della campata centrale del ponte(38), all'altezza dell'osteria di Lisetti in via Spunta(39). Il terribile rumore investe l'Elena (Boriosi) sul portone di casa, dove è appena arrivata, dopo essere ridiscesa di corsa per le scale, con il libro che la sorella Rina intendeva restituire alla Gina Borgarelli(40). Sono le 9 e 45. È iniziata la più grande tragedia della storia del paese(41). L'onda d'urto Lo spostamento d'aria dispiega la sua forza tremenda. Fa sbalzare Toto (Antonio Silvestrelli) dentro la barbieria dello zio Virgilio (Occhirossi), in direzione opposta a quella che intendeva percorrere verso le volte della parrucchieria di fronte(43). Nell'osteria di Via Spunta vola via il cappello di Natale (Bucaioni), che stava innaffiando la colazione con un bicchiere di vino; lui resta lì, immobile, rendendosi conto di essere sotto un muro robustissimo(44). Si spalanca la porta della cucina a piano terra in Via Mancini; cadono detriti dal soffitto sulla farina che la Batazzi sta impastando sopra la spianatòra(45). Frullano all'improvviso le pagine del vocabolario di latino, sotto gli occhi dell'Ornella (Duranti) e della Wilma (Borri)(46). Il verdone in gabbia le guarda, ammutolito. Il terrore fa perdere il lume della ragione alla Lidia (Tonanni), una sartina che sta provando un vestito alla sora Virginia (Santini), in Piazza San Francesco. "Io voglio mori' co' la mi' mamma!", arùga verso la cliente, quasi come sia lei la responsabile di quel pandemonio. E la Virginia, poveretta, a giustificarsi: "Sta calma! ... Guarda... che ci sei venuta da te!"(48). Nello stesso momento, in Via Soli, la mamma della Lidia, 1'Annetta (Taticchi), e la Martina (Maddoli) sono sbattute per terra(49)". La Marietta (Beatini) è impietrita davanti alla porta della cartoleria di Tommasi; vi cerca rifugio proprio mentre la lastra di vetro della vetrina le cade davanti, frantumata dalle vibrazioni(50). Tutti i vetri si rompono: quelli del Corso(51), del Comune(52), delle scuole elementari "Garibaldi"(53), delle case al mercato(54). La terra trema. Sempre più gente strilla: "Bombàrdono, bombàrdono"(55). I sassi e le schegge I ciottoli del pitrìccio sono catapultati dappertutto. Cadono sassi fino all'ultimo piano dell'abitazione di Lorenzo (Andreani) in via Cibo, dove la mamma stava accudendo alle faccende di casa, verso il Tevere(56). Precipitano in piazza(57); sulla torre(58); davanti alle chiese di piazza San Francesco, alla pompina della Caminella(59). Una svecciata di sassi raggiunge Bruno (Burberi), che si è deciso a scappare verso la Collegiata; cerca protezione svoltando nel primo vicolo, Via Alberti, e s'infila nel negozio di verdura della Pierina(60). Brecce saltano sui tetti di Via Mancini, emulando il precedente crepitio delle pallottole sparate dalle mitraglie(61) degli aerei verso i camion tedeschi davanti al Capponi(62). Una gragnola di sassi neri colpisce le vetrine del Bar Giardino, sotto lo sguardo attonito delle due bambine - Giovanna e Carla - assorte nello scartare quel torroncino per cui avevano interrotto il loro cammino verso la tempesta del vicolo di San Giovanni (63). Giorgio (Toraci) e Renato (Pecorini), in Via Alberti, di fronte al forno di Bucitino, stavano giocando con le figurine di carta del presepio, che si possono ribaltare dai fogli dove sono incollate. Sobbalzano allibiti al rumore delle sassate sui coppi del tetto. La Madonna che stavano sollevando dal foglio, si strappa e resta lì, abbandonata a terra. Fuggono per le scale, per ripararsi in una nicchia molto robusta(64). Una pioggia di ghiaia cade sulla casa del Faldo, dietro la quale hanno fatto riparare gli anziani, sdraiati nel fosso(65). Verso il "Mulinello", una scheggia spezza il grosso ramo di un noce(66). Un masso enorme si schianta fra Via Stella e la Collegiata, a qualche metro da Franco (Mischianti), che è sbalzato a terra. Si mette al coperto, rifugiandosi nella barbieria di Palazzoli in Piazza Mazzini(67). Una pietra. colpisce la bicicletta di Umberto (Dominici), l'apprendista fotografo, che sta correndo davanti alla chiesa(68). In direzione opposta Maria Maddalena (Marzani), con la lettera per il fratello al fronte, sta svoltando in bicicletta verso Reggiani, in mezzo ad una bufera di sassi e ad un frastuono indescrivibile(69). Non può scappare Guerriero de l'Elena (Boldrini), che ha fatto salina; si trova nei fondi del Sellàro, lungo la Regghia, insieme ad Elio (Caprini), a Osvaldo (Baroni) ed al Ministro (Alfiero Silvioni). Il rumore dello scoppio e dei sassi che cadono sui bandoni della stalla ha fatto imbizzarrire i cavalli, che sferrano coppie di calci, impedendo ogni possibilità di fuga. Un macigno cade vicino e sfascia un carro(70). La nube Le colonne di fumo, scaturite dalla radice del lampo dell'esplosione, si fondono fra loro in una nube, che si gonfia sempre più lenta e minacciosa man mano che cresce a dismisura. Un gran polverone(71) segue la tempesta iniziale di sassi ed invade il paese. Il terrore Il boato ha risvegliato tutti quelli che hanno assistito alla scena, sbigottiti, pietrificati; finalmente scappano. Anche molti di quanti l'hanno solo sentito, intuiscono e fuggono verso punti più sicuri. Nella sartoria di Palmiro (Maccarelli) all'inizio del ponte sul Tevere, presi dal loro lavoro, gli apprendisti non avevano dato importanza al rumore degli aerei, anche perché li avevano sentiti spesso. Scossi dal gran boato della bomba caduta vicino a loro, tutti sono usciti di corsa, spaventatissimi(72). La vetrina della bottega di calzature economiche, nello stesso palazzo, si è frantumata e le scarpe esposte sono volate verso le commesse, che non avevano posto tanta attenzione a quel ronzio; si mettono a correre, tenendosi per mano, in direzione della piazza; ma quasi subito il fumo le separa; si perdono(73). Baldo (Ubaldo Gambucci) è lì davanti, perso; accenna ad andare dentro la bottega di mercerie, dove sono la Menchina e l'Adriana del Sellàro (Cecchetti); va in qua e in là, senza decidersi(74). Suo figlio Gigetto (Luigi Gambucci) stava facendo firmare un mandato ad un cliente di Montecastelli, Eusebi, allo sportello dell'Ufficio Postale. Tutti hanno l'istinto di scappare, ma si fermano titubanti sul portone, non osando avventurarsi fuori, in quell'inferno di pietre; Gigetto trattiene a forza 1'Itala (Boldrini), tirandola dentro per un braccio(75). Sopraggiunge l'Elda (Bebi Ceccarelli), la direttrice dell'ufficio, con le figlie: è rimasta attardata, per portar via dalla cassaforte gli stipendi dei maestri(76). Vorrebbe uscire, mentre la figlia Marianella vuole rimanere al coperto. Di fronte alla Posta, in Comune, la Peppa (Ceccarelli), che era andata a ritirare la tessera per la carne della macelleria Bebi, fugge per le scale con la Piera e l'Ada (Bruni)(77). II Commissario fa chiudere il portone, impedendo a chiunque di uscire(78). L'atrio del municipio s'intasa di persone accalcate. Peppino (Grilli) e Pietro de Sciuscìno (Bartoccini) si ritrovano sulle spalle di Agostino (Bico)(79). La Lea (Rapo), che stava spolverando, aveva visto gli aerei andare verso Montecorona; quando uno di essi era riapparso lasciando cadere due "ovini", lei è fuggita in cucina tirando per un braccio il nonno. Lui completamente sordo, non si era accorto di niente: stava cercando di accendere il fuoco nel focolare, per cuocere il dolce per il compleanno della nipotina. Per festeggiare l'evento, la mamma aveva già disposto sulla spianatora tutto l'occorrente per il dolce delle quattro tazze - di farina bianca, gialla, latte, zucchero - da cuocere con la teglia coperta, i carboni sotto e sopra. Ora fuggono per le scale(80). La Dora (Silvestrelli) aspettava il dottor Valdinoci che avrebbe dovuto visitare il babbo, a letto con una gran febbre. Aspettava anche le frittelle che la mamma stava cocendo con un po' di pasta del pane, prima di portare le file nel locale per la lievitazione al forno di Quadrio Bebi. Vista la bella giornata, aveva aperto la finestra della camera del babbo per cambiare l'aria; vi si era affacciata, verso il fiume. All'improvviso ha sentito uno strano rumore sempre più forte; ha visto un oggetto o due venire dal cielo; poi lo scoppio. Tutti, di corsa, si sono rifugiati nel passetto delle scale, sotto gli architravi, come da tempo stabilito. Vi hanno trovato Lazzaro (Bottaccioli) con la Stella, che pregano ad alta voce(81). II fratello della Dora, Spinelli (Renato Silvestrelli), ed il Boca (Vantaggi) sono partiti come frecce - il primo in bicicletta, il secondo a piedi - verso Via Roma; si ficcano entrambi sotto un vecchio banco da lavoro nel bugigattolo da ciclista(82). La Sunta (Baruffi) corre verso Fornacìno, senza zoccoli, che ha perso per strada(83). Anche Rolando (Paneni) ha scalciato via gli zoccoli e fugge scalzo verso il macello(84). Un carrettiere, sorpreso davanti alla Collegiata, scappa abbandonando il carretto ed il mulo che lo trainava(85): ha ben altro cui pensare che rispettare la regola di legare la bestia dietro il carro! Don Luigi si è alzato di scatto e si è rifugiato di corsa in un adito che dalla chiesa conduce alla sagrestia. Chiama nel suo improvvisato rifugio altre persone che sono entrate in chiesa, spaventate dalla bomba e da un'intensa raffica di mitraglia. In tutto sono in cinque: tre uomini ed una giovane donna che, stringendosi al collo un bambino, grida e piange disperatamente(86). In cima alla Piaggiola, dove avevano continuato a lavorare tranquillamente - "Tanto ... gli aerei sono tedeschi" - Renato (Caseti) si precipita per le scale, cavalcando il boato e scavalcando la ringhiera. Corre verso la Pompina e si allontana, verso Santafede ed il Fosso di Lazzaro(87). Nello stesso punto, lo scoppio ha sorpreso l'Elvira (Rossi), nipote di Quadrio. Era uscita da casa con la cognata Peppa (Giuseppa Gallicchi) per comprare la conserva nel negozio dello zio, perché avevano dato i punti della tessera annonaria; ne avrebbe approfittato per salire al piano sopra la bottega per fare una visita allo zio malato. Ma ha deciso - quando uno non deve morire, non deve morire! - di passare prima, con sua cognata, a prendere i buoni in Comune per ritirare le uova dalla Sandra (Migliorati). "Uh, Peppa, è il bombardamento!", adesso urla. La sora Adalgisa (Castelletti) le fa entrare dentro il negozio di argenteria. L'Elvira, incinta dell'Anna di sette mesi, si inginocchia: "Pater nostro, salve regina, rechemetèrna..." ...ma finché [Dio] non ha voluto, [il bombardamento] non ha smesso. Fuori vede tutta la gente correre: sembrano impazziti quelli che a frotte fuggono con le mani sui capelli(88). Fiordo, il carrettiere, si butta dentro la buca dove stava scavando la rena(89). Nella bottega di Quadrio, Amleto, che aiutava a vendere nella bottega del suocero, ha capito; aggrappato al bancone con le mani, le braccia tese ed i polsi in avanti, grida a tutti: "State fermi ... calma ... è il bombardamento"(90). Mentre si sente fortissimo il rombo dell'aereo che rimonta dopo la picchiata, Ramiro ha già preso la mamma per la mano e fugge per le scale, urlando continuamente: "Via! Via! Piano! Piano!". Dopo aver sostato qualche secondo dentro 1' entrone, si dirige verso il Roccolo; mette la mamma al riparo in un fosso asciutto e prosegue verso la collina per osservare cosa facciano gli apparecchi(91). È curioso di verificare, in particolare, se le bombe scoppiano come le disegna Walter Molino nelle tavole della "Domenica del Corriere": con questo intento, tiene spalancate le palpebre degli occhi fra i pollici e gli indici, per evitare che l'istinto le faccia chiudere al momento della deflagrazione(92). Alle ceramiche Pucci, `l Moro, il muratore che lavorava sul tetto, era stato incaricato di stare in allerta e di dare l'allarme appena avesse visto arrivare degli aerei. Ma le bombe sono state più rapide della sentinella. Tutto il personale è scappato e vede l'inferno sopra il paese. Le schegge arrivano fin laggiù. Una quarantina d' operai si riversano verso i campi fra la strada ed il Tevere, cercando di allontanarsi più possibile(93). Altri si riparano, tutti rannicchiati, tra cumuli di argilla. Una grossa lamiera, scagliata chissà da dove, dopo aver volteggiato in aria, si abbatte latrando a pochi metri dal riparo del ragioniere (Martinelli)(94). Menco de Fornacìno (Domenico Fornaci) si rifugia nel sottoscale, fra gli attrezzi da lavoro(95). I bambini La Giovanna (Pazzi), uscita da scuola, è sotto il portone di casa per ripararsi dai calcinacci, senza rendersi conto di cosa sia quel can-can, con tutta la Qente che fugge verso la Piaggiola. Qualcuno la fa rifugiare dentro la casa della maestra Peppina, in cima alla salita(96). In fondo alla Piaggiola, Stefanino (Marsigliotti) passa di corsa davanti al negozio del babbo; gli urla che va fuori del paese, senza riuscire a farsi sentire. Si unisce alla folla che fugge verso il Roccolo(97). La Marisa, che ha fatto salina, aveva ripreso la strada di casa verso la Piaggiola e la piazza, perché a quell'ora la scuola doveva essere finita. Un signore, di fronte a questo finimondo, la dissuade dal proseguire per il centro e le grida di andare verso la campagna(98). Un altro signore prende per mano un bambino che sotto la torre - imbambolato - non sa che fare(99). Lorenzo (Andreani), che stava tornando a casa con il mazzettino di odori dell'orto della zia Lucia, è rimasto annichilito in mezzo alla strada. La mamma di Tonino (Traversini), un suo compagno di scuola, l'afferra per la mano e lo tira dentro un portone per farlo riparare(100). Massimo (Valdambrini), sei anni, era solo vicino a casa; la mamma era a fare spesa ed il babbo al lavoro. Lo prende la moglie di Annibale (Trentini); insieme corrono verso Pinzaglia e Navarri, lungo la "cupa"(101). A1 contrario, davanti alla caserma dei carabinieri, è un ragazzo ad aiutare la mamma, che si è bloccata, terrorizzata: le gambe le si piegano e non si regge in piedi per la paura(102). Un bambino della Badia, appena scappato da scuola, è rimasto solo; si è rifugiato in un androne vicino all'asilo. Spaurato, piange - a bocca larga - come una vite tagliata. Due donne, che sono scese per le scale appena dopo aver sentito il boato che sembrava venire dalla stazione, lo rincuorano(103). La Rita (Tosti) insieme a due amiche - Maria (Tosti) e Paola (Corbucci) - stavano attraversando il ponte sul Tevere per tornare a casa al Corvatto, dopo aver lasciato le scuole elementari. Si erano messe ad ammirare gli aerei che giravano alti sopra le loro teste. Quando la bomba è caduta sul pietriccio, fra la fine del ponte ed il Molinaccio, scagliando sassi tutt'intorno in mezzo ad un rumore tremendo, la Rita si è messa a correre verso casa tenendo per mano le sue compagne. Ferruccio (Bartolini) e Serafino (Pucci), che si trovano vicini a loro, urlano di buttarsi a terra. Ma la Rita vuole tornare a casa per non far preoccupare la mamma malata; continua a correre con le sue compagne, senza ascoltare lo stradino del Comune che grida di buttarsi nel fosso(104). Alla quarta elementare, nella scuola delle monache, il dettato era stato interrotto all'improvviso dagli apparecchi sempre più bassi e dal fischio della bomba. Tutte le scolare erano corse alle finestre verso Via Spoletini per guardare. "Via, via! Lontano dalle finestre" ha gridato suor Letizia, ammaestrata dai bombardamenti cui aveva assistito a Roma(105). Le ragazze della quinta, sedute in fondo all'aula grande vicino al terrazzo, dove sono state radunate insieme ad altre classi per la momentanea assenza di alcune maestre, si sono alzate di colpo e gridano, con le mani alla testa: "La mi' mammina!"(106). Le fanno fuggire tutte verso il patóllo, facendole riparare sotto la capanna dei Carbonari. Una bambina si acquatta sotto la bura di un carro, con le mani sulle orecchie per attutire i botti ed i fischi. In un cantone prega inginocchiata Suor Filomena, la cuoca"(107). Poco lontano, Maria (Bico Corradi), con l'Elda febbricitante in braccio, è riparata sotto una grossa nicchia con la signora Renzini: tutte pregano e dicono le litanie(108). Dalle elementari di Via Garibaldi, le ultime classi ancora rimaste dentro l'edificio si riversano fuori della scuola dall'uscita verso l'asilo, opposta al lato dove è caduta la bomba. Anche i bambini che si trovavano a scuola al piano terra della palazzina con la torretta in Via Fratta, scappano verso Civitella(109). Lo scoppio della bomba ha frantumato il vetro della finestrina a mezzaluna sopra il portone in fondo alle scale dell'Avviamento, che è caduto davanti alla marea di scolari che stava fuggendo. Tutti insieme hanno fanno dietro-front: chi era primo della fila si è ritrovato ad essere l'ultimo. A furia di spintoni e gomitate risalgono le scale ed escono a valanga dalla porta posteriore della scuola, diretti verso il Tevere. Qualcuno grida di stare nascosti, perché potrebbero mitragliare. La professoressa Simoncini si raccomanda di aspettarla ed a modo suo cerca di correre, sgambettando, ma inutilmente(110). Celestino (Caldari) non è più un bambino: ha 49 anni. Gli dicono di fuggire, vedendolo immobile. Lui risponde, serafico: "A mo so' vecchio... chi me tocca!"(111). Ostinata inconsapevolezza Tanti di quelli che hanno solo sentito lo schianto senza aver visto nulla, non si rendono ancora conto di cosa stia succedendo. Continuano a rifiutare la realtà. Qualcuno pensa a quello spericolato di Bice Pucci, che ha voluto salutare la zia Mariannina rasentando più del solito i tetti con il suo aereo(114). "Che matti!!! Ne sarà caduto uno sul pietriccio!", pensa Alfredo (Ciarabelli), il renitente alla leva nascosto da un paio di mesi nella casa dei Grilli, fra Via Cibo e Via Mariotti(113). Tanti altri immaginano la stessa cosa(114). "È caduto 'n apparecchio tul Tevere", si spiegano dentro il negozio di alimentari della Rosina de Pistulino (Tosti), nella strada che porta alla torre. Ma la Rosina intuisce la verità e fa riparare tutti dietro un buzzo di conserva, tra i vetri sbriciolati a terra(115). L'Argentina (Ramaccioni) continua tranquillamente a cucire, nella sua casa vicina alla pompina, credendo che ne abbiano combinata un'altra delle loro i tedeschi accampati all'inizio della strada dei cipressi(116). "Ma ch'è ... tona? Eppure era sereno!", commenta rivolta al nipote la nonna, appena tornata dal forno, mentre va ad aprire gli scuri per vedere cosa stia succedendo(117). “... vecchia rode tozzi! ["la Vecchia" rode i tozzi di pane secco]" ripete un bambino di quasi due anni: ha collegato il rumore delle bombe a quello dei tuoni, che crede siano causati da una vecchia che sgranocchia pane indurito(118). "Forse bombardano a Castello!", cerca di raccapezzarsi una ragazzina nei pressi della stazione, guardandosi intorno spaesata senza aver neppure fatto caso agli aerei. Non le passa nemmeno per la testa che il nostro paesino inerme giustifichi un'operazione militare(119). Consapevolezza In fondo al Corso - dove hanno sentito gli aerei, visto le bombe, sentito il boato, l'onda d'urto, i vetri rotti, i sassi - tutti hanno capito. Le domande sbigottite, che rimbalzano ovunque, fanno precipitare tutti nella tragica verità: "Bombàrdono, scappàmo!" grida terrorizzato Bruno (Villarini) dalla finestra(120), con il coro di tutte le scolare dietro; la Rina de Schiantino, che corre per strada insieme a tutti i colleghi della sartoria di Maccario, gli fa eco: "Scappàmo! Bombàrdono!„(121). "Bombàrdono!" urla Peppone de Pùmmene (Giuseppe Agea) sopra il ponte della Regghia della Via Tiberina (122), mentre scappa verso la Collegiata(123). Davanti al macello la gente che fugge verso la collina del Roccolo grida, come in un coro stonato: "Via, via ... che bombàrdono!!"(124). "Bombàrdono!" "Bombàrdono!" "Bombàrdono!", urlano dappertutto, come un'eco ossessionante, mentre fuggono, impazziti. Chi dentro il portone più vicino. Chi verso spazi aperti, lontano dalle case: verso il Roccolo, la Regghia, Civitella, Taschino, la Carninella. Bombardano!!! Bombardano. Davvero! Anche nel nostro paese inerme. Anche qui è arrivato il fuoco violento di un mondo impazzito. Anche qui si può morire, senza ragione, come in ogni parte del mondo quando l'uomo perde la ragione. "Ne arriva un altro! Scappiamo!". Seconda scarica Terza stazione La prima caduta di Gesù sotto la croce Il tenente Pienaar punta il suo falco pellegrino sul ponte del fiume e sgancia la seconda coppia di bombe. La casa di Bruno Gli ordigni sono(125) per Bruno (Villarini), il sarto, e per le sue scolare, che si stanno scapicollando giù per le scale. La Gigina (Mischianti), sulla cinquantina, l'unica attempata del gruppo, lascia passare gli altri che possono correre più veloci: "Fuggite voialtri che sete più giovini e aéte più da campà'!"(126). Sua figlia la scavalca insieme alle amiche, tenendo in braccio la nipote del fidanzato: un batuffolo di capelli ricci che stava per portare all'asilo(127). Tenera anticipazione dell'essere mamma(128). Sono arrivati all'ultima rampa di scale, quando l'apocalisse sopra di loro cresce fino al parossismo: una bomba centra la casa(129), che precipita seppellendo tutti nel buio della morte. Per loro tutto è finito! Cessano di vivere la Giulia, la Cecilia, la Ida, la Rina, la Viulìna(130), la piccolissima Anna Paola; e Bruno(131). Non c'è più "filo" per allungare la trama delle loro vite(132). Solo la mamma Gigina, sbalzata verso Via Cibo dalla finestra delle scale(133), trova miracolosamente scampo sotto un trave, in cima alla collina di macerie. Dentro la stessa bara di sassi muoiono Angelo, il calzolaio, e la moglie Luisa, che abitavano al piano inferiore(135). Lui era il "medico delle scarpe", che andava a piedi a lavorare con la valigetta, non avendo né una bottega né un piccolo laboratorio in casa. Il suo organetto ha rantolato l'ultima nota, schiacciato in mezzo alle pietre; i nipoti non saranno più rallegrati dalle sue melodie(136). La Felicina è schiacciata da una trave proprio sullo scalino del negozio di alimentari, preso in affitto dalla Pastàra all'angolo fra Via Spunta ed il Corso(137). I1 crollo coinvolge anche le due abitazioni adiacenti. Demolisce un'ala della casa verso il ponte, dove la Vera (Vibi) assiste terrorizzata a quest'inferno abbracciata alla mamma, a letto inferma; la polvere impedisce di vedere cosa accada; diventa difficile respirare(138). Nel portone a piano terra sono rimasti intrappolati Nello del Flemma e l'Armida de Caldaro, che ha finito il tempo per partorire(139). Dalla bottega del calzolaio del ponte, lì di fronte, nessuno può scappare. Il banchetto da lavoro è saltato e tutti sono restati senza parole, come imbambolati; un polverone ha invaso tutto e non si vede più niente. "Semo armasti chiusi dentro!", sussurra Aldo (Frambois) posando una mano sulla spalla di Peppino (Lisetti), apprendista come lui, che ha cercato nel buio, tastoni(140). Nell'edificio verso piazza, i genitori del maestro Bernacchi sono sprofondati nel baratro che si è aperto sotto di loro, mentre lui, Benedetto, stava porgendo una tazza di caffè alla moglie Marianna, malata, chinandosi verso il letto su cui era coricata(141). Silvano, il nipotino, è salvo solo perché l'angolo estremo del pavimento su cui si trovava ha resistito; è rimasto in piedi sopra due mattoni, miracolosamente restati al loro posto, di fronte al vuoto, tra fumo, polvere, calcinacci. Ma non può respirare; allora tenta di spostarsi; mette un piede in avanti; sprofonda come in una voragine; si aggrappa e scivola... si aggrappa e scivola... sempre più giù(142). Per fortuna la seconda bomba della coppiòla non è esplosa(143). La Polda, colpita alla testa da uno sciacquone caduto dal piano superiore, spira(144) dietro il portone d'ingresso della stessa casa, dove si era recata per aiutare la suocera Peppa. Pochi attimi prima, nello stesso punto si trovava il figlio Gigino, che era dal barbiere (Taticchi) quando è caduta 1a prima bomba. D'istinto si era dato a correre verso il Corso anziché verso Piazza San Francesco, che era la via naturale di fuga; si era rifugiato dietro quel portone dove abitavano i nonni, in via Cibo, per ripararsi dai sassi; dopo qualche attimo, non sentendosi sicuro, era corso verso piazza"(145). Anche l'altro figlio, Peppino, vent'anni, era dentro la barbieria con i1 fratello; come lui, è fuggito per il Corso, verso piazza. Vuole allontanarsi dalle case: si precipita dentro il bar Pazzi, corre verso il retro, salta negli orti, si lascia cadere sulla sponda del Tevere; e poi di corsa verso il Faldo, inseguito dai botti delle bombe(146). Nella barbieria di Gilì (Virgilio Occhirossi) tutti erano corsi verso Via Spunta, sul retro, che dava l'impressione di essere il punto più protetto; ma quando Toto (Antonio Silvestrelli) era giunto sulla porta, la seconda coppia di bombe è esplosa proprio in fondo al vicolo; lo spostamento d'aria gli ha sbattuto violentemente la porta sul petto; per un attimo si è sentito mancare'(147). La moglie di Schiupitino si è riparata nel retrobottega del negozio di alimentari al Corso, sotto un arco, con la figlia Emma. Con loro c'è Mario (Mariano Vestrelli), il falegname, che si è raccomandato: "Dite con me `l paternostro ... 'ché morimo tutti!"(148). Lo spostamento d'aria ha scardinato il braccio di chiusura della porta, rompendogli le coste ed interrompendo la sua preghiera(149). La maggior parte dei sarti di Maccario ha seguito Fausto (Ciocchetti) perché lui sa meglio come comportarsi sotto le bombe, dopo tre anni di guerra: è da poco tornato dalla Croazia, in licenza prolungata perché ha da poco perso il fratello maggiore(150). Ma lui, prima di essere soldato, è fratello di Peppino, che lavora nel salone di Galeno: anziché correre in direzione della Caminella, verso i campi liberi, si dirige verso la barbieria(151). II percorso è ancora del tutto sgombro(152). Come la mandria dietro al capobranco, i suoi compagni lo seguono in Via Mariotti, sotto l'arco di Fiordo: la Rina de Schiantino (Santini), Mario (Lozzi), Peppino (Rapo), di soli quattordici anni. In particolare non si stacca da lui la Nunziatina (Bendini), che di Fausto è innamorata(153). La fuga ed il destino si stanno sgranando lungo gli anelli di una catena d' affetti. L'Elda (Bartocci) si è divisa dai compagni. Ha imboccato il vicolo di San Giovanni, per rifugiarsi nell'ingresso dell'albergo Capponi: nel fitto fumo nero, intravede due soldati che hanno indossato la maschera antigas. La donna di servizio dell'albergo accende una candela che rischiara un po' 1'ambiente(156). Nella bottega di Quadrio tutto è diventato scuro. Amleto accende un fiammifero cercando di aprire la porta del retrobottega. "Ho la mia famiglia di sopra!!" pensa a voce alta. Ma la porta non si apre, perché dal lucernaio posteriore è venuto giù qualcosa(157). Davanti alla porta del suo forno s'intravede, tra il fumo, la sagoma di Luciano, il nipote di Quadrio. Non ha seguito gli amici nella corsa verso 1a salvezza: non l'hanno potuto tenere. "Vado a casa ad avvertire la mi' mamma!", ha insistito(158). Ora, per sollecitare la fuga dei familiari, li chiama urlando dalla strada, in mezzo al caos della gente che scappa alle sue spalle. Mentre la Lea (Rapo) fuggiva, il boato della seconda bomba, ancora più tremendo della prima, ha fatto volare lontano il cappello del nonno, che si preoccupa di riprenderlo; incrocia la mamma e la sorella Mariolina che stanno correndo verso casa. Tutti insieme rientrano e si rifugiano sotto il letto matrimoniale(159). L'Ornella e la Wilma, abbandonato sul tavolo il vocabolario di latino, sono corse verso la finestra sulla piazza ed hanno visto una colonna di fumo salire dal Tevere(160). Peppino (Baiocco), l'apprendista di Bruno, si è acquattato nell'orto sopra il Tevere, sul retro della trattoria di Ntonio de Ragno; da lì ha visto volare mattoni e pietre della sartoria dove intendeva salire un minuto fa, per riunirsi alla sorella Giulia. Ma era tornato indietro; al rumore degli aerei aveva ripreso il portone per salire; poi era rivoltato di nuovo, proprio nel momento in cui una lasca impressionante aveva fatto sobbalzare tutto. Era fuggito verso piazza dove si stava già diffondendo un gran polverone(161). È il finimondo(162). E una macchia rossa, in alto, / coprì il sole / il cielo gli alberi il fiume / i giochi i volti i sorrisi i baci / i miei occhi / la mia mente(163). Consapevolezza tardiva Alfredo (Ciarabelli) si era diretto in cucina per vedere dalla finestra verso il Corso se era davvero caduto un aereo; quando ha sentito il secondo boato, ancora più grosso, ha capito e non si muove più: è come stordito. Non ricorderà niente di quello che sta per succedere(164). Finalmente tutti hanno capito. Ma ormai nessuno ha più scelte. Chi si trova all'aperto, continua a fuggire a perdifiato, spinto dal terrore. Chi non è già riuscito a guadagnare l'aria oppure, al contrario, ha avuto l'istinto di ripararsi dentro un portone, resta paralizzato dove si trova, aspettando immobile che quest'inferno finisca al più presto(165). Invece è solo l'inizio. La corsa di Brizio (Boldrini) è arrivata sotto la torre(166). Sergio (Celestini), davanti alla Collegiata, ha sentito il babbo chiamarlo dal lato di Via Roma; è corso verso di lui, ma ha proseguito la fuga imboccando il ponte della Regghia verso la piattaforma. Il fronte d'urto della seconda bomba lo ha sbalzato in aria per un salto senza fine; ha l'impressione che gli sia scoppiata dietro le spalle, davanti alla Collegiata(167). Da Peppolètta, si radunano tutti nella cantina scavata sotto il livello della strada, dove il babbo aveva messo anche un'accetta, nel caso fosse stato necessario aprire un varco verso la Regghia'(168). I piloti si sono resi conto di aver mancato l'obiettivo per pochi metri(169). Forse non si rendono conto di aver colpito a morte il Borgo di San Giovanni, che è caduto per la prima volta nella sua storia millenaria: in sacrificio per l'umanità, come Cristo. Terza scarica Il tenente Lombard ripete l'esatta traiettoria del collega che l'ha preceduto. La casa dell'Elena La terza coppia di bombe precipita sibilando; esplode(170) a pochi metri dalla seconda, sulla casa dell'Elena (Boldrini), dove non c'è più nessuno. Saltano in aria le ricevute delle cambiali e le bombe a mano celate nella scatola di scarpe presa in consegna qualche settimana prima, nella convinzione che contenesse solo libri. Gliel'aveva data Tonino (Taticchi), comunista, quando era stato avvertito di un'imminente ispezione da Milio (Ramaccioni), anticomunista ma amico(171). Quarta stazione Gesù incontra sua madre Madre e figlia - la Delma e la Franca - incontrano l a morte, travolte dai detriti, nel fondo dei Fiorucci dove si erano rifugiate(172), mentre fuggivano dalla loro casa di fronte, all'inizio del vicolo di San Giovanni(173). La Delma non ha saputo trarre frutto dagli insegnamenti della mamma Abigaille, capace di interpretare i sogni e prevedere il futuro ai clienti del botteghino del lotto, che gestiva con la sorella Desdemona al Corso(174). Sotto il vicino arco di Fiordo cadono tramortiti a terra Ciocchetta e la Nunziatina(175), i giovani sarti innamorati(176); i loro compagni di fuga - Peppino, Mario e la Rina - senza rendersi conto di cosa possa essere accaduto, storditi ma illesi, li trascinano dentro la porta di un fondo appena spalancata dallo spostamento d'aria(177). La mamma e la sorella di Orlando (Bucaioni), il pescatore di ranocchie, sono fuggite verso il ponte; quando sono state in fondo al vicolo di San Giovanni, la mamma si è rifugiata nel portone di Ciarabelli e la sorella in quello precedente, l'ingresso dell'albergo Capponi. La mamma si è sporta un attimo per controllare se la figlia fosse al sicuro, rimanendo ferita in modo non grave per il crollo della casa dell'Elena(180). Sotto i detriti è rimasta leggermente intrappolata la Tuta (Lozzi), insieme al carretto con la biancheria che stava riportando dal fiume(181). Toto (Antonio Silvestrelli), dopo essersi ripreso dallo stordimento per la seconda bomba, era uscito dal retro della barbieria di Gilì (Virgilio Occhirossi); con gli altri ha cercato di fuggire in Via Spunta verso il ponte, proprio in direzione del nuovo scoppio. Rientrati precipitosamente nella barbieria, sentono un lamento provenire dall'esterno: fra la polvere trovano una fiolina (Giuseppina Mariotti) che piange, accucciata in un cantuccio dove la nonna l'ha fatta riparare (182). Brizio sta girando per la Fontesanta, dietro la casa di Broccatelli(183). I piloti scrivono sul diario di aver colpito i binari appena ad est del ponte: è segno che già non vedono più l'area intorno all'obiettivo(184). Difatti, dalla collina del cimitero è scomparso alla vista il campanone sopra le poste, avvolto dal fumo(185). Quarta scarica Tocca al tenente Mitchell ripetere la traiettoria che ha portato a sfiorare per due volte il ponte; si butta in picchiata, colpendo a pochi metri da dove sono esplose le bombe precedenti, vicino alla testata est. La casa di Moscione Mitchell centra la casa mediana della schiera verso ponente del vicolo di San Giovanni: quella di Peppe de Mosciòne (Bernacchi), operaio alla fornace. Gli ordigni sterminano tutta la sua famiglia: cinque f iglioli - Anna Maria, Raffaele, Benedetto, Valentino, Angela(186) - insieme alla loro mamma, la Sunta(187). "Un gelo s'apprese al loro volo ... e lasciarono cadere le a1i"(188). Erano tutti secchi come filigèlli, forse per costituzione; forse per la miseria. Eppure, nonostante l'apparenza, la donna allattava sia l'Anna Maria, sua figlia, che un altro bimbo, Brunello (Giancarlo Bruni), come balia. Per questo, ogni giorno venivano a prenderla a casa e la portavano di là dal Tevere, per attaccare il figlio di latte al suo seno; cercavano di nutrirla con abbondanza affinché il latte bastasse per entrambi i bambini(189). Le bombe hanno demolito anche le due case adiacenti. In quella verso la piazza, muore un'altra Sunta, la moglie di Selleri, il calzolaio(190). Dopo aver riempito le brocche alla pompa degli archi di piazza, era salita dalla Bruna (Brunori), una vicina di casa. «Quando hanno sentito gli scoppi, si sono buttate entrambe per terra, ma il pavimento è sprofondato sotto di loro(191). Sono precipitate dal terzo piano. La Bruna ha avuto la fortuna che alcune travi, dopo aver attutito la caduta, hanno formato una specie di tetto che l'ha riparata dai calcinacci. Così si è ritrovata nella stalla, vicino alla sua giovane amica ed alla cavalla(192) di Vitorio (Vittorio Giulioni): entrambe morte»(193). Nella casa vicina, ancor più verso piazza, Luciano (Bebi) è entrato nel portone, vedendo che i suoi tardano a scendere. È salito al primo piano e dalla porta grida: "Mamma! Mamma! Fuggi! Teta! Scappàte!"(194). Ma Quadrio è a letto: non se la sentono di lasciarlo solo e l'aiutano ad alzarsi. Intanto suo genero Amleto, il radiotelegrafista, con la freddezza del militare di carriera abituato al pericolo, cerca di portare in salvo verso la torre la suocera, che stava servendo in bottega(195) la Rina de Sciuscìno (Bartoccini)(195). Dalla porta del forno, perché quella della bottega - verso il ponte - è bloccata, scappa la Maria (Migliorati), insieme alla Rina. Mentre corre fra detriti e sassi si accorge che è rimasta senza una scarpa. La Maria vorrebbe dirigersi verso casa, che è vicino alle monache, ma in piazza della Collegiata il bancario Martinelli le dice di andare verso il mercato, non verso la ferrovia, perché è pericoloso(197). Nella casa adiacente a quella di Mosciòne, verso il ponte, muoiono Pasqualino e Angelino, i due figli(198) della Sunta, che la moglie del calzolaio aveva lasciato a letto. Soli, in mezzo al cataclisma, aggrediti dall'orco. La casa di Ulisse Nella casa di fronte, quella di Ulisse, a metà della schiera verso sud del vicolo di San Giovanni, si riversano le macerie delle case dirimpettaie. All'ultimo piano, la mamma Adele ha fatto riparare sotto l'architrave di cucina Gino de Bargiacca (Igino Corbucci), costretto dalla nascita su una sedia. Nel trambusto, il ragazzino si ritrova a terra sotto il tavolo(199). I suoi muscoli atrofizzati si caricano di un'altra croce. Quinta stazione Simone di Cirene aiuta Gesù a portare la croce L' androne a piano terra è pieno di gente, scesa dai piani superiori o entrata da fuori. Vi si è appena rifugiata l'Elda (Bartocci), la sartina di Maccario, che, separatasi dagli altri colleghi, non si sentiva sicura dentro l'albergo Capponi. Proprio sulla soglia ha incontrato la moglie di Paolino, il ferroviere, con la figlia Argentina di quattro anni in braccio ed il trippone con il nascituro; la bambina non riusciva a respirare per la polvere del crollo precedente; allora la mamma Marcella ha deciso di uscire(200) proprio nel momento in cui le case di fronte sono crollate su di loro(201). Anche dentro l'androne di Ulisse (Violini) è arrivata la morte: l'ingegnere romano che stava passeggiando nel vicolo(202), riparatosi lì dentro, è stato scaraventato dallo spostamento d'aria in fondo al piccolo corridoio di fronte al portone(203). La Sandra (Violini), che cuciva nel suo appartamento, era scesa in fondo alle scale - il babbo Ulisse aveva istruito così le figlie - dove ci sono muri e volte robustissimi. Ha visto l'Augusta, un'anziana vicina di casa che si era riparata dentro il portone di fronte, quello dei Brunori, dall'altra parte del vicolo. "Augusta, venite di qua... ch'è più robusto!", le ha detto. "No cocca! A mo' sto di qui!", ha risposto lei(204), un attimo prima di essere seppellita(205). Accanto all'Augusta, un gruppo di persone è sommerso dal crollo dei piani superiori: la Mimma(206), che abita lì dal '34, quando lei ed il marito Astorre (Coletti) erano venuti a casaiòlo lasciando il podere di Palazzone(207); la Cesira (Ceccagnoli), rifugiatasi dentro l'androne insieme all'Adriana (Fileni), che stava accompagnando all'asilo; Bronzone (Antonio Feligioni), sfollato da Milano. 1) Gianna Feligioni 2) Franco Pucci 3) Rolando Fiorucci 4) Giuseppe Feligioni 5) Francesco Martinelli 6) Orlando Bucaioni 7) Luigi Carlini 8) Tita romitelli 9)Domenico Fornaci 10) Francesco Martinelli 11) Mario Tacconi 12) Giuseppe Feligioni, Willelmo Ramaccioni 13) Ramiro Nanni, Come io, Ramiro, vissi il bombardamento… , manoscritto del 1979 14) Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli ed immagine del cruscotto del P40 fornita da Andrea Gragnoli 15) Fabrizio Boldrini 16) Bruno Burberi 17) Antonio Silvestrelli 18) Franco Villarini 19) Nello Minelli 20) Marino Giulietti 21) Pia Gagliardini 22) Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli ed immagine del cruscotto del P40 fornita da Andrea Gragnoli 23) Muzio Venti 24) Egidio Grassini 25) Fabrizio Boldrini 26) Ramiro Nanni, Come io, Ramiro, vissi il bombardamento… , manoscritto del 1979 27) Olimpio Ciarapica, da una poesia del 1952 28) Silvana Bartoccioli 29) Fabrizio Boldrini 30) Maria luisa Rapo 31) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 32) Fabrizio Boldrini 33) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 34) Irma Mariotti, intervista raccolta da Leonardo Tosti il 25 aprile 1994 35) Olimpio Ciarapica, da una poesia del 1952 36) Maria Letizia Giontella, “Poesia a tre voci e tre cori” , Comune di Umbertide, Concorso Nazionale XXV aprile, Centro Culturale San Francesco, 1983 37) Dante Mariucci, testimonianza raccolta dalla nipote Francesca – V elementare - 1985; Franco Mischianti, Renato Silvestrelli, Franco Villarini 38) PRO, London, Operation Record Book, Detail of work carried out by 5 S.A.A.F., 239º stormo aereo “Wing Desert Air Force”, 5º squadrone aereo 39) Orlando Bucaioni 40) Elena Boriosi 41) Olimpio Ciarapica, da una poesia del 1952 42) Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli ed immagine dell’aereo fornita da Andrea Gragnoli 43) Antonio Silvestrelli 44) Orlando Bucaioni 45) Dina Batazzi 46) Ornella Duranti 47) Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli ed immagine dell’aereo fornita da Andrea Gragnoli 48) Lidia Tonanni 49) Bruno Tonanni 50) Fabrizio Boldrini 51) Romano Baldi 52) Domenico Baldoni 53) Italo Lotti, Domenico Manuali, Giovanni Migliorati 54) Cesira Baldelli 55) Irma Mariotti, intervista raccolta da Leonardo Tosti il 25 aprile 1994 56) Lorenzo Andreani 57) Fabrizio Boldrini 58) Franco Anastasi 59) Gianna Burzigotti 60) Bruno Burberi 61) Maria Luisa Rapo 62) Renato Silvestrelli 63) Giovanna Mancini 64) Giorgio Toraci 65) Dante Mariucci, testimonianza raccolta dalla nipote Francesca – V elementare – 1985 66) Italo Ciocchetti 67) Franco Mischianti 68) Umberto Dominici 69) Maddalena Maria Marzani 70) Guerriero Boldrini 71) Orlando Bucaioni 72) Elda Bartocci 73) Ada locchi 74) Adriana e Domenica Cecchetti; testimonianza indiretta del fratello Giuseppe 75) Luigi Gambucci 76) Dina Conti, Luigi Gambucci 77) Giuseppa Ceccarelli 78) Piera Bruni 79) Lidia Corradi 80) Lea Rapo 81) Dora Silvestrelli 82) Renato Silvestrelli 83) Assunta Baruffi 84) Rolando Paneni 85) Ada Locchi 86) Don Luigi Cozzari, lettera per il 1º anniversario, 1945 87) Renato Caseti 88) Elvira Rossi 89) Giancarlo Guasticchi 90) Maria Migliorati 91) Ramiro Nanni, Come io, Ramiro, vissi il bombardamento …, manoscritto del 1979 92) Giovanni Bico 93) Giuseppe Mattioni 94) Francesco Martinelli 95) Domenico Fornaci 96) Giovanna Pazzi 97) Stefano Marsigliotti 98) Marisa Pazzi 99) Emilio Panzarola 100) Lorenzo Andreani 101) Massimo Valdambrini 102) Franco Caldari 103) Ines Guasticchi 104) Rita Tosti (la mamma è morta qualche mese dopo) 105) Giovanna Bottaccioli 106) Lidia Corradi 107) Giovanna Bottaccioli 108) Lidia Corradi 109) Giovanni Duranti 110) Margherita Tosti, manoscritto del 1985 111) Annunziata Caldari 112) Luigi Gambucci 113) Alfredo Ciarabelli 114) Aldo Fiorucci 115) Ines Biti 116) Luciano Ramaccioni 117) Emilio Gargagli 118) Mario Tosti 119) Marcella Casi 120) Egino Villarini 121) Rina Santini 122) Lea Rapo 123) Giuseppe Agea, testimonianza indiretta della figlia Elisabetta 124) Emilio Gargagli 125) Flora Grandi, lettera dell’11 settembre 2003; Franco Mischianti 126) Ines Guasticchi, Franco Mischianti, Egino Villarini 127) Guerriero Massetti 128) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 129) Orlando Bucaioni, Franco Mischianti 130) Flora Grandi, lettera dell’11 settembre 2003; Nella Palchetti Palazzetti 131) Vittime: Giulia Baiocco, Cecilia Boldrini, Giuseppina Grandi, Anna Paola Massetti, Ida Mischianti, Rina Romitelli, Bruno Villarini 132) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 133) Franco Mischianti 134) In alto: Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli In basso: pianta d’Umbertide, con il bersaglio, la fiammata dello scoppio nel punto di caduta della seconda coppia di bombe ed il fumo della prima 135) Vittime: Angelo Mischianti, Luisa Rondini 136) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 137) Vittima: Felicia Montanucci 138) Vera Vibi 139) Anna Caldari 140) Giuseppe Lisetti 141) Vittime: Benedetto Bernacchi, Marianna Manuali 142) Silvano Bernacchi 143) Renato Silvestrelli, Silvana Bernacchi 144) Vittima: Leopolda Sabbiniani 145) Luigi Romitelli 146) Giuseppe Romitelli 147) Antonio Silvestrelli 148) Emma Gagliardini 149) Guerriero Gagliardini 150) Carolina Frati 151) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 152) Giuseppe Rapo 153) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 154-155) Foto gentilmente messa a disposizione da Gianfranco Ciocchetti 156) Elda Bartocci 157) Maria Migliorati 158) Fernanda Martinelli 159) Lea Rapo 160) Ornella Duranti 161) Giuseppe Baiocco 162) Sergio Ceccacci 163) Maria Letizia Giontella, “Poesia a tre voci e tre cori” , Comune di Umbertide, Concorso Nazionale XXV aprile, Centro Culturale San Francesco, 1983 164) Alfredo Ciarabelli 165) Egidio Grassini 166) Fabrizio Boldrini 167) Sergio Celestini 168)Sergio Ceccacci 169) PRO, London, Operation Record Book, Detail of work carried out by 5 S.A.A.F., 239º stormo aereo “Wing Desert Air Force”, 5º squadrone aereo 170) Silvano Bernacchi 171) Fabrizio Boldrini 172) Vittime: Delma Tognaccini, Franca Fagioli 173) Adriana Ciarabelli, Annunziata Fiorucci 174) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 175) Amelia Lozzi 176) Vittime: Annunziata Bendini, Fausto Ciocchetti 177) Giuseppe Rapo 178) Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli. In basso: pianta d’Umbertide, con il bersaglio, la fiammata della terza coppia di bombe ed il fumo di quelle precedenti 179) In alto: Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli. In basso: pianta d’Umbertide, con il bersaglio, la fiammata della quarta coppia di bombe ed il fumo di quelle precedenti 180) Orlando Bucaioni 181) Amelia Lozzi 182) Antonio Silvestrelli 183) Fabrizio Boldrini 184) PRO, London, Operation Record Book, Detail of work carried out by 5 S.A.A.F., 239º stormo aereo “Wing Desert Air Force”, 5º squadrone aereo 185) Domenico Mariotti 186) Vittime: Anna Maria, Raffaele, Benedetto, Valentino Bernacchi, Angelo Palazzetti 187) Vittima: Asssunta Palazzetti 188) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 189) Giancarlo Bruni 190) Vittima: Assunta Caprini 191) Wanda Guardabassi 192) Vittorio Giulioni, testimonianza indiretta di Fernando Marchetti 193) Bruna Brunori, testimonianza raccolta dal nipote Matteo – V elementare – 1985 194) Fernando Martinelli 195) Francesco Martinelli 196) Virginia Tosti 197) Maria Migliorati 198) Vittime: Angelo Selleri, Pasquale Selleri 199) Elisabetta Bellarosa 200) Elda Bartocci 201) Vittime: Marcella Mazzanti, Argentina Merli 202) Vittima: Alfonso Ferrari 203) Margherita Violini 204) Vittima: Augusta Orlandi 205) Margherita Violini 206) Vittima: Giulia Pierotti 207) Rina Alunno Violini THE THIRD WAVE (1) The last four "picchiatelli" must lighten the load, now only ballast that prevents the return to base. Lieutenant Jandrell has decided to keep the Regghia bridge as a target, between the Collegiata and the square, which can still be glimpsed from above. Less and less convinced, the pilots start to unhook their bulky appendages, almost reluctantly. It's 9:53. Ninth discharge The bombs that Lieutenant McLachlan drops - they seem the violins playing "Rapastello" (2) - crash into Via Guidalotti (3). A bomb demolishes the house of Tommasi, the veterinarian (4). Inside is his mother - Sora Rosa, elderly and heavy - who had refused to follow her great-grandchildren with their mother Rachel, fled as soon as they heard the first bombs (5). Sora Checca, her daughter-in-law, remained with her. Afraid of it devices closer and closer, they were facing the window in Via Guidalotti to ask for help. On the road Hamlet was running; he, shocked, had whispered that his family members were already all dead; he had headed the appointment towards the end, under the father-in-law's house Quadrio (6). Finally Sister Rosa was convinced to escape. For the already damaged staircase (7), Sora Checca tried to get off, pulling her mother-in-law by the hand. For the shock wave, the first was ruined by hitting the face on the wall; the second (8) is dead (9). The other bomb stuck, unexploded (12), in front to the adjacent shoe shop, from where Paris (Giovanni Miccioni) he had already fled at the first outbreak, to look for his daughter Peppina at school (13), followed by Peppolétta (Ceccacci) (14). The other two shoemakers had stood still, petrified. The explosion in the house next door sparked inside the shop its tremendous strength. Selleri, seated in front of the work desk, was thrown from the chair e stripped of clothing (15). Tenth station Jesus is stripped The shoemaker is all crevelàto (16). It loses blood from the ears, eyes and body, due to the displacement of air and the rubble (17). His colleague Pierucci, the Carbonaro (18), remained dazed, but unable to move. From inside the Palazzoli barbershop, Menchino (Pucci) he despairs: "Oh God ... I committed it!" (19). It just has saw the bomb hit his representative office building sentance of agricultural machinery, from where he had left when the planes had arrived, to go and taste the usual breakfast: a fried egg (20). Tenth discharge Lieutenant Powell is already in a dive when he notices that the cloud of the last outbreak adjacent to the bridge on the Regghia it has almost completely hidden the objective. Recall the plane ahead of time, resulting in lengthen the trajectory of the bombs. The pair of bombs falls on the rubble of the houses of the hamlet of San Giovanni already demolished: he digs two craters on the mass of debris from the Bucaioni house (21) and resets the amount he was still standing. It is the coup de grace for Selleri's little sons, the shoemaker: they are pulverized. Without realizing what is happening, Peppino (Rapo), the little tailor apprentice who had stayed close to his two wounded comrades, it is covered with rubble up in the chest (23). A few tens of meters, under the bed marriage, her sister Lea cries out: "Mom! Amàzzime you ... don't make me 'mad' from them! "(24). The Borgo di San Giovanni, which has become a hellish volcano, gasps in the last spasms of agony. The bombs, burst at the base of the pre-existing cloud, they do to erupt into the sky a black, gigantic mushroom, above the crater. Towards the Calvary the lens of Doctor Balducci's camera opens, which has reached the fields beyond the Milordìno's house. The image of the dying country is fixed on his film. Eleventh Station Jesus is crucified The third stop Even the bridge in the square cannot be seen anymore from the sky. Lieutenant Jandrell no longer knows what to fish for. Upon returning to the airport from the field of Cutella, he will have to show some scalps in the game bag! He can't go back empty-handed. On the ground, the prolonged silence due to the uncertainty of the squadron once again stimulates to flee. Whoever is in the area of the Collegiata has the feeling that the danger has gone away: the last bomb has gone off inside the historic center, further back than that previous, that from Via Guidalotti had thrown stones all around them. The instinct is to get out of cover. Pierucci, the shoemaker, recovering from his daze, separates from Selleri, who cannot get up from his banquet. He leaves the shop and he goes, swaying like a drunk, towards the tower and the market. From the barbershop in Palazzoli, where he had placed himself under cover, peeps out Franco (Mischianti). He does not hear planes arriving; runs towards the market, passing in front of the still intact octagonal church (26). Elisa (Pucci) follows him, with the hairdresser's white cloth still on her shoulders (27). Many notice her for that unusual outfit, drawing encouragement to imitate her. Palmiro (Santarelli), one of the pupils who remained behind the sacristy of the Collegiate, is convinced: he runs away with her, towards the market (28). Other comrades follow him, taking different directions. Ines (Biti), the clerk of the Fornaci fabric shop, has also decided to flee, who saw Elisa running across the square. He tries to convince Checchina (Fornaci) that it is not necessary to stay indoors, although the vaults of the shop should be safe: "Better outside than under the rubble !!". Calmly, Ines takes off her apron, closes the door with the padlock. Together they run towards the market, with the speed allowed by the shorter leg than the other of the young lady (29). 1) Gianna Feligioni. 2) Lauro Beccafichi. 3) Fabrizio Boldrini. 4) Franco Anastasi, Renato Silvestrelli. 5) Venanzia Riccardini. 6) Paola Banelli. 7) Venanzia Riccardini. 8) Victim: Rosa Boncristiani. 9) Umberto Tommasi. 10) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli and image of the P40 dashboard provided by Andrea Gragnoli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target and the smoke of the bombs already fallen. 11) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the ninth pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 12) Piero Baldelli. 13) Giuseppina Miccioni. 14) Cesare Ceccacci. 15) Victim: Giuseppe Selleri. 16) Orlando Bucaioni. 17) Pompeo Selleri. 18) To Ines Biti. 19) Elisa Manarini. 20) Elisabetta Bartoccioni. 21) Orlando Bucaioni. 22) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi, with cloud derived from the photo by Roberto Balducci, on an image taken from the Photo Library of the Municipal Archives. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the tenth pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 23) Giuseppe Rapo. 24) Maria Luisa Rapo. 25) Bruno Porrozzi, Umbertide in the images, Pro Loco Umbertide Association, 1977, p. 91. Photo Roberto Balducci. 26) Franco Mischianti. 27) Ines Biti, Palmiro Santarelli. 28) Palmiro Santarelli. 29) Ines Biti. THE FOURTH WAVE Now even the bridge in the square has been completely engulfed by the smoke of the bomb that exploded a few meters away. Lieutenant Jandrell has no choice: he decides to aim against the Regghia bridge that leads to Santa Maria. Better than nothing! Eleventh discharge Lieutenant Stubbs obeys the squadron leader: swoops towards the goal, anxious to get rid of the load. The bombs fall in front of the Collegiate Church (1), very close to the target: one remains unexploded, while the other touches the sacristy of Pòngolo, breaking up (2) a clove. A huge crater opens onto the square (3). Don Luigi and his companions startle with fear, for the roar of nearby bombs and the noise deafening of the windows that break and shatter to the ground; the walls of the antisagresty and the house above, collapsing, they darken around them (4). A splinter, shot off by the explosion (5), mows Pierucci, the shoemaker, who was continuing to pace, unsteady, to get away from the Paris shop: he collapses lifeless (6) on the ground towards the tower, near a plant (7). Perhaps, while the bombs were falling, he would have thought about when, in 1921, he was forced under threat of a revolver, shouting: "Long live the Fascio, long live Italy (8). He was the first to suffer the arrogance of fascism and the last to be mowed. The elementary school kids, who were still left behind the Collegiate and the sacristy for the sense of security given by the their bulk (11), are hit by the tremendous crash, very close. The others, who had recently left that shelter, are taken in full from shock wave. Palmiro (Santarelli), blocked in the escape from the noise of the plane in beaten, he protected himself behind a tree trunk in the market (12). Carlo (Porrozzi) has just turned at the corner of Via Roma where Zurli's shop is. It is invested from a huge heat; he feels himself being lifted and catapulted several meters. He falls to the ground, injuring himself at knees (13). Vittorino (Tognaccini) is run over from behind from the blast of the explosion, as he runs towards Uncle Giosuè's tavern (14). Mario (Alpini) is hit in the side by a big guy stone; keep running up the Piaggiola towards the shoe shop - between Piazza delle Erbe and Via Grilli - of the father, who lowered the shutter up almost at the bottom. He went to the market, having seen that from Via Guidalotti one could not pass because they had hit the house near the Busattis (15). Ines (Benizi), who helps the Viglino at home, rides madly towards Piazza Marconi; the Maria Pia is perched on the handlebars; the Lucilla (Corbucci) le chases on foot, recommending to wait for her (16). Maestro Marsigliotti, all dusty for him burst, tries to take cover inside the door of the first house in Via Roma, towards the Regghia (17). A brick has landed on the pot in the kitchen of Via Bremizia, where Ersilia (Cecchetti Pinzaglia) he had put the broth back; he made the lid shine and fell among the boiled meat (18). In the notary's house, his daughter Maria (Zampa Leonardi) and the woman who helps her around the house they went down to the basement to take refuge in a dark basement. Cats around to them, as they did not realize what was happening. The bomb dropped in front of the sacristy shook the house like an earthquake: Maria imagines what oscillation there must have been now on the upper floors, which had already swayed frighteningly under their feet when the first bombs fell, much further away (19). La Dina (Galmacci) arrived at the bottom of the Piaggiola: the blast of air threw her into the door of Palazzo Baglioni; he finds himself without a coat and without shoes (20). The oratorians who watched from Santa Maria were hit with particular violence by the shock wave, which found fewer obstacles than the others in its path; Peppino (Gagliardini), who had leaned out of the ditch just at that moment, went all black (21). Twelfth discharge It is up to Lieutenant Wright to deliver the final blow. The last two bombs hit the house of the Gagliardini (22), even at almost half kilometer from the original goal of the bridge on the Tiber. The shock wave makes theirs fly bed (23) above Mariotti's roof, verso Via Roma (24). In the nearby house of the podestà Guardabassi, at the corner of Via Roma and Via XX Settembre, a little girl is thrown from the terrace inside the flight of stairs: roll up, arrive until the end. The old mayor assures us that those just fallen are the last bombs: maybe he counted the planes and the blasts. You can escape (25). Miss Fornaci and her saleswoman, Ines, they turned the stone cippus round that limits the passage to the market to pedestrians only; when the plane arrived they stooped down behind the wall towards the stream, under the first plant towards the Regghia. The fighter-bomber it rises, with a deafening roar, barely above their heads (26). The blast sent the doors open of the basements of the house where the master Marsigliotti had just found shelter; if it they were just looking for the keys, to take refuge there more safely. Every good thing came into view: lard, oil, flour and other gold, hidden there to escape the clutter. There is no time to think about the famine suffered in the past months, not even in the face of that abundance so close. The tragedy has re-established the scale of values. But for a short time: tomorrow there will be nothing left (27). Menco de Trivilino (Domenico Baldoni) from the post office arrived at the curve of the Marro, towards San Benedetto. As he glances back towards the smoke-filled town, he realizes that the last few pilots have seen nothing; they unhooked blindly. Antonio (Baroni), displaced by Capeccio, runs in the opposite direction in search of his mother who had gone to the center of the town wounded to death (29). Roberto Balducci has moved further towards the pine forest of Civitella. Photograph the last newborn mushroom, which emerges next to the pre-existing gigantic cloud (30) already dilated. It is the symbol of our ordeal. It's 9:54 am. The agony of the Borgo di San Giovanni was consumed in nine minutes (31). The heart of our country has been erased (32): it has now become a tomb. Twelfth Station Jesus dies on the cross Jesus died again: on the Calvary of St. John, next to dozens of crosses from which as many victims of ignorance, selfishness and violence dangle. The sun went out and darkened on the earth. Final strafing The rumbling of the bombs stopped. The silence that replaces them sharpens the feeling of deafness. From the temporary shelters on the outskirts, people come out who had not managed to escape: only now do they feel like doing so, encouraged by the absence of explosions. Man gradually regains possession of his rational abilities, overcoming the unconsciousness of the animal instinct. The primal terror experienced in the midst of the storm, in the eye of the storm, is gradually taking over, along with awareness, fear and dismay. From the Santa Croce area they all pour towards the Caminella and the Tiber; they instinctively lie down on the ground near Baldino, who is deaf and has not realized what is happening. He looks astonished at that stream of desperate people pouring towards the river, asking himself repeatedly aloud: "Ma ndu'va all these people?!" (33). Many crouch in a ditch full of nettles, without feeling the slightest discomfort. To get further away from hell, they climb over the embankment that separates them from the neighboring farmer - Secondo - while the low-flying planes still pass, strafing. A boy rolls to the ground and pretends to be dead (34). The final strafing is not a surprise for the pilot colonel Bice Pucci who, shortly before, in directing people to the Tiber, had recommended to Lidia (Tonanni): "Take off your red shirt ... after the machine gun bombardment ... "(35). In the bullfight of Piazza San Francesco the roles have been reversed: it is the sacrificial bulls who wear the muleta to incite the matadors. The red robe has also become a further concern for Vera (Vibi); if it is thrown on before going down - with yes and one shoe - along the pile of rubble which, from the terrace on the first floor of her house, slopes down to the street. She managed to support her mother (36), partially paralyzed, in her nightgown. While they are machine-gunning, he goes towards San Francesco, up to the Caminella, where he makes his mother sit under a tree (37). The crackling of the machine guns that followed the explosions of the bombs (38) is a further scar. At the Filippi furnace, at the bottom of the Piaggiola, they hear the gusts (39). Romolo (Romitelli), the tinsmith, swears: "Listen to these filthy ... they also machine guns!" (40). If it makes sense, in the inhuman logic of war, to destroy a bridge - and whoever has the misfortune of being nearby - with the aim of harming the enemy, it really has no justification for raging against defenseless people. Some foiled have the courage to justify everything: war is war. The planes leave Five or six planes, before leaving, go to the Hornbeam to unload some shiny objects. "Oh my God! ... they are bombing again!", The seminarians looking out from the Montone wall scream in dismay, before realizing that they are tanks (41). «Also in Monestevole, between the houses of Palombi and Ferranti, two planes, zigzagging in the sky, drop two large envelopes. As soon as they are unhooked, they look like bottles to the kids on top of the Valcinella toppétto. They believe they are bombs. They plug their ears, but as soon as they touch the ground they raise a small cloud of dust; there is a muffled thump, not a pop. The distance is considerable, but they run to see. In their pre-adolescent minds, this is a day of wonders, of celebration. They run from one hill to another, as if exalted. And it is not their discouragement or bewilderment; on the contrary, they feel the sweet sensation of being the protagonists of unusual and, in their own way, heroic events. Perhaps in Umbertide there will also be some dead; but they are not affected in their affections. The country is far away, stranger. Eight kilometers, in their eyes, are one stellar distance. Sweaty, out of breath, here they are where did those two big envelopes, close by to the house of Pulcinelli. They find two soldiers on the spot fascists, who, having found that it is empty containers, they leave again; but first they shoot you with the gun a few shots, perhaps to poke around thickness of the metal. The kids have the green light for watch. They are strange, very elongated, armed stems of pipes, electric wires, unions. They can contain a few quintals of gasoline. Maybe even more. The comments are wasted. Tonino says: "But these English have had judgment ... the drums did not drop them where they are grazing beasts, but here where there is nothing ". The petrol scattered around puts you in a good mood. It seems to smell the threshing. It is indeed a day of wonders "(42). Airplanes make a final low-flying turn (44) to check what happened; maybe they try disgust for having broken the quiet of those brown roofs of ancient, and the idyllic texture of those lace of vines stretched out among the stuccoes on the fields. Finally, get rid of any ballast - even the weights on the conscience - take a ride, all together, for, regain altitude. Then, in single file they disappear southwards, behind Montecorona (45). The fly-blind game is over. Umbertide is all landed (46). From this moment they will be remembered as "the twelve apostles" (47). Strange apostles, who have fulfilled their mission - of death or of freedom? - leaving 67 dead, three dying (48) and thousands of survivors with the death in the soul, scattered along the Calvary of San Giovanni. It's 5:10 am. The line of red-billed peregrine falcons points south. Perhaps he blushed more: from the shame of the evil they have sown. Doves crouched under the foliage of Elceto "hold the olive branch between their beaks that they cannot bring back to town after the flood: the time has not yet come for them to take off again. The Kittyhawk enterprise will not go down in history as a stage of progress: of course, the Wright brothers did not imagine the exploits of their great-grandchildren! In the flight diary the pilots note: "239 Stormo Wing DesertAir Force, 5th Air Squadron Operation no. 225 of 25 April 1944 A bomb narrowly missed the central section of the bridge to the north. A bomb narrowly missed the eastern access of the bridge to the south. A bomb hit the railroad tracks in the east access area of the bridge, interrupting the line. The other bombs fell in the inhabited area to the west of the country, east of the bridge. Leave seven houses on fire. Light anti-aircraft shots from Perugia airport [Sant'Egidio]. Visibility: haze Total flight time: 26 00 hours ". This is all for the war technicians: terribly little for those who have suffered, helpless, their exhibition. But war is also a drama for the pilots. Several of them, who are bringing death, will lose their lives in other missions (49); like Lieutenant Facer, who is about to expire after being shot down, just the day before yesterday, in the Fabriano sky. Others will see the end in the face, managing to escape it by a miracle, like Captain Pienaar, who in three months, on August 15, 1944, will live a bad adventure. At 4:41 pm, he will take off on a mission with his navigator, Lt. AR Lockhart-Ross. Arriving a few kilometers north-east of Lechfeld, at 9150 meters above sea level, he will veer left and right to ensure there is no danger. It will dive at 90 degrees towards Gunzburg-Leipheim airport, near the Danube, a few kilometers from Ulm. Suddenly it will frame a twin-engine aircraft fast approaching its tail in the rearview mirror. Pushed to the maximum the power, it will release the tanks of long range in order to exploit to the maximum the superior speed of its "Mosquito"; it will begin to turn to starboard rather than port, as is normally done when aiming for the target. As soon as this maneuver starts, it will suffer fire from the 30 mm cannon of the German plane, from a distance of about 120 meters. Captain Pienaar will see pieces of his plane fly away. Hit on the left aileron and rudder, his "Mosquito" will have a sudden deviation and will begin to spiral under the acceleration of gravity. The pilot will try to recall the aircraft, but the jammed valves will not respond to commands. When the attacker has approached 500 meters at very high speed, he will not be able to tack to starboard. Subjected to no less than a dozen unsuccessful attacks by the Messerschmitt 262, at extraordinary speed, Pienaar will see it rise and disappear against the sun each time. Fortunately, the navigator will be able to identify the route of the German plane from a trail of white vapor left behind. With the strength of desperation the South African pilot will dive into a large cumulus cloud, managing to disappear from the sight of the German. For 40 minutes the life of the two men inside the "Mosquito" will hang by a thread. With all the instruments out of order, they will be able to fly over the Alps by just 150 meters. Despite the blocked valves, the broken radio, the useless landing gear, the plane will be able to land on its belly in Udine, with only 67 liters of fuel in the tank, enough for seven minutes of flight. Pienaar and Lockhart-Ross, will be decorated for the extraordinary feat (50). But also the pilots of the 5th squadron who, like him, will return home safely will be victims of the war. Not only for the time they will have spent in lands far away from their country and from their loved ones. Afflicted by hardships and fears. Kind to obey the orders of others, perhaps without sharing them, perhaps without understanding them, perhaps without even asking the problem of judging the effects of their actions. They will also be victims for the time they will have to live, if they reflect on the terrible tragedies caused by their raids; if they imagine the victims' judgment. Who knows if any of them, even at this moment, during the flight back to Base Camp will turn a thought to those ants who are now chaotically crossing, as if mad, around the coordinates of the target? You / soldier of the night / who go / from one border of a country to another / from shore to shore / from river to river / listen ... (51) . Chances are they have neither the time nor the inclination - poor pilots! - to listen to our laments, while they are risking their lives, hanging from those trabiccoli. They are certainly not dabbling in pleasure flights. Lieutenant MWV Odenaal will be scanning the horizon to identify as soon as possible if another plane will go up, in attack action, from Perugia airport, like the Bf 110 of three weeks ago. Passing over Spoleto, they will all turn a thought to Lieutenant DR Barret, their companion whom they saw plunging towards death, on his first and last mission. Lieutenant Stubb, flying over the Rieti airport, will experience the bad feeling of last April 8 when, with his plane hit, he returned with his heart in his throat to the base. Two days later the same thing happened to him during a raid on a bridge. He and Captain Odenaal were hit by anti-aircraft. Not to mention Captain Spies who, not even a month ago, was forced to make a crash landing and spent a couple of weeks avoiding falling into the hands of the Germans. In short, there is no one among them who has not recently had nasty surprises: it is unlikely that there is room within their conscience to worry about others. It is likely that they are concerned only with avoiding attacks and arriving safely on the ground, in time to have lunch. They are not posing any problems above all because they are the last wheel of a perverse mechanism, forced to obey a distant, invisible engine. The gear cannot oppose the motion of the system: it cannot think, decide. He has no conscience; therefore it has no responsibility. It is the perverse engine that is primarily responsible; when it was started, no one can stop it until it has overwhelmed and crushed everything and everyone, in a pulp of flesh and blood, where nothing is more recognizable and judgeable. Every single tragedy is the inevitable result of the state of war: of every war, at any time. Because war is the negation of civilization, of law, of values, of feelings. In addition, to make its effects even more perverse are the soldiers and their infernal machines, which make mistakes and fail more often than you think. Violence is seldom efficient: evil cannot give birth to good. For completely opposite reasons, even the inhabitants of Fratta today have no time to think about anything else: they have to save their skin and bury the dead. But in the future, coldly, they will look for the reasons for too many inexplicable facts: the bombs scattered over the country, without any apparent logic; the trajectory of the dive, which crossed the inhabited center; the final strafing; the seven houses on fire, helpless, strategically insignificant, flaunted as macabre booty in the flight log of the raiders. Victims will be able to interpret these absurdities as the result of Lieutenant Jandrell's eagerness to show that he managed to do some damage to make a career; at the cost of telling some bombs. But they can also think the worst: the choice of fatal trajectories for civilians, the scattered bombs, the machine guns against the flies, the trophy of the burning houses could be the signs of an abominable terrorist bombing (54)! The fundamental rule of the war right to preserve the safety of civilians could appear to be circumvented. If that had been the case, all twelve apostles would have betrayed Jesus - humanity - by becoming accomplices in his crucifixion. Twelve Judas! With the mitigating factor - for individuals - of having acted without their own will and, in any case, not on their own initiative. April 25, / day of pretended glories, / of questionable and non-existent magnitudes for many, / day of upheaval, grief and ruin for others. / The helpless and defenseless country. / Death, rushing and hissing from the sky, / is satisfied in a few moments, / with an orgy of the blood of innocent victims. / A black cloud has enveloped Umbertide. / When the impiety has ceased / heaps of ruins / have obliterated hearths, houses / and many friends and people. ... like shadows they vanished / from a reality that was yesterday / and now no longer exists. / They were men, who wanted to live / who would have done without war / and the glories and manias of the Nation. / They have been erased for the mistakes of others / for the drunkenness of greatness of a wrong society / which reduces men to slaves and defenseless / without care of their intentions, / freedom and will (55). 1) Fabrizio Boldrini. 2) Emma Gagliardini. 3) Roman Children. 4) Don Luigi Cozzari, letter for the 1st anniversary. 5) Cesare Ceccacci, Renato Silvestrelli. 6) Victim: Antonio Alunni Pierucci. 7) Umberto Tommasi. 8) Francesco Pierucci, 1921/22 - Fascist violence and crimes in Umbria, Caldari Typography, Umbertide, 1975, p. 42. 9) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli, with an image of the P40 dashboard provided by Andrea Gragnoli. Below: Umbertide plant, with a still different target and the smoke of bombs already dropped. 10) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the eleventh pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 11) Avellino Giulianelli, Domenico Manuali. 12) Palmiro Santarelli. 13) Carlo Porrozzi. 14) Vittorio Tognaccini. 15) Mario Alpini. 16) Maria Pia Viglino. 17) Franco Villarini. 18) Maurizio Pucci. 19) Maria Zampa. 20) Dorina Galmacci. 21) Warrior Gagliardini. 22) Saints Improved. 23) Warrior Gagliardini. 24) Emma Gagliardini. 25) Ornella Bellarosa. 26) Ines Biti. 27) Franco Villarini. 28) Bruno Porrozzi, Umbertide and its territory , Pro Loco Umberride Association, 1983, p. 73. 29) Domenico Baldoni. 30) Giuseppe Lisetti. 31) Ramiro Nanni, Like I, Ramiro, I experienced the bombing. .., manuscript from 1979. 32) Elena Boriosi. 33-34) Amedeo Faloci. 35) Lidia Tonanni. 36) Giuseppe Lisetti. 37) Vera Vibi. 38) Silvano Bernacchi. 39) Giorgio Toraci. 40) Bruno Burberi. 41) Luigi Braconi. 42) Mario Bartocci, manuscript from 1986. 43) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant covered entirely by the smoke of the exploded bombs. 44) Luigi Braconi. 45) Fabrizio Boldrini, Luigi Braconi. 46) Amelia Picciolli. 47) Bruno Tonanni. 48) Registry of the municipal registry. 49) Letter from Lieutenant Mitcbell to Mario Tosti dated March 1986. Beautiful works! , Municipality of Umbertide, 1995, p. 53. 50) MJ Martin, Neil D. Orpen, South African Forces World War II ; Eagles victorious: operations of 'the South African Forces, Air ops in Italy , Cape Town, Purnell, 1977. 51) Maddalena Rosi, "You", National Competition 25th April , Municipality of Umbertide and S. Francesco socio-cultural center, 2002. 52) PRO: Public Record Office, London, Operation Record Book, Detail of work carried out , SAAF, 239th "Wing Desert Air Force", 5th air squadron; Taken from: Mario Tosti (curator), Beautiful works !, Municipality of Umbertide, 1995, p. 50. 53) Edda Vetturini, "Memories of wartime (Bastia Umbra 1940/45)", Proceedings - Properziana del Subasio Academy - Assisi, Series VI n. 22, 1994. 54) Sante Migliorati, Egino Villarini. 55) Olimpio Ciarapica, from a poem of 1952. La terza e quarta ondata THE FIRST STOP The last plane of the first quartet has rejoined the others, who continue to turn above Romeggio. They delay (1), to evaluate the result of the attack and reflect on what to do. The hurricane of piercing hisses, followed by explosions (2), momentarily subsided. It's 9:46. Brizio (Boldrini), having arrived at the market, at the corner of Broccatelli's house, turn towards the Fontesanta. He turns, looking towards the center: behind the fortress, a large, gray, dense cloud has swallowed other bombs which inflate it, spreading it over the town. He feels the need to sit down: his legs begin to tremble; slowly he catches his breath (3). Sitting on the side of the road, the desperate Lina (Foni Roselletti) cries, screams, invokes her hired husband: "Teo is in the square!". They try to console her, assuring her that there were no cars in the square (4). The archpriest, Don Luigi, curled up in the corridor towards the sacristy of the Collegiate, listens, wondering in terror if the sequence of bomb blasts - fallen, now near and far - is over (5). La Cesira (Romitelli), who had escaped from the Quadrio oven at the first outbreak, had thrown herself to the ground at each dive, as her son had suggested (6); now she runs quickly home. In the same way Menco de Traversino (Domenico Traversini) flees by the tree; he had dropped the spade in the garden of Sor Dino (Ramaccioni) and had fled towards the station, throwing himself to the ground at the arrival of each hiss and resuming running after the explosion. He is headed for the Migno-Migno, where he recently married his wife (7). A safer refuge Franco del Capoguardia (Anastasi) noted that the pairs of bombs fall at regular intervals, of about thirty seconds one from the other (8); after three blows he deduced that, if the neighbor had spared him, he would have had time to flee towards the tower. Thirty seconds have lasted three hours since then. Hearing the last boom not far away, he fled from the Duty Office in Via Guidalotti to the tower, followed by all the others (9). Even the receiver was convinced, thinking: "The heads of all the people who flee, certainly think more than mine alone (10)". They were lucky, because they decided to escape at just the right time, during the truce. The silence between one bomb and the next, more prolonged than the previous ones, pushes anyone who has been blocked by that hellish noise outdoors: whoever can escape by the shortest route towards the air and the light. Others are looking for a safer place. Tommasi, from the stationery shop below, yells at Ornella (Duranti) and Wilma (Borri) to get off, to take refuge in the vaulted room on the ground floor. The two girls obey, although Sora Checca (Duranti) had for some time instructed her daughter, showing her the main wall where to take shelter (11). Escape from the crater In the post office they are all crowded in front of the exit: customers, employees and the Ceccarellis. La Menchina della Posta (Domenica Burzacchi Lotti), mindful of her husband's recommendation to take shelter as soon as possible in a place covered by vaults or arches or architraves, runs away towards the vault of Via Grilli (12). The Ceccarellis run out in the opposite direction, towards the Collegiate. Gigetto (Gambucci) instead stops; he rethought the special package containing the money for the salaries of the masters (13), which Peppe della Fascina (Giuseppe Venti) brought with the cart from the station to the post office (14); climbs the stairs to close the safe (15). Outside the Quadrio oven, the people flee towards the square, extricating themselves among the debris that clutter the road: they are almost mad. Maria (Guasticchi Feligioni) - she does not imagine that her husband, Bronzone, is buried a few meters from her - desperately asks for help to get the old Lazzaro de Botaciólo down the stairs, in whose house she had been housed together with her displaced family from Milan. He sees a friend of his pass - Baldo (Ubaldo Gambucci) - who, in the midst of all that confusion, does not hear it (16). Panic has taken over; everyone becomes deaf, even in the brain, responding to the instinct of survival. Upstream (17) Luciano (Bebi) went down the stairs to check that the way out remains free; precedes the mother who is slow to follow him. The door is stuck. From the street Amleto, the radio-telegraph naval marshal yells at him to open the door: "Open ... open ... (18)". From the inside, Luciano replies that he can't do it, because something has fallen that blocks the exit (19). Meanwhile, Quadrio's daughters try to escape from the back in their nightgowns (20); Father hears their cries for help. He calls all the Saints, but no one answers (21). The radio operator hears screams coming from the next door, towards the square. They are the Capucìni - the parents and their daughter Lidia (Mariotti) - who have come down from the upper floors in flames and beg to open. The door is stuck. Finally Hamlet manages to force the opening; accompanies them through the arch of Via Mancini and the arches of the slaughterhouse in the square (22) to put them all in via Alberti (23), up to the Rocca (24). A blond boy (Umberto Bellarosa), who was fleeing from the "Tiberina" towards the Collegiate Church, arrived in front of Reggiani, could not resist returning home, upstream, in Via Mancini. Look under the arch: the old woman de Piandàna, with the bread table on her head, goes here and there like a sleepwalker, in the midst of the dust that obscures everything (25). Giovannino (Migliorati) also had the instinct to return to his house, in front of the nuns, after abandoning the teacher and his companions who fled in the opposite direction, towards the station. When he turns towards Via Spoletini, someone pushes him inside the door of the house before the level crossing (26). Nina and her husband, Valentino (Ciammarughi), were working the field near the Ramaccioni, near the Tiber. When the bombs arrived, the first thought was to go to the nuns' kindergarten, a few tens of meters from home, where Pierina, the daughter, was. They ran across the field to rejoin the child. Arriving at the school garden net, he can't get over it because of how upset he is; his wife gives him some insult as he climbs the net which, under the weight of both of them, lies down to the ground letting them pass. They immediately see their daughter walking towards them, completely calm, not at all frightened by the noise and confusion (28). Instead, a little fiery with red hair (Fausto Fagioli) cries and cries, because his mother has not come to get him: it almost seems that he has the presentiment of having lost her, together with his sister Franca (29). Even Linda (Guardabassi), when the hum of the airplanes became more insistent, fled in the middle of the fields towards the nuns' kindergarten where she had left her daughter. For the great fear of the bombs dropped above her head, when she found herself in front of the Carbonaro gorge she went straight and overtook it with a jump. Arriving at the kindergarten, Imperia sua is not found, until she escapes from under Sister Adele's skirt, where she has found ample refuge (30). Escape from the periphery From the outskirts of the historic center everyone flees to the countryside. The Boca and Spinelli do not feel safe under the counter in the cyclist's closet. They go out to flee to the countryside. The first starts running towards Peppolétta, with his head down; he notices a fountain pen on the ground but does not pick it up, remembering that at school they taught that it can disguise a bomb (33). The second, who runs away next to him, at the height of the road that leads from Via Roma to the station, because of his speed he cannot avoid a cyclist - Cannéto (Ruggero Bartolini) - who is shouting: "Oh God i mi 'fiulini !! ". Both of them tumble to the ground. Nearby the General (Mario Giornelli), standing on his chariot, whips the mule towards the countryside. Ennio (Montagnini) and Santino (Migliorati), who took shelter behind the wall of the house of the teacher Checca, call Spinelli (Renato Silvestrelli). "Lie down like the rest of us and lie on your stomach". He obeys, trying to take the position they taught in school (34). Umberto (Dominici) flees to the mechanic's shop in Peppino (Rondoni), at the beginning of Via Roma, where his younger brother Claudio works; takes him by the hand; together they run towards the Regghia joining the multitude of terrified people who pour into the countryside (35). The tide becomes more and more impressive (36). The terror is so immense that the wife of Misquicqueri (Nello Migliorati), who ran away from home with her daughter Francesca a few months old wrapped in a blanket, only when she stopped towards the Roccolo, out of breath for the race, she realized that she had lost his creature on the street. Desperate, she retraces the journey backwards until she finds it, on the ground: there are no bombs capable of detaining her (37). It went better for Maurizio, by a year. All frightened, he was wrapped in a cloth by his sister - Gianna (Feligioni), a young seamstress - who carries him in her arms running along the Piaggiola towards the market (38). Adriana (Ciarabelli), who was surprised by the bombs inside the restaurant of Ntonio de Ragno (39), escapes along the same road. He joins the crowd running towards the Madonna del Giglio, where Nellino de Pajalunga's father cries, despairing because his mules have escaped (40). Many people covered in dust and bloody arrive at the ditch of Santafede (41). Each small street is swarming with people who arrive, out of breath and shocked, from the square and the market (42). Maria and Santina de Pistulino (Tosti) are all white, candid, from dust (43). Little Luciana de Zùmbola (Sonaglia) was thrown to the ground by a blast of air. She is hurt, but the fear is stronger than the pain: she gets up and, turning back, she sees a large white cloud towards the square (44). Celso (Mola) reached the top of the Roccolo hill: he ran along the Regghia, through a green wheat field two palms high, with a short white nightgown; he tried to crouch down to hide his intimacies, but each subsequent outburst dissolved his modesty and pushed him to other sgalànci (45). From the station area, a girl runs away along the road of the oaks that leads in the direction of the pine forest, up to the Navarri farm. Following his father's instructions, he put the gold chains in his pocket and loaded the ham on his shoulder. He throws himself into the ditch where Marino de Caldaro has his work to do to force his wife Maria to crouch: she wants to keep her head up to look, without realizing that the ants are invading her (46). Rolando del Buffè, who had fled with his mother from the station, has already arrived at Caldarelli's house (47). Powerless from the periphery From the outskirts we witness, helpless, the agony of the country devastated by the blazes and the red-hot winds of its convulsions. Roberto Balducci, the doctor, has fled from his house near the station, towards the fields, in the direction of Civitella; he took his camera, sensing that the most terrible tragedy in the history of the country is unfolding. Massimo (Valdambrini), a child sheltered between the two crags where the Cupa is collected towards Pinzaglia and Navarri, is still speechless for the tremendous spectacle just interrupted: the hisses of the bombs that hurt the ears and the brain, the crashes of the explosions that they made everything tremble; the whistles of the splinters that reached up there; the shades and the planks that flew in the air (48). "Keep your head down!", Repeatedly recommend teachers to schoolchildren who have repaired in the small trenches dug in the lawn behind the elementary schools (49). Next to them Bruno de Chiocca (Tarragoni), who has come out of the school where all his companions have remained, peers in the direction of the square, embracing the trunk of the walnut that shelters him (50). From the church of Santa Maria the boys of the oratory watch astonished, crouched in the ditch between the football pitch and the house of Pippo del Caporale (Renato Caporali). Don Giovanni (Dottarelli) had them repaired below the edge of the field, recommending that they lie down with their stomach raised off the ground (51). Every now and then they take a look at the town that disappears more and more, in the midst of clouds of dust. Guerriero de Schiupitìno (Gagliardini) looks with binoculars; his brother Peppino felt the ends of his hair brushed by the movement of the air of the bombs (52) that sparkled and rotated before falling (53). From the loggia on the hill, other children enjoy the show, heedless of the anguished faces of adults (54). The Simoncini girls who escaped from the goodwill took shelter of a crag for a while; Zina (Corbucci) instead has crouched in the middle of a field and someone yells at her to move from there, because they could see her. They take them into the stable of Secondo, a farmer near the Tiber. Professor Ciangottini says to stay calm and to pray: then they begin to say the Hail Mary, all together, aloud, or only within themselves (55). Other boys of the same school, who escaped through the arch of Piazza San Francesco, sought shelter behind the embankments and in the holes of the sand miners, to admire the planes from safety as they swooped down from Civitella, dropped the bombs and went up to Corvatto , veering towards Montalto to rejoin all the others (56). Rodolfo (Panzarola), on the other hand, realizes that the show is the most tragic thing that can happen; he feels anguish and anger for this havoc against his country (57). Emilio (Baldassarri) does not go for the thin and fords the river at a run, to run home towards the Niccone (58). In his house in Piazza San Francesco, in front of the school, a boy is not at all afraid; he would like to see what happens, but his mother does not intend to leave the cellars of Ciammarughi, where they took refuge after hearing the loud noise and the stone-throwing on the roof. The son, impatient and eager to see, tries to convince her with a subtle blackmail: "Yes, I die [if I die], it's your fault!". He won it: they go out. When they arrive at the Caminella, they find a group of Neapolitans screaming like obsessed (59). Ermelinda (Rondoni Valdambrini) prays behind the bank of Secondo: she is quite right! She must thank God for being able, when she heard the first blow, to escape like a hare from the tobacconist's in the square, where she had gone to buy salt: the second bomb fell behind her, as she ran over the Regghia bridge. towards Piazza San Francesco. As soon as she crouched behind the shelter, she heard the whistle of a splinter that crashed to the ground, touching her head (60). From Ceramiche Rometti, Pietro (Corgnolini), a sixteen-year-old boy, saw the planes circling in a row, one after the other, swooping down on the town from the east and, in the ascent after the dive, disappear behind the flames and clouds of smoke rising to the sky after the explosion. He is not afraid: he is not realizing what is happening and what effects may follow (61). Rina had prepared the cake for breakfast, at the Palazzone farm, near the Gamboni lock; he was dusting it from the ashes on the loggia, summoning the men who were hoeing the grass in the garden. At the sound of planes and bombs, she ran to the window on the opposite side of the house to look toward the center. He witnesses the collapse in dismay (62). Don Luigi is standing at the door of the sacristy (63). He has looked out to scrutinize the movements of the planes, but immediately withdraws when he hears them approaching again (64). The archpriest does not imagine that they are called Kitryhawk, "peregrine falcons": he would shudder at the mere thought that a bird of prey could be attributed the qualities of a pilgrim. The train that was coming from Pierantonio stopped shortly after the toll booths on the straight. It is full of people: in addition to the students there are people heading to a fair in the Upper Tiber. Everyone rushed out; the crowd was such that someone broke the windows to get out. A carabinieri marshal has stationed himself on a stack of crossbeams: pathetically points in the air a "91-38 musket with fixed bayonet" towards the planes that are turning again from the top of Montecorona to strike towards the center of Umbertide, almost in the direction parallel to the straight (65). In fact, the squadron has made its decision: another quartet of steel birds, each with its own pair of 500-pound bombs (66), is about to rage, taking over from the one who has just returned to formation. 1) Luigi Gambucci. 2) Candido Palazzetti, Umbertide , Scholastic Patronage, Umbertide, 1958. 3-4) Fabrizio Boldrini. 5) Don Luigi Cozzari, letter for the 1st anniversary. 6) Tita Romitelli. 7) Domenico Traversini. 8) Franco Anastasi, Ramiro Nanni, How I, Ramiro, lived the bombing .... 1979 manuscript. 9) Franco Anastasi. 10) Luigi Gambucci. 11) Ornella Duranti. 12) Italo Lotti. 13) Luigi Gambucci. 14) Muzio Venti. 15) Luigi Gambucci. 16) Ines Guasticchi. 17) Giovanni Migliorati. 18) Adriana Fileni. 19) Francesco Martinelli. 20) Linda Micucci. 21) Adriana Fileni. 22) Domenico Mariotti. 23) Warrior Boldrini. 24) Lidia Mariotti. 25) Umberto Bellarosa. 26) Giovanni Migliorati. 27) Photo kindly made available by Adriana Fileni. 28) Piera Ciammarughi. 29) Concetta Mariotti. 30) Linda Micucci. 31-32) Photo kindly made available by Adriana Fileni. 33) Bruno Advantages. 34) Renato Silvestrelli. 35) Umberto Dominici. 36) Luigi Carlini. 37) Anna Migliorati. 38) Gianna Feligioni. 39) Adriana Ciarabelli. 40) Emilio Gargagli. 41) Ada Locchi. 42 Luciana Sonaglia. 43) Italo Lotti. 44) Luciana Sonaglia. 45) Graziella Gagliardini. 46) Anna Bartocci. 47) Rolando Fiorucci. 48) Massimo Valdambrini. 49) Maria Duranti. 50) Bruno Tarragoni Alumni. 51) Giorgio Pacciarini. 52) Giuseppe Gagliardini. 53) Willemo Ramaccioni. 54) Angelo Chiavini. Testimony taken from Yesterday, today ... the thread of memory , Lucignolo Aggregation Center - Committee of Memory, Umbertide, 2003. 55) Margherita Tosti, manuscript of 1985. 56) Giuseppe Golini. 57) Rodolfo Panzarola. 58) Giuseppe Golini. 59) Mario Destroyed. 60) Ermelinda Rondoni. 61) Pietro Corgnolini. 62) Rina Alunno Violins. 63) Maria Migliorati. 64) Don Luigi Cozzari, letter for the 1st anniversary. 65) Rolando Tognellini. 66) Ramiro Nanni, How I, Ramiro, lived the bombing ... , manuscript of 1979. THE SECOND WAVE (1) The clouds of dust raised by the first four bombs, falls north of the longitudinal axis of the bridge, yes moved to the south-east, pushed by a slight north wind; have risen right on the most critical point of the dive. Neither the railway bridge nor those of the national road on the Tiber and on the Regghia. The pilots, who they could see them clearly when they arrived now they can only picture them under the blanket of smoke. For hit the target should go into it: a leap into dark. Too risky! You have to give up any big target of the national road. Lieutenant Jandrell is irritated: he has failed his own mission on the last day he wanted to wear a success as Commanding Officer of Base Camp. Command to fall back on a new goal, even of minor importance, as long as it is visible (2): the bridge over the Regghia that connects the square to the Collegiata. Fifth discharge Captain Spies, in a wide circle, went over the Serra, where does the dive start. Ramiro has come to the smooth [on the edge] of the farmhouse Fontesanta; thinks the squadron commander delayed the continuation of the attack because he has saw many people running away (3). But this concern is perhaps incompatible with the precautions that pilots they must have to protect their skin (5). The fighter-bomber drops black, similar things beak-tailed suppositories (5), which strike the wing east of the post office building. La Ines (Biti), left the shelter of the conservatory buzzo in the shop of Rosina de Pistulìno (Tosti), it was barely returned to the Fornaci fabric shop. He was about to take the bag and the keys from the desk to close the shop and leave, despite the refusal of Miss Francesca (Fornaci), the Checchina. From behind the glass door towards the square, he sees the post building collapse: it is hit by a very strong explosion, a terrible gust and a lot of smoke (9). The corner between the square and the alley of San Giovanni crumbles, burying Galen, the barber, the foreign customer and the two apprentices Peppini: fiolo de Poggione (10) and `l Roscìno (11), blond, curly, with the serum above the cheekbones (12), which after a few moments followed the fate of Fausto, the elder brother who wanted to go to his aid (13). All the people present in the affected building had just come down the stairs from the floors above the barbershop (14). Italo's mother (Grandolini) is missing, who went to mass (15). There is Lina (Violini), a mathematics student in Pisa, with her father Severino; the shock wave makes her heart burst. The father, protected by a beam, feels the desperate grip of his daughter (16) who expires embraced at his ankles (17). Lodina (Donnini), the wife of the head of the bank's office, came down from the mezzanine floor together with her children - the youngest child in her arms and the other by the hand (18) - and Maria (Giovannoni), a young girl who 'helps around the house. The children die immediately (19), close to the mother, who remains almost unharmed. The girl is thrown under Lina's body (20). In the central part of the building still standing, Gigetto (Luigi Gambucci) was climbing towards the safe of the Post Office; in front of him the bombs, which fell very close, have ripped from hinge a stair window, which is ruined on the landing. Everything has gone black; dark full. It is the darkness of death that in that at the same moment he grabbed his father Baldo (Ubaldo Gambucci) (21), a few tens of meters. For a moment he was unable to take that step in more than he has rescued one of his mates escape, around the corner of Via Stella. His watch was blocked by the swarm of splinters very small that have hit it, instantly of death: 9.50 am (22). Next to Baldo (Gambucci) the boy from twenty years old (24), possibly a Jew, who had just separated from their father in front of the Capponi Hotel where they are guests (25). A few meters away lies Virginia (27); math's teacher. He had tried to join the flight of the women of the family Ceccarelli (28), who were thrown by the blast on the wall of the buildings in front of the post office, all shot to death (29). Sixth station Veronica wipes the face of Jesus It is carnage. How many tears, on how many faces, must be dried! Better luck fell to Picchiottino: his cage is was thrown from the window to under the table (30). Looks speechless; even less than men do realizes what ever is upsetting the quiet tran of greenfinch. A bottle of perfume flew from Galen's barbershop to land - miraculously intact - on the roof of the Sor Igi's house, at Corso (31). The dust storm has invaded the fruit shop della Pierina in Via Alberti, obscuring it; then Bruno (Burberi) seeks escape towards Piaggiola (32). Sixth discharge Seventh station Jesus falls the second time Those who have remained in the Borgo di San Giovanni now find themselves permanently trapped, closed by the rubble at the top and at the end of the alley: he can only wait for the end of the lottery of death. Everything is shrouded in smoke. Luciano feels trapped (33): he searches desperately protection by fixing the head inside the mixer bread, near the door (34). Above him, Lieutenant Jooste drops two bombs that do not hit the house but, rushing into the alley of San Giovanni, they undermine it from below (35): the terrible explosion guts the oven e the shop, on which the upper floors collapse. Above the tomb of the young people (36) land the elderly, lingered in the escape; Quadrio fell with his bed from the upper floors, gliding over the debris (37). He and Fernanda, mother of Luciano (Bebi), are only wounded, covered by a few rubble. The shock wave also demolishes the house next to the oven, towards the square, and dig the one in front. Under the first die, embracing each other (38), the spouses (39) who manage the Virgil's trattoria. Crouched in a corner she remained s epolta la Bettina (40), who had taken refuge from them (41). From the top floor she sinks into the restaurant and the embroiderer ends her days (42). In the house opposite, Amalia dies, the little girl who has recently returned to the village from the icy refuge of San Cassiano. Spira in the arms of the grandfather, who remained protected under a beam (43). Grandmother Marianna also lost her life (44), with the inseparable tobacco paper in her pocket to smell (45). Seventh discharge Another plane, flown by Captain Odenaal, after a dive almost parallel to the straight, drops a couple of bombs over the station, which continue towards the center and crash into Via Guidalotti, behind the house of the teacher Elide (Franchi), the wife of the band director musical (46). The intersection between Via Alberti and the alley is hit that connects Via Guidalotti to Piazza delle Erbe: the rear part of the Porrini house crumbles (47) and the Marzani, where they die embraced (48) the Barbagianni spouses (49). The corners of the osteria delle Balille and the Venanzia inn (51). Here they also pour the rubble of the building opposite, imprisoning how many had gathered at the bottom of the stairs (52). "The Franks had run away from the kitchen, when they had seen all the glass fall on them for the outbreak at the post office; they had taken the fiola - Giuliana, one year old - from the high chair. The purse with the money, ready on a nail in the back the door remained in place. They had crowded in behind the door, together with the patrons of the inn, terrified. They wanted to escape to the market. Two German soldiers they had stopped him, making it clear that it would be too dangerous. Elvira (Nanni), who had gone up to take the bag, did not have time to get back down and was blocked by the rubble on the landing, under a beam that made a hut. It is on the second floor, in the collapsed corner, towards piazza delle Erbe (53). Linda (54), displaced from Turin with her sister Mafalda, who works at the Ration Cards Office of the Municipality (55), did not understand the law: she wanted to go out at all costs, because she had the eldest daughter, Silvana, at school . She managed to escape, holding her youngest son, Giancarlo, three years old, by the hand. But it was overwhelmed by the rubble just outside the door. From inside the door you can hear the moans of the fiolo, close to the mother who shows no signs of life "(56). Eighth station Encounter between Jesus and the women of Jerusalem Women beat their breasts and moan to Him. "Do not weep over me. Weep over yourselves and your children" (57). Linda can no longer cry, neither about herself nor about her children. The same fate befell another woman, the butcher's wife (58). She, Maria, had spoken from the window of the house with Quinto, her husband, who was facing that of the town hall opposite. When the planes arrived, he had tried to get out of the house; Elvira (Caprini) had tried to hold her back, but to no avail. She passed, running from Via Alberti towards the square, in front of the shoe shop in Via Grilli, while the owner, Lilo (Angelo Alpini), was lowering the shutter to protect himself. He had tried to pull her by the hand: "'ndu gite, vinite [where you go, come] inside, ché càdon le bombe!". There had been nothing to do. "No! I have da gì da la mi 'Giovanna", she insisted, resuming the race towards elementary school, where she thought her eldest daughter was (59). He did not know that they had had it repaired in the house of the teacher Peppina, just a stone's throw away. After a few meters; Maria was mowed right under the vault: a splinter (60) of the bomb dropped at the corner of Piazza delle Erbe passed it from side to side, also wounding the mother of Chirico, the head of the railway depot, who stood behind (61). The veterinarian and the mother of Maestro Pino, leaning their hands against the wall, protected Ornella and Wilma with their bodies from all the stationery stuff that fell on the floor from the shelves (62). In the back room of the Palchetti food shop, a few meters from the explosion, everything has become dark; on the shoulders of Nino (Egidio Grassini), lying on the ground as they had taught at school, pats of lard fell from the ceiling. Several times he had tried to get up to go out in the back, in Piazza dell'Erbe, but the hiss of successive bombs had blocked him to the ground, as if crushed by the shock of the explosion (63). Nearby, other people, who had been locked in Municipality, they had looked for a way out through the woodshed overlooking Piazza delle Erbe; but to no avail, because the door was jammed. The displacement of air of the last bomb opened the door wide. Neither they immediately take the opportunity to escape through the vault; among them Gigino (Fagioli), wounded in the forehead, again he does not know that he has lost his wife and daughter. They pass by to Pazzi's wife, who is asking for help, agonizing; but, taken by terror, they do not stop (64). She is on the ground (65), leaning with her back against the wall near the urinal; leaking blood (65) that is runny on the plaster of the wall, leaving indelible traces as a warning to the survivors. Maria has not no longer even the strength to speak. Plead with it look an acquaintance to bring the little one to safety Gabriella, the daughter he has in his neck (67). The Steak is that takes the daughter, waiting for the opportune time to bring her to safety towards the countryside (68). Maria does understand that she would like to be taken back, out of the vault, on the opposite side of the outbreak. Down there, the Menchina della Posta and others, recovered from daze (69), they try to please her, dragging his heavy body outside the vault, in Via Grilli (70). Even the elderly woman who had been injured by the same splinter, try to get busy. They ask her to do more strength, to pull with both hands; she responds with his Neapolitan accent: "Nun` o tengo cchiù [I don't have it anymore] "He has a torn arm (71). Eighth discharge The pair of bombs dropped by Lieutenant Hooper falls behind the rubble of the Quadrio kiln and demolishes the house of Simonucci, the Town Accountant. All those who took shelter from the upper floors remain buried at the bottom of the staircase in Via Mariotti, towards the vault, thinking it was the safest place. In vain Marinetta (Trotta) tried to convince them to run away (73). Bengasina (74) dies with Polda, the girl who helps her with housework (75). Near them, three other women lose their lives: Gina, a teacher of literature, cheerful, cheerful, smiling; aunt Esterina, rustic, scapeciàta, grumpy (76); Giovannina, who had gone to class (77). The collapse overwhelms other inhabitants of the building, on the upper floors: an embroiderer and her son (78), who has returned for a few days on military leave from Spoleto, in aviation as a reconnaissance photographer (79). Hamlet, who had unsuccessfully tried to get in touch with his family from the alley of San Giovanni, was no longer able to return to the entrance to the oven, because a mountain of rubble now prevented access from the square. So he tried to enter from the back of the house, through the arch where there is the Maurino (Luigi Fagioli) staircase. He fell (80) there, hit by a ledge (81). A hero (82). First he sacrificed himself for the others, bringing them to safety. Then he thought, in vain, also about his family. In the end he fell, like Jesus, who redeemed all men. Ninth station Jesus falls for the third time In the nearby hairdresser, where Gina (Borgarelli) sought consolation for her terror every time there were alarms, Velia curled up under an arch, helpless in the face of the flames and gusts of dust released from the crater of Via Mariotti, through the small door towards the back of the Corso (83). When the first bombs fell he was washing Elisa (Pucci )'s head (84). Loredana (Trentini) was waiting to do her hair, obeying her mother who had been scolding her for a few days: "Me sembri` na capeciòna, with all `sti ciùrci". They were all paralyzed by the tremendous noise of the planes and by the glass of the door that fell to the ground (85). The external wall of the building at the rear of the hairdresser's, connected to Simonucci's house through a passage above the arch, collapsed, causing the kitchen of Tilde, wife of Paris (Giovanni Miccioni) to fall. Luckily she had gone to drain the lupins in the toilet, towards the Corso, instead of on the kitchen sink, as always (86). The second stop The second aircraft quartet also rejoined the formation. It's 9:51. The storm broke out six minutes ago. The dust cloud has invaded the entire historic center; up there, from the cockpits, you can no longer see anything. Lieutenant Jandrell realizes the mission is compromised. He consults with the other pilots. The opinions excited to decide on what to do, exchanged through the radio, grant a longer respite (87): on the ground, whoever can take advantage of it. At the same time in Città di Castello the alarm bellowed (88). From the crater La Velia sees that no one is moving from the pharmacy opposite; remains curled up under a hairdresser's arch, trying to squat even more (89). Instead Loredana (Trentini) and Elisa (Pucci), taking advantage of the prolongation of the quiet, sometimes leave the place. The first runs away, towards the Piaggiola, dodging a woman with a clique of hair behind her head, on the ground there at the vault, who seems to be dead. She is Pazzi's wife. Dina (Galmacci) cannot avoid beating her up. Taking advantage of the momentary silence, she comes running from the vault, after having escaped from the back room of Palchetti, in piazza delle Erbe (90). Elisa flees in the opposite direction, towards the Collegiate Church. Menchino (Domenico Pucci), her husband's cousin, sees her running with curlers on her head in the direction of home, instinctively to reunite with her son Franco, a few months old; he makes her enter the Palazzoli barbershop at the corner of the Reggiani palace, already full of people, pulling her by the arm: "Where are you going? Can't you see that bombs are falling everywhere!" (91). Others take refuge in the shops adjacent to the barbershop, where Eusebia sells the shards and Grattasassi the fabrics (92). Opposite, at the beginning of the bridge towards the Piazza, where Tonino's (Grilli) Shell petrol station was, some German soldiers got out of a truck. They shout: "Korre! Korre!" (93). On the opposite side of the square, some of the schoolchildren crouched behind the Collegiate Church run away, each to his home. Another boy, frightened by the tiles falling all over the place, runs away from the Boca basement towards the platform; he passes by a German who is cursing, pointing his gun at the sky. He throws himself in the middle of the nearby cornfield, for fear that the pilots will notice the soldier's intentions and shoot at him (94). The children Many children have watched bewildered at the end of the world (95). When he saw the first plane above the square drop things that looked like shaving soaps, the cylindrical ones, Simonello (Simonelli) felt his mother Giuseppa (Migliorati) dragged into the door of the teacher Lina (Barbagianni). Another twenty people took shelter there. Many have prayed. Father John did nothing but shout "Calm, calm" interspersed with curses, while he closed the door which opened at each explosion. Simonello asked several times: "Mom, will we die?", But he was not so afraid, because he felt safe under his protruding belly for the little sister who is about to be born (96). In the arms of an adult, in front of a window in Via Roma, Maurizio (Burelli), who has just turned two, has just imprinted in his mind the indelible image of a threatening plane and a terrifying din (97). With each bomb explosion, little Laura jumped on the bed, together with the knock of a window (98). Another girl cries, Dora (Silvestrelli); so far he has trembled with fear, like his house on the Corso where it is sheltered (99). Peppe (Magrini) is in bed - he has a fever - and listens, motionless and wide-eyed (100). Quinto de Pistulino (Tosti) is seated at the end of Via Soli, a few tens of meters from the crater, on the edge of a stuffed demijohn, supporting his twenty-month-old son. He keeps it dangling between his legs, squeezing his chest with his hands, to protect him from the impressive roars that make everything vibrate, even in the bowels (101). An enormous mushroom of smoke has engulfed the country and rises higher and higher (102); it is blown by the wind towards the "alberata" [Via Cesare Battisti], the tobacco factory, the Tiber (103). Yet, there is still someone who refuses to accept the tragedy: Santino has to forcefully persuade his mother Ida, a janitor in the kindergarten, to take refuge inside; she is lingering to withdraw the flower shards from the windows for fear that, falling, they will be ruined (104). In the crater of San Giovanni, night fell everywhere; ahead of time. Those who are not already dead can barely breathe from the dust and debris. Wait for the end (105). 1) Gianna Feligioni. 2) Avellino Giulianelli. 3) Ramiro Nanni, How I, Ramiro, lived the bombing ... , manuscript from 1979. 4) Giuseppe Cozzari. 5) Marinella Roselli. 6 Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the smoke of the bombs already fallen. 7) Top left: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli, with an image of the P40 dashboard provided by Andrea Gragnoli. Bottom left: Umbertide plant, with the target and the smoke of the bombs already fallen. 8) Top right: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Bottom right: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the fifth pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 9) Ines Biti. 10) Annunziata Caldari. 11) Maria Luisa Rapo. 12) Class III E, Mavarelli-Pascoli State Middle School, Voices of memory , Municipality of Umbertide and San Francesco Cultural Center, Umbertide, 2002. 13) Italo Ciocchetti. 14) Victims: Galeno Monfeli, Mario Arrunategni Rivas, Giuseppe Ciocchetti, Giuseppe Pierini. 15) Francesco Martinelli. 16 Victim: Lina Violini. 17) Margherita Violins. 18) Elda Villarini. 19) Victims: Domenico Donnini, Gianfranco Donnini. 20) Maria Giovannoni. 21) Victim: Ubaldo Gambucci. 22) Luigi Gambucci. 23) Photograph kindly provided by Luigi Gambucci. The watch was recovered from the pocket of father Ubaldo, a victim of the bombing. 24) Victim: Licinio Leonessa. 25) Franco Caldari. 26) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the sixth pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 27) Victim: Virginia Cozzari. 28) Dina Bebi. 29) Victims: Elda Bebi, Marianella Ceccarelli, Rosanna Ceccarelli, Giulia Bartoccioli. 30) Ornella Duranti, Margherita Tosti. 31) Giovanni Angioletti. 32) Bruno Burberi. 33) Francesco Martinelli. 34) Fernanda Martinelli. 35) 'Domenico Mariotti. 36) Victims: Luciano Bebi, Maria Domenica Bebi, Tecla Bebi, Anna Banelli. 37) Adriana Fileni, Domenico Mariotti. 38) Pia Galmacci. 39) Victims: Veronica Cozzari, Realino Galmacci. 40) Victim: Elisabetta Boldrini. 41) Dorina Galmacci. 42) Victim: Assunta Porrini. 43) Mario Cambiotti. 44) Victims: Amalia Cambiotti, Marianna Mastriforti. 45) Maria Luisa Rapo. 46) Bruno Tonanni. 47) Sergio Celestini. 48) Magdalene Maria Marzani. 49) Victims: Antonio Barbagianni, Zarelia Tognaccini. 50) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the seventh pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 51) Fausta Olimpia Pieroni. 52-53) Walter Biagioli. 54) Victim: Rosalinda Renga. 55) Piera Bruni. 56) Maria Chiasserini. 57) Luke 23, 28. 58) Sergio Celestini. 59) Mario Alpini. 60) Mario Alpini, Annunziata Caldari. 61) Giovanna Pazzi. 62) Ornella Duranti. 63) Egidio Grassini. 64) Giuseppa Ceccarelli. 65) Victim: Maria Renzini. 66) Ramnusia Nanni. 67) Paola Banelli. 68) Giovanna Pazzi. 69) Italo Lotti. 70) Mario Alpini, Sergio Celestini. 71) Italo Lotti. 72) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the eighth pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 73) Joy Simonucci. 74) Elena Boriosi. 75) Victims: Bengasina Renato, Elvira Mortini. 76) Class III E, Mavarelli-Pascoli State Middle School, Voices of memory , Municipality of Umbertide and San Francesco Cultural Center, Umbertide, 2002. 77) Victims: Armede Gina Borgarelli, Ester Borgarelli, Giovanna Pambuffetti. 78) Victims: Neodemia Barattini, Mario Scartocci. 79) Class III E, Mavarelli-Pascoli State Middle School, Voices of memory, Municipality of Umbertide and San Francesco Cultural Center, Umbertide, 2002; Fernando Scartocci. 80) Victim: Amleto Banelli. 81) Domenico Mariotti. 82) Elio Caldari. 83) Velia Nanni. 84) Elisa Manarini. 85) Loredana Trentini. 86) Giuseppina Miccioni. 87) Domenico Manuali. 88) Alvaro Tacchini (curator), Venanzio Gabriotti - Diary , Institute of Political and Social History Venanzio Gabriotti, Petruzzi Editore, Città di Castello, 1998, p. 192. 89) Velia Nanni. 90) Dorina Galmacci. 91) Elisa Manarini. 92) Celestino Filippi. 93) Maria Migliorati. 94) Luigi Guiducci. 95) Giuseppe Magrini. 96) Simonello Simonelli. 97) Maurizio Burelli. 98) Laura Corbucci. 99 Dora Silvestrelli. 100) Giuseppe Magrini. 101) Mario Tosti. 102) Renato Silvestrelli. 103) Sergio Ceccacci. 104) Saints Improved. 105) Silvano Bernacchi, Vera Vibi.

Historical characters from the nineteenth century to antiquity In this subsection we propose the biographies of some characters who played a role in the history of the city in the period from the nineteenth century to antiquity. Pietro Burelli Domenico Bruni Zelmirina Agnolucci Filippo Alberti Ernesto Freguglia Giuseppe Savelli Antonio Guerrini Annibale Mariotti Pietro G. Petrogalli Francesco Mavarelli San Savino di Fratta Alessandro Magi Spinetti Giuliano Bovicelli Luigi Vibi I Cibo di Fratta Cesare Bartolelli - Cristoforo Petrogalli Giovanni Tommaso Pao(u)lucci Fabrizio Stella Giovan Battista Spoletini Orazio Mancini La famiglia Spunta di Fratta Filippo e Giovan Battista Fracassini Giovanni Mauri Bernardino Sermigni Giovanni Pachino - Cintio Paulucci Lavinio Magi - P. Paolo Cristiani Cherubino Martelli - Felice Remeri La famiglia Soli - Sante Pellicciari Costantino Magi - Angelo Martinelli - Francesco Spinetti Bernardino Magi - Muzio Flori Lodovico Flori Massimo Martinelli Leopoldo Grilli Pietro Burelli Pietro Burelli Military engineer in the service of the Serenissima curated by Fabio Mariotti Pietro Burelli, son of Tommaso "distinguished scholar", was born in Fratta in 1584. From a very young age he showed great talent and a marked aptitude for mathematical sciences. The historian Antonio Guerini, in his work " History of the land of Fratta, now Umbertide - 1883 " says that " civil and military architecture was preferably his main passion in order to open up a more splendid field on the streets of honor, he gave himself totally to a career in arms ". For this he went to Spain, then engaged in a bloody war with the Turks, where he reached the rank of captain. He became particularly adept at building countryside fortifications that resisted the assault of cavalry and infantry. For this reason, when he returned to Italy, he put himself at the service of the Most Serene Venetian Republic, recommended to Doge Niccolò Donatuti by the General Superintendent in Terra Ferma Benedetto Moro, with a very rich commission of 800 scudi a year. In this on activity in the Veneto region he undertook the restoration and restructuring of the bastions of Palmanova and the grandiose project of the fortress of Verona, a city in which, surprised by a serious illness, he died in 1642 at the age of 58. Article published in the December 2019 issue of " Local Information ". Il 18 dicembre 1960, 59 anni fa, l’amministrazione comunale intitolò una via a Pietro Burelli. Chi era questo personaggio ritenuto degno del titolo di una via e quanti umbertidesi oggi conoscono la sua storia? Per approfondire la storia di Pietro Burelli, di cui trattò nella sua opera il Guerini, è stata fondamentale la ricerca storica del Col. Pilota dott. Giuseppe Cozzari presso l’archivio storico della città di Venezia, con la preziosa collaborazione dello storico Renato Codovini per la trascizione dei testi. Oltre ad alcune lettere che testimoniano l’iter per l’assunzione del nostro antenato come ingegnere militare esperto in fortificazioni difensive, il Cozzari ha ritrovato anche un manoscritto originale che illustra in maniera dettagliata, anche con precise immagini, il funzionamento di una nuova arma da guerra, il “Trabucco”, ideata dal Burelli. Sources: Fabio Mariotti. The documentation was found in the historical archive of the Municipality of Venice by Dr. Giuseppe Cozzari and transcribed from the vernacular by the historian Renato Codovini. DOMENICO BRUNI Great opera singer curated by Fabio Mariotti Domenico Bruni He was born in Fratta on February 28, 1758, to Pietro, the master mason, and Francesca Brischi. Already at an early age he showed a good disposition to singing. Domenico's father belonged to the Compagnia della S. Croce. It is therefore probable that the young man learned the first rudiments of music in the school of the Company, starting from 1764. Bruni's debut at Fratta, with a soprano voice, is in 1772, at the age of 14. At the age of 15, according to a cruel custom of that time, often adopted by poor families who had children particularly gifted in singing, Domenico was emasculated. This made him one of the most important emasculated singers of the time. His first performance in a large theater, the Alibert in Rome, dates back to 1776. From 1780 to 1787 he sang in some of the most important Italian theaters and his fame began to cross national borders. In 1787 he was called to the court of Catherine II of Russia, where he arrived after a long and adventurous journey and where he remained until 1790. The most important years of his career go from 1791 to 1796. In this period he was also called to London where he performed in 1793. The debut as a professional singer in his city is dated 8 September 1795, during the Feast of the Madonna della Reggia, probably in the Collegiate Church. After his career, Bruni returned in 1797 to Fratta where, in consideration of the fame he had achieved and despite the opposition of the rich local notables who did not want to accept him among themselves, he was elected Prior of the Confraternity of San Bernardino. This important task was entrusted to him again from 1805 to 1807, while in 1804 and from 1816 to 1818 he was appointed Depositary (today we would say cashier) of the same Confraternity. Relations with the Compagnia della SS Concezione date back to 1795. In 1814 he was elected Prior, while in 1812 and from 1819 to 1821, the year of his death, he was appointed Depositary. Bruni's deep ties with the local Confraternities are also demonstrated by the will, where he asked for his body to be buried in the church of San Bernardino and left an annual legacy of 10 scudi to the Confraternity. Domenico Bruni's name is also inextricably linked to the Theater. On 4 August 1808, in fact, he was appointed president of the Accademia dei Riuniti. During that meeting the municipality was asked the possibility of using the entire building where the theater room was located in order to create a real theater, what is still called Teatro dei Riuniti, whose works were completed in 1814. . Sources: - Nicola Lucarelli: "Domenico Bruni (1758 - 1821) - Biography of an emasculated singer" - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide, 1992 - Text published in the "Calendar of Umbertide 1998" - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide, 1998 Zelmirina Agnolucci ZELMIRINA AGNOLUCCI Popular opera singer SINGING FOR THE Czar OF RUSSIA NICHOLAS II by Amedeo Massetti She bore the name of her grandmother, Zelmirina, her maternal grandmother Zelmira Savelli (1) , wife of Gabriele Santini, whose homonymous grandson would become internationally renowned conductor (2) . The mother, Maria Santini, fifth of the seven children of Gabriele and Zelmira, born in 1848 (3) , had married Francesco Agnolucci, 1851, great young violinist director, from 1871 to 1875, of the school municipal music of Umbertide, teacher of many children. He will also conduct, highly esteemed, many philharmonic and musical bands in various cities of Italy. Zelmirina was born in Umbertide in 1879. She had breathed the notes since she was a child listening to the sweet melodies played by her father in their large country house. She had studied singing, graduating as a soprano with Pietro Mascagni at the “G. Rossini ”in Pesaro (4) , where he went twice a month in a horse-drawn carriage. The first performance in the theater in Umbertide We find it for the first time on the evening of April 4, 1898 at the “Teatro dei Signori Riuniti” in a show of some importance that deserved the honors of the chronicles (5). Everything was organized "for the benefit of the sightless singer Emilia Giannuzzi", passing through Umbertide, who performed in front of a large and passionate audience. The theater, in fact, despite the rain for many days and the weather discouraging the evening outings, was crowded, "the boxes overflowed with representatives of the gentle sex". This in spite of a humid Lent evening, a Monday that began Holy Week. But Giannuzzi was a good soprano and they sang next to her the Umbertidesi Zelmirina Agnolucci, occasionally in the role of contralto, “very admired”, and Giulio Santini, known and appreciated baritone (6). A great local musician, Massimo Martinelli, director of the Municipal Concert, always present in important musical events, accompanied them on the piano. Zelmirina had performed several times at the Morlacchi theater in Perugia as a dramatic soprano, starting a demanding career that had already given her various satisfactions (7). He then began his artistic career by singing in companies of national level. His Mimì in the "Bohème" at the prestigious "Coccia" of Novara (8) during the 1899 Carnival (9) is memorable and the interpretation, in the same theater, of the "Devil's Trill" by Stanislao Falchi (10), in the splendid stage costumes. The tour in Russia But the first major tour of his life was the one he undertook at the beginning of the twentieth century: he would take her to St. Petersburg, to sing for Tsar Nicholas II. The girl, twenty-one, she left with her father Francesco Agnolucci, after signing a contract with the impresario for exhibitions in various cities on the long way to the capital of the Russian empire. We find her in this adventurous artistic journey, in March 1900, at the Grand Theater of Vilna (11) where he sings in the "Cavalleria Rusticana" together with Luisa De Sirianna, Carolina Zawner, Federico Percopo (tenor), Giuseppe Pimazzoni and Ignazio Pompa (12). The next stop was the Theater Riga National (13), in May 1900, together with Ernesto Pettinari and again with the baritone Ignazio Pompa (14). Great success at the Imperial Theater in St. Petersburg But the most important performance was at the Imperial Theater in St. Petersburg, where Tsar Nicholas II sat in the audience (15). It was a great success and the young soprano impressed with her skill and beauty Wassili Elisiewch Lithewsky, noble councilor of the Tsar (galavà), governor of Vitebsk, now a city of Belarus. During Zelmira's stay in St. Petersburg there was an intense acquaintance between the two which resulted in the Russian noble's request for marriage. The girl's father agreed, and had to pay the entrepreneur a large sum to compensate for the commitments that Zelmira would have to fulfill upon his return. Marriage with the Russian nobleman Wassili E. Lithewsky The wedding was celebrated in Vitebsk after not a few difficulties: Wassili even spent a few days locked up in a military fortress for not having asked the Tsar for permission to marry, as was prescribed for officers; but the impetus to marry the young soprano had made him forget every procedure of his role. Wassili was born in Ekaterinodar (16), on the Black Sea, in 1860 and was almost twenty years older than the girl, a charismatic and charming forty-year-old. The couple settled in the city ruled by their husband and began a happy life together. Two children were born soon: Boris in 1901 and Elena in 1904. Wassili was so in love that he built a theater in their sumptuous palace in Vitebsk where his wife put on shows in which she performed in the singing roles. A large adjoining room housed a specimen of every musical instrument existing at the time: incomparable, precious furnishings, desired by Wassili, by his love for Zelmira, by his artistic sensitivity (17). Francesco Agnolucci stayed for some time in Russia close to his daughter, then returned to Italy. He died in 1917 in his house in Rio, on the border between the towns of Montone and Umbertide, at the age of 66 (18). The return to Italy with her husband and two children In 1914 Zelmirina left with Wassili for Italy to introduce her mother Maria and the Agnolucci family to her husband and children. The Lithewskys stayed for a few months but Wassili, after the First World War broke out, being an official of the Tsar, had to return to Russia; his wife and children remained at home; Boris and Elena completed their studies in Italy. "Stay here" - Wassili had told them - "when the war ends I will come and pick you up". After the Russian Revolution, Wassili was forced into hiding But in October 1917, in the middle of the world conflict, the Bolshevik revolution broke out in Russia. All classes of the nobility were legally abolished. Wassili had to hide to escape arrest and was forced to live in hiding for a long time, aided by his own farmers. Her relatives had been killed with summary executions, without trial, including the two sisters Barbara and Alessandra, schoolmates of Elena of Montenegro, who later became the wife of Vittorio Emanuele III of Savoy. Only nine years later, in November 1926, "General Lithewsky" managed to get in touch with the Italian foreign ministry through official diplomatic channels. Through the consulate in Odessa, in present day Ukraine, he obtained a passport with relative visa; for a moment the darkness seemed to clear but the operation was not successful and the former Tsar's officer had to go back into hiding. In 1929 he managed to send his family a photo of him, addressed with affection to "dear Lolina", his daughter Elena. In Italy, in 1918, due to the great "Spanish flu" which killed 20 million people all over the world, the eldest son Boris had died when he was only seventeen years old. The loss of her son had upset Zelmirina. Wassili Lithewsky spent very hard times in Russia: for almost ten years his relatives in Italy had not been able to receive news. Amid enormous difficulties, he went clandestinely in various parts of the territory, fleeing into the deserts of Central Asia, supported only by the desire to see his owners again. In the early thirties of the twentieth century, the climate calmed a little, the family research began: the son-in-law, Dr. Carlo Alberto Angelini, husband of Elena, knew well and contacted the Italian ambassador in Moscow, Bernardo Attolico; he also asked for the intervention of the Red Cross. Even the engineer Adolfo Ghisalberti, grandson of Maria Santini (19) got involved in the research. Finally he was able to find him in the Gobi desert, in Mongolia, and to organize his return: in the summer of 1932 Wassili was able to leave for Italy. Carlo Alberto Angelini went to pick him up at the port of Genoa. His physique was very weak: several times it was necessary to support him during the transfers of the trip. After countless ups and downs, the return to the family When the Tsar's adviser arrived in Umbertide, on his way to the country house in Rio, hollow face, white lace, almond-shaped eyes, many people noticed the rich dress of a Russian nobleman which gave his tall and majestic figure an aura of charm and mystery. . Zelmirina, despite her joy, suffered a great shock upon the arrival of her husband whom she had had to leave a long time ago. The second child, Elena, who saw him again after 15 years, stopped breastfeeding her daughter Viola due to the trauma (20). Wassili finally settled in the large house of the Agnolucci family. An avid smoker, he slept with the light of a candle on the bedside table because when he woke up he had an urgent need to light a cigarette. But the elderly aristocrat will not be able to enjoy the warmth of the newly found family for long because he died of pulmonary emphysema only three months later (21). Zelmirina's death on 5 July 1944 Zelmirina, bent by the adversities of life, suffering in her youth (22) from a viral form of lethargic encephalitis (23), fell ill with Parkinson's disease and spent the last few years in suffering. She was lovingly assisted in her illness by her son-in-law, Carlo Alberto Angelini, doctor, husband of his daughter Elena. He died on 5 July 1944, the day of Umbertide's Liberation (24), invoking his beloved son Boris, at the "Palazzo della Tramontana", the current villa owned by Cozzari along the road leading to Migianella (25), then owned by Agnolucci . 30th September 2013 Sources: Historical research by Amedeo Massetti Published in March 2014 on n.52 of "Altotiberine Pages" by the Historical Association of the Upper Tiber Valley. Reduced text published in the "Calendar of Umbertide 2015" - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide 2015 Notes to the text: 1 Zelmira, born in Umbertide in 1820, belonged to the Savelli family, living in via Stella; she was the sister of Giuseppe Savelli, mayor of Umbertide several times from 1863 to 1880, and of Don Flaviano, canon and archpriest of the Collegiate Church of S. Maria della Reggia. Zelmira Savelli will die in 1875. 2 Gabriele Santini was born on January 20, 1886; the father was Pio Santini, the mother Carmela Nolaschi. He studied at the “F. Morlacchi ”cello and piano and later moved to the GB Martini Conservatory of Bologna where he completed his composition studies with G. Minguzzi and P. Micci. He began his career as a conductor as early as 1904 and devoted himself almost exclusively to the operatic genre. After a first period at the Teatro Costanzi in Rome (now the Opera Theater), he was hired by various theaters in Latin America. He stayed for eight seasons at the Colon Theater in Buenos Aires and later at the Municipal Theater in Rio de Janeiro, at the Lyric Opera in Chicago and at the Manhattan Theater in New York. From 1925 to 1929 he was called to the Alla Scala theater in Milan as assistant to maestro Arturo Toscanini. He came back then at the Rome Opera where he remained permanently until 1933 and from 1944 to 1947 he held the position of director here artistic. In 1951 he directed the company of S. Carlo di Napoli in the tour in Paris, for the celebrations of Verdi's fiftieth anniversary. He directed several seasons at the Teatro alla Scala in Milan in 1946 and from 1960 to 1964, the year of his death (From N. LUCARELLI, Gabriele Santini, illustrious from Umbertide, in "Umbertide Cronache", bimonthly periodical of the Municipality of Umbertide, n. 1- 2002, p. 42). 3 A. MASSETTI, Two centuries on the march, Umbertide and the band, Città di Castello, Petruzzi, 2008, p. 139. 4 Testimony of the granddaughter Fiore Angelini. 5 The Liberal Union, April 5, 1998, p. 2. 6 In the second half of the 19th century the baritone voice of Giulio Santini came to the attention of the lyrical mode. In 1872 he was hired as first baritone at the Fermo theater. From here he moved to Sansepolcro and in 1874 he sang at the Teatro Nuovo in Florence as the first absolute baritone, where he collected sensational successes. During his long stay in this city, he also performed in the Bellincioni Hall, in via delle Belle Donne. At the concert, performed on January 30, 1875, Santini participated incognito, perhaps for reasons imposed by his relationship with the new theater. Leaving Florence, he performed for a long time first in Siena, then in Perugia, where he performed 12 performances of Donizetti's “La Favorita”. In February 1879, Santini sang in Verdi's “Luisa Miller” at the Città di Castello theater. The news about him they end with 1880, the year in which he was hired by the Arezzo Theater. Throughout his career he received certificates of esteem and profound appreciation for his professional performances from the entrepreneurs. (R. CODOVINI - R. SCIURPA, Umbertide in the 19th century, Città di Castello, GESP, 2001, p. 307). 7 Testimony of the granddaughter Fiore Angelini. 8 The “Coccia” theater in Novara, one of the major traditional Italian theaters, was inaugurated on 21 January 1888 with the opera “Gli Ugonotti” by Giacomo Meyarbeer, directed by Arturo Tscanini. It is named after Carlo Coccia, chapel master of the Chapter of the Novara cathedral. 9 Documents now in the possession of the niece Viola Angelini. 10 Stanislao Falchi, born in Terni on January 29, 1851, was a pupil of C. Maggi and S. Meluzzi, who started him on the study of composition. In order to achieve a more in-depth preparation, he moved to Rome, where musical studies experienced a lively revival in the climate of cultural renewal in the years following the unification of Italy. In 1877 the musical high school of S. Cecilia was inaugurated, divided into numerous courses: Falchi received the post of teacher of choral singing and in 1882 of normal singing, appointments that gave him particular prestige. He will then be director of choral singing in various schools in Rome from 1883, crowning a splendid didactic career; he will have the chair of counterpoint, fugue and composition in 1890 in the conservatory of S. Cecilia (Biographical Dictionary of the Italians Treccani). 11 Today's Vilnius, then a Russian city, now the state of Lithuania. 12 The baritone Ignazio Pompa, born in Rome in 1860, studied both in Milan and in his city. Success was not long in coming come. Over thirty, he entered various theater companies, from the Castellano Company to Labruna, Granzini, Dazig and sang in important European theaters, from Paris to Le Havre, from Ostend to Liege, to Poltava. He also sang in Smyrna, Athens, Constantinople, Cairo, Alexandria in Egypt. His presence in Russian and Ukrainian theaters, from Smolensk, where he married in 1899, to Wilnius, from St. Petersburg to Minsk, Kursk, Jekaterinoslav, Theodosia, Molitopoli, Kerck, and other Russian and Ukrainian cities, was successfully noticed. He died in London in 1909 (www.museoparigino.org ). 13 Riga, then a Russian city, is now the capital of the Baltic state of Latvia. 14 Ibid. 15 The current Mariinsky Theater, in St. Petersburg. It owes its name to Princess Maria Aleksandrovna and in the past it had, in Soviet times, the name of Kirov Theater, (in honor of Sergej Kirov) and National Academy of Opera and Ballet and, in Tsarist times, Imperial Theater of San Petersburg. 16 The city, since December 1920, has been renamed Krasnodar. 17 Testimony of the niece Viola Angelini. 18 He is buried in the Savelli chapel, in the left hemicycle of the Umbertide cemetery. On his gravestone is the following critta: He dedicated his beautiful art, his illicit industrious life to his wife and his children who with infinite reverent love venerate the tearful memory. 19 Testimony of his daughter Paola Ghisalberti. 20 Testimony of the niece Viola Angelini. 21 Wassili Lithwsky is also buried in the Umbertide cemetery, in the Savelli chapel. 22 The husband had disappeared in the chaos of the Russian revolution and they had not even been able to write to each other anymore. 23 The father of ladies Fiore and Viola, Carlo Alberto Angelini, a doctor, also had contact with Queen Elena who had promoted and funded studies on this disease. 24 On 5 July 1944 Umberttde was liberated by soldiers of the British 8th Army. 25 The villa to the left of those who climb towards Migianella, which is accessed along a path bordered by maritime pines. In the 1930s it belonged to the Agnolucci family. The singer with her son Boris Tsar Nicholas II Zelmirina with her husband Wassili Singer with some of the clothes used on stage FILIPPO ALBERTI Literate and poet curated by Fabio Mariotti He was born on March 26, 1548 in Fratta, to Luca Antonio Alberti and Ippolita Petrogalli. He spent his childhood and adolescence in severe studies and in his early twenties he was elected "coadjutor" of the chancellor of the municipality of Perugia. He soon acquired a reputation as a talented poet. His rhymes had, while he was still alive, two different editions and many of them saw the light in valuable collections of other important and illustrious writers of the time, including the valuable "nine sonnets", written by Our for the "Conversion of Saint Mary Magdalene". He wrote various highly praised works: a book of poems entitled "Rime di Filippo Alberti" printed in Rome and Venice; a beautiful song over the cicada; a tragedy entitled "Cestio Macedonico" whose protagonist was a certain Cestio citizen of Perugia, who having fought with the Romans in the war of Macedonians and in that having been reported for generous actions, he deserved the nickname of Macedonico. Not all of his works were published and many went missing - although we have news and titles - following his long illness and death. Filippo Alberti was held in high regard by personalities of the time such as Alfonso d'Este, Duke of Ferrara, Cardinals Bonifacio Bevilacqua and Domenico Pinelli and the Marquis Ascanio della Cornia. It was held in honor by men of letters such as the illustrious humanist Marco Antonio Bonciari, Scipione Tolomei, Cesare Crispolti senior, Giovan Battista Lauri, Cesare Caporali, Claudio Contuli and Cesare Alessi. But the main boast for Alberti was the friendship that Torquato Tasso professed to him; friendship based on the esteem that the great poet had for the man of letters from Fratta. Alberti tells us about his acquaintance with Tasso in Ferrara, cultivated through an affectionate correspondence with our Filippo, to whom he also dedicated a sonnet, and did not disdain to ask him for advice on the "Gerusalemme Liberata" and, if he had any, to follow them. Alberti was also a good prose writer (there are praises of illustrious men, still unpublished, preserved in the Augusta library in Perugia). Some of these works were not completed, others remained unpublished both for the envy of the powerful of the time, as confirmed by Lauri and Oldoino, and for his poor health. The literary merits and the love he brought to Fratta and Perugia lead us to believe that it would have been very interesting to have a volume of his lost "Historical Memories of Perugia", written by him when the Roman Carlo Conti was governor of the city of the Grifo. , he who under Pope Clement VIII "was tempted to make the Church of Perugia archipiscopal". His studies did not remove Alberti from public offices and he, who in 1573 had been elected "Coadjutor" of the chancellor of the municipality of Perugia, was called to take over the direction of the prioral chancellery, an office to which distinguished men were always assigned for prudence and by doctrine. Friends and admirers had to mourn his death when he was not yet old. He was 64 when he retired to live in Fratta and ended his days there, on 12 September 1612. He is buried in the church of San Domenico in Perugia. The street where his house was located, in the historic center, now bears the name of "via Alberti". Some poems by Filippo Alberti It turns out more not to love I said, you were my good And my life, Orsella More than the sun wanders, and beautiful. Hor I unsubscribe, and 'the song I address the blame, a l'ire I loved you, I hate you just as much. And out of troubles, and pains Behold, I too am mine To God, perfidious, to God. Treats that the women of Perugia, past one certain age, they should wear black Ouch, foolish is he who believes What a woman in a black dress May it seem less beautiful, and less haughty. the nigga the beautiful does not take away, And Law cake is that That only others grant Color, which always announces or deaths, or pains, It thunders, and the sky flashes when it is darkest, Negra serpe has more tosco. Omen of the beauty of a girl Green apple six Vague girl, and with beautiful outward eyes Sol virginelle gratitude and still breathe; But Cupid is already sharpening the guilty darts, Already in the man the face has removed, To turn it on then in your beautiful face. Sources: Historical calendar of Umbertide 2002 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2002 Arcangelo Chelli - “The illustrious men of Umbertide” - Ed. Tipografia Tiberina - 1888 Via Alberti Ernesto Freguglia ERNESTO FREGUGLIA The story of an adopted Umbertidese painter by Amedeo Massetti Filippo Alberti Ernesto Freguglia (1875). The Foro Boario, today Piazza del Mercato The large oil painting with oxen, which stands out on the wall of the mayor's office, was painted in 1875 by Ernesto Freguglia. Known painter at that time, but unknown to Umbertide today. Yet Freguglia lived in our city for twenty-five years, moving there from Rome in 1874. He lived first in via Cibo, then in via Petrogalli which then skirted the village of San Giovanni and finally in via Cavour, at number 64, where the last aged 74 died. day of 1899. He is buried in our cemetery. The good artist was born in Sabbionello di Copparo, in the municipality of Ferrara, on December 20, 1825. A pupil of the Ferrarese painter Guseppe Tamarozzi, he had studied at the school of drawing and figure in the university of his city. He had therefore been in Florence where we find him in 1853 among the various copyists of the Uffizi (here he reproduced a “landscape by Jean Baptiste Fierce de Roven”). He then moved to Rome, in 1856, entering the studio of the painter and restorer Alessandro Mantovani, also from Ferrara (some of his valuable works are in the Quirinal Palace). In the 1860s, Freguglia was still active in Rome where he participated in the complete renovation of the decorations, between 1863 and 1867, of the church of Santa Lucia del Gonfalone in via dei Banchi Vecchi, together with Salvatore Rotani, under the direction by the well-known Roman painter Cesare Mariani. Between 1870 and 1876, he collaborated with Alessandro Mantovani in the decoration of the Nuova Loggia Pia in the Vatican, giving "proof of uncommon skill in following Raphaelesque concepts". In 1876 he donated one of his paintings to the municipality of Ferrara. He exhibited in this city in 1875, 1877 and 1899. A couple of his suggestive romantic landscapes, in harmony with the canons of the Roman landscape school, are in the Scutellari collection of the Este city. Freguglia is a painter of a good level and his works denote profound technical knowledge and a refined taste that goes far beyond the representations of the manner of authors of his period. It is affected by the contemporaneity with the Macchiaioli movement even if, while lingering in fresh play of lights and colors, he does not neglect to use precise brushstrokes, creating almost photographic representations. The painting on the wall of the mayor's office, to which we have mentioned, "The cattle market in Fratta", in addition to offering us an extraordinary document of nineteenth-century life - the animated day of the market - provides architectural details of the ancient city that have now disappeared or transformed. In fact, the views of the bridge over the Palace and the open space in front of the Rocca are different, not yet leveled with backfill (a partial restoration of the original conditions was carried out with the recent works in the Park of the Reggia and Piazza del Mercato). Likewise, the Guardabassi post hotel (to the right of the Collegiate Church) no longer exists and was demolished to widen the entrance road to the Piazza. And finally, the Mavarelli palace has a different structure, now also raised in the wing towards the center of the town. Ernesto Freguglia (1874). The Tiber in the "Mulinaccio" area The other painting we know of, belonging to the Scagnetti collection, in which Ernesto Freguglia depicts a different glimpse of Umbertide is also of great documentary value. The canvas, dated 1874, has the usual delicate line and the richness of details typical of the painter and represents the view from the west side of the castle of Fratta. In the center of the painting, on the edge of the walls, you can see the base of the defense tower which collapsed in the flood of the Tiber in 1610. On the left side you can see some architectural details that have now disappeared. At the bottom right you can see the artificial canal that carried the water of the Carpina, after passing through the Mulinello and the Fornace, to activate the "Mulinaccio" (recently swept away by the flood) under the walls. The area still has this name. Finally, washerwomen, fishermen and people bathing in crystal clear water are represented. Ernesto Freguglia, an Emilian painter who became Umbertide, loved our city and chose it to live there for a quarter of a century, until his death. From the careful glimpses in which he depicts it, from the care he takes to the most typical details, a relationship of warm familiarity transpires. Bre 2019 of The article was published in the November issue of "Local Information" Sources: Historical archive research by Amedeo Massetti Registry card of Ernesto Freguglia at the Municipality of Umbertide Giuseppe Savelli GIUSEPPE SAVELLI The Mayor of the passage from Fratta to Umbertide by Amedeo Massetti The ceramic bust of Giuseppe Savelli was placed in the town council hall in 1894, when the room was renovated with the installation of new wooden stalls made by all the carpenters of Umbertide. It was placed on a wooden base overhanging the wall at a height of two meters, to the right of the bench of the Giunta, flanked, on the left, by the bust of Antonio Guerrini. The old furniture in the council chamber, used for 90 years, was replaced by the current one in 1984, when the town hall was renovated. The bust was restored free of charge in 2011 by the Umbertidese artist Antonello Renzini and was relocated in the room adjacent to the City Council. Doctor Giuseppe Savelli was born in Umbertide on May 16, 1824. Owner, he lived in via Stella at n. 11. He also had a house in Via Diritta (now Via Cibo at no. 13), a house in Rome, and a country residence in Rio on the border between the municipalities of Umbertide and Montone where his studio is still located. its library. From 1861 he held the position of municipal councilor. From 1863 he will be appointed Mayor. He was mayor of Umbertide several times from 1863 to 1880. Doctor Savelli was a patriot; during the revolt of the Umbrian populations to the papal government in 1859, he was appointed governor of the provisional administration of Fratta, with the approval of the government of Perugia. In 1861, as a municipal councilor, he worked with extraordinary commitment for the reconstitution of the musical band, of which he was a member and later very active and authoritative president. He wrote a memorable letter in this regard. Dr. Giuseppe Savelli was elected Mayor in 1863 (he was therefore the first citizen who ferried Fratta to Umbertide) and will hold this office until May 18, 1868. Then for the whole of 1871 and 1872 he was again mayor. In 1873, for a period, he still appears as mayor. In his capacity as head of the administration, he worked with sensitivity and foresight to give the municipality, which emerged from the inadequacy of the papal administration, a modern and efficient structure. In 1872 he approved the first public hygiene regulation and the first urban police regulation, which deeply affected the socio-sanitary situation of the time and remain milestones for their relevance. Giuseppe Savelli died in Umbertide on 6 July 1886. He is buried in the last chapel of the hemicycle left of the Umbertide cemetery, where there are also the tombs of the Santini family (his wife was Rosa Santini, daughter of Giuseppe, and his sister Zemira Savelli had married Gabriele Santini, grandfather of the internationally renowned conductor of the same name). His brother, Don Flaviano Savelli, was canon and archpriest of the Collegiate. Giuseppe Savelli is the author of a manuscript history (unfortunately partially destroyed) of the Savelli family which also includes a pope, Honorius III, who approved the Rule of St. Francis. Sources: Historical research by Amedeo Massetti 1975. Establishment of the City Council. In high, on the right of the Giunta, the bust by Giuseppe Savelli Mayor Savelli's signature on the poster announcing the name change A. Massetti at the presentation of an edition of the historical calendar of Umbertide The family crest on the house in Rio ANTONIO GUERRINI Canon of the Collegiate, professor of rhetoric and local historian curated by Fabio Mariotti Antonio Guerrini had the education and upbringing of youth very much at heart, for which he dedicated his entire life. He was born in Fratta in 1779 by Giovan Battista Guerrini and Anna Maria Cassoni. From his earliest years he showed the beautiful qualities of his soul. His first teachers were two former Spanish Jesuits, Father Sebastiano Re and Father Gabriele Villalunga. Of a good and honest nature, to better benefit his fellow citizens he embraced the ecclesiastical life, in which he distinguished himself for truly evangelical knowledge and charity. At the age of fifteen he was designated canon of the Collegiate church, while completing his theological studies in the seminary of Gubbio. At the age of twenty-five he was appointed professor of rhetoric in the public schools of our country. He taught for more than forty years until the last days of his life, with tireless zeal and with great love. Twice he was called to Perugia, first to exercise the office of rector and moderator of studies in the "Piano Collegio", then to teach philosophy; but both times he refused, thus giving very clear proof of his predilection for his native land. Antonio Guerrini worked constantly to improve teaching methods in the schools entrusted to him. He compiled a geography accompanied by historical information, designing and building a large terrestrial globe to facilitate its teaching. He also made a large map of Europe, also with indications of the main historical facts. He cooperated in the formation of the town band, in the erection of a theater (what later became the "Teatro dei Riuniti") and in the establishment of a society of dramatic declamation for the benefit of the poor in need. The cover of the book on the history of Fratta and Umbertide (Anastatic copy on the original of 1883 made by the "Gruppo Local Editorial "by Digital Editor Umbertide - September 2009) He wrote a much praised work, a "Theory of Oratory Art and Versification of Tuscany" of which, a summary, was included in the Parisian Journal of the year 1810 and which earned the author a mention by the famous Degerando who, writing in about Mr. Count Giovanni Spada, Deputy Prefect, revealed to him his desire that such a teaching method be adopted by all the universities of the Empire. He also left many Latin and Italian poems. He was very involved in the research of homeland memories, of which he left a copious collection. His major work "History of the Land of Fratta now Umbertide from its origins until the year 1845" was completed by the nephew Genesio Perugini printed at the Tipografia Tiberina and published at the expense of the Municipality of Umbertide in 1883. Antonio Guerrini died on January 21, 1845, at the age of sixty-five. He was buried in the church of Santa Maria della Reggia (Collegiata) where, to perpetuate his memory, the Town Hall placed a marble plaque between the orchestra and the main west door which reads as follows: "Don Antonio Guerrini for virtue of science, the town hall highly admired - XXI Gennaro MDCCCXXXXV". The municipal administration dedicated a street to him on January 22, 1880. Sources: - "The illustrious men of Umbertide" by A. Chelli - Umbertide, Tipografia Tiberina - 1888 - "The man in toponymy" by B. Porrozzi - Ed. Pro-loco - 1992 - Biography of prof. Antonio Mezzanotte - Bartelli Typography, Perugia 1845. Interior of the Collegiate where Don Antonio Guerrini was buried. Below, on the left, the plaque commemorating him. Antonio Guerrini ANNIBALE MARIOTTI Distinguished doctor and scholar of the second half of the 18th century curated by Fabio Mariotti Annibale Mariotti was born on 13 September 1738 in Perugia, where his father Prospero, professor of medicine and botany at the local university, had recently moved from Fratta with his already pregnant wife Maddalena Eleonori. He completed his literary and scientific studies in Perugia and at just sixteen he obtained a doctorate in medicine and philosophy. Shortly afterwards he went to Rome to study physics and mathematics under the guidance of great tutors such as Iaquier and Le-Seur, without neglecting to perfect himself in medical science with the lessons of Saliceti and Gianneschi and in chemistry with Voyole. Returning to Perugia in 1757, at the age of only nineteen, he was appointed professor of medicine but the desire to enrich his cultural background led him to leave Perugia again. It was in Bologna, where he took advantage of the classical schools of Beccari, Molinelli and Monte; in Padua where he enriched his already rich knowledge by making friends with the very learned Quirini, Morgagni and other renowned professors, then also in Pisa, admired everywhere for his great erudition. He was offered professorships from Pisa, Pavia and from the same studio in Padua, which he refused for the sake of his native place. 1930s. The post office in piazza Umberto I (now piazza Matteotti) The entrance on via Mariotti Such was by now his fame as a man with great knowledge that he often asked his vote in the most profound medical disputes from the most renowned Colleges of Italy and Count Roberti, writing to Bianconi, said: "Enough to inspire Perugia to remember me that the highly literate Mariotti is its citizen! " He had relations with the most brilliant geniuses of his time and the most renowned Academies were honored to have him as a partner, such as the Etruscans of Cortona, the Arcadi Augusti, the Leopoldini of Germany and others. He was even called by the Dresden Court as his doctor, but the call of his native land was too strong for him so he returned to Perugia where, in 1760, he was given again the chair of medicine to which, in 1768, was added that of botany, which had already belonged to her deceased parent. Annibale Mariotti lived in difficult times but, among the honors and humiliations that he had to bear, he always managed to keep the goodness and kindness of his generous soul. Proclaimed, on February 5, 1798, the French republic in Perugia, Hannibal was one of the fifteen who formed the provisional government and had the honor, with Dr. Gian Angelo Cocchi, to represent the city in Rome, at the banning of the constitution of the Roman Republic . On his return to Perugia he was elected "consular prefect" of the Trasimeno Department. He used authority and knowledge for the benefit of his fellow citizens, working for the release of some nobles imprisoned by the government of the republic and taken to Ancona. After the fall of the Roman republic, eighteen months after its proclamation, it was the object of slanderous accusations by its enemies. For this he was arrested by the Austro-Arezzo soldiers and taken to Arezzo as a criminal. After some time, the accusations found to be false, he was released, but the harshness of his imprisonment soon contributed to reducing him to death. Death came on June 10, 1801, after a serious illness of six months. Perugia reserved solemn honors for him and the funeral oration was read by Dr. Luigi Santi, his loyal disciple. He was buried in the church of S. Angelo in Porta Eburnea, where an epigraph recalls his virtues and his knowledge. Annibale Mariotti wrote about 60 works, including the "History of Perugian literature" and "Perugian pictorial letters" printed in 1788. He also left a manuscript of historical memories of all the places under the ancient dominion of Perugia. Umbertide, after 1863, dedicated to him the street (formerly vicolo del Pomo) that connects today's Piazza Matteotti with Piazza XXV Aprile. The old photos are from the historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide Sources: - "History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide" by A. Guerrini (completed by G. Perugini) - Umbertide, Tipografia Tiberina - 1883 - "The illustrious men of Umbertide" by A. Chelli - Umbertide, Tipografia Tiberina - 1888 - "The man in toponymy" by B. Porrozzi - Ed. Pro-loco - 1992 Via Mariotti today from piazza XXV aprile The plaque of the illustrious personage Annibale Mariotti Alessandro Magi Spinetti PIETRO GIACOMO PETROGALLI Man of arms of the second half of the sixteenth century famous for his courage curated by Fabio Mariotti Pietro Giacomo Petrogalli was born in 1554, from one of the best families in the country. From a young age he showed great courage and firmness of character. One day, while he was having fun fishing on the Tiber, just below the castle of Montalto, he was insulted by the Perugian Sforza degli Alessandri who, not happy with this, also had him beaten with a stick by one of his agents. Peter could not bear the insult and swore to take his revenge. Alessandri often came to Fratta, bringing with him an escort of warriors. Pietro not being able to suffer so much insolence, after the insult he received, presented himself in front of him and fired a pistol shot on his chest, leaving him dead on the ground. Then, armed with a hatchet, he made his way through the men of arms and managed to get to safety. However, he did not escape the penalty of the ban to which he was condemned, and in April 1580 he was forced to leave his native land. At first he took refuge in France and took up service in the militias of that country. He immediately distinguished himself for many and beautiful actions of value, for which he received the admiration of the soldiers and had the rank of lieutenant colonel. From France he returned to Italy, placing himself at the service of the Grand Duke of Tuscany Ferdinand I and left with the Italian troops who went to Hungary to fight with the emperor, against the Turks. Also on this occasion he proved himself worthy of his name by fighting hard and, after the capture of Chiavarino in which he covered himself with glory, he was appointed captain of a large Italian company, on October 15, 1594. He was also once again in Hungary paid by the Church, in the expedition commanded by Francesco of the Marquises Del Monte, remaining there until the end of the war, in which he sustained many wounds. It was then that, ill in health and very weak from a lot of blood shed, he expressed the desire to return to breathe the native air and the pope, with a special pardon of July 26, 1596, not only allowed him to return to his country , but he called him back from the ban and condoned all punishment, although he had not obtained peace from the Alessandri family. After some time, having recovered in health, he returned to Tuscany and was by the Grand Duke Ferdinando appointed lieutenant of the Pistoia fortress, then sergeant major of the Livorno garrison and then castellan of the same city. In 1607 he participated in the capture of the city of Bona in Barberia with the rank of battle sergeant. When Ferdinand I died in 1609, he was succeeded in the government by Cosimo II who, having also learned of his expertise and loyalty, on 15 May 1612 appointed him Governor in Valdelsa and sergeant major of all the Tuscan infantry, succeeding the knight Francesco Tucci , also giving it the rich income of Poggio Imperiale. He also held many other important offices including that of Castellano and Governor of the Fortress of San Miniato. In 1622 he returned to Fratta again, staying there for a short time, however, because Princess Maddalena, regent of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, called him to assist Cardinal De 'Medici on the occasion of the Conclave for the election of the new Pope after the death of Gregory XV. Subsequently in 1628 Ferdinando II, Cosimo's son and successor, called him back to the court to occupy the high office of Councilor of State. And that year was fatal to him because one day, while he was leaving the council, he was seized by an aneurysm for which he died at the age of 74. In ancient times via Petrogalli (formerly via San Giovanni) was located in the so-called Borgo San Giovanni destroyed in the terrible bombing of 25 April 1944. For this reason the city council on 18 December 1960 approved the assignment to Petrogalli of a new road, the crossroad that gives via XX September ends up in via Andreani. Sources: - "History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide" by A. Guerrini (completed by G. Perugini) - Umbertide, Tipografia Tiberina - 1883 - "The illustrious men of Umbertide" by A. Chelli - Umbertide, Tipografia Tiberina - 1888 - "The man in toponymy" by B. Porrozzi - Ed. Pro-loco - 1992 FRANCESCO MAVARELLI Mayor of Umbertide from 1892 to 1898 and author some valuable texts on the history of Fratta curated by Fabio Mariotti Francesco Mavarelli was born in Cagli on January 3, 1870 to Vincenzo and Angela Calai. He spent his childhood in the Marche town where his parents had some properties, but the most considerable group of his assets was in Umbertide and consisted of the magnificent palace in via Stella and numerous farms scattered in the surrounding countryside. His first friendships were born along the Via Flaminia, between Cagli and Fossombrone, just twenty kilometers away from each other and divided by the Furlo massif. Here he established sincere and lasting relationships with the most prominent families of the place such as the Vernarecci, the Chiavarelli and others. He spent the years of childhood and adolescence with his brother Giuseppe born five years before him, but then, on June 14, 1891, the two separated because Giuseppe decided to marry Luigia Menghini and went to live on his own. We do not know the exact date on which Francesco left Cagli to settle in Umbertide. The personal data sheet only notes that he moved there "as a child". With certainty in Umbertide he completed the cycle of elementary and middle school, and then entered the Collegio della Quercia in Florence where he completed the course of classical studies and graduated in law. He did not practice his profession, absorbed as he was by the administration of his assets and by numerous other commitments. During the holidays he often went to his native places to visit old friends and gladly stopped in Fossombrone at the Chiavarelli family where Marina, who was born on 7 July 1875 and had seen a child, was getting a beautiful girl. A brilliant and open young man, supported by robust and thoughtful studies, he also faced the political and administrative commitment with great success. In the partial municipal elections of 26 July 1891 he was elected councilor with 110 votes out of 171 voters, while in the general elections of 27 November 1892 and 23 June 1895 he was the first of those elected, respectively with 455 out of 490 voters and 650 votes out of 695 voters. He held the office of mayor of Umbertide for six years, from 4 December 1892 to 3 December 1898. He was municipal councilor, provincial councilor of the district and president of the Congregation of Charity. A life full of work and responsibility, considering that the young Mavarelli was in his early twenties. To this must be added the intense historical and literary commitment on some aspects of city life conducted with scrupulous balance and profound competence, confirming a school education approached with seriousness and conviction. "Historical news and praise on the Company of disciplines of Santa Maria Nuova and Santa Croce in the Land of Fratta", was his first work published in 1899 and dedicated to his wife. Professor Augusto Vernarecci, Fossombrone's friend, informs us that the work was examined and praised by a competent and severe judge such as Giuseppe Mazzatinti. The second historical commitment was that of "The Art of Blacksmiths in the Land of Fratta", published posthumously in 1901. The family members entrusted its publication to Vernarecci who accompanied the work with a touching premise that we report in its entirety. On 31 August 1896 he married Marina, the girl from Fossombrone to whom he was now tied by a deep affection. The wedding was celebrated in the Marche city and on the same day the young landowner moved to the building in via Stella di Umbertide, where Francesco performed the functions of mayor. Then came the children. The first was Zenaide (23 October 1898) and the second Angiola Maria (28 November 1899). The third, Francesca, will be born on 12 December 1900 when her father had been gone for five months. Suddenly, that Friday evening of 20 July 1900, a gunshot froze the affections, aspirations and projects: Francesco had killed himself. The dramatic event preceded the regicide of Monza by nine days and this was enough to unleash the strangest assumptions about the motive for the gesture, the result of a Homeric epic fantasy. The mirrored customs and transparency of behavior of Francesco did not offer space for gossipy inferences. Thus, the whispers that circulated from alley to alley inside the town and that every day were colored more and more with lively colors and curious details, no less wanted the unfortunate young man to be linked to a Perugian anarchist group within the which his name would have been extracted to assassinate Umberto I. The task would not have been pleasing to the lottery and hence the fatal choice of suicide. Evidently, those who spread the fable of the failed regicide knew very little about anarchy, contrary to any form of institutional collaboration and any bond, including that of marriage, which represented a limitation to the sacred freedom of the individual. The religion of anarchy was identified only with revolutionary methodology. Francesco, on the other hand, was a man of the institutions, within which he had carried out important functions such as that of mayor and provincial councilor; he had also been awarded the title of knight and his whole life showed respect for the rules and the practice of civil coexistence. No, the story of an alleged anarchist membership definitely does not hold up, if only because in a few days the alternate to kill a king is not found, but it offers us some food for thought. The elegance of mind of the last Mavarelli; the profound culture that allowed him to dig into the historical past of his people by choosing the two typical strands of existence: religion (historical news and Laudi) and work (The art of blacksmiths); the high prestige gained in the exercise of political offices made him a different character from many of his peers. The hard college life based on tolerance and respect for others, passionate and assimilated study did not belong to youthful parentheses to be thrown into oblivion, but had become a way of life. In a difficult and conflictual period in which many agrarians responded to the spread of the socialist party and the peasant leagues with the expulsion of the colonists from their farms, the sensitivity and convictions of the agrarian Mavarelli were certainly oriented towards different attitudes that did not coincide with the crude and provocative authoritarianism of the law of the strongest practiced by some of his friends. On the other hand, for many men of the extreme left, the revolution was just around the corner and Gaetano Bresci's threat to the carabinieri who translated him to the prison of Santo Stefano and silenced him because he asked too many questions is symptomatic: " guys like you who should never talk! But soon the revolution will sweep you all away ”. According to the most accredited opinion in the agrarian world, these people had to be answered with the harshest methods, there was no middle ground. Mavarelli lived intensely the political unease of his time at the crossroads between reaction and revolution, which was, moreover, the unease and embarrassment of all European culture between the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, in search of new models of expression and vigorous sources of inspiration and which in very generic terms took the name of Decadentism. This different way of being and feeling that harbored in the soul of Francis, for the popular imagination that has always loved shortcuts, extremisms and baseless analogies, was enough to make him an anarchist, while he was an enlightened liberal. who would feel at ease a few years later with the policy adopted by Giovanni Giolitti's government. But in 1900 Dronero's deputy was still the politician involved, rightly or wrongly, in the scandal of the Banca Romana and not the leader of the Italy of the "Belle Epoque" (the vile Italy of the vate D'Annunzio) in which the lira he favored gold and in which the most urgent reforms in the social field were under way, so much so that the astute Giolitti boasted "of having relegated Marx to the attic". The profound sensitivity of Francesco Mavarelli made him feel the contrast between the times and his beliefs in a nagging way, giving him the feeling of being born in a wrong period or of being a man out of time. Of course the discomfort deriving from this state of affairs was not a reason for taking one's life, even if the gesture would have been consistent for a certain fringe of Decadents, but it certainly determined the climate in which the secret anguish that had tormented Francis for some time matured. . The expression is used by Vernarecci in the preface to Dell'Arte dei Fabbri, already mentioned above, and it certainly came from the mouths of his closest family members, his wife and mother, who intended to firmly exclude any form of depression of their joint. A person's secret anguish belongs to the mystery of life and death which must be treated with the utmost respect. We will never know the triggering reason for suicide, nor are we interested in knowing it. Five months later Francesca was born who, at least in the name, revived the memory of her father. The figure and work of Francesco Mavarelli were publicly commemorated in the session of the City Council on 23 September 1900. Unanimously the councilors decided to parry in mourning for a month the presidency desk which for six years had been occupied by their unfortunate colleague, to name the town's technical school after Francesco Mavarelli, to suspend the session as a sign of sorrow for the serious loss and solidarity towards family members . Today the first grade secondary school of Umbertide, what was once the middle school, is named after F. Mavarelli, together with G. Pascoli. In 1998 the prof. Bruno Porrozzi has published a volume, edited by the Pro-Loco Umbertide, with the anastatic copy of the works of Francesco Mavarelli. Sources: “Umbertide in the 20th century 1900 - 1946” by Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide, 2006 SAN SAVINO DI FRATTA Monk at the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto curated by Fabio Mariotti San Savino, born in Fratta, the current Umbertide, although a citizen of Perugia, as Umbertide has always been the land of the city of Perugia, can be counted among the Saints of the Diocese since Umbertide has always been part of our Church. This without detracting from the Perugian church which - according to Lancellotti in the manuscript Annals of Perugia - counts him among its saints. Savino was therefore a monk at the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Corona, once known as Monte Acuto and a hermit in this monastery, he died in 1190 after a holy life adorned with heroic virtues that made him consider him already a saint in life. The most remote written testimonies, apart from the ancient Camaldolese martyrologists, were the commemorative inscriptions of his prodigies, which could be read in a chapel erected in his honor in 1480 on the provincial road towards Perugia, in the locality of Citerna, on a farm that had belonged to the del Santo family, a farm which until today is still called San Savino. Unfortunately, there is no longer any trace of this chapel and one of its frescoes is also lost, which flanked a Madonna in Maestà, just outside the city, in a place once called Fonte Santa, on the border with the word Sant'Ubaldo. Di Savino remains famous for the miracle of the cloak, in fact, since it is impossible to ford the Tiber to return to the convent together with two other friars, due to a flood of the river, he spread his cloak - just like the prophet Elijah or the more famous St. Francesco di Paola in the Strait of Messina - and, having climbed over it like a raft with his companions, he was able to return to the monastery. His body was buried in a chapel erected on the road that leads from the monastery of San Salvatore to the place where, several centuries later, the Hermitage of Monte Corona will be built, in the same place that had seen him isolated in hermitage for long periods. However, wars and suppressions, first the Napoleonic one and then that of the new unitary state, ruined the chapel, which is currently incorporated into the walls of a villa, completely unrecognizable. Only the toponym, San Savino, still indicates the site of the saint's tomb. Nothing is known of the fate that his relics may have made, almost certainly translated before the ruin of the building. The Camaldolese celebrated the memory of Savino, with the title of Saint, on 18 May. The city of Umbertide preserves an ideal portrait of the Saint in the collection of the Illustrious Men of the city and it is also depicted in the large altarpiece of the Transfiguration attributed to Pomarancio, located in the drum of the dome of the Collegiate Church of Santa Maria della Reggia. Sources: “Hagiographic Profiles - The Saints, Blessed, Venerable and Servants of God of the Eugubine Church " by Pietro Vispi - Gubbio, 2008 ALESSANDRO MAGI SPINETTI Benefactor, friend of the poor curated by Fabio Mariotti Alessandro Magi Spinetti, son of Francesco and Vincenza Mazzaforti, was born in Fratta in 1811. He was the descendant of one of the most important families in our city and dedicated his entire life to doing good works. He was one of the most assiduous supporters of the Congregation of Charity, "friend of all, men, animals and plants". He lived in via Spoletini until 1887, when he moved his residence to Città di Castello. He was one of the greatest supporters of the construction of the new hospital in Umbertide for which he donated 1,982 lire in 1883 and 12,848 lire and 55 cents in 1889 for the total sum of 14,830 lire and 55 cents, an enormous sum for those times. Suffice it to say that the Cassa di Risparmio donated 14,200 lire and the Municipality of Umbertide only 431 lire and 82 cents in three payments. These figures are reported, together with the names of all the benefactors, on the marble plaque placed in the entrance of the old hospital. Alessandro died on April 20, 1890 and at his funeral there was a choral participation of the city in gratitude for the numerous charitable activities carried out. The mayor Francesco Andreani also arranged for the presence at the funeral of the newly reconstituted town band directed by Maestro Massimo Martinelli . His remains rest in the city cemetery just past the main gate, a left, in a travertine sarcophagus that reports this epitaph: “Here lies Alessandro Magi Spinetti friend of the poor born on the 24th April 1811. The Congregation of Charity grateful. Died on 20th April 1890 " The municipal administration he dedicated a street to him on March 27, 1951. Sources: - “The man in toponymy” by Bruno Porrozzi - Pro-Loco Association Umbertide, 1992 - "Two centuries on the march - Umbertide and the band" by Amedeo Massetti - Petruzzi publisher - Città di Castello, 2008 Pietro G. Petrogalli Francesco Mavarelli San Savino di Fratta GIULIANO BOVICELLI A close collaborator of Pope Benedict XIII, he wrote the original "Istoria delle Perucche" and contributed to the birth of the "Monte Frumentario" to help the poor of Fratta curated by Fabio Mariotti Giuliano Bovicelli was born in Fratta around the mid-1600s. He embraced an ecclesiastical career with commitment and conviction and linked his name to the establishment and financing of Monte Frumentario , which went into full operation in 1724, when Don Giuliano died. He embellished the church of San Bernardino with rich furnishings and a beautiful statue of the saint. In his will, with deed of July 27, 1724 by Gabrielli Notaro Romano, he left all his patrimony to the Confraternity of San Bernardino, of which he was a brother, to offer concrete help to the poor of the town, precisely through that Monte Frumentario that he tenaciously wanted. His ingenuity drew him to the attention of Cardinal Pier Francesco Orsini of Rome, who chose him as his secretary and took him to Benevento, when he was appointed Archbishop of that city "and that he was there in the tearful catastrophe of June 5 1688. A horrible earthquake among so many devastations overturned a large part of the Archbishop's Palace. The Cardinal was thrown from the second floor to the ground. Where, falling, some woods crossing each other saved him from death. A gentleman, who was following him, was horribly crushed; and our Giuliano, it is not known how life escaped! (Antonio Guerrini). Having become Pope, with the name of Benedict XIII , Orsini retained Don Giuliano at the Roman Curia with important positions, such as that of Prior of the Basilica of San Bartolomeo and Apostolic Protonotary. It was during his stay in Benevento that Bovicelli wrote his " Istoria delle Perucche ", and the first publication took place in 1722 in that city. It is a work carried out with the utmost commitment and with a rigorous scruple of research that ranges from the ancient testimonies on this ornament, found among the oriental peoples, up to the early years of the 18th century. The author's aim, however, is not that of a technical, aesthetic or social examination of the wig in general, but more simply a full-bodied reflection on the awkwardness of the wigs that ecclesiastics wore. From the very first lines of his work, Bovicelli explains its aims: “History of the perucche in which their origin, form, abuse and irregularity of those of the Ecclesiastics are shown”. Vanity must have taken the hand of many monsignors, if in the preface the author immediately enters the subject with these expressions: “Today there are so many Ecclesiastics who wear the perucca; that I have great reason to believe that they are persuaded, at least for the most part, that this foreign ornament is forbidden to them, and that it has nothing in itself that suits the decency of their profession. In order to portray them, therefore, from their error, I have undertaken this work by the stimulus of some people who are firmly pious and truly zealous in the discipline of the Church; ... it is bad to see that those of the Ecclesiastics are damned by the rules of the Church; and having shown how irregular and monstrous are those of the monks, I answer the objections which the clergymen and monks who adorn themselves may attach. I end up proposing the ways that can be employed to stop the course of this disorder and absolutely remove it from the Church ”. The preface summarizes the content of the work which had a remarkable success, so much so that two years later, in 1724, an edition was printed also in Milan (1) . The exquisite sensitivity of the author realizes that the arguments against the use of wigs by the clergy were also valid for those with which the laity adorned themselves and seems almost to apologize by appealing to the tranquility and serenity of mind of the readers: "Since Most of the proofs of which I am sifting through to combat the proofs of the Ecclesiastics can quite rightly be applied to those of the Laity, and they will easily judge that it is scarcely more permissible for lay people than for ecclesiastics to wear the perucca. However that may be, I pray to God with the language of Tertullian that the peace and grace of Jesus our Lord will fall in abundance on the people who will read this Story with tranquility of mind and who will prefer truth to custom: Haec cum bona pace legentibus, veritatem. consuetudini praeponentibus, pax et gratia a Domino nostra Iesu redundet ”(May the peace and grace of God fall on those who read these lines with serenity and put truth before custom). In the specific theme, Don Giuliano was aware of the sense of modernity which he helped to anticipate, even if the landing on this shore was not offered to him by a progressive vision, typical of the Enlightenment, but by the ridicule of the anachronistic and continuous carnival that masks exalted. After 1863 a street was dedicated to him in the historic center of Umbertide, the one that is still called “Il Bocaiolo” today. Note: 1) Two copies of the book are available at the Vatican Library. One, the one published in Benevento, in the General History Collection - Vol. 6360; the other, the one published in Milan, in CICOGNARA III - pos. 1602. Sources: - "Umbertide in the XVIII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide, 2003 - "History of the Land of Fratta now Umbertide" by Antonio Guerrini, completed by Genesio Perugini - Tipografia Tiberina, Umbertide 1883 (Anastatic copy by the "Local Publishing Group" of Digital Editor srl - Umbertide - 2009). Giuliano Bovicelli Cesare Bartolelli - Cristoforo Petrogalli I Cibo di Fratta Luigi Vibi LUIGI VIBI Liberal of Fratta who died in 1849 in defense of the "Roman Republic" edited by Fabio Mariotti Luigi Vibi (1) , son of the notary Lorenzo, was born in Fratta in 1807. He attended high school in Perugia where he met Luigi Bonazzi and the actor Gustavo Modena with whom he maintained a good friendship. After high school he enrolled in the faculty of law and graduated in law. He was ill in health, but gifted with a brilliant intelligence which attracted the attention of an old noble from Fratta, Costantino Magi Spinetti, of liberal faith and enrolled in Freemasonry. The old Freemason and the young graduate spent many hours together discussing liberalism and the French Revolution of which, at that time, partisan versions were given both from books and from ecclesiastical tutors. The riots of 1831 found immediate response in Perugia, which arose on February 14 of that year. The city, through its Provisional Government Committee (2) , declared the Papal Government lapsed to the great amazement of the Apostolic Delegate Mons. Ferri (3). The riots found the twenty-four year old Luigi Vibi already politically deployed and the Provisional Committee that had formed in Perugia had to know him well if just two days after taking office, on February 16, it entrusted him and Petronio Reggiani (4) with the task of going in Città di Castello (5) to establish a Provisional Government Committee in that city as well. Fratta's two sons immediately set to work by bringing together the Municipal Council of that city on February 17 to proceed with the establishment of the Provisional Committee. The trust that the Perugian liberals had in the young Vibi testifies to his political trust and the validity of the school of the old master and Freemason. The generous impulses of our patriots did not last long because they were cut short by the unfavorable trend of political events. The tricolor flags hoisted everywhere, including one on the roof of Vibi's house (6) , were soon withdrawn in anticipation of better times. The ensuing repression forced many to seek safe shelter. Lorenzo Vibi, for example, Luigi's nephew took refuge in Mercatale, in Tuscany in the land of the Grand Duchy. They were actively looking for him to arrest him because, in those days, he had pushed a priest down the stairs and broke his leg. The connection with the fugitives was maintained by a certain Fiordo Bettoni who walked the approximately 25 kilometers away almost every day to bring them food, news and everything they needed. In the first months of 1849 Luigi Vibi carried out all the activities he was capable of in favor of the Roman Republic and was one of those who reorganized the Civic Guard at Fratta. He managed to raise voluntary funds among the citizens to improve the conditions of the company of which he had become captain commander. His letter of reminder of the economic commitment signed in favor of the Civic or Citizen Guard is dated 20 April 1849. "... I therefore find it necessary to invite you, citizen, to the payment already overdue of what you have signed, to which you are obliged in the aforementioned program, which you will pay within eight days from this date in the hands of this municipal debt collector in charge of this requirement ; anticipating that in case of non-compliance I will see myself, in spite of myself, bound to prevail over legal remedies ". Below is the list of people to whom this circular letter was addressed and the list sees Sebastiano Vibi with 10 shields in the front row, followed by Gaetano Migliorati with 6 shields and by the old friend Costantino Spinetti. The letter testifies that on April 20 Vibi was at Fratta, but still for a little while. On 30 April the Roman volunteers sustained the first victorious fight against the French of General Oudinot at the Janiculum and the news of the siege of Rome by the French led him to go and fight for his defense alongside Garibaldi (7) . He left on May 5 under the command of other volunteers grouped in the "Legion of Umbria". The information we have available tells us that he was employed in the extreme southern sector of the Garibaldi array, at Porta Portese (8) , where he was seriously injured on 18 June. On 21 June, the day of St. Louis, his name day, he stopped living for his injuries, at the Pellegrini hospital. He was 42 years old. His remains rest in the Ossario Garibaldino erected on the Janiculum and the plaque commemorating him is clearly visible because it is located immediately above that of Goffredo Mameli. The funeral to Luigi Vibi (9) took place in Rome, in the church of S. Andrea delle Fratte which for the occasion was paved with many inscriptions praising his virtues and value. One of these, placed right at the entrance to the temple, said: “Magnanimous contempt for domestic wealth and of the honors which he was awarded in the city legion very rare careless in times when many foolishly yearn for it mocking his vile age and bodily sickness captain Luigi Vibi da Fratta of Perugia forty-two he fearlessly raised the arms of the last soldier on May 5, 1849 and within the sacred city on the breach and the barricades amidst the lightning of the bullets with ardent valor fighting ouch homeland love! the night of June 21 ended so precious life pierced by igneous lead than to the homeland, to relatives, to friends, to the beneficiaries more vivid ray of sunshine forever darkened but which he added unknowingly to the bliss of the heavens a new child which the name-day saint protector from afar the affectionate paternal right hand stretched out ". The events of Luigi Vibi had a sequel in 1871. Filippo Natali, an Umbertidese employed in the Municipality of Magione, wrote to the Mayor asking that the ashes of the young republican be brought back to the cemetery of Umbertide, from that of S. Spirito, also known as the " One hundred and five ”, where they were. An interminable discussion began within the Municipal Council which recalled other Umbertidesi who died in similar circumstances, such as Giuseppe Mastriforti in Condino in 1866 and Giovan Battista Igi in Mentana in 1867. The discussion continued for a few months. Meanwhile, a kind letter was sent to Filippo Natali expressing "feelings of gratitude for the patriotic inspiration" and the ashes remained where they were. The fruit of the long discussion was a stone, placed in our cemetery, with the following inscription: "Memory to Luigi Vibi of Umbertide honored citizen of proven political faith than fighting for the independence of Italy it fell in Rome on the 21st of June MDCCCXLIX Il Patrio Municipio ". The tombstone does everything possible to make the figure of Luigi Vibi anonymous, dull and neutral. It would have been better to keep quiet. In the fifties, in memory of our heroic fellow citizen, the municipal administration entitled "Largo L. Vibi" the space where his house existed before it was destroyed by the bombing of 25 April 1944. Note: 1. The news was kindly provided by Mr. Giancarlo Vibi di Umbertide, now resident in Perugia. 2. It was formed by Antonio Monadi, Antonio Canci, Giuseppe Rosa, Luigi Batoli, Luigi Menicucci, Tiberio Borgia. 3. This version of the "amazement" does not agree with that supported by the historian Luigi Bonazzi according to which there was a tacit consent on the part of Mons. Ferri. 4. Petronio Reggiani was also from Fratta. On this occasion he also had the task of establishing the Provisional Government in San Giustino, which Reggiani did by appointing the Tifernate Dr. Pietro Dini as Commissioner of that place (Giuseppe Amizie, Storia di Città di Castello in the 19th century - Edit. S . Lapi - year 1902). The Reggiani family gave valid patriots to the Italian Risorgimento, including Petronius, mentioned above. There was also Aristide who participated in the Risorgimento wars and Francesco di Gaetano who took part in the Perugian insurrection of 1859 and was then persecuted until September 1860, that is, until the arrival of the Italian troops (National Register of Noble Families of the Italian State listed below the historical profile - Ass. Historiae Fides, Milan - Edit. Graphics by S. Angelo, by Cesano Boscone - Year 1974, in the library of Dr. Angelo Zeno Reggiani). 5. G. Friendship, Op. Cit. 6. The house near the bridge over the Tiber (now Largo Vibi) was destroyed by the bombing of 25 April 1944. 7. Garibaldi spent the night in Umbertide with the Vibi family. A large walnut bed with columns was placed at his disposal. He said he felt calm because he was in the house of trusted friends and left, leaving as thanks a telescope covered in mahogany and brass, now in the possession of Mr. Giancarlo Vibi (Luigi's great-grandson) who gave us this testimony, without being able to specify the date. Reconstructing the series of events and carefully rereading the book of his Memoirs, it appears that on November 15, 1848, after the unfortunate events of Custoza and Novara, Garibaldi was in Ravenna with a handful of volunteers, waiting to embark to run to the aid of Venice. . But on that very day the assassination of Pellegrino Rossi and the revolt in the Papal State took place. Plans changed. Garibaldi went to Cesena, where he left his volunteers, and went to Rome "to make contact with the Minister of War so that he would put an end, once and for all, to our wandering existence" (from the Memoirs of Garibaldi). Probably on the occasion of this trip to Rome, between the end of November and the beginning of December 1848, Garibaldi passed through the upper Tiber valley and stopped at the Vibi house. In fact, other presences of the hero in Foligno and Cascia also date back to the same period. 8. Porta Portese, or Portuense, as it is next to the river port of old Rome (Ripa Grande). It is located on the right bank of the Tiber. 9. On the terrace of the Pincio, a few tens of meters from the balustrade, a marble bust of Luigi Vibi can still be seen today. Sources: "Umbertide nel Secolo XIX" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide, 2001 I FOOD OF FRATTA Several "characters" of the noble Cibo family were born in Fratta: Andrea, doctor and professor at the University of Perugia; the lawyer Alessandro, son of Andrea and the jurist Girolamo, a profound and distinguished man of letters. Andrea Cibo Andrea Cibo was born in 1493. He studied medicine and, still very young, taught with great praise at the University of Perugia. Pope, Clement VII, who had achieved the fame of Andrea's great knowledge, called him to Rome and appointed him his doctor, with a large salary and annual income for himself and for his heirs. He was also highly esteemed by the Supreme Pontiff Paul III Farnese, who in the trip he made to Nice, wanted him with him, and in the Pope's meeting with the Emperor Charles V and with Francis I, King of France where the truce of ten years, he was the only one invited to attend the banquet given to those great potentates. He was also a companion of the same Pope on the other solemn journey of Busseto, as shown in a letter written by Carlo Gualterozzi to Bembo on June 18, 1543. letter present in a Code of the Barberini Library. In another letter of October 1553 Aretino calls Andrea Cibo "Safe health of the sick". However, Andrea had so much love for his Fratta that in 1537 he had a hotel built at his expense for the convenience of all those who passed through to go to Perugia and Tuscany. After having served as a doctor for two other Popes, Julius III and Marcellus II, in 1557 he returned to Perugia where he stayed for five years. In 1562 he was recalled to Rome by Pope Pius IV who appointed the general proto-doctor of the health college in Rome. After the death of Pius IV he settled in Perugia where he lived very honorably until his death, which took place on May 17, 1576, at the serious age of eighty-three. The funeral honors dedicated to him by every city order were grandiose and Orazio Cardaneti da Montone, illustrious rhetorician of the 16th century, read a very forbitious and learned prayer. From Guerrini we also know that "He was buried in the Cathedral Church of S. Lorenzo (N, dr of Perugia), where three years before he had placed this modest memory by himself: 1574 ANDREA CIBO AAE 80 POSUIT He left a certain Lucrezia a widow, with whom he had several children, including Lavinia, who in the year 1579 she married Alessandro Degli Oddi. Another son of his was Alexander , who was a great success esteem in legal disciplines. He often lived in Fratta, and in 1610 he stayed there for a long time he retained with Adriana Amerigi the gentlewoman of Perugina his wife for health reasons. Poor Adriana on 21 September of the same year unfortunately had to go there succumb; and was buried in the Church of San Francesco, where still to the right of the entrance main reading is the funerary inscription, which the sad husband placed there ". After 1863, one of the most important streets of the historic center was dedicated to Andrea, formerly via Diritta or Reaale, and today considered somewhat the Corso of our city. * * * * * * Mauro Cibo Mauro Cibo, whose date of birth is unknown, as Guerrini recalls in his History of the land of Fratta, “was another scion of the noble and illustrious Cibo family. From his earliest age he showed a sweetness of character, an unabashedness of morals, an indefatigable love for divine things that finally, after having completed his career with immense profit, decided to retire from the lure of the world. In 1570 he was received as a novice among the Camaldolese hermits in the Sacred Hermitage of Monte Corona. A man of very exemplary, austere life and profound doctrine, he soon acquired the esteem and veneration of all his confreres, so that four times, by the General Chapter, he deserved to be raised to the supreme degree of Major of the whole Order. He always worked for the growth of the Congregation and obtained many privileges and advantages from various popes, Paul V - Clement VIII - Leo XI. He died in Monte Corona in the year 1604. Cesare Crispolti in his "Perugia Augusta", Lancellotti, Jacobilli, all record the praises of the venerable Hermit! " * * * * * * Pompey Food The date of birth of Pompeo Cibo, another illustrious character of this family from Fratta, is unknown. According to Antonio Guerrini “he was a man endowed with nobility of heart, of supreme wisdom and doctrine, teacher and example of all citizen virtues. He was decorated for non-liar merits of the St. Stephen's Cross (1) ; then honorably aggregated to the Perugian nobility. He lived a long life esteemed and loved by all and in February 26, 1641 he passed to eternal peace sincerely mourned by all ”. 1. The Order of Santo Stefano was established on March 15, 1562 by Cosimo I of Tuscany, who was its first grand master. It was named after Santo Stefano I pope and martyr, because on its anniversary (2 August) the Medici troops had achieved two important victories: that of Scannagallo (1554) and that of Montemurlo (1559). The emblem of the Order was the red cross on a white background. It was suppressed by the French in 1809, reconstituted in 1817 and definitively abolished by the provisional government of 1859. (The photo of the symbol of the Order is taken from the site “Santo Stefano Pope and Martyr and his Knights). The photos are from the photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide and Fabio Mariotti Sources: - "History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide" by Antonio Guerrini (completed by Genesio Perugini) - Typography Tiberina Umbertide - 1883 - "Umbertide - Man in toponymy" by Bruno Porrozzi - Pro Loco Umbertide Association - 1992 CESARE BARTOLELLI - CRISTOFORO PETROGALLI Two characters from illustrious families of ancient Fratta from the first half of the 1600s. Both played important roles, in different sectors, in the employ of some of the protagonists of the political and ecclesiastical life of the time Cesare Bartolelli Originally from Fratta from a distinguished family, as a young man he waited with great love for the study of civil and canonical laws at the University of Perugia, and in both he obtained a doctoral degree. He was first in Città di Castello as judge where he exercised this office with such prudence and rectitude, as to receive the applause and admiration of the best citizens. Leaving Città di Castello, he went to Rome where for his knowledge and singular merits he was appointed Auditor to Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini, then General Superintendent of all the possessions of this house, soon managing to achieve the highest honors, up to to that of governor of Rome. Pope Clement VIII, who had the highest esteem for him, sent him twice as extraordinary ambassador to Prague to negotiate important negotiations with the Austrian emperor. In 1602, as a reward for his dedication, he was appointed bishop of Forlì. He held that church for thirty-two years, all spent for the good of the population entrusted to his pastoral care. He spent a life of irreproachable customs, all aimed at charity, as a truly apostolic man. He founded the Chapel of the Crucifix in San Salvatore in Perugia and in Fratta he had the Chapel of San Rocco built in an elegant architectural form in our church of San Francesco, with one of the statue of the Saint. Also enriching it with staves and valuable paintings. On the arch of the chapel, surmounted by the noble coat of arms, you can still read his name, a clear demonstration of the affection he always had towards this homeland of his. He died in Forlì on 7 January 1634. * * * * * * CRISTOFORO PETROGALLI Cristoforo Petrogalli was educated to the hard labors of the field by his illustrious uncle Pietro Giacomo Petrogalli, with whom he found himself participating in many feats of arms and in the capture of the fortress of Bona in Barberia where he proved his valor and his courage by saving the insignia of the company of the Perugian captain Carlo della Penna who, due to the death of the standard bearer, would have fallen into the hands of the enemy. For his many merits, Cristoforo was very well received at the court of Tuscany. Francesco de 'Medici, before dying, honored him with his sword and his jacket or chain mail in the shape of a bodice, which warriors wore in battles. He also assigned him a salary of 19 piastres a month and a noble apartment. On 6 October 1637 he was appointed by Cardinal Carlo de 'Medici captain of the broken spears (Ed. In the 16th and 17th centuries , the chosen soldiers, both infantry and cavalry, were called broken spears, who assisted the corporals and sometimes the sergeants in their various Duties. Broken spear was also the name of various militias in the service of sovereigns or high-ranking personalities). Grand Duke Cosimo II, who knew very well the military prowess of this captain of ours, on 21 September 1642 entrusted him with the command of a company of 200 infantry and in the following year, on 23 November, promoted him to the rank of sergeant major in the third of Field Master Count Angelo Maria Stufa. Finally, for his singular merits, from the kind Florence he had the great honor of being enrolled, on January 10, 1644, in the register of his fellow citizens. He died in Florence in 1648. - The photos of Fratta's characters are part of the Gallery of paintings of historical characters of the Municipality of Umbertide - The photos of the church of San Francesco are by Fabio Mariotti - The other photos are taken from "Wikimedia Commons - Wikipedia" Sources: - "History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide" by Antonio Guerrini (completed by Genesio Perugini) - Typography Tiberina Umbertide - 1883 Giovanni Mauri Filippo e Giovan Battista Fracassini Orazio Mancini Giovan Battista Spoletini Fabrizio Stella Giovanni Tommaso Pao(u)lucci GIOVANNI TOMMASO PAO (U) LUCCI Great man of letters from Fratta in the service of the Papacy curated by Fabio Mariotti Antonio Guerrini, in his work "History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide", tells us that "In 1542 Gio. Tommaso Paolucci was born in Fratta. He advanced so much in the study of the Fine Letters, that he was subsequently Secretary of the Cardinals Fulvio della Corgna, Ottavio Acquaviva and Gio. Vincenti Gonzaga. He was also very versed (also) in Mathematics, in Histories, in Greek and Latin Letters. Finally giving himself to the study of Canonical and Civil Laws, he made an admirable profit in them; and in Rome in 1585 he was redeemed (crowned ) of Doctoral Degree in both law. He was tutor of Greek letters to Monsignor Matteo Barberini, who later became pope with the name of Urban VIII. He always continued in the esteem and love of the aforementioned cardinals so that Gonzaga beyond he wanted to raise him to dignity with a large pension, appointing him with a license sent on February 6, 1580 canon of the Church of San Gregorio in Velabro. Later he was conferred the Archpriesthood of Santa Maria in Cosmedin , otherwise known as of the Greek School, with a license sent by the same Cardinal on June 8, 1585 under the pontificate of Sixtus V, that bruised and shy old man, who as soon as he was proclaimed Pope threw down his stick and boldly curled his head! Gio. Thomas wrote to give to the print various works, "Five Volumes of Selected Letters" directed to various rulers, cardinals, Distinguished Prelates, Prelates and Knights; a “Treatise on public things and policies "; a “Summary of political warnings "; various comments on the “Annals and Histories of the Prince of the political writers, Cornelio Tacito ", which remained unpublished in the hands of the heirs. His merit went so much beyond that Clement VIII made him his secretary of the Latin letters, to which honorable officio unfortunately did not come because overwhelmed prematurely by death on 1st December 1599, fifty-seventh year of his age. It was public rumor that out of courtesan envy he was poisoned in S. Maria Maggiore in celebrating the S. Sacrifice. His body was buried in Rome in the Church of S. Maria in Cosmedin, as shown in the Book of the Dead of the said Parish p. 25, aforementioned year ". The municipal administration dedicated the central street of the Fontanelle district to him on 18 December 1960. Sources: - "History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide" by Antonio Guerrini (completed by Genesio Perugini) - Typography Tiberina Umbertide, 1883 FABRIZIO STELLA Distinguished jurist from Fratta between the second half of the 1500s and the first half of the 1600s He was born in Fratta in 1565 distinguishing himself in the legal disciplines. Due to his undoubted abilities he was called to hold administrative positions in various important cities, often disengaging himself in "foreign embassies". Guerrini, in his "History of the land of Fratta", tells that the lawyer Fabrizio Stella was particularly dear to many eminent personalities, including Cardinal Bevilacqua of Ferrara (he was apostolic legate of Umbria and Perugia, who elected him protector of the city and honorary citizen, from 1600 to 1606 - Ed), as shown by many family letters written to him kept by his heirs. The King of Portugal John IV, founder of the Braganza dynasty, decorated it with the Cross of St. James of Lusitania giving it many privileges, as emerges from the relative diploma. Returning to his homeland at the age of 79, he paid the supreme debt to nature on January 15, 1644 and was buried in the Church of the Conventual Fathers of this land, leaving his descendants legacies of honors and riches, but his family was soon extinct with the death of the three married women Paolucci, Mazzaforti and Savelli. In 1880 the municipal administration dedicated what was once via dell'ologio to Fabrizio Stella. Sources: - "History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide" by Antonio Guerrini (completed by Genesio Perugini) - Typography Tiberina Umbertide - 1883 - "Umbertide - Man in toponymy" by Bruno Porrozzi - Pro Loco Umbertide Association - 1992 GIOVAN BATTISTA SPOLETINI Distinguished jurist, governor of many cities of the Papal State, celebrated in Fratta for his many merits as Father of the Fatherland Giovan Battista Spoletini, a man of great ingenuity and supreme integrity, was born in Fratta in 1557. He graduated in the legal disciplines for which he was profoundly versed; for this he undertook a government career and was appointed by the S. Consulta Governor of the ancient city of Sutri in the year 1592, of Piperno in 1593, of Napi in 1595; then of Acquapendente, Veroli and others. Returning to his homeland, from the height of his wisdom and doctrine, he constantly worked for his good, especially in the circumstance of the ruin of the two arches of the bridge over the Tiber which occurred in the year 1610. They poured the inhabitants of Fratta into the most fierce consternation as their trade languished due to the difficulty of transit to Città di Castello and Tuscany and because with their limited economic resources they saw no hope of being able to reactivate it. It was Spoletini who, inflamed with homeland love, went to Rome several times, with the protection of the distinguished prelates, his ancient acquaintances, eloquently exposing the difficult situation in which his homeland was, obtaining from Paul V Borghese, a shrewd and enterprising Pope , that the Congregation of the Good Government provided for the rebuilding of our bridge, since, by good luck, this Pope knew well the land of Fratta, Perugia, Città di Castello, Montone, Citerna. And since in the allotment made by Monsignor Marini apostolic commissioner in Perugia, Fratta was heavily taxed by a quarter of the total expenditure, our Spoletini went again to Rome and from the Congregation of the Good Government he obtained a different allotment, that is, that divided the total expenditure in twelve ounces, nine were borne by Perugia and its countryside, two by Città di Castello, and the other part for two thirds to Fratta and one third to Montone. One cannot imagine how many oppositions were made by the aforementioned municipalities, and especially by that of Città di Castello, to the point of planning the construction of a wooden bridge; but by the industriousness, wisdom and influence of Spoletini everything was overcome and in 1614 the construction of the bridge with only two arches was contracted out for a cost of seven thousand scudi. The work was quite advanced that a terrible flood occurred which unfortunately devastated what had been carried out! Then new and fiercer oppositions arose and many appeals were made against the contractors, as well as the Spoletini himself who had been appointed Superintendent of the work. Envy and wickedness barbarously joined in slandering Spoletini as a participant in the fraud of bad workmanship so that, in June 1615, an arrest order was issued for him and for the contractors. Spoletini was treated with all due regard to his condition and was confined to a room in the Palazzo Priorale in Perugia with the exhibition of a security of one thousand scudi. In the end, his innocence and honesty were recognized and he was then honorably reinstated not only in his primitive qualification of Over-standing the factory, but for the damage suffered he was decreed an indemnity of 100 scudi to be paid half by the Municipality of Fratta, half from the other Municipalities subject to the Consortium, an indemnity that Spoletini generously did not accept. The contract for the three-arch bridge was therefore renewed for the sum of 6,500 scudi, and in 1619, perfectly completed, it was made passable. Despite the persecution unjustly suffered, Spoletini continued to always be the protector and benefactor of this land, to the point that he was assigned the glorious name of Pater Patriae. His home was in via del Piano. In 1634 Giovan Battista Spoletini ceased to live at the age of 77. All generally mourned for him, because when enmities and envy were cooled above the grave, men are judged without lies there as they really were. With great solemnity he was buried in our Church of San Francesco, where to the right of the Presbytery there is a sepulchral plaque dedicated to him where you can still read the following inscription which recalls the merits and important activities carried out during his life: DOM "Jo Baptista de Spoletinis LVD. Ac Civi Perusino de Fracta, here sub Clemente VIII Pont. Max Civitates Sutrína, Nepesina, Anxuris, et Monti Falisci, Terram Priverni, et Aquepend. Gubernavit et demum in Patriam neglessus, Pontem collapsum summo animi, corporisque labore, summaque vigilantia, oppugnatis contrariis in pristinum restit. curavit Deoq. Jovi obtinuit. Jo Maria filius ad memoriam laborum sui Patris iam septugenarii posuit Ann. Dm. 1637. " After 1863 the street where he lived was dedicated to him, the ancient via del piano which at the time was the main road to go to Perugia. Sources: - "History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide" by Antonio Guerrini (completed by Genesio Perugini) - Typography Tiberina Umbertide - 1883 - "Umbertide - Man in toponymy" by Bruno Porrozzi - Pro Loco Umbertide Association - 1992 - “The talking stones” by Pietro Vispi - Local publishing group - Digital Editor Srl, Umbertide 2021 ORAZIO MANCINI Fratta prelate and diplomat of the second half of the sixteenth century Abbot Mancini was born in Fratta as honest and wealthy parents in the year 1546. As a young boy he completed a full course of studies at the University of Bologna and then went to Rome where, having proved his uncommon talent, he remained for fifty years he was employed as Secretary to the Most Eminent Caraffa, S. Severino and Doria, and with this important office he had the opportunity to attend as many as seven Conclaves. He had very important shops entrusted to him by Philip III, King of Spain, from whom he was remunerated with an annual pension of one thousand scudi a thousand on the rich Archbishopric of Taranto and that of Seville, in addition to six thousand Castilian scudi that the Duke of Lerma, supreme minister, he donated in the name of the King. At the same time he was offered the Bishopric of Cefalù and Girgenti and other large cities of Sicily, which our Mancini modestly gave up. It was also very well accepted by various Supreme Pontiffs and Princes of Italy, especially Ferdinand II, Grand Duke of Tuscany and Duke Charles of Savoy, of whom he was requested as a gentleman and diner of Cardinal Maurizio, his son. At an advanced age and tired from the many hardships sustained, he retired to Perugia where, together with Father Sozio Sozi, he founded the Congregation of the Oratory of San Filippo Neri (1) , starting the construction of the house and the magnificent temple called Chiesa Nuova or Church of San Filippo Neri, the greatest example of the Baroque in Perugia, built between 1627 and 1665 under the direction of the Roman architect Paolo Maruscelli, for the construction of which he employed large revenues from abbeys, pensions and all his patrimonial assets. He died in Perugia in the year 1629, at the age of 86. In a painting that was in the Church of San Giovanni di questo Terra, representing the name of Jesus, one could read at the bottom this writing: "Oratius Mancinus fieri fecit, et donavit Anno 1598." Its name replaced the old denomination of via Porta Nuova after 1863. Note: 1. The Congregation of the oratory originated from community of secular priests gathered in Rome around San Filippo Neri, first at the church of San Girolamo della Carità (1551) and then near that of San Giovanni dei Fiorentini (1564); was erected canonically in 1575 by Pope Gregory XIII, who donated to the oratorians the church of Santa Maria in Vallicella, and its constitutions were approved by Pope Paul V in 1612. Sources: - "History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide" by Antonio Guerrini (completed by Genesio Perugini) - Typography Tiberina Umbertide - 1883 - "Umbertide - Man in toponymy" by Bruno Porrozzi - Pro Loco Umbertide Association - 1992 La famiglia Spunta di Fratta THE SPUNTA DI FRATTA FAMILY The conspicuous family of the Spunta had many characters who, between the 1500s and the mid 1600s, gave prestige and ornament to our city both for skill in arms and in legal and literary matters. The most remote news that has come down to us reminds us of Marino, notary; Paolo, Marino's nephew, official of the Papal State; Francesco, son of Paul, also an official of the Papal State; Alfonso, son of Paolo, man of letters. Marino Check Son of Domenico Spunta, he was born in Fratta in 1480. He was highly indoctrinated especially in the legal disciplines. He worked as a notary public and his deeds are kept in the historic municipal archive of our city in twenty-nine voluminous protocols ranging from 1507 to 1545. "There are few Offices - says an important Jurisconsult - that require such a great set of honesty, knowledge and conciliatory spirit as that of the Notariat". Thirty-eight years of honorable practice in such a delicate and important career, the handling of great and jealous interests concerning the most important village and foreign families are the indubitable testimony of Marino Spunta's mirrored honesty and profound wisdom. The ancient statutes of our community dating back to 1362 were extremely disfigured and damaged by time and long use, for which the General Council recognized the need for them to be reformed and partly renewed "also because the new age from antiquity in many different things , he continually wishes to promote a new rite ». Among the many distinguished men who presided over public shops at that time, Angelo di Antonio Cibo, Antonio di Ser Orsino, Simone de Speranza and Bentivenga di Antonio Dell'Uomo, defenders of the Castle, Ser Paolo di Cristofero Martinelli, public notary and extremely person circumspect, "not that many other virtuous men of the Castle, of good, honest and political amateurs", entrusted our Spunta with the direction of this important work that he successfully completed on February 22, 1521 and which was extensively approved. The date of death of Marino Spunta is not known while it seems that he had a son named Antonio , also a public notary, who exercised from 1538 to 1558 as we can find in the public archives of this Municipality in the twenty-three protocols he left. Paolo Spunta Grandson of Marino, he was born in Fratta on the decline of the 16th century. He was the husband of Madama Orsolina and had many children, including Francesco and Alfonso of whom we will speak later. Paolo by natural inclination dedicated himself to military art and in 1627 he had already risen to the rank of Loco-Lieutenant, conferred on him by Carlo Barberini, General of the Pontifical Troops. Then for the skills demonstrated he passed to the rank of Captain with the appointment of Cardinal Camillo Panfili, General Superintendent of the State Militias. At the same time he occupied many prestigious positions and, among others, by Ottaviano Carafa, general commissioner, was appointed under commissioner for army commissions in the province of Umbria. All this can be found in authentic documents existing in the Mazzaforti family and in their other heirs. Francesco Spunta Even Francesco, son of Paolo, following in his father's footsteps, was very capable in politics and an intrepid and valiant soldier. At a young age he was already appointed standard bearer of his company by Cardinal Camillo Panfili. In the war between Urban VIII and the Florentines he distinguished himself by strenuously defending the Castles of Montalto, Polgeto and Montacuto, repelling the assailants several times and making a good number of prisoners, as can be seen from very extensive documents issued by his Excellency Gio. Battista Bono Governor General of the Weapons in this land. He had frequent times to carry out with his soldiers various expeditions under the command of Mr. Duca Savelli, Lieutenant General of S. Chiesa. Then militating under the Austrian flags, by the Commander Mr. Tommaso Mengrahell he was raised to the distinguished post of Regimental Standard Bearer. Alfonso Check Alfonso, another son of Paul, eclipsed any other for his high merits, especially in Latin literature. He was employed in various Courts and his Majesty Queen Christina Alexandra of Sweden appointed him tutor and secretary of Latin Literature. Cristina, daughter of Gustavo Adolfo and Eleonora Princess of Brandenburg, after the death of her father in Lutzen in 1632, fighting against the Austrians, was proclaimed Queen at the tender age of six. However, it remained for a long time under the tutelage of severe Regents, who, in order to educate it worthily and according to the paternal dispositions, surrounded it with the most renowned tutors of Europe. It is believed that the study of languages was the predominant passion of that young queen. Pierre Bayle, the great philosopher of Carlat, asserts that every day she read some original pages of Tacitus. Therefore our Alfonso being called as tutor and secretary in that magnificent court is the sure proof of his profound doctrine. There he was a companion and friend of the famous S almasio di Semur, of Vossio, Boschart, René Deschartes (Descartes) and of other great ones. The delightful and erudite Cristina devoted entirely to literature and sciences, annoyed by what she called the "splendid servitude of the throne", on June 16, 1654 and at the flourishing age of 28, decided to abdicate the heroic Crown of the Vasa. Our Alfonso spent another five years revered and honored in that splendid Palace, disengaging important embassies; but finally due to his poor health and the turbulence of the Kingdom, with a Diploma of King Charles X of 10 April 1659 he was returned to his homeland, where a year later he ceased to live and where he had extraordinary funeral honors and the lamented general. To Marino Spunta, and ideally to all the other members of the family, what once was dedicated it was via delle Petresche, in the historic center. The photos of the ancient characters are taken from Wikipedia. Sources: - "History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide" by Antonio Guerrini (completed Genesio Perugini) - Typography Tiberina Umbertide - 1883 - “Umbertide - Man in toponymy” by Bruno Porrozzi - Pro Loco Umbertide Association - 1992 FILIPPO AND GIOVAN BATTISTA FRACASSINI The Fracassini family, originally from Monte Acuto, had two important personalities in 1600 who honored the land of Fratta. Filippo, master mason, who made his great skills available for architectural works that we can still admire today. Giovan Battista, distinguished lawyer, judge and governor of important cities of that time. Filippo Fracassini The exact dates of the birth and death of this important descendant of the Fracassini family are not known. In the first half of the seventeenth century Filippo Fracassini was a famous operator in the art of architecture, not so much comforted by science but by his natural talent and passionate exercise. There was no great undertaking in Fratta in those times that was not entrusted to Fracassini. He, together with the master builders Ercolano da Civitella and Francesco Valentini, rebuilt the two arches of the bridge over the Tiber which was demolished by the extraordinary flood of 1610. He was director of the factory of the new Church of Santa Croce, which was erected between the years 1610 and 1647. He reformed the grandiose Temple of the Reggia on the design and direction of another worthy Frattegiano, Bernardino Sermigni, and executed many other works of no less importance, all with a happy outcome. The very learned D. Silvio Fidanza wrote the following epigraph in praise of Fracassini: "DEO CRUCI VIRGINI PHILIPPHUS DE FRACASSINIS SINE LITERIS NUMERIS DISERTISSIMUS PONTEM INFECTUM ARTE REFECIT POST DILUVIUM TRIA MILIA NONGENTA DECEM PRIDIE NONAS SEPTEMBRIS SACRAS AEDES SANCTAE CRUCIS A CRISTI AREE MORTE MARY 1649 JUBILEE 1645 ". On 18 December 1960 the road leading to Preggio was named after him. Giovan Battista Fracassini This distinguished citizen of Fratta, after having obtained a degree in philosophical and legal studies at the University of Perugia, moved to Rome to exercise the office of defender in that Supreme Curia for a long time and with excellent profit. With licenses from the S. Consulta he ruled the government of many important towns and cities, in particular Norcia and Camerino, until in 1680 by Monsignor Ghisleri he was recalled to Norcia as Lieutenant General of the Prefecture. Despite the exercise of these important offices, he never ceased to occupy himself in the functions of lawyer, as can be seen from many cases entrusted to him by Franchetti and brilliantly resolved, by the multiplicity of his writings, reports and votes that were published for the prints. He was Judge in Foligno, Vicar General in S. Sepolcro and Città di Castello. But finding himself at a very advanced age and unable to bear so many hard labors, he returned to his native land where, in the arms of his relatives who loved him so much and friends who greatly esteemed him, he gave his soul back to God in the year 1689. . Sources: - "History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide" by Antonio Guerrini (completed by Genesio Perugini) - Typography Tiberina Umbertide - 1883 - "Umbertide - Man in toponymy" by Bruno Porrozzi - Pro Loco Umbertide Association - 1992 GIOVANNI MAURI In the first half of the 1600s he was, among other things, master of the Order of Minor Conventual Fathers and bishop of Nusco The biography is taken from Guerrini's book, fully preserving the Italian of the time, from the late nineteenth century. Giovanni Mauri was born in this land in 1566. As a young man he professed among the Frs. MM . (Minor Fathers) Conventuals of St. Francis and for the tireless study and continued exercise of the most splendid virtues he became Master of that Holy Order and occupied the most luminous offices there. In the year 1626 he was already Procurator General in Rome; in 1629 Apostolic Commissioner and Visitor in Sardinia; in 1634 Inquisitor in Siena and Florence; in 1638 Consultor of the Holy Office in Rome; then Patriarchal Vicar in Constantinople. Famous in preaching, he trod the most distinguished Pergams (Ed. In architecture sacred, a kind of balcony (also called pulpit) which is usually found in churches inside, now leaning against the walls or with columns or pillars, now isolated and supported by small but richly decorated architectural elements, from which the preacher addresses the faithful) of Italy, and was marvelous for his immense erudition and for his robust facondia. Gentle verse, profound mathematician, Master of sweet melodies, and sublime Organist, he often rapt in ecstasy Amuirath IV called the Valiant, who wished to sing and play in his presence above the proud Minarets, gracefully towering on the enchanted shores of the Bosphorus. And he received precious gifts, which on his return to Rome were surprised by Pontiff Barberini himself, to whom Mauri was present with a rich fur coat and an exquisite inestimable work coat. After the highly praised exercise of such delicate and important offices, Urban VIII in 1641 consecrated Mauri as Bishop of Nusco, Principality-Further in the Neapolitan area, where after just four years with the peace of the just, with the sanctity of example, with the blessing of all the His people, who loved him as their Father, fell asleep in the Lord on November 1, 1644. Sources: - "History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide" by Antonio Guerrini (completed by Genesio Perugini) - Typography Tiberina Umbertide - 1883 Giovanni Pachino - Cintio Paulucci Bernardino Sermigni BERNARDINO SERMIGNI Great honor had Fratta from having given birth in 1600 to the architect Bernardino Sermigni, descendant of an ancient and titled family In the year 1640, seeing the dome of the Church of the Reggia at risk of collapse, he immediately set to work, together with Flori , to avert this tragic event. After consulting the architect of the Grand Duke and other corresponding artists, it was finally decided to completely renew the internal order giving it a more noble form, also following the advice of Pietro Burelli , another talented engineer from Fratta. This Temple has an octagonal plan on the outside, circular inside with a diameter of twenty meters; and its height twice the diameter. When you enter the church you are immediately struck by the boldness of the great dome, as if thrown into the air, by the elegant, majestic harmony of the whole. The buttresses of the primitive construction did not oppose vigorous resistance to the considerable thrust of the structure, so it was necessary to strengthen them. And here is the genius of our artist not to stop among the only remedies of arid solidity but also trying to combine this with aesthetics to draw the most pleasant benefit from it. Around the internal walls there is a complete order of sixteen columns, somewhat detached from the wall, on which the exhibits of the corresponding pillars are shown. The intercolumns (Ed. Space between two columns) are odd. In the largest, which is an aerospace (Ed. Temple in which the intercolumniation had a width greater than three diameters) , eight large round arches well decorated with cornices and stuccoes, and with their large recess they make magnificence and convenient to the altars , the orchestra and the two main entrances. The other intercolumniation is somewhat narrower, all divided up by niches, divided between them by the continuing frame of the side shutters. These various intercolumns make up admirably separate groups of coupled columns, which present at the same time speed and the most graceful movement. The order of the colonnade is Doric and has a remarkable height of 9.60 meters. How much philosophy of art in the choice of this order! Our columns, which here support such a laborious office, had to be characterized by the constant character of the most severe robustness. The slight streaks in the large stems have also been suppressed and short grooves indicated only in the collar of the Capitals. The primeval robust height of the architrave has been preserved and the most sensible parsimony in the limbs (Ed. Horizontal Membrature placed in conjunction with columns) . And for this artistic criterion and also to avoid the inconveniences in the cornice mostly resulting from the coupling of the columns, triglyphs are suppressed (Ed. The triglyph is an architectural element of the Doric order frieze of Greek and Roman architecture. stone tile, decorated with vertical grooves) and modiglioni (Ed. The modiglione, also called modione, is a sculpted shelf that supports the upper protruding part of the frame) , following the example of the Farnesina del Peruzzi (Ed. Villa Farnesina in Rome built around the 1505 on a project by the architect Baldassarre Peruzzi) and of the Palazzo Stoppani by Raffaele (Ed. Palazzo Stoppani in Bergamo in 1500). Above the described entablature (Ed. Architectural structure, including the horizontal element of the trilithic system, of the Greek-Roman architectural orders and consists of architrave, frieze and cornice ), which with the right alignment circumscribes the whole Temple, stands the large drum della Cupola shaped as a sumptuous attic. Above each column we see repeated as many pillars, to which the proportional projection of an elegant frame with all purity of art composes the ornament of the relative capitals. In the intermediate spaces there are stupid arches for grandiose windows; various collections for bas-reliefs and paintings. Then, a little higher, another frame, so that the adorned nut, which is created between these frames, constitutes a graceful base for the great dome, which boldly develops elliptically at the top. Here four large windows send streams of light inside. Here ribs that arise from the subordinate orders adorn the grandiose curve of the structure and converging at the top rejoin to raise a lantern, which the magnificent building elegantly crowns. On the outside, the internal architecture is repeated with all simplicity. It was thought for greater beauty to leave the dome naked outside, encrusted with lead, but the seriousness of the expense did not allow it. The construction of the walls is brick, the bands and stucco decorations, the architectural orders are all in pietra serena and executed with the most exquisite stereotomic ( Ed Stereotomìa is the set of geometric knowledge and traditional techniques relating to the tracing and cutting of the blocks and of freestone segments and their assembly and use in complex structures related to architectural constructions) cleanliness. Shortly after 1647 this great Temple was completed again, which are classics artists consider among the most beautiful of the Umbrian districts and that it certifies brightly the valentia of our architect. Sermigni died in 1670, at the age of 70. Sources: - “History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide” by Antonio Guerrini (completed Genesio Perugini) - Typography Tiberina Umbertide - 1883 GIOVANNI PACHINO and CINTIO PAULUCCI Two characters of ancient Fratta who distinguished themselves, the first in the legal disciplines, the second in military art Giovanni Pachino Distinguished jurist, in the first half of the 1400s he was Grand Master of the income of the Duke of Milan Filippo Maria Visconti Giovanni Pachino (or Paghino) was born in Fratta towards the end of the 14th century. I started very young to study and then deepen the legal disciplines, so much so that I earned the nickname of "Splendor of Italian Jurisprudence". He traveled extensively in even distant regions for the desire to know, study and deepen the different customs and customs of other peoples and their laws. Pachino, for his experiences and for his doctrine, was called to the service of authoritative princes and personalities of his time, who repaid him with honors and riches. Shortly before the middle of the 15th century he was called to Milan, to the important court of Filippo Maria Visconti who, for the trust and esteem he had in our fellow citizen, also entrusted him with the prestigious position of Grand Master of all the ducal income. He had a large family. It is probable that, in consideration of a possible dynastic change in Milan, Pachino asked and obtained permission from the Visconti to be able to return to Umbria. This is how he settled in Perugia in 1443, where he became an honorary citizen. In the Perugian Annals of the year 1443 he was defined as “De Castro Fractae Filiorum Umberti egregius et famosissimus legum doctor”. He died in Perugia in 1444. A street was named after Giovanni Pachino, a crossroads of Via Roma. Cintio Paulucci Valent man of arms, he knew how to honor himself by fighting for the Venetian Republic Towards the end of the 16th century, shortly after the formidable battles in Cyprus where Pietro Giacomo Petrogalli worked wonders of great value, another brave warrior of our land was fighting in the employ of the invincible Venice. Cintio Paulucci, a man of perspicacious talent and particularly expert in military art, inspired by the genius of the times, fearlessly threw himself where battles both against Muslims and the most indomitable piracy often raged. Not surprisingly, with a license dated July 27, 1628, he was promoted by the Venetian Republic (1) to the rank of Captain of the Halberdiers (2) . In the year 1632 he was sent to Dalmatia, in Sibenik, as commander of the Italian Company to be then assigned, with another license of 6 June 1636, as Major and Commander General, to Zakynthos (3) , one of the most important islands of the Ionian sea where shortly after he ceased to live full of merits and glory. Tall stature, pleasant appearance, severe eye, spacious forehead, ringed hair, steel armor, halberd in hand, coat of arms with eagle on a red background: this is how Cintio Paulucci was represented in a portrait of his time that unfortunately has not reached us. . Note: 1. The Venetian Republic, starting from the seventeenth century Most Serene Republic of Venice, was a maritime republic with Venice as its capital. Founded according to tradition in 697 by Paoluccio Anafesto, in the course of its one thousand hundred years of history it established itself as one of the major European commercial and naval powers. Initially extended in the area of the Do g ado (a territory currently comparable to the metropolitan city of Venice) in the course of its history it annexed much of north-eastern Italy, Istria, Dalmatia, the coasts of present-day Montenegro and Albania as well as numerous islands in the Adriatic and eastern Ionian seas. At the height of its expansion, between the 13th and 16th centuries, it also ruled the Peloponnese, Crete and most of the Greek islands, as well as several cities and ports in the eastern Mediterranean . 2. Towards the end of the Middle Ages, the European armies increasingly equipped themselves with units of halberdiers, a body of heavy infantry armed with halberds. This was a long shaft that ended in a two-edged blade and, just below, an ax blade was engaged on one side and a large hook on the other. The halberdiers also wore particular helmets called morions, similar to helmets with a rigid and upward-curved brim, pointed at the front and at the back. The most popular models had a crest or ended with a sharp cusp. 3. Zakynthos is a Greek island (405 km²) with a population of approximately 40,000 inhabitants. The island is located in the Ionian Sea, near the coasts of the Peloponnese and is part of the archipelago of the Ionian islands. Zakynthos was at the center of the Spartan-Athenian battles; it was then one of the Ionian islands under Venetian rule, during which the poet Ugo Foscolo was born, who dedicated the sonnet “A Zacinto” to it; in 1953 it was devastated by a disastrous earthquake. Sources: - "History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide" by Antonio Guerrini (completed by Genesio Perugini) - Typography Tiberina Umbertide - 1883 Filippo Maria Visconti, Duke of Milan The coat of arms of the Duchy The Sforzesco Castle Costantino Magi - Angelo Martinelli - Francesco Spinetti La famiglia Soli - Sante Pellicciari Cherubino Martelli - Felice Remeri Lavinio Magi - P. Paolo Cristiani LAVINIO MAGI and PIETRO PAOLO CRISTIANI They both chose ecclesiastical careers and were at the helm at different times of the church of Sant'Agata in via dei Priori, one of the oldest churches in Perugia Lavinio Magi Priest of exemplary and pious customs; rich in doctrine, especially in the theological sciences, in the sacred canons and in the liturgy. He was born in Fratta in 1579 from an honorable family. He studied in the Seminary of Città di Castello under the famous Marcantonio Bonciario, distinguished orator called "The Homer of Italy" by Giusto Lipsio, the most profound critic and the most learned polygraph of those times. Lancellotti in the "Perugian History" tells us that the Magi enjoyed the affection of the very learned bishop Napoleone Comitoli (1) , of Cardinals Torres and Baldeschi, who used his work and his wise men in the most delicate matters of their Sacred Ministry advice. He was elected parish priest of the Church of S. Agata in Perugia by Camitoli, a benefit to which the most deserving subjects of the clergy were nominated. He was Master of Ecclesiastical Liturgy of which he wrote a highly appreciated volume. Several times he had the office of Diocesan Visitor (2) , Synodal Examiner (3) and President of the Congregation of Christian Doctrine, whose constitutions he wisely reformed in 1626. He was ecclesiastical superior of the Hospital of Perugia elected with full suffrages, a position he held for six years with much advantage of the Pious Place, especially in the arrangement of all the important ancient and modern writings contained in that voluminous Archive. He was also a very accurate reorganizer of the other no less important Archive of the Noble Collegio della Mercanzia, where ancient and precious memories were found. After many hardships in favor of civil and religious society, at the age of 61, he died of a heart attack on May 31, 1640. Note: 1. He was compared to S. Carlo Borromeo for having been able to bring the renewals of the Council of Trent into the physical and moral structures of the diocese of Perugia with strength and dedication. A man of high principles and of considerable depth, the great artistic and urban development achieved under his episcopate is proof of the energy lavished on the city, such as the complete restoration desired for the church of Sant'Ercolano. He studied canon law and civil law at the University of Bologna , made numerous pastoral visits, was heard in various synods and did his utmost to improve the dioceses of the region. Jurist of the Sacra Rota, he died in Perugia in 1624. 2. In the Catholic Church , an apostolic or diocesan visitor is an ecclesiastical representative with the transitory mission of making a canonical visit of a relatively short duration. The visitor is instructed to investigate a particular circumstance in a diocese or country and to submit a report to the Holy See at the conclusion of the investigation. 3. Within the Catholic curia there is also the so-called "synodal examiner", a theologian appointed by the diocesan prelate to evaluate those who have been selected for sacred orders and to work with parish ministries and preachers. Pietro Paolo Cristiani He was born in Fratta from a wealthy and distinguished family. From an early age he devoted himself to studies with great profit. He graduated in Sacred Sciences having chosen to pursue an ecclesiastical career. For his integrity and doctrine he was appointed Rector of the parish church of S. Agata (1) in Perugia (where Lavinio Magi, another illustrious fellow citizen of ours, had resided about a century earlier) and for 30 years he supported this ministry with great praise. At the same time he was one of the most renowned professors of the University of Perugia, occupying the Chair of Dogmatic Theology. For many years he held the position of Librarian in the city library, arranging it in a more orderly and elegant form. He was synodal examiner of the eminent Ansidei and of Monsignor Fornari and finally Consultor of the Tribunal of the Holy Office. He was the author of many learned literary works, of a famous dialogue entitled "The Grammatico" (taken from an unknown author of 1557) printed in Perugia in 1717 and of some homeland memories existing in the Mariotti Library. Giacinto Visconti, a talented writer of the eighteenth century, sent a letter to P. Calogerà on the works and life of our fellow citizen, a letter that can be found in the library of San Michele in Murano. Pietro Paolo Cristiani died in the year 1737. Note: 1. The church of Sant'Agata, built seven centuries ago around 1317, is located at the beginning of the very central Via dei Priori, arriving there from Corso Vannucci, known by many faithful and lovers of art history as one of the "caskets" more precious than the Franciscan Gothic style present in Umbria. Inside the church, restored and reopened for worship in February 2015, on the walls and vault there are fresco decorations of considerable historical and artistic interest, from the Umbrian-Sienese school. The restoration work made it possible to find significant pictorial parts on the walls such as the image of St. Francis receiving the stigmata, above the well-known and original face of the "Triform Christ", in front of the right side entrance, and of two saints fathers of the Church painted on the lunettes of the vault above the altar. Sources: - "History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide" by Antonio Guerrini (completed by Genesio Perugini) - Typography Tiberina Umbertide - 1883 CHERUBINO MARTELLI and FELICE REMERI Two Franciscan fathers of Fratta who held prestigious positions, the first as Bishop of Spiga, an ancient city of the Hellespont, the second as Guardian in the Sacred Convent of Jerusalem and Guardian of the Sepulcher of Jesus Christ. Cherubino Martelli News of this illustrious fellow citizen of ours, whose date of birth is unknown, was provided by the Perugian father Ottavio Lancellotti in his memoirs entitled "Scorta Sagra" (1) . He was a Father among the Minor Observants of St. Francis and due to the integrity and breadth of his doctrine he occupied the most important offices of that Congregation until the moment when the eminent Cardinal Andrea della Valle, bishop of Malta, wanted him as his theologian. The fame of his profound science and his mirrored virtues quickly reached the Vatican and Pope Leo X, the great "Patron of the Scholars", awarded him the title of Episcopal of Spiga, an ancient city of Hellespont (2) . He died in Cetona (3), land of Tuscany, in 1520 in the odor of holiness. His body was buried in a modest tomb (4) in that church of S. Francesco but (as a chronicle of that place tells us) due to the many prodigies worked towards him the devotion of the faithful increased immensely so that, after exhuming his body and found intact, it was solemnly placed under the main altar in an elegant urn. Note: 1. 2-volume paper manuscript left with will at the Augusta Library in 1654. 2. The Hellespont, today Dardanelli, is the strait that divides the Aegean Sea from the Black Sea. 3. Pretty village in the province of Siena between the Val d'Orcia and the Val di Chiana. In 1418 Cetona was conquered by Braccio Fortebraccio da Montone. 4. Sarcophagus for the dead. Felice Remeri His date of birth is unknown, it is known that he was the son of Bernardino Remeri dalla Fratta and brother of a Luca Remeri, notary of the venerable Apostolic Chamber. Felice from his youth devoted himself to the study of the sacred sciences and became a religious of the Observance of San Francesco. Here he distinguished himself as a supreme theologian and as an exemplary Father, to the point of holding the most important offices of his Congregation. Clement VII (Giulio de 'Medici) with a special Brief (1) appointed him to the prestigious office of Guardian in the Sacred Convent of Jerusalem (2) , where the Sepulcher is kept of Jesus Christ. The notary Benedetto De Sanctis, an 87-year old man of integrity, said and our fellow citizen, who when Father Felice threw himself at the feet of Clement VII for to have the blessing of farewell, so exclaimed the inspired Pontiff "Please God, Friar Felice, may we together with you receive the palm tree in that blessed land of Martyrdom! " Full of sacred fervor he left Italy and after having sailed for a long time in the stormy sea between Candia and Cyprus, he landed in Acre and went to Jerusalem. Crispolti and Jacobilli narrate that “as soon as he arrived there, he stayed four continuous days at the Holy Sepulcher absorbed in the most profound contemplation, and which diluted so in hot tears, little was missing there would not remain lifeless ". Having then fulfilled with the most fervent zeal all the needs relating to his expedition and to his ministry always giving a shining example of illicitness, of moderation, of piety and all other brighter virtues, in the year 1595, many months after his arrival in Jerusalem passed away in the odor of Holiness (3) . His body is still preserved in that Church with great veneration and many are told about it wonders received from God through his intercession. The name of Felice Remeri is therefore found deservedly counted among the other saints of Umbria. Note: 1. Pontifical document with normative value, lower than the papal bull. 2. The Custody of the Holy Land is a priory of Jerusalem , founded as a Province of the Holy Land in 1217 by Saint Francis of Assisi, who had also founded the Franciscan Order in 1209. In 1342 the Franciscans were declared with two papal bulls as custodians officers of the Holy Places on behalf of the Catholic Church. The headquarters of the Custody are located in the Monastery of San Salvatore, a 16th-century Franciscan convent near the New Gate in the Old City of Jerusalem. The heart of the old city of Jerusalem for Christians is the basilica of the Holy Sepulcher, known by the locals as the "church of the resurrection": inside it is found the Calvary, place of the crucifixion and death of Jesus, and the Tomb of Christ, from which the Son of God resurrected on the third day. The two Holy Places are interrelated and inseparable, as is the paschal mystery of the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ which was fulfilled there and is continually fulfilled. For eight hundred years the Franciscan friars of the Order of Friars Minor have been the custodians of the Holy Sepulcher, on behalf of the Catholic Church, and have shared ownership of the basilica with the Greek Orthodox Church and the Armenian Apostolic Church. 3. Felice Ranieri (Remeri) from Fratta was the 73rd Guardian of the Sacred Sepulcher from 1593 to 1595 (from Wikipedia). Sources: - "History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide" by Antonio Guerrini (completed by Genesio Perugini) - Typography Tiberina Umbertide - 1883 THE SOLI DI FRATTA FAMILY and SANTE PELLICCIARI Illustrious families of the Fratta of the sixteenth century Giovanni Paolo and Francesco Maria Soli The Soli family was one of the most illustrious and wealthy families in our area. Their building was in via Cibo. They had another more sumptuous one on the Piaggia di Metula (Romeggio area) which was set on fire, with those of other lords of the time, by order of Captain Pallavicino when in 1643 the army of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, during the war against Urban VIII, tried to take over our territory by putting the Castle of Fratta under siege. Giovanni Paolo and Francesco Maria, for their honesty and the virtuous actions were both ascribed by the Reale House of Savoy in the Knightly Order of St. Maurice and Lazarus (1) . With various assets they owned at this land, just east of the Temple of the Royal Palace, they had a Commenda built which on the death of Francesco Maria, without successors, fell back to Religion of those Knights and which was therefore conferred to the noble Bourbon family of Sorbello. John Paul instituted one in his last will Chapel to be officiated in the Collegiate Church and in that of Ponte, now joined to the Prepositure (2) , for which there was a capital of 400 scudi amidst the bishopric of Gubbio, who paid the respective interest. Francesco Maria ceased to live on December 27, 1599 a few years after the death of his brother and thus this noble and generous lineage remained extinct. A street has been named after the Soli brothers in what was once the Borgo Inferiore, the area of today's Piazza San Francesco. Note: 1. The Order of Saints Maurice and Lazarus (also known as the Mauritian Order) is a chivalric order born from the merger of the Chivalric and Religious Order of St. Maurice and the Order for Assistance to the Lepers of St. Lazarus in 1572. With the XIV Transitional and Final Provision of the Italian Constitution, the Mauritian Order ceases to be a dynastic order but is kept as a hospital institution, with the functions and order established by the constitutional law of November 1962. 2. It is a term that designates the office of a parish priest, or provost (provost or provost) with special privileges in a parish. Sante Pellicciari He held important administrative positions in the second half of the sixteenth century at the orders of the General Council of Decemvirs (Priors) of the city of Perugia This compatriot of ours was a man of great ingenuity and proven probity. He was celebrated by Pellini in his "Storia Perugina", where he calls him "Writer of great gravity". He was Secretary of the Decemvirs (1) of the City of Perugia. After many years of honorable service, after having procured many advantages to that illustrious community, after having skillfully disengaged the most difficult tasks in very difficult circumstances, he obtained a rich pension and in addition he was spontaneously decreed by the General Council the privilege of adding the Half Griffin (2) to his noble armies. The same privilege on June 25, 1607 was assigned, in continuity with the father, to his sons Pietro Paolo, Lodovico and Silvestro, faithful imitators of the paternal virtues. The office of Secretary of the Community of Perugia was conferred on the proposal of Pellicciari to another of our no less famous compatriot, Filippo Alberti, his nephew. Full of honors, our saint retired to Fratta, settling in a delightful estate on the eastern slope of the Colle di Romeggio, or Piaggia di Metula, with a garden and a palace of noble architecture, where Francesco de 'Medici stayed on his return from Loreto to Florence. This Prince was treated sumptuously by Sante Pellicciari Junior, grandson of our Sante, who was given a very rich gold necklace as a sign of gratitude for the welcome received. In 1607 Sante Senior ceased to live in Perugia between the late general and his descendants lasted until 1814, becoming extinct with Dr. Luca Pellicciari, professor emeritus of experimental physics at the Perugino University. Note: 1. Also called Priors. Ten magistrates who held the city government in the Middle Ages until the early eighteenth century. 2. Tradition tells that it was the Etruscans, an ancient people also present in Umbria, who brought the griffin to Italy: its myth is in fact represented on urns, sarcophagi and bas-reliefs found in the finds. This symbol was then assumed by the Municipality of Perugia since the Middle Ages, through the members of the Corporations of Arts and Crafts who had the consent to use it in their coats of arms. Sources: - "History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide" by Antonio Guerrini (completed by Genesio Perugini) - Typography Tiberina Umbertide - 1883 COSTANTINO MAGI - ANGELO MARTINELLI - FRANCESCO SPINETTI Three characters who lived in Fratta between the 1600s and the early 1700s and who have proven themselves in various disciplines Constantine Magi Man of distinguished reputation in Fine Arts and in Philosophy. Accredited doctor and rare example of love for one's neighbor. The Magi, provided with sufficient wealth, never left Fratta to practice his art, which indeed for many years in a row and whenever necessary he served his fellow citizens for free, leaving the salary written in the Municipal Table always available. of the poorest and putting at their disposal what else they needed of his patrimony. After the loss of his wife, whom he had loved so much, he decided to embrace an ecclesiastical career. Having become a priest, he always led an exemplary and holy life. He wrote precious memories of his homeland, which for the most part were unfortunately lost due to the neglect of the descendants. In the year 1710, amid the blessings of the people, he died peacefully in the Lord. Angelo Martinelli Angelo Martinelli was born in Fratta on 29 September 1630. His father was Maurizio Martinelli and Fiora Corinti the mother. He became a priest and was parish priest in the Church of S. Luca (1) and Confessor of the Capuchins in Perugia and then of Monastery of S. Maria Nuova i n Fratta, where finally he fixed his abode. He was charitable in the name of the poor of Jesus Christ, so much so that he himself often remained deprived of clothing and food to help them. The exemplarity of his life, the sublimity of his virtues made him so grateful to the Lord who granted him the priceless gift of foreshadowing the future, as he did precisely for his death, as reported in a chronicle of that time. On March 19 of the year 1721, as predicted by him, passed placidly to eternal life. The funeral was solemn and all classes of people. His body was secretly buried enters double chest in the Parish Church of S. Erasmo in Cornu Evangelii (2) . Note: 1. The church of San Luca was built in 1586, on the site of one medieval church, commissioned by Bino Sozi of the Order of the Knights of Malta. It has a sober facade embellished with a beautiful entrance door embellished by materials stone and in particular from a truncated tympanum below which there are beautiful friezes of a religious nature. The interior, articulated in a nave with three spans separated by pillars of Doric style, it preserves a canvas by Giovanni Antonio Scaramuccia and the Madonna delle Grazie, a 15th century fresco. 2. The side of the gospel (in cornu Evangelii in Latin ) is an area of the Western Christian churches. It takes its name from the place where the reading of the gospel takes place in the liturgy. Compared to the high altar, it is located on the left side. Francesco Spinetti Francesco Spinetti, a man of great doctrine in the legal faculties, was born in our land in 1660. After having completed his studies in Rome, where he graduated in law, he also obtained the distinguished degree of Rotal Lawyer. By the Government, connoisseur of his merits, he was appointed Governor of the City of Foligno and then to other important positions. In old age he returned to his homeland with a good pension and stopped living there in the year 1724. Not having a direct succession, he left his consort Lucrezia Beni alone, a woman of singular piety, who had the Oratory of S. Filippo Neri called the New Church built near her house and at her own expense, then suppressed and reduced to home. The lawyer Francesco Spinetti, in addition to a magnificent library, left various manuscripts and especially an elaborate repertory of legal texts, divided into several volumes, which the surviving grandchildren recklessly dispersed. Sources: - "History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide" by Antonio Guerrini (completed by Genesio Perugini) - Typography Tiberina Umbertide - 1883 On the left, the house built on the remains of the church of Sant'Erasmo in the 40s and today Bernardino Magi The works are the mirror of the author's soul. A wise observer investigates the character, the custom, the passions, the character of the writer, and rarely deceives himself. The inert harmony of our elders, which not even a line has left on our famous painter Bernardino Magi, requires an exact observation of his paintings, in order to detect the character of the author, the school to which he belonged, the time in which he painted and the merit of the artist. Bernardino was born in Fratta over the middle of the 16th century from the ancient, conspicuous and wealthy Magi family, as evidenced by the grandiose mansion in the Piazza del Comune, where his descendants lived for a long time. From an early age he showed himself to be inclined to the art of painting. Objects of his meditation were always delightful things, inspiring sweet emotions, sweetness, graces, naturalness and above all beauty, towards which he was enraptured by an irrepressible transport. Either he admired it in the starry sky or in the rising dawn, or in the trembling groves struck by the sun, or in the gray hills where herds and shepherds swarm, or in the laughing prairies, wherever they appeared to him as an object of enchantment. He abhorred only melancholy, fatal, frightening objects. In this he conformed to an affable, sweet, mannered custom, led to love everyone and with equal affection to be paid for it. The parents, having known the inclination of their son and his genius, sent him to Urbino where the name of Federico Barocci (1) resounded high, as the most famous painter of that century. It was Barocci of a frank, kind and courteous character; such the disciple, so that great was the affection, unspeakable the commitment, and tireless study in order to satisfy the desires of the tutor. Hence that exact correction in the drawing, those pleasant attitudes, those figures so well posed, those heads of virgins, those nudes of children of a sweetness that enchant, those compositions of a simplicity and naturalness that fall in love. With what favor he waited to imitate the magical color of the tutor his paintings testify. Frederick did everything to emulate Correggio (2) , making him the most gracious, most agreeable, most lovable painter of the Roman School. Barocci was able to give harmony, a brightness, a truth to his paintings, which arouse wonder. Magi imitated the master so clearly that he was sometimes mistaken for him. For this there is an anecdote concerning the Magi. In the aftermath of the imperial government, the famous artist Agostino Tofanelli, Director of the Academy of Fine Arts, was sent to make a choice of Painting Heads to be transported to the capital. In the Church of S. Maria di Fratta ( Ed. It is probably the small church of S. Maria dei Rimedi which was located in the Mercatale Superiore area, the current end of Piaggiola and Piazza Marconi) observing the painting of Magi placed in his altar noble, considered it original by Barocci and as such had it transported to Rome. This results from the documents of that government and from the testimony of Mr. Giambattista Burelli who was then the Town Hall Secretary. It is true, however, that this painting, when examined better, was judged to belong to the school, not to the hand of Barocci. The painting was recovered by the Magi family and rearranged in the altar to the left of the main entrance. It is a rectangular canvas, 2.20 meters high, 1.60 meters wide. At the top there is the Holy Virgin above an arch of clouds slightly refracted by an area of light, which spreads from the divine head and which flows admirably to give life to the underlying countryside. The Madonna is dressed in a silky pink robe, cloaked in a blue cloth whose edges seem to be jokingly waved by the zephyrs of Heaven. Posing the face with dignified modesty, with the right hand in the act of dispensing a glorious palm, it seems to disengage a great decree of the Eternal. And he supports the Child Jesus with his left arm, who, covering his very delicate naked limbs with a white veil, tightens himself tenderly to the Divine Mother's neck in the eyes, in the horsehair, in the graceful lips. Three Seraphim masterfully arranged around, absorbed in blessed veneration, compose a glory in the style of the great Correggio. At the bottom of the picture there is a varied field of degrading hills well adorned with landscapes, woods, streams, rivers, the most delightful scenes of nature. To the right of the beholder is the profile of the Magdalene, a very charming young man, richly dressed, with her long hair on her shoulders dissolved, with her right knee bent in reverence and offering to Mary that jar of mysterious ointments which deserved the miracle of her conversion. On the left is St. Lawrence, kneeling, with his arms crossed at his breast, dressed in a diaconal tunic, who in the act of receiving the longed-for palm from the Queen of Martyrs, expresses in his animated face all the sacred joy that invades him. In front of the Saint, like a victory trophy, the iron painful grill stands on the ground; and alongside an old prelate (subject of the Magi family!) is about to crown him with the glorious diadem. Distances of admirably true positions, characteristic variety of complexions where the blood flows; a choice of very vague forms; a very pure correction of drawing; a freshness of color that enchants, an overall harmony that captivates. Under the figure of S. Lorenzo there is written by the same brush 1597. In a folder on the frame of the same Altar there is sculpted MDLXXXXII. On the sides of the side columns "RD Luduvicus de Magis". And in the dice of the pedestals on both sides of the Altar the noble weapon of the Magi family, consisting of two hands clasped in faith with a Comet above. In the lateral parts of the High Altar of the same Church there were two tables of the Magi, one copied by the Master, representing Christ on the Cross, St. John and the Virgin; the other a beautiful nativity scene. In the Sacristy there is also a S. Lorenzo and a S. Francesco. In the Church of the Good Death he painted the canvas of S. Antonio Abate. This canvas 2.48 m high, 4.40 wide is located in the altar to the left of the entrance. It is made up of four main figures. On one side we see the Holy Abbot Antonio in pontifical robes, all adorned with graceful golden embroidery. His right knee is bent with dignity to the ground, and all intent on a sacred legend, he opens his lips in the thick of a very soft beard to a smile of holy complacency. On the other side, St. Paul, a venerable old man, kneeling under a poor habit and on a curved stick, praying devoutly in the rosary of Mary. The gaunt tanned face, the absorbed furrowed eyelashes, the bald wrinkled forehead, all express the penitent effects of his religious solitude. Next to it you can see St. John the Baptist in the appearance of a dear young man, who with the gracefulness of the forms, with the floridity of the complexion harmonizes the effect of the most beautiful pictorial antithesis. Then, as seated among very limpid clouds, Mary rises up, who with folded hands holds the Baby Jesus to her breast between a white linen. She has a pink and white robe, a purplish mantle gracefully ruffled by the hand of the Angels. In the lips, in the eyes, in the compassionate attitude, how the divine tenderness transpires, which he feels for his delight! The latter, all joyful, with very vague pupils, almost fixed in an ecstasy of harmless abstraction, carries all the celestial maternal features on his face, charmingly repeated. Twelve Seraphim in splendid various rounds finally crown the glory of the Queen of Heaven. In the rear frame we can read Bernardino Magi painted the year 1596. From this we can deduce the age of his works. In the noble Oratory attached to his home he had repeated the Madonna in the picture of S. Maria in large scale and his apartments were full of his paintings. Bernardino did not want to abandon his beloved Preceptor even in death. He was missing from the living in perhaps not senile age in 1612, in the same year in which the master Federico was kidnapped to the Fine Arts. Note: 1. Federico Barocci, known as Fiori, was born in Urbino between 1528 and 1535. His elegant style makes him considered an important exponent of Italian Mannerism and the art of the Counter-Reformation between Correggio and Caravaggio and is also considered one of the precursors of the Baroque. 2. Antonio Allegri, known as Corréggio, was one of the most important Renaissance painters of the Parma school. He was the son of a merchant who lived in Correggio, the small town where Antonio was born in 1489 and died in 1534, and from which he took his name. Sources: - "History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide" by Antonio Guerrini (completed by Genesio Perugini) - Typography Tiberina Umbertide - 1883 Bernardino Magi - Muzio Flori Leopoldo Grilli Lodovico Flori LODOVICO FLORI Il gesuita ragioniere di Fratta che proseguì con successo gli studi di contabilità sulla partita doppia intrapresi cento anni prima dal frate toscano Luca Pacioli Lodovico Flori nacque a Fratta il 26 dicembre 1579 da famiglia benestante sebbene di rango modesto. Da giovinetto si dedicò allo studio delle leggi conseguendo il dottorato. All’età di 31 anni, il 25 marzo 1610, entrò nel noviziato della Compagnia di Gesù a Roma dopo i suoi studi di filosofia, teologia e diritto. Concluso il biennio da novizio, nel 1612 si trasferì a Messina dove, nel 1614, fu ordinato sacerdote. Il 1° gennaio 1625 emise i voti solenni e diventò così “coadiutore spirituale” (1) . Non emettendo il quarto voto solenne dei gesuiti, non sarà un “professo” (2) . Fu nominato procuratore della Provincia sicula della Compagnia dal 1617 al 1632, quando lasciò la carica per occuparsi dell’amministrazione della Casa Professa di Palermo dove morì il 24 settembre 1647. Nonostante gli importanti e impegnativi incarichi amministrativi che rivestiva all’interno della Compagnia, Flori continuò a dedicarsi allo studio degli antichi codici e dei 60mila volumi del Collegio Massimo dove abitava. Frutto di tutto ciò furono 18 opere che ci ha lasciato, in parte da lui composte, in parte da lui tradotte, opere che si ritrovano nell’elenco pubblicato dal prof. Vermiglioli nella sua “Biografia degli scrittori perugini”. Tuttavia l’opera più importante del nostro illustre concittadino è senza dubbio il “Trattato del modo di tenere il libro doppio domestico col suo esemplare composto” , trattato per uso delle case e dei collegi della medesima compagnia nel Regno di Sicilia (stampato a Palermo nel 1636 da Decio Cirillo), opera ancora oggi citata, analizzata e studiata. “Fu ai primi del ’600, col sopravvenire della grande crisi, che i dirigenti gesuitici dovettero preoccuparsi seriamente della situazione economica dell’ordine divenuta drammatica e allarmante. Furono perciò promosse inchieste, studi e ricerche nell’intento di stabilire quali mezzi fossero i più idonei per fronteggiare i paurosi disavanzi della gestione patrimoniale” (F. Renda, Bernardo Tanucci e i beni dei gesuiti in Sicilia, 1974, p. 65). Fu in questo clima che i superiori nel 1631, poco prima che lasciasse la carica di procuratore della Provincia, incaricarono Flori di “voler fare una breve instruttione da tenere i libri de i Conti per uso delle nostre Case, e Collegij in questo Regno di Sicilia”. Non sappiamo dove egli abbia appreso la materia contabile, “si può ipotizzare che acquisisca le sue conoscenze all’Università di Perugia, in quello stesso ateneo che più di un secolo prima ha insignito Luca Pacioli del ruolo di docente” (C. Cavazzoni e F. Santini, L’attualità del percorso scientifico di Lodovico Flori […], 2011, p. 605). L’autore avverte che “la buona cura de’ beni temporali è tanto necessaria a chiunque giustamente le possiede, e massime alle Religioni, che dependendo da essa il necessario sostentamento de’ Religiosi, se l’amministratione della robba non va bene, oltre la perdita, e deteroratione di beni, ne seguono infiniti altri inconvenienti». Flori è consapevole che il suo libro descrive una materia non facilmente assimilabile da tutti. “Chi leggerà questo libro, vedrà che in esso si procede a modo di scienza pratica, e che i termini, i principi, le conclusioni e le cose che in esso si deducono sono talmente tra di loro congiunte, che non si possono bene intendere né capire le ultime senza la cognizione delle prime. Chiunque vuole intendere bene questo modo, habbia patienza di leggere da principio tutto il libro”. Il quale si compone di tre parti: la prima ha per titolo “Del modo di formare le partite in Giornale, e riferirle al Libro”; la seconda “Come si debba disporre e ordinare il Libro per ottenerne l’intento che si pretende” e la terza “Dell’uso e Comodità del Libro disposto e ordinato al modo suddetto”. Per la sua opera il Flori rivolge particolare attenzione sia al lavoro del monaco benedettino Angelo Monaco, di cui “si pone ad erede e prosecutore”, che ha adeguato la partita doppia alla realtà operativa dei Collegi del Suo Ordine, sia al “Tractatus de computis et scripturis” della “Summa de Arithmetica, Geometria, Proportioni et Proportionalita” di Luca Pacioli, nel quale il padre francescano “fa uscire il metodo della partita doppia dalla bottega del mercante, lo rielabora in modo astratto e sintetico secondo le sue concezioni di matematico e lo fa assurgere a modello scientifico, rendendolo così “immortale” nel tempo e nello spazio”. Il Pacioli, infatti, considera le aziende centri del progresso economico e sociale che per le loro finalità, devono tenere una ordinata contabilità utilizzando il lavoro di un competente ragioniere e di un computista per tenere correttamente i libri ed i registri contabili per poter misurare la consistenza patrimoniale e le sue variazioni. Utilizzando la codificazione dei suoi principi contabili per risolvere le necessità pratiche richieste dalle aziende e per impostare con corretti ragionamenti la loro conduzione, il Flori ne estende il campo di applicazione alle corporazioni religiose, le cui attività sono ispirate da un comune interesse umano e spinte da uno stesso modo di intendere la realtà operativa. Il 25 giugno 2016 si è svolto a Santa Croce un convegno di studi dedicato a Lodovico Flori, il gesuita ragioniere di Fratta, organizzato dal Centro Studi Mario Pancrazi e da Digital Editor Srl in collaborazione con il Comune e l’Università di Perugia. Nel corso dell’evento è stata presentata la copia anastatica dell’opera del Flori stampata dalla Digital Editor Srl di Umbertide. Note: 1. I “coadiutori spirituali” erano i preti che prendevano i voti semplici, non solenni, e che non pronunciavano il quarto voto al papa. 2. I “professi” erano i preti che avevano pronunciato i tre voti solenni di povertà, castità, e obbedienza e avevano fatto uno speciale voto di ubbidienza al papa. Fonti: - “Storia della terra di Fratta, ora Umbertide” di Antonio Guerrini, completata da Genesio Perugini -Tipografia Tiberina 1883, Umbertide – copia anastatica a cura della Digital Editor Srl 2009 - Umbertide - “Studi su Lodovico Flori” a cura di Gianfranco Cavazzoni – Biblioteca del Centro Studi “Mario Pancrazi” – University Book – Stampa “Digital Editor Srl”, 2016 - Umbertide Massimo Martinelli Massimo Martinelli Fu il maestro della banda musicale di Umbertide, denominata allora “Società Giuseppe Verdi”, dal 1872 al 1898 di Amedeo Massetti Nonostante sia passato ben più di un secolo da quando Massimo Martinelli si dedicò anima e corpo alla banda e all'insegnamento della musica ai ragazzi di Umbertide, non si può non provare ammirazione e vivo affetto nello scoprire e rivivere le sue vicende umane e professionali. Come sempre accade a chi si dedica con entusiasmo ad una missione da cui si sente pervaso, anche al maestro Martinelli toccò subire inevitabili sacrifici e delusioni. La sua dedizione lo portò ad agire talvolta anche con ingenuità e imprudenza, fino a rasentare la sprovvedutezza, esponendolo allo sgomento di coinvolgere anche la famiglia, sprofondata nella povertà dopo un solido benessere. Per la sua candida generosità si è ben meritato il posto d'onore fra i maestri della banda. Ci piace regalargli questo riconoscimento simbolico nella convinzione di restituirgli un granello di quello che egli ci ha dato. Ventiseienne, già preparato musicista, non esitò nel 1872 ad assumere la responsabilità del nuovo Concerto dei giovani, dirigendo poi il gruppo bandistico umbertidese, tra alterne vicende, per 26 anni, fino al 1898. Qualche anziano ricorda che la sua memoria era ancora viva nella banda dei successivi anni Trenta (testimonianza di Eraldo Arcelli), e di aver suonato, negli anni Quaranta, brani musicali da lui composti (testimonianza di Luigi Gambucci). Massimo era nato il 12 marzo del 1846 da Antonio e Margherita Reggiani, in via di Castelnuovo (l'odierna via Cavour) al n. 33 dove aveva anche sede la rinomata attività del padre e dello zio Francesco, "fabricatori d'organi alla Fratta di Perugia". Probabilmente i Martinelli conobbero una notevole sicurezza economica, anche per la proprietà di alcuni terreni appartenenti a Margherita, moglie di Antonio, proveniente da una famiglia di possidenti. L'alta opera artigianale di Antonio e Francesco Martinelli aveva dotato molte chiese delle Marche, dell'Umbria, del Lazio e della Toscana di eccellenti strumenti, una quarantina in tutto, e la loro fabbrica organaria era diventata una delle più importanti e prestigiose dell'Italia centrale. Costruirono, tra gli altri, l'organo a due tastiere per la Cattedrale di San Rufino ad Assisi, quello della Cattedrale di Terni e il grande organo di Santa Maria in Aracoeli a Roma. Massimo frequentò da ragazzino la fabbrica del padre, acquistando abilità con il mestiere e familiarità con le tastiere degli strumenti che lì nascevano; imparò le prime nozioni di musica in famiglia dal genitore e dallo zio Francesco che, oltre ad essere bravi artigiani organari, conoscevano anche la musica e sapevano suonare gli strumenti che costruivano. Il giovane li seguì nei loro frequenti spostamenti e nei lunghi soggiorni di lavoro nelle Marche, potendo così studiare organo e composizione alla cappella musicale di Loreto, diretta da Roberto Amadei. Ebbe forse rapporti di studio anche con Agostino Mercuri, direttore del Civico Istituto Musicale di Perugia, pur se solo di sette anni più grande di lui". E probabile però che le prime nozioni sugli strumenti a fiato, in particolare quelle sul trombone, gli siano venute da Antonio Bernabei, maestro di cappella e direttore del Concerto municipale di Umbertide. È possibile anche che questi gli abbia insegnato i primi elementi di armonia, composizione e contrappunto. Nel 1867, a 21 anni, Massimo fu con Garibaldi a Mentana, dove si ritrovarono 31 giovani di Umbertide. Cinque di questi ragazzi, che divisero con lui l'esaltante esperienza, entreranno nel 1872 a far parte della sua banda appena costituita. Martinelli sposò Maria Censi, dalla quale, il 3 giugno 1874, ebbe una figlia, Chiara Gislena. L' 11 aprile 1876, trentenne, mentre era direttore della "Società Giuseppe Verdi" di Umbertide, inoltrò la domanda per essere ammesso all'Accademia Filarmonica di Bologna ed ottenere un diploma di quel prestigioso istituto. Presentò per questo due composizioni musicali che, nonostante intensamente impegnato alla direzione del Concerto e "al suono del pianoforte e del trombone", era riuscito a scrivere "nelle ore libere da quelle occupazioni". I due brani erano un Notturno concertato dal Flauto, Clarino, Tromba e Trombone con accompagnamento d'orchestra, e una Sinfonia per Flauto, Clarino, Viola e Pianoforte. Nonostante fossero stati da lui definiti "meschini", forse per quel gusto di schermirsi e per quell'eccesso di modestia tipici di certi stili epistolari dell'Ottocento, non erano poi tanto male se la commissione di tre musicisti che li esaminò (tra i quali Antonio Fabbri, direttore dell'Accademia Filarmonica) espresse un giudizio positivo sia sulla "perfetta" conoscenza degli strumenti per i quali erano stati composti, sia sulla struttura armonica delle composizioni. Le opere di Martinelli furono poi presentate all'intero corpo accademico insieme a quelle di altri musicisti che ugualmente avevano fatto richiesta di ammissione, e dopo due votazioni quasi unanimi Massimo, il 28 aprile 1876, venne "aggregato" all'Accademia come “Maestro Compositore Onorario”. Il giovane musicista, per questo esame, aveva esibito a sostegno delle sue capacità di compositore gli attestati di due musicisti famosi (bene cogniti): il professor Agostino Mercuri ed il maestro Roberto Amadei. Mercuri, il 17 dicembre 1872, in una dichiarazione ufficiale redatta su carta intestata del Civico Istituto Musicale di Perugia, scriveva: Il Signor Massimo Martinelli di Umbertide mi ha presentato ad esame alcune sue composizioni, e riduzioni per banda, allo scopo di avere da me un certificato per uso di Concorso. Posso pertanto documentare che dall'esame fatto di quelle partiture, si rileva come il Sig. Martinelli sia fornito di intelligenza, e di cognizioni sufficienti per potere con lode scrivere per Banda, e contemporaneamente dirigerla. Tanto depongo per la verità potendo il Signor Martinelli usare di questa mia dichiarazione in qualunque modo migliore possa giovargli. In fede Prof. Agostino Mercuri E Amadei, il 17 marzo 1873: Richiesto dal giovane Massimo Martinelli di Umbertide, certifico che questi è dotato delle qualità necessarie per dirigere una Banda, comporre e ridurre pezzi di musica per la medesima. Spero che questo mio documento possa essergli utile presso chi da ragione. Roberto Amadei Maestro Compositore e Direttore della Cappella di Loreto Massimo era la giovane guida e l'anima della Società "Verdi", ma all'impegno con cui si dedicava all'insegnamento e alla direzione della banda non corrispondeva un adeguato compenso da parte del Comune. Fu costretto così a lasciare il posto: ai primi di gennaio 1876 dovette lavorare fuori Umbertide, dove rimase probabilmente fino a quando non gli fu affidato il compito di direttore del Concerto municipale, con uno stipendio adeguato al ruolo. Dal 1878 al 1879, oltre che quella di Umbertide, diresse la banda di Montone curandone la scuola di musica, nominato come maestro da quella Società Filarmonica, la cui decisione sarà ratificata dal Consiglio comunale il 28 maggio successivo. Lavorò con professionalità e disinteresse: la Filarmonica montonese gli espresse la propria riconoscenza "e pel molto avanzamento in sì breve tempo della istruzione degli allievi e per la nessuna spesa incontrata dalla Società, essendosi il sig. Martinelli prestato gentilmente". Massimo, nonostante le non floride condizioni economiche, aveva svolto la sua opera gratuitamente. La Filarmonica Artigiana Braccio Fortebracci (o Fortebraccio) lo rielesse anche per l'anno successivo a maggioranza dei voti come maestro di musica, nonostante il montonese Celso Pasqui avesse presentato l'unica domanda per avere questo incarico e risultasse apparentemente il candidato favorito. Durante la direzione di Martinelli, (probabilmente su sua richiesta) il comune di Montone acquistò per la banda alcuni strumenti a percussione, "una Gran cassa con Piatti della più piccola dimensione". Agli inizi del 1883, dopo la crisi della banda di Umbertide, Massimo lavorò come maestro di musica a Foiano della Chiana. Partecipò anche ai concorsi per maestro delle bande di Città di Castello e di Marsciano. Nel 1884 riprese l'insegnamento della musica ad Umbertide per incarico del Comune e nel 1889, ricostituitasi la banda, fu riassunto come direttore. Oltre che alla direzione del gruppo bandistico, lo troviamo spesso anche come organista in importanti manifestazioni religiose in paese e fuori. Martinelli compose opere per banda, per pianoforte ed organo, molte delle quali pubblicate ed eseguite in varie parti d'Italia. E’ nota, tra le altre, “La caccia”, marcia caratteristica (manoscritta, Umbertide 1877). L'Editore De Giorgi, di Milano, pubblicò le sue composizioni “La povera”, polka per banda, e “Sulle rive del Tevere”, valzer per pianoforte a quattro mani che Massimo dedicò alle sorelle "Marietta e Franceschina" Zucchini di Umbertide; un pezzo di virtuosismo che probabilmente le ragazze erano in grado di suonare. Il 3 dicembre 1899 alle 17.30, a soli cinquantatre anni, Massimo Martinelloi si spense nella sua casa al n.33 di via Cavour, plausibilmente stroncato da una grave malattia polmonare. Lasciava la moglie Maria, la figlia Chiara Gislena e la mamma Margherita che cesserà di vivere tre anni dopo. Il giorno successivo si recarono in Comune per la dichiarazione di morte allo Stato Civile il cognato Americo Censi, muratore, e il clarinettista della banda Luigi Bartoccini, sarto. Dal libro di Amedeo Massetti “Due secoli in marcia – Umbertide e la banda” – Maggio 2008 GALLERIA FOTOGRAFICA LEOPOLDO GRILLI La storia di Leopoldo Grilli, figura di spicco dei mazziniani repubblicani umbertidesi, è stata raccontata da Federico Ciarabelli nel suo libro dedicato ai garibaldini locali. Anche se non è citato in alcuna lista come volontario umbertidese, è doveroso riportare alcune note sulla figura di Leopoldo Grilli. Personalità politicamente influente, godeva di grande stima e prestigio. Ebbe un ruolo importante nella costituzione dei primi nuclei delle organizzazioni operaie e democratiche e nel corso della sua vita, oltre a lavorare nella sua caffetteria, svolse un'intensa attività politica, ricoprendo incarichi pubblici tra i quali quello di consigliere comunale e assessore comunale, segretario della Società dei Reduci delle Patrie Battaglie, segretario della Società operaia di mutuo soccorso e consigliere dell'Unione Operaia di Umbertide. Dalle note che seguono, tratte da varie pubblicazioni, emerge chiaramente il suo ruolo sulla scena del movimento repubblicano. Nel Dizionario del Risorgimento Nazionale la voce (1) dedicata a Grilli ci dice che nacque nel 1848 (erroneamente indicando Umbertide come luogo di nascita) e che combatté nelle file garibaldine sui monti del Tirolo nel 1866 e nel 1867 a Mentana. Mazziniano convinto e ardente, soffrì lunghe persecuzioni, l'esilio e il carcere. Fu assessore comunale a Umbertide, membro della Congregazione di Carità e segretario-cassiere della società operaia di mutuo soccorso. Leopoldo Grilli nacque a Sigillo il 24 aprile 1848 da Antonio e Maria Polidori. Il suo trasferimento a Umbertide ebbe luogo nel 1870 dove, il 21 giugno 1874, sposò Francesca Natali (nata il 1° giugno 1853). Alcune informazioni sulle vicende di Grilli sono state pubblicate da Bistoni (2): oltre alle campagne italiane del 1866 e 1867 partecipò anche alla campagna di Garibaldi in Francia nel 1870. Dalla medesima fonte è possibile avere informazioni sul processo e il mandato di arresto che obbligò Grilli all'esilio a Lugano. La mattina dell'8 febbraio 1878 vennero trovati affissi sui muri di Umbertide dei manifesti che, come è scritto nel rapporto dei carabinieri, erano istiganti alla rivolta, alla guerra civile, all'odio contro la monarchia e il governo. Le indagini furono rivolte subito in direzione del Circolo Pensiero e Azione, di cui era presidente Leopoldo Grilli. Vennero spiccati mandati di cattura per varie persone e il 20 febbraio, con un grande dispiegamento di forze dell'ordine, furono avviate le attività per l'arresto simultaneo dei ricercati. Quasi tutti furono catturati facilmente, ma i guai per i carabinieri si verificarono nel tentativo di arrestare Grilli. Un carabiniere e una guardia, poco dopo le sei del mattino, si presentano alla caffetteria appena aperta. La moglie e la suocera di Grilli iniziarono a gridare e a chiedere aiuto. Si unirono allora altri carabinieri, ma un gruppo di operai che si recavano al lavoro, armati dei loro strumenti (pale, badili), risposero alle grida e gli scontri che ne seguirono consentirono a Grilli di sfuggire all'arresto e a dileguarsi. Dalle indagini successive si venne a sapere che Grilli, grazie all'aiuto di Ernesto Nathan (3), riuscì a riparare in Svizzera dove lavorò presso la farmacia Fontana di Lugano. Dell'esilio svizzero abbiamo informazioni attraverso un testo dedicato a Carlo Cafiero curato da Gian Carlo Maffei (4). Il nostro concittadino entrò a far parte del “gruppo di Lugano”, originariamente composto dal Cafiero (5) stesso, Egisto Marzoli. Filippo Boschiero, Florido Matteucci (6) e Gaetano Grassi (del gruppo facevano parte altri componenti di varie nazionalità). Grilli era giunto a Lugano il 20 febbraio 1880 e si era messo, come lui stesso afferma, in relazione amichevole con Cafiero. Nel mese di maggio 1881 le autorità ticinesi registrarono come ancora presenti a Lugano tre o quattro internazionalisti-anarchici e cioè Cafiero, Grilli e Apostolo Paolides. Il gruppo di Lugano aveva suscitato nelle autorità svizzere molte preoccupazioni, anche perché la prefettura di Milano comunicò di temere un'azione di quel gruppo volta a turbare l'ordine pubblico in occasione della esposizione nazionale nella città lombarda. Così nel maggio 1881 Cafiero, Paolides e Grilli vengono interrogati una prima volta. Le indagini e i controlli sul gruppo e sui movimenti di persone a loro legati si svolsero costantemente per tutti i mesi successivi, ma la situazione mutò a settembre 1881. A seguito dei ulteriori controlli le autorità, temendo che il gruppo, rinforzato da nuovi arrivi, fosse in procinto di compiere un attentato, alle 2:30 del mattino del 5 settembre procedettero all'arresto di Cafiero e di tutti coloro che si trovavano con lui. Ad alimentare la tensione si aggiunsero voci circa la preparazione di un attentato contro Umberto I, che allarmarono ancora di più le autorità svizzere. La loro preoccupazione salì quando a Lugano l'8 settembre, giunsero altre persone accolte alla stazione da Grilli e altri. I controlli e le indagini non ebbero conseguenze e tutti furono scagionati. La situazione a Lugano si era fatta però troppo pesante per questi personaggi e quindi Cafiero si spostò a Locarno e gli altri rientrarono in Italia. Per Grilli la situazione giudiziaria italiana si era conclusa il 3 maggio 1880 quando la camera di consiglio presso il tribunale di Perugia decise (in relazione ai fatti umbertidesi del 1878) di non procedere per insufficienza di indizi, revocando tutti gli ordini di cattura. Rientrato a Umbertide Grilli continuò le sue attività politiche, amministrative e sociali fino alla sua morte, avvenuta il 22 settembre 1912, che fu annunciata da alcuni organi di stampa. Da “Il Popolo” organo dei repubblicani umbro-sabini: Leopoldo Grilli Muoio nella fede di Giuseppe Mazzini: così, nelle sue ultime lettere, il vecchio e ardente Mazziniano. Il lutto degli amici di Umbertide è lutto dell'intero partito repubblicano dell'Umbria. Le nostre bandiere sia abbrunano ancora: dopo Domenico Benedetti Roncalli: Luigi Soleri; dopo Luigi Soleri: Leopoldo Grilli. Sono i validi soldati del vecchio partito d'azione che ci abbandonano. Leopoldo Grilli - tenace è immutato assertore della fede mazziniana - fu, nelle cospirazioni repubblicane e sui campi della patria, con Garibaldi, uomo di azione; e anima aperta: fiero, ribelle. Non conobbe i comodi opportunismi. Conobbe sacrifici, disillusioni, dolori. Fu contro il parlamentarismo; e tale rimase, senza piegure [sic] a blandizie di avversari o di amici: anche tutto solo, chiaro nella sua fede e nelle sue speranze. Educazione ed armi! In questo binomio riassunse gl'ideali della sua fede profonda. Alla memoria purissima del vecchio mazziniano, che mai ripiegò un lembo della bandiera adorata, va il nostro pensiero di dolore... ricordando ed augurando. E, soprattutto, promettendo (7). Da “La Democrazia”, quotidiano della provincia dell'Umbria: Nelle ore pomeridiane di ieri, si è spento, dopo breve malattia, in Umbertide nella ancor vegeta età di 64 anni LEOPOLDO GRILLI una delle più belle e caratteristiche figure della democrazia umbra. Repubblicano ardente e convinto, mantenne fede costante al suo ideale fino alla morte. Combatté giovanissimo nelle file garibaldine sui monti del Tirolo e a Mentana; partecipò poi a tutte le cospirazioni repubblicane che furono provocate ed alimentate dall'inconsulto spirito reazionario dei bigotti della monarchia, destri e sinistri, che, dal 1870 al 1898, più volte riuscirono a mettere in pericolo il trono. Fu anch'Esso ferocemente perseguitato, ed affrontò con indomita fermezza l'esilio e il carcere. Convinto che il parlamentarismo fosse un semplice strumento di corruzione, che le alleanze con gli altri partiti costituissero un pericolo di deviazione. Egli si mantenne fedele alla tattica intransigente, rimanendo completamente appartato da tutte le lotte politiche e amministrative combattutesi in questi 25 anni. La sua opera, che avrebbe potuto essere preziosa per il paese, andò quindi perduta in uno sterile isolamento; ma per la fermezza del suo carattere, per la sua proverbiale onestà, per l'integrità indiscussa e indiscutibile di tutta la sua vita laboriosa e semplice, Egli fu stimato e rispettato anche dagli avversari. Fu anzi col voto di questi eletto più volte a membro della Congregazione di Carità, unico uffizio che accettò, non senza riluttanza, e nel quale egli dette prova constante di premuroso zelo e di intelligente operosità. La sua morte apre un grande vuoto nelle file della democrazia umbertidese; poiché sparisce con Leopoldo Grilli un luminoso esempio di virtù e di carattere (8). Note: 1. Giustiniano degli Azzi Vitelleschi. “Grilli Leopoldo”. In Dizionario del Risorgimento Nazionale. Vol. 3, Le persone, E-Q Milano: Vallardi, 1933, pag.260. 2. Bistoni, Origini del movimento operaio nel Perugino, pp. 325-329. 3. Ernesto Nathan (Londra 1845 – Roma 1921), discepolo di Giuseppe Mazzini, fu Gran Maestro della Massoneria Italiana e nei primi anni del ‘900 sindaco di Roma. Altre informazioni su http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/ernesto-nathan (Dizionario-Biografico). 4. Carlo Cafiero. Dossier Cafiero. A cura di Gian Carlo Maffei. Con introd. Di Pier Carlo Masini. Bergamo: Biblioteca M. Nettlau, 1972. 5. Carlo Cafiero (Barletta 1846 – Nocera Inferiore 1892) di ricca famiglia pulgliese era diplomatico di carriera. E’ stato uomo politico socialista. Conobbe Marx ed Engels e si votò alla diffusione del socialismo rinunciando ai suoi beni. Tradusse e pubblicò un Compendio del Capitale di Marx divenendone così il primo divulgatore in Italia. Prese parte ai moti di Benevento del 1877 per cui scontò 18 mesi di carcere. Fu una figura preminente del socialismo anarchico. Per maggiori informazioni http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/ carlo-cafiero_ (Dizionario-Biografico)/ . 6. Florido Matteucci (Città di Castello 1858 – dopo il 1924) Anarchico, partecipò alla rivolta nel Matese. Fu presente a vari congressi degli anarchici e internazionalisti, sostenendo le tesi insurrezionaliste. Varie volte processato e condannato, fu attivo in Italia, Francia, Svizzera e in Egitto. Scrisse per molti giornali e riviste. Nel 1885 partì per l’Argentina dove fondò un giornale. Divenne massone e successivamente si ritirò dalla vita politica senza rinnegare le sue idee. Sono sconosciuti la data e il luogo di morte. 7. “Leopoldo Grilli”. In Il Popolo 597 (29 set. 1912). 8. “Necrologico Leopoldo Grilli”. In: La Democrazioa 218 (23 set. 1912). Dal libro di Federico Ciarabelli “Umbertidesi nel Risorgimento – Note su cento patrioti” Digital Editor Srl – Umbertide, Settembre 2021. Una lapide marmorea, posta sul muro esterno della sua casa in piazza Matteotti, dice: “In questa casa visse cospirò educò Leopoldo Grilli morto nella fede di Mazzini il 22 settembre 1912”. Il 18 dicembre 1960 l’Amministrazione comunale dedicò a Leopoldo Grilli l’attuale via, posta vicino alla sua casa natale. Dal libro di Bruno Porrozzi “L’uomo nella toponomastica” – Ass. Pro-Loco Umbertide, 1992.

ARRIVALS AND DEPARTURES In this section you will find demographics considerations of today and of the past of our territory; in the subsections the trend demographic over time and then the stories of who left and who arrived . We are convinced that knowing the past, or who we were, will help us try to understand how the population will evolve, who we will be. This led us to think about the need to create this section: "Arrivals and departures". The study was born with a double "track", a double perspective: demographic, based on arid "data" or historical sources, and of "life", of people who emigrated or arrived ... yesterday as today. The rural settlement system in the past, defined "Scattered", connected to the sharecropping system, and "centralized" from the postwar period onwards, they have always been connected to the economic system that characterized over time the territory of this valley. The emigration of the early twentieth century, which continued until the 1960s, led many Umbrians to seek their fortune elsewhere. In the last twenty years, many young people from Umbertide have taken the path of professional training to distant places. The last three, four decades have seen a considerable increase in the foreign population which today appears to be resident in Umbertide. Now the second and third generations of migrants from various countries of the world live here. We believe it is essential to become aware of all this in order to prepare a common ground, shared as much as possible, for the future of all the people of Umbria. Beyond the repressive political moments that give life to exile "volunteers", as during Fascism, we are convinced that economic history can help to clarify the consistent migratory and immigrant flows of departure and arrival in a territory. A territory "full" of population with respect to its ability to offer employment generates emigration, we believe this happened with the increase in population in the sharecropping system of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, an "empty" territory of population compared to due to the new employment capacities, which occurred with the development of tobacco and activities related to mechanics, it attracts migratory flows. The historical economic and demographic perspectives are often intertwined. Our future And the future? If you look at the little ones you can see the future of Umbertide with a good approximation. We took a look at the PTOF of the nursery and primary schools of our country, First and Second Circle. There presence of foreign students in Italian schools is 9.4% while the regional average is 13.8% . The presence of immigrants from European and non-European countries in the first circle in Umbertide are 35% of the total students, in the second Circle (which also includes the Municipality of Lisciano Niccone) the average is 21% , with peaks of 30% . It follows for us that the definition of a common identity, as a basis for living all together, cannot ignore the awareness that we started from here to look for work in distant countries, that entrepreneurs from other regions of Italy, from Veneto and the Tuscany for example, they came to us because there was the possibility of setting up new businesses, that now prepared young people go abroad to study and work ... and people are looking for a better future in the same way as those who left 60 years or a century ago. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com Cipriano Piccolpasso " The men of this country are diligent, ingenious and solicitous and prudent because their little site for the continuous exercise makes it fruitful as a large countryside and a very large place ... "

Umbertide 1944-1946: from the Liberation to the Referendum " Political-Administrative activity" 1946 - Le prime consultazioni elettorali Le elezioni del 2 giugno 1946 - il Referendum 1945 - L'amministrazione comunale ...tra speranze e delusioni L'attività di epurazione Introduzione Gli ultimi sussulti di guerra Le elezioni politiche Il Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale 1944 - La liberazione ed il Comitato di Salute Pubblica 1944 - L'amministrazione Comunale - I primi passi by Alessandro Cancian Author's Note "Umbertide 1944 -1946: From Liberation to Referendum - Political-Administrative Activity" This is the title of the degree thesis, which completed my studies at the Faculty of Sociology of the University of Urbino, back in 1992. The intent that drove me to undertake this work, in addition to the passion and pleasure of being able to study and deepen the past events of my city, was mainly to fill a gap that, at the time, I had found in the studies conducted on the history of Umbertide and its territory. I was amazed, in fact, that no author had ever considered the immediate postwar period (1944-1946), a really interesting period for the various ferments that characterized it. However, the many difficulties I encountered in researching historical sources convinced me that this historical gap was not due to the disinterest of scholars, but to the scarcity and ... disorder in which the documentation to consult lay, which only for a very short time (i.e. from when it was possible to publish the documents) the Municipality of Umbertide he was trying to give a proper arrangement. Not even the press of the time was of much comfort to me; he seemed, in fact, to have almost totally disregarded what happened in our territory. The oral testimonies, often fragmentary and confused, were also of little support, also taking into account that many protagonists of the events I was about to investigate had now, unfortunately, disappeared. All this, however, did not cause me to lose heart; on the contrary, it stimulated me to a greater commitment, both in research and in verifying the sources, and then in "mending" the events with the ultimate aim of giving their succession continuity and reliability. In addition to published sources such as books, newspapers and magazines, certainly the most interesting material, because it is absolutely unpublished, the subject of my meticulous investigation were the Acts and the Register of Minutes of the then CNL Municipal Section of Umbertide, and the Acts and the Register of the resolutions of the then Municipal Council of Umbria. Even today, as then, I do not intend to risk an assessment of what I actually managed to achieve. As I stated at the end of my work, I would have contented myself with arousing the curiosity of those scholars who, from the height of their experience and professionalism, would certainly have been able to achieve much more completely what was in my intentions. May 2020 The last gasps of war Immediately after the political-military events of '43, some Umbertidesi antifascists contact the clandestine National Liberation Committee (1), without the local fascist authorities doing much to catch the subversives in the act, well known in a small town which was Umbertide (2). At the end of 1943, the presence of the German army in the territory of the Upper Tiber Valley begins to become more consistent and more dangerous. The soldiers of the Wehrmacht are flanked or, even worse, are replaced by units of the SS, who see every Italian as a "traitor" and behave accordingly: then, especially in the countryside, raids and cruelties of all kinds begin. Against the German troops and the fascist militia there is the I 'Proletaria d'Urto Brigade, a new partisan formation better known as the San Faustino, born on the initiative of a group of anti-fascists, mostly liberals, headed by Bonuccio Bonucci of Perugia . Almost all of them come from the areas of Perugia, Umbertide, Città di Castello, Gubbio. San Faustino operates in the Umbrian-Marche Apennines and in particular in the mountain range of the municipality of Pietralunga. And since the partisan presence in this territory represents for the Germans a serious threat to transit on the alternative routes of connection for the transport of weapons, ammunition and provisions, there are several roundups put in place, which involve or keep in suspense the inhabitants of the countryside surrounding Umbertide. Yet the greatest tragedies have yet to unfold ... At 10.20 am on 25 April 1944, a squadron of 12 Allied fighter-bombers dives from the hills of the Serra. The objectives of the raid are the two bridges over the Tiber: that of the state road "Tiberina 3 bis" (the famous road of the Rome-Berlin axis) and that of the Central Umbrian Apennines, which connects Umbertide to Fossato di Vico and Arezzo. The populous district of San Giovanni (today Piazza XXV Aprile) is unfortunately close to the objectives: the two bridges remain standing, but 74 (they are 70 ed) unarmed citizens perish under the bombs dropped by pilots who are perhaps too young and inexperienced. In the afternoon a new raid which, fortunately, causes neither victims nor damage. Three days later, with a third bombing, an arch of the road bridge is destroyed. The railway one will be blown up later by the German sappers. For many years, historical credit was given to a popular voice, which held the Prefectural Commissioner Ramaccioni responsible for the deaths of the bombing, for not wanting to sound the air alarm sirens. Instead, research carried out by scholars Bruno Porrozzi, Raffaele Mancini and Mario Tosti, made it possible to return, after a long time, the truth of the episode and to remove this shadow about the behavior of the Commissioner (3). When, on June 20, 1944, the news arrives that Perugia is in the hands of the Anglo-Americans, the inhabitants of Umbertide are convinced that the following day they too will be "freed". And instead the Allies, by now for consolidated war strategy, take it easy: 15 days must pass before the 8th Army riflemen appear in the rubble of the San Giovanni quarter. Fifteen days in which the Germans (after the flight of the main fascist hierarchs), remain absolute masters of the territory of the Upper Tiber Valley, which is put to fire and sword. In Umbertide the Tobacco Factory and the Railway Workshop are set on fire. The countryside is looted. And, unfortunately, the Nazi anger is blindly vented even on unarmed citizens. On June 24, 1944, near the ancient castle of Serra Partucci, a few kilometers from Umbertide, a retreating German unit took up arms to five young men. The reason has always remained unclear, even if the popular rumor speaks of retaliation for a never ascertained wounding of a German soldier. Four days later, in the locality of Penetola, in the countryside of the Umbertide district of Niccone, without any reason (not even explainable in the light of the raw logic of war), a platoon of SS (but it is to be believed that some of them were Italians wearing the German uniforms ...), is tainted with an atrocious crime: penetrating a peasant house in the middle of the night, they set it on fire, firing on anyone who tries to escape the stake. Twelve people perish thus barbarously, including three women and five boys. 1. The Umbertidese artisans G. Vestrelli (carpenter) and A. Taticchi (barber), together with prof. R. Simonucci, received news and orders from Pio Taticchi (Antonio's brother), who resided in Rome and had in fact contacts with men of the National Liberation Committee, still "clandestine". 2. More than an oral testimony, however, reports that the "historical" nucleus of the Umbertidesi antifascists had never been too inclined to proselytize, especially among young people: and this "closure" has certainly avoided leaks about the activities of the nucleus itself. 3. Precise documents attest that Ramaccioni has long ago requested an "air warning signal", which the Prefecture refuses to grant. Introduzione Gli ultimi sussulti di guerra 1975. Bonuccio Bonucci, founder of the San Faustino Brigade, receives an honor from the Mayor Celestino Sonaglia Prefectural Commissioner Luigi Ramaccioni 1944 - La liberazione ed il Comitato di Salute Pubblica 1944 - L'amministrazione Comunale - I primi passi 1944 - The Liberation and the Public Health Committee On 5 July 1944 the allies entered Umbertide without encountering any resistance. The wounds, however, are still too much alive, too deep among the people of Umbria to give rise to outbursts of joy for the “liberation”. On the same 5th July, eleven citizens gathered in the home of maestro Raoul Bonucci to set up a Public Health Committee. Maestro Raffaele Mancini, who lost part of it, reported the following: “It was a spontaneous and completely improvised meeting. […] We were convinced that in some way it was necessary to act, but honestly we could not organize the hundred ideas that each of us was proposing. Fortunately, prof. Simonucci, municipal deputy secretary and a man of great experience and considerable culture. In a nutshell he convinced us that first of all it was necessary to deal with the situation of Umbertide, where chaos was in danger of taking over. Raoul Bonucci's house was a stone's throw away: eleven of us were there. The intention was to define ourselves as the National Liberation Committee, Umbertide section. But it would take the approval of the Provincial CNL, as well as a representation of the various parties. The professor. Simonucci then proposed the denomination Committee of Public Health […] We therefore took into consideration the situation of our town and began to get busy ”. The Public Health Committee does not have a charter. Only ten days later, someone wanted to make that informal meeting official, drawing up a meager list of eleven names, with the party to which they belong to the side: Boldrini In the Communist Boldrini Nenella Communist Mancini Raffaele Communist Communist Nanni Ramiro Taticchi Antonio Communist Simonucci Raffaele - C? Bonucci Raoul - C? Rometti Aspromonte socialist Baldelli Dante socialist Ramaccioni Renato P. Action Improved Socialist Joseph It is curious to note how the editor, in an attempt to attribute to each member of the Committee a political connotation, is in some difficulty. Does the letter C prove it? alongside the names of Simonucci and Bonucci (Communists?) On how much and how the Committee of Public Health work, you do not have official documents, but we know for sure that one of the first assignments that it is attributed is to form teams of "vigilante" to avoid acts of looting among the rubble and the houses that the "displaced" people have left unattended. It also works to fight the black market and, above all, the first official contacts are made with the provincial section of the Committee of National Liberation, which is based in Perugia. However, beyond its specific activity, it should be recognized that the Committee of Public Health, in these moments of strong disorientation, plays a role of fundamental importance in terms of stimulation and coordination of the first, frenetic initiatives, waiting for the official bodies to regain control of the political and administrative life of Umbertide. Thus we arrive at 23 July 1944, the day on which the local section of the CNL of National Liberation is established, the Public Health Committee is dissolved, also because the Allied Military Governor has now appointed a Mayor. 1944 - The Municipal Administration… the first steps The Allied Military Governor appoints Dr. Mariano Migliorati, surgeon, as Mayor. The Mayor, who had been entrusted with the mandate to form a Municipal Council, after a few days proposes to the Allied Military Governor a list of names taking into account their moral position more than their political one. Names are all accepted. Composition of the Municipal Council: Giuseppe Migliorati, Aspromonte Rometti and Tramaglino Cerrini are socialists; Nello Boldrioni and Giuseppe Rondoni are communists; Francesco Martinelli is close to the Action Party; Renato Ramaccioni is a liberal; Attilio Scannavini is a Christian Democrat, along with Giorgio Rappini, of whom there is no precise information. Municipal Secretary A. Bartolomei is appointed. The council met for the first time on 9 August 1944 and immediately resolved, on the order of the Allied Military Governor, to take disciplinary measures against those municipal employees who, "given political precedents", cannot remain in service. 16 employees are thus identified, who will be suspended from service and salary from 15 August. This measure will have a long aftermath and will be the subject of numerous disputes and disputes between the Municipality and the Prefecture. Furthermore, it should be noted that discontent is spreading in the village due to the sad phenomenon of hoarding: it appears, in fact, that most of the traders and producers have accumulated and hidden in improvised warehouses "lots of various kinds" that are sold on the "black market". Therefore, the suspicion arises that the employees of the Annonario Office and the Annonary Vigilant Corps are not doing their duty, or that they are even complicit in this situation. It was therefore decided to dismiss some employees (replacing them with new ones) and to suspend the aforementioned brigades indefinitely. In their place, a Nucleus of Annonary Police has been set up (as indeed the provisions of the "superior bodies" require) to be entrusted with the task of carrying out checks on the real or presumed irregularities that many citizens are denouncing. Therefore the Council, given the serious conditions in which almost all citizenship is found, appoints the members who must make up the Administration Committee of the Local Municipal Body for Assistance (ECA), as ordered by the Prefecture of Perugia. On 28 August 1944 the meeting of the Municipal Council is dedicated to the appointment of the new head physician of the Civil Hospital of Umbertide. The task (on the proposal of the Allied Military Governor himself) is entrusted to the mayor himself, dr. Mariano Migliorati, who takes over from dr. M. Valdinoci, suspended for political reasons, and included in the list drawn up in the session of 9 August. Giuseppe Migliorati replaces Mariano Migliorati at the helm of the Municipality On 2 September 1944 the office of Mayor remains vacant and therefore a new appointment must be made. Also in this case it is the Allied Military Governor who indicates the replacement, choosing from among the members of the same council the surveyor Giuseppe Migliorati, well known in Umbertide, and highly esteemed. Even if there are no official objections to this choice by either the men of the CNL or the Board, almost certainly there must have been some contrast, because with the entry into force of the new Mayor there is an almost total renewal of the Board, which now it has been extended to 12 members. Scrolling through the names, we note that only A. Martinelli of the Action Party and the socialist A. Rometti remain of the previous one, who is also a close friend of the Mayor. It also appears significant that of the other 10 members none belong to the Communist Party. The New Administration immediately worked to resolve the most pressing problems. In this regard, the Mayor sent a very detailed report to the Prefect of Perugia, about the disastrous conditions in which the town of Umbertide and the municipal area in general found themselves, also offering valuable advice on how to deal with and resolve them. To combat the sad phenomenon of hoarding and the so-called "black market" and to cope with the lack of shops, in August the Municipal Administration created a Bottegone Comunale del Popolo , for the distribution of rationed goods, collected in a special Center where all producers can converge. The management is entrusted to a provisional Board of Directors, chaired by two men of the Executive (the socialists Aspromonte Rometti and Tramaglino Cerini), who take care of its organization and operation. It is said that the Bottegone will continue to operate until normal commercial activity is restored, and then decide whether to close it or transform it into a consumer cooperative. The initiative found wide acceptance and so, in a short time, the Bottegone found itself having to cope with a mass of work that no one expected. It was therefore decided to transform it into a consumer cooperative. In this regard, Rometti is responsible for drafting a "leaflet" sent to all workers, so that they become members. In the heading of the Flyer we note that Rometti has replaced the more technical wording of "Magazzino" from the popular dialectal term "Bottegone". But on November 12, 1944, when the deed of incorporation must be drawn up before the notary, the sentiment of tradition prevails, and the cooperative was called by its first name "Bottegone Comunale del Popolo". 191 shares are awarded, for a total of £ 20,300. For the record, the Bottegone will function until the seventies, when it will be replaced by COOP - Umbria. Another delicate situation that the council has to face is that of housing. After the war raids, the population has spread a little everywhere, but it is pressing to return to the village, where, however, many houses have been destroyed, and many others damaged. In this way, a special office and a special commission are created to supervise the relevant services. The commissioner Arnaldo Zurli presides over the census of the lodgings and their assignment. It is established that each room must be occupied by at least two people and, where possible, families are invited to welcome other families. A Commission is also appointed to fix the rental prices which must be fair and in keeping with the economic situation of the tenant. In doing so, it is possible to buffer a dramatic situation. Regarding the viability, the council promotes a voluntary consortium among the interested parties, for the construction of footbridges to replace the destroyed bridges within the municipal area. A commission is then appointed for the bridge-reconstruction consortium, which is entrusted with the task of drawing up estimates and supervising the works. In late autumn, the need arises to provide somehow the heating of the houses and it is decided to distribute coal and wood to the population through the special Wood and Coal Commission which will have to work to ensure that the distribution takes place in an equitable manner and privileges the most needy. These, therefore, are the initiatives taken by the Municipal Council from August to November of '44. This is no small thing, if we consider that it must act in constant conflict with the local section of the CNL, which increasingly sees in the figure of the Mayor an expression of prefectural power (or that of the Allied Military Governor) and not of the will of the citizens of Umbria. A conflict that ends up determining the resignation of Migliorati, despite the Allied Military Governor try in every way to avoid them. In his place is appointed the lawyer Renato Ramaccioni of the Liberal Party, first president of the CNL and former member of the Executive headed by Dr. Mariano Migliorati. On 29 December a new council is appointed, made up of 6 members: 2 communists (Dante Baldelli and Giuseppe Rondoni), 2 socialists (Tramaglino Cerrini and Virgilio Occhirossi) and 2 who declare themselves "belonging to no party" (Francesco Martinelli and Lodovico Conte Ranieri). Count Ludovico Ranieri will attend only at this first meeting, then he will always be absent. It is therefore to be assumed that his represents an appointment "of convenience", perhaps to satisfy the upper middle class of Umberto and to balance, at least in part, the total absence of the Christian Democrats. Reproduction of the original document Dr. Mariano Migliorati Giuseppe Migliorati 1945 - The Municipal Administration ... between hopes and disappointments On January 18, 1945 the administrative activity resumed; but it seems to be proceeding a little slowly or, at least, no longer in spirit with that boost of enthusiasm that characterized the previous Council led by Migliorati. Identifying the exact reasons for this slowdown is not easy, because the documentation is really scarce. Based on the correspondence that the Municipality has with the CLN and with the various local committees, we can first of all deduce that it is in enormous financial difficulties, which do not allow it to intervene effectively on the disastrous social economic reality. Add to this that the work of the Municipal Administration, with the passing of days, falls more and more under the control of the higher bodies (of the Prefecture in particular). In fact, they give precise directives and perhaps impose specific expenditure items, which not only leave the concrete and daily needs of a large part of the population unsatisfied, but also exacerbate the already ill-concealed contrasts between the new council and the CNL. The Municipal Administration thus finds itself acting in an atmosphere that is anything but serene. On the one hand, the directives of a state that is gradually reorganizing its bureaucratic apparatus: on the other, the pressure of local committees, determined to resolve certain situations in a more radical way. Despite these difficulties of the path, the council still manages to take some commendable initiatives. For example, the Bursar Office is created, which is part of the Accounting section, which is assigned, among other tasks, those of providing for the transport of destitute citizens due to war and the payment of subsidies to the poor. A new commission is appointed for the first degree decision of appeals against municipal taxes, with Dr. Mariano Migliorati as president: it is hoped that the head physician of the hospital, whom everyone esteems for his professionalism and honesty, can somehow avoid the avalanche of protests that reach the municipal offices. However, it has just solved this "problem", and already the Ramaccioni council is still called upon to deal with the serious housing problem. Unfortunately, the number of homeless people is still significant, as renovations are proceeding slowly. On the other hand, property owners are in no hurry to speed up the restoration work on housing, which may then be forced to rent to ridiculous hormones ... A Committee for Building Repairs was then formed, chaired by the engineer Dante Pannacci, with the surveyor Giuseppe Migliorati representing the homeless and the engineer Giovita Scagnetti as the representative of the homeowners. Even the welfare and social security conditions of agricultural workers (who have resumed work in the countryside) leave much to be desired, so a Commission is appointed to carry out investigations on the matter. However, despite not standing idle, the Municipal Administration is unable to mend a peaceful relationship with the CLN. And this must create a lot of difficulties for them in action, because at the beginning of April the Mayor communicates to CLN. of having resigned in the hands of the Prefect, who however rejected them. It seems evident that this is a shrewd move by Ramaccioni, to mean that he does not want to remain in office ... in spite of the saints. On the other hand, it can also be a precise signal of willingness to re-establish good relations with the CLN Astorre Bellarosa is appointed Mayor of Umbertide The situation remains, however, what it is. And then on April 26, citing work reasons, Ramaccioni goes to Rome, after having delegated the senior councilor Giuseppe Rondoni to replace him. But Rondoni is a representative of the PCI and the delegation is not approved by the Prefect, who the following day sends one of his Commissioners to Umbertide to take over the management of the Municipality. It is clear that we do not want to leave the administration in the hands of a council chaired by a communist, moreover very close (due to ideological and friendly ties), to some men of the CLN In truth G. Rondoni is a man of great moral depth, which he has always put before the interests of the community to those of the party and, above all, to yours. But how always happens, these qualities will be recognized only after death ... Meanwhile, from Rome, the lawyer Ramaccioni insists that his own be accepted resignation and the Prefect can only acknowledge it, granting the authorization for a new appointment. Perhaps the CLN would like to re-propose the Rondoni, but the opportunity suggests not to ... force your hand. We then try to find a person who results appreciated by all: CLN, population, Governor and Prefect. The choice falls on communist Astorre Bellarosa , a self-taught craftsman, a man of vast experience human and, above all, of great balance. His appointment bears the date of May 6, 1945. The new council takes office on May 24 instead. It is largely formed by communists and socialists: Astorre Bellarosa, Giuseppe Rondoni, Vincenzo Rondoni, Renato Martinelli and Pasquale Ceccarelli of the PCI; Dino Bernacchi ed Arnaldo Zurli of the PSI, Guido Guidi of the DC Despite good intentions, it too can certainly not work miracles in coping and solve the problems that always remain the same; but on the other hand, you can ask sacrifices to the population because they have a broad consensus and great trust. The financial crisis forces, in fact, to take painful measures: the most rigorous parsimonies are required in the disbursement of expenses and the revision of all services so that they can function with the minimum staff. Here the Technical Office is forced to fire an employee and all permanent workers (carpenters, blacksmiths, bricklayers ...), in addition to reducing the number of roadmen. A reconstruction plan is underway In the meantime, the council activates a rational and concrete reconstruction plan, entrusting its realization to the same Technical Office, assisted by a new Building Commission and by all the engineers, surveyors, artists and professionals of the capital. The Reconstruction and Expansion Plan was approved in the session of 21 July. Furthermore, since the Prefecture has not yet done so, with a subscription from all citizens, forty thousand lire is collected to be used for the clearing of the rubble that obstruct the main square 1 and the adjacent streets. As the Migliorati had done, the Mayor Bellarosa also urges the Prefecture to take measures for the accommodation of the schools, which will absolutely have to start functioning again. In this regard, a resolution of the Executive which gives a favorable opinion to the establishment of a "balanced" high school assumes considerable significance. A few months earlier, the National Education Association “A. Vespucci ”had proposed to open a first class of scientific high school in Umbertide. The proposal seemed tempting, but the Municipal Administration could not have committed itself financially. Therefore, some private individuals who had declared their willingness to give the necessary contribution had moved. And so, in the session of 30 August, the Mayor informs that this will not constitute a burden for the Municipality, since the population has offered to cover the commitment of twenty-four thousand lire per year. The Executive therefore gives a favorable opinion. The Lyceum, however, will only begin to operate in 1946. In September, discussions are held on the proposed tax relief for the construction of new buildings. Emphasis is placed on the urgent need to encourage by all means the initiatives aimed at building new residential homes, not only to meet the numerous families still affected, but also to deal, in some way, with the phenomenon of unemployment which, in given the winter, it risks aggravating Umbertide's already precarious economic situation. It is therefore decided to grant total exemption from the consumption tax of all building materials to all those who will start the works by 1945, in order to complete them as soon as possible. Only objectively demonstrable delays will be allowed. The buildings completed promptly will enjoy, for a period of five years, exemption from the municipal tax. This is a resolution that will prove to be of fundamental importance for the rebirth of Umbertide. Also in September, the Mayor - applying a legislative decree Lieutenancy of 8.3.1945 - initiates the constitution of a Tax Council, an elected body, which has the task of supporting the work of the financial offices for a wide and equalized tax action. At the end of 1945, when we go to make the final balances, we realize that the deficit increases. And then the municipal administration is forced to take another rather "unpopular" decision, but inevitably dictated by the need to give breath to an increasingly asphyxiated budget: it restores the sale of the popular buildings located in via XX Settembre, whose auction it had been interrupted in 1925. These houses are, in this period, inhabited by disastrous families who pay, when they can ..., a purely symbolic rent. This constitutes a huge loss for the municipal administration. Yet, despite the year ending with the further request for sacrifices, and above all for the most destitute population, we must affirm that the Bellarosa administration has marked a decidedly positive step in the difficult path of reconstruction. And it did so, in particular, on the level of "moral" reconstruction, always working with great honesty and transparency, involving citizens as much as possible who, made responsible for a participation that has been forgotten for years, show themselves willing, at least to a large extent, to face sacrifices with the awareness of making them for a better tomorrow. 1 . On 5 July, on the proposal of the CNL, the square was named after Giacomo Matteotti, martyr for democracy. 1945 - L'amministrazione comunale ...tra speranze e delusioni Astorre Bellarosa 1946 - Le prime consultazioni elettorali 1946 - We return to democratic participation. The first electoral consultations In the first months of the new year the activity of the Municipal Administration is almost totally dedicated to the preparation of the upcoming electoral deadlines (1), which fall into a scenario made dramatic by the serious economic and social difficulties in which the Municipality of Umbertide is struggling, and for whose resolution it always continues to operate. We cite, for example, its effective contribution in favor of the unemployed, with the creation of a Committee for Winter Assistance; the establishment of a Board of Directors of the Civic Hospital ; the establishment of a Public Transport Service between Umbertide and Perugia; the formation of a new committee for the reconstruction of Umbertide (the post-war Committee ). But the desire to successfully carry out that revolution for freedom, which was born with the partisan struggles, and which was about to be sanctioned by a free democratic choice in front of the polls, gives such great enthusiasm that, often even the serious contingent problems take a back seat. The administrative elections The administrative electoral consultation, which will take place on April 7, finds only three parties well organized in the Umbrian territory: the Communist Party, the Socialist Party and the Christian Democrats. The dispute, however, will not be three; in fact, in November 1945 the local sections of the PCI and the PSI stipulated a pact of union, which leads them to appear under a single list (2) It is therefore a direct confrontation which, implying unequivocally bringing to light the inevitable political and ideological diversifications, certainly upsets the image of loyal collaboration offered up to now by the parties. Obviously, this does not mean that until that moment there had been a total absence of contrasts. But the common anti-fascist and republican impulse managed, at least in most of the occasions of dispute, not to unleash bitter ideological diatribes, both within the Giunta and in the ranks of the CNL The election campaign is largely left to improvisation and volunteering. More passionate, but also more concrete and incisive appears that of the Social Communists, conducted extensively by various activists who beat the entire municipal territory inch by inch, sometimes even going even further (3). We have significant testimony of one of these electoral interventions in two articles which appeared respectively in the socialist weekly "La Rivenditazione" (distributed in the Upper Tiber area) and in "Il Socialista", a periodical of the PSI of Perugia. There is news of a propaganda trip by the Umbertidesi social-communists in the hamlet of Preggio, still considered very linked to fascism. In turn, Communists and Socialists speak. The intervention of a comrade from the section of the PCI of Montecastelli is also mentioned. Apparently more cautious and less striking, but no less intense, appears the activity of the Christian Democracies, which for the most part entrusts its electoral campaign to the collaboration of parish priests, who try to persuade especially women, easier to fall into feelings of guilt, when they are faced with the risk of not being able to enter church anymore or, even, that of excommunication (4). It is the text of a Pastoral that, under the direction of the Bishop, parish priests will have to read during a Sunday Mass at the end of January and which, almost certainly, contains accusations against communism and socialism. I have not been able to find the text of the Pastoral, but we have found an article in "The Vindication" of 2.2.46, in which a severe criticism is made not so much of its content (which the writer admits he does not know), as of the the way it was read and explained to the faithful. Even if the article is reproduced in its entirety at the foot of this chapter, it is worth highlighting some passages: "... we cannot fail to note the sectarian spirit ... of some canonical commentator, who ... felt entitled to also promulgate otherworldly penalties for who has not followed the dictates of the pastoral care in question ... ", and again" ... The scandal aroused ... demonstrates how inappropriate is the propaganda, clearly political, made in church in favor of a single party ... "and continues" ... the clergy is clearly conservative and carries out this intimidating campaign on souls to be able to continue to be the main pillar of reaction and capitalism “. For the sake of truth, however, there is an obligation to point out that not all priests are so diligent in propaganda. For example, Mancini and Palazzetti remember very well that some parish priests of the Umbertidese countryside disregard the directives of the Curia and do not read the letter in question on that Sunday. The two social-communist-inspired newspapers published and distributed in the Upper Tiber Valley (the aforementioned "The Claim" and the communist weekly "Voce Proletaria"), give ample space to the chronicle of the Città di Castello district, but only very rarely do they speak of what happens in Umbertide. On the contrary, the religious fortnightly "Voce Cattolica", and the Christian Democrat fortnightly "Libertà", they are felt on more than one occasion. In the issue of February 23, 1946, "Libertà" addresses for the first time the issue of administrative elections in the Municipality of Umbertide, speaking of great electoral expectations within the Christian Democrats, which responded to the Social-Communist alliance by expanding the list of own candidates to some independents. In truth, rather than real "independents" they are representatives of those parties (such as the PLI) that do not show up for the elections: this, obviously, in an attempt to collect the vote of the sympathizers of the aforementioned parties. It is also specified that the Christian Democratic party will present itself with its own distinct character, which however does not mean renouncing to collaborate for the interest of the people. This, expressed, declaration to "collaboration" (even if it cannot be excluded that it is dictated by true availability), appears perhaps more realistically to be interpreted as "putting your hands forward". The Umbertidesi Christian Democrats, in fact, are well aware that they are leaving at a disadvantage compared to the "left"; and then they do not want to ensnare themselves in sterile as well as irritating positions of clear split with the direct competitors. The same article ends by expressing doubts about the merger between PCI and PSI which, apparently dictated by unity of purpose and concord, actually constitutes a sort of forcing that has left several candidates unhappy who, in addition to being opposed to some points of the program, ... aimed at individual affirmation. Another workhorse of Christian Democratic propaganda is represented by the letter with which Dr. Stefano Codovini (who was, albeit for a very short period, in the Board of the CNL), justifies his resignation from the Communist Party, within which he performed the functions of orator and propagandist. The religious fortnightly "Voce Cattolica", published on March 30, 1946, gives great prominence to this story, in an article entitled "PCI in crisis?" , which begins by announcing, very subtly, that Codivini resigned because he became a Catholic. In truth, Codivini's training and education were already clearly Catholic and his adherence to the ranks of the PCI, probably due to a certain influence of his uncle Riego, had never been too convinced. But the opportunity is too tempting to pass up, and so the article ends by quoting the words of the "former communist" verbatim. Scrolling through a few passages, we note that it is a real "j'accuse" against Marxist ideology: "Since Communism is a materialist philosophy, it does not recognize God or religion ... The leaders of Communism have always contested religion, thus resulting in atheists and materialists ... Today the PCI also includes Catholics in its ranks but it is all temporary and utilitarian tactics ... Therefore the Catholic who resides in this party is a Catholic who does his utmost to create a society from which he will be repudiated. " The story of the parish priest of nearby Montone also becomes a reason for electoral controversy. "Voce Proletaria" of 23 March 1946, publishes the news of the arrest of the priest, accused of having stolen eleven quintals of wheat, not giving them to the people's granaries. But on March 31, "Voce Cattolica" takes care to announce that the Court has amply demonstrated that this is a misunderstanding, and does not miss the opportunity to stigmatize the behavior of those who exploited the episode to widely defame the parish priest in propaganda speeches. . Quite interesting, to savor the atmosphere in which the electoral campaign takes place, is also the elzeviro that "Libertà" publishes just one day before the elections (ie April 6, 1946), entitled "... Under the heading ... to these cheerful comrades … ”And formed under the pseudonym of“ the one who laughs ”. Surely reference is made to the fact that during the electoral campaign often the speakers of the DC were so disputed and disturbed that they could not carry out the rally. I think it is worth reporting the article, written with a very particular irony and, in the last line, even a little ... hermetic: “In a low voice because otherwise they would go down with the shotgun. You are (you of the areas where our representatives have spoken) of the jokers: keep your friends happy, when it is the turn of the DC exponent, you retreat neatly on the trees or on the walls and start screaming and whistling. Then "authoritative" voices tell us that they are only irresponsible elements and that the necessary measures will be taken (many of these irresponsible ...). But we did not want to reproach you, dear comrades who are so happy: we just wanted to ask you, after having made the image of the haystack dog barking from afar flash before your eyes, if Mrs. Democracy is always prosperous and fat as we wish ". The programs of the two electoral sides In short, the debate involving the two sides is quite lively and, at times, even bitter. But we must also recognize that the administrative nature of these first elections ultimately also favored a constructive exchange of views and proposals on the issues of urban reconstruction, the reorganization of social and, indeed, administrative life. To confirm this, it is sufficient to make a comparison of the electoral program of the Social Communists and that of the Christian Democrats. The program of the PCI and PSI (which consists of 10 points), is reported by "Voce Proletaria" on 13.3.1946. That of the DC (summarized in 11 points), is instead published by "Libertà" on 30.3.1946. Well, 8 points are almost identical: Immediate and energetic arrangement of the finances and technical-administrative offices of the municipality; Drafting of a new master plan and construction of public housing; Scrupulous observance of the law that obliges landowners to renovate farmhouses in need of interventions, Rapid reactivation of the railway and of communications with neighboring areas; Improvement of Health, with particular regard to the accommodation and strengthening of the Civic Hospital; Industrial expansion and development, involving public and private companies, to give "bread and work"; Arrangement of the aqueduct, in the capital and in the hamlets; Interventions in favor of the school: fight illiteracy; give impetus to kindergartens; build school buildings in the hamlets; establish recreation centers; start the teaching activity of the Scientific High School. Of the remaining three points of the DC program, two refer respectively to the strengthening of agriculture and the necessary accommodation of veterans. The first point, on the other hand, is of a more purely political nature. Freedom and autonomy of the Municipality are hoped for within the national framework, together with a direct participation of citizens in the life of Umbertide, perhaps resorting to a referendum, if the case so requires. How to interpret? It can be assumed that the Umbertidesi Christian Democrats truly fear, on the national level, an overwhelming victory of the left, with consequent repercussions on the local administrations which would be totally in the hands of the Social Communists. Or it is a question of a preliminary ruling, to instill fear and doubts in the voters. As if to say: be careful who you vote for, because you could find yourself, even in Umbertide, under the Communist "dictatorship" ... The two points of the social-communist program speak in turn of greater tax justice (through income assessment) and heliotherapy colonies for children. Therefore, the basic theme on which the analyzes of the parties converge (that of budgetary consolidation, the efficiency of the administrative machinery, essential socio-structural interventions), finds numerous points of contact. Furthermore, both sides share the need to take new paths, which guarantee the effective functioning and the democratic nature of primary public services. We must also say that the fact that for the first time in Italy women are called to the polls has considerable political significance in this electoral contest. It is about the achievement of a “truly” universal suffrage, a source of great satisfaction for the democratic parties, which see in this enlargement of the right to vote a new and decisive step towards those goals of equality and justice advocated in every electoral rally. We said before that in this period the Municipal Administration of Umbertide is almost totally occupied in handling the bureaucratic process of preparation for the elections iter already begun in November 1945, with the drafting of a report concerning the compilation of the male electoral list (5) . The five reports on the state of electoral work that it must gradually send to the Prefecture make it up. Among them, significant is that of 31.3.1946 in which it refers to having drawn up and approved the electoral list for women, including those born in 1924. Another aspect that the Mayor Bellarosa intends to take care of with particular attention is that public order. In a letter sent to the local CNL on 26.2.1946, he expressed the need to convene the Party Heads, so that they undertake to guarantee order and tranquility. In this way, in fact, not only will political maturity be shown, but a clear response to the cliques will also be given reactionary and fascist who still try to have their say in the Italian political context. In this context, there is no shortage of curious notes. Like when the prefect orders, with a circular of 22.2.1946, to also mobilize the Municipal and Country Guards, in uniform and armed, and the Mayor replies that they do not have both the uniform (they go with the armband) and guns (removed by the fleeing Germans). In the month of March the Municipal Commission for the cancellation of the electoral lists of people who have held certain fascist positions. This Commission was appointed by the Prefect with decree n. 478 of 1.3.1946 and is made up of a representative of each party: A. Scannavini (DC), C. Palazzetti (PCI), V. Occhirossi (PSI). After careful examination, it proposes the cancellation of a dozen people, in addition to the 16 employees already suspended. But C. Palazzetti, President of the aforementioned Commission, reports that “… almost none of the proposed cancellations will then become enforceable. In fact, an appeal to the Prefect for obtain suspension and thus have the right to vote. And this will also happen for the referendum elections on June". On March 17, the Mayor informs the Prefecture about the regularity of the presentation of the two lists of candidates, one of which bearing the "hammer and sickle" mark and the other the "Crusader shield" mark with the word "libertas", each including 24 candidates. For the record, we will say that the two lists are presented to the District Commission of Città di Castello at the same time and on the same day: 4.00 pm on 7.3.1946 On April 7, therefore, we go to the polls, and the turnout is really high: out of 9,689 registered on the electoral lists, voters are 8,258, equal to 85.21%! The counting of the ballots takes place in an atmosphere of anxious expectation. "Voce Proletaria" of April 13 reports: “The whole country was gathered in the main square, awaiting the results of the elections. When the speaker made known the outcome of the ballot, which sanctioned the overwhelming victory of the Social-Communist coalition (it obtained 6,283 votes against the 1,507 of the DC), an imposing procession with red flags in the front row and the fanfare to sing popular anthems walked the main streets of the town amid popular enthusiasm. Once back in the square, first the Mayor and then comrade Puletti thanked Umbertide on behalf of the party ”. The same article speaks of a double victory for the Social Communists, who dispelled the legend of Preggio (the populous fraction with a high percentage of fascists), obtaining a clear affirmation there too. The reaction of the Christian Democrats is not one of bitter disappointment: even if a few more votes were expected, the defeat was widely expected. We are consoled, then, with some inferences about the methods used by the Social-Communists during the electoral campaign or by trying to attribute their success to fortunate contingent facts. For example, "Libertà" of April 20 writes "Thinking back to the propaganda systems used to grab the vote, we believe that opponents should worry about any legitimate reactions". And, moreover: "... Social-communist victory also seconded by 3 currents, of which victory we must keep in mind the various elements that determined it" (6). In a more general way, "Catholic voice" limits itself to acknowledging a defeat of the Catholic sense, without going into political and ideological quibbles or excuses. Finally, it is interesting to note how Don Torquato Sergenti, many years later (in 1980) defines the victory of the left in Umbertide as "subversive", and signals it as a shock of political involution. The results of the electoral elections determine, in the municipality of Umbertide, the election of 30 councilors: 15 communists, 9 socialists and 6 Christian Democrats. It should be noted that in the PCI - PSI community list the difference between who has obtained the highest number of consents (the communist Bellarosa, 6,340) and who has had the least (the communist Corbucci, 6,256) is only 84 votes ... of the DC it was Vincenzo Goti who obtained the greatest number of preferences: 1595. The City Council, freely elected for the first time by a universal plebiscite, met on 28 April 1946. The outgoing Mayor Bellarosa took the floor to thank the CNL, his party, the Chamber of Labor, the Association of Farmers and Industrial. He underlines, therefore, how it is now difficult for Umbertide to resume life as always, after the war has tried the country so hard. Finally, he does not fail to underline the difficult economic and financial situation of the Municipality "... a situation that must be immediately taken into consideration by the new administration". At the end of the speech, the councilors are invited to vote to elect the new Mayor: out of 30 present, well 29 votes (there is only one blank ballot) confirm Bellarosa in office, who then returns to warmly thank all the councilors "remembering they who will have to administer and act in the most just way possible, now that the people themselves have placed their trust in them ". On behalf of the representatives of the DC (which the drafter of the report cites as "Popular Party ..."), the lawyer Vincenzo Gotti then asks to speak, to signify that the minority agrees to offer its collaboration to the majority, in the tough path that awaits you. However, he is keen to underline that “… such support will often take on the role of criticism, which in any case will always be an open and constructive criticism, aimed only at giving advantages and benefits to the Administration itself. The program that our party has in mind and wants to carry out ", continues Gotti," concerns the economic improvement and the moral elevation of the working classes to ensure that capitalism and workers peacefully reach out their hand ", in a spirit of true "social justice". Perhaps Gotti, in expressing this last thought, wanted to pull some water on his mill. Let us not forget, in fact, that he is the Sole Administrator of the Autonomous Tobacco Farm, within which trade unionism is quite active ... Some councilors from the majority also intervene who, in summary, all repeat the same concepts: they speak of the exultation of the Umbertidese people, they hope that the future will be better, they hope that peace is truly the only sovereign of our times, that social justice will never fail in everyone's life. Once the various interventions are closed, the vote for the formation of the municipal council takes place, which sees elected: Giuseppe Rondoni and Candido Palazzetti for the PCI, Alessandro Renzini and Virgilio Occhirossi for the PSI alternate members are Vincenzo Rondoni of the PCI and Luigi Giulianelli of the PSI The minority excluded itself, warning in advance - again through Gotti - that it will vote blank not out of opposition, but as acts of respect towards the majority. Note: The government established in May 1945 by Ferruccio Pari was succeeded, in December of the same year, by a new government formation headed by Alcide De Gasperi. The nascent Italian democracy must now equip itself as soon as possible with its own freely elected local administrations, express itself on the institutional form of the state - whether monarchy or republic - and elaborate the new Constitution. Obviously, this does not mean that until that moment there had been no total absence of contrasts. But the common anti-fascist and republican impulse managed, at least in most of the occasions of dispute, not to trigger bitter ideological diatribes, both within the Giunta and in the CNL It is interesting to note how the most active propagandists of the PCI and the PSI are almost all elementary teachers: R. Mancini, U. Alunni, M. Belardinelli, A. Bernacchi, D. Bernacchi, C. Caprini, E. Maestri, C. Palazzetti, R. Puletti, F. Rometti and V. Rondoni. Here, about that what "The Vindication" writes on 5.1.1946: "... the women of the countryside, on which Voce Cattolica is very important so that they do not give us the vote, will be able to obey or not, but even if they obeyed they would be at the side of their men and at our side for the establishment of the socialist society; the women of the city ... smile at Bianco Spino and his anathemas and stay with us even if we wear the red carnation in our buttonhole ... ". From these minutes it appears that those entitled to vote are 4,733. but after examining the position of various people with a positive criminal record or accused of fascist offenses or deceased, 104 are removed. So 4,629 male voters remain. I refer verbatim, without having any possibility of giving an explanation about the current "3" and about the "elements various ". The letter from the Mayor to the local CLN April 28, 1946. The first democratically elected municipal council takes office The elections of June 2, 1946 The Referendum The electoral consultation on the institutional form of the state (whether monarchy or republic), is undoubtedly more heartfelt than the administrative one, in consideration of the fact that the structures and foundations of the future Italian state would have been designed by the Constituent Assembly, also elected from the vote of June 2, 1946. Already after the administrative elections, and precisely on April 28, 1946, "Voce Cattolica" warns: "No one can escape the immense significance of this act, in comparison with which administrative elections represent a an event of rather modest importance ". Therefore it is inevitable that the tones of the electoral debate will be characterized more and more in an ideological sense and that the controversy will become more intense. Again the fortnightly "Voce Cattolica", in an article of May 26, tries to explain what unites or divides Communists, Socialists and Catholics. It recognizes that the three great Italian popular parties are equally motivated by the desire to implement the idea of human brotherhood and to improve the conditions of the poor and the workers, fighting the common battle against the capitalist system, defined as individualistic, immoral, exploiting the workers. But on these unitary elements - the article still warns - the legitimate concern prevails that power may fall into the hands of Marxist parties that deny God, do not admit religion, do not believe in the indissolubility of the family, want to abolish private property, advocate a totalitarian state and wage a struggle that often borders on class hatred. These, in short, are the issues on which the DC forces the socialists and the communists to confront each other who, while pressing on those of economic and social reforms, reject the accusation of being the enemies of religion. Above all, they try to highlight how contradictory the attitude of the Christian Democrats is, as we read in an article in "Voce Proletaria": "... It is not possible today to be at the same time a party that claims to want a profound social reform ... and at the same time being the party that unleashes the struggle against the Communist Party ... if the Christian Democrats really want a social transformation, it must not fight as our party is doing because ... it would only do the interests of the enemies of the people ... ". In short, the ideological clash takes precedence over the confrontation on concrete problems, thus widening the rift between popular-based parties. On May 9, 1946, the Umbrian Episcopate issued a communiqué in which it recalls the grave obligation of voting and the absolute prohibition of adhering in any form to ideologies and parties condemned by the Holy See, such as those inspired by Marxism or state secularism, despite the much acclaimed respect for religion. On 2 June, therefore, the people of Umbria return en masse to the polls (the percentage of voters is very high: 92% !!), which give an unequivocal response about the institutional form of the State: 6,840 votes for the republic, against 1541 in favor of the monarchy. Political elections As for the election of the deputies of the Constituent Assembly, this time ten parties are competing, against the three that had presented themselves to the administrative session: PCI, PSI, DC, PRI, Action Party, Movimento Naz. Ric., Monarchist Party, Everyman, National Democratic Union, Social Christian Party. The results, compared to the elections of April 7, confirm another overwhelming victory of the left, and in particular that of the Communist Party: 4,975 votes out of the 8,898 available. The Christian Democracy undergoes a significant decline, almost certainly due to the dispersion of votes that flowed into the smaller parties: it obtained, in fact, 1,424 consents compared to 1,507 (out of 8,256 voters) obtained in the administrative. However, it remains the second party voted and, as our current politicians would say, “all things considered, it holds up”. The PSI, which ran alone this time, also achieved significant success with 1,225 votes. And it appears even more significant if we consider that in the nearby Città di Castello (as reported by the socialist weekly "La Vindication" of 8.6.1946), the Socialist Party obtained almost 2,000 votes. Of the other parties, only Giannini's Man Whoever saves a little face, with 238 votes ... The electoral results of the Municipality of Umbertide fully contradict the national ones, where the DC asserts itself as the central pivot of the Italian political system (with 32.5% of the votes), while the PCI 8 with 19%) is the third force, after the PSI (with 20.7%). And the echo of these results must have caused a sensation in some way, because the rumor is spreading that Umbertide intends to change his name to that of Palmiria, in honor of the leader of the PCI Palmiro Togliatti. This arouses the ire of the Mayor, who officially protests with the press, which has given credit to a news result of a sick and desperate mind ... This curious episode is reported by the socialist newspaper "L'Avanti" of 17.9.46, which informs that a few months earlier some national newspapers (such as Corriere della Sera) had published the news. Le elezioni del 2 giugno 1946 - il Referendum Le elezioni politiche The National Liberation Committee ... between politics and reconstruction The Constitution Act of the National Liberation Committee, municipal section of Umbertide, bears the date of 23 July 1944. At the meeting, held in the hearing room of the Magistrate 's Court in the Town Hall, 32 people were present. circular N.1 of the Provincial Committee of National Liberation of Perugia ... having felt the need to proceed with the constitution of a local Committee ... proceed to the conformation of this constitutive act from which the representative distinction is thus arranged ". Following are the names of: Carlo Pini of the PLI; Giovanni Bambini of the DC; Zurli Arnaldo and Rometti Aspromonte of the PSL; Renato Ramaccioni of the Action Party; Puletti Ruggero and Tonanni Remigio of the PCL; no name is indicated for the Labor Democracy (1). Apparently this meeting is characterized by an atmosphere of serenity and harmony. Yet we find it strange, for example, that the Constitution Act closes with these words: "This deed of constitution is definitive since the organization of the various parties has made it possible to elect their own representatives". This footnote (and above all that meaning of definitive) leaves room for some perplexity: definitive because the parties collaborated and proved to be in agreement? It really seems a somewhat forced and perhaps even belated clarification, almost certainly conceived later and, that is, at the time of typing the report. In our opinion, however, that final could represent a failed attempt to silence certain discontent and disagreements that may have arisen following that meeting. And this thesis of ours finds concrete comfort in the examination of the minutes of the first session of August 18, 1944, from which it appears that the representatives of the political parties are the following: Liberal Party: Pini Carlo and Ramaccioni Renato Action Party: Ramaccioni Giuseppe Socialist Party: Zurli Arnaldo and Tonanni Remigio Christian Democracy: Children Giovanni and Raffaele Zampa Communist Party: Puletti Ruggero and Codovini Riego Labor Democracy .: Bottaccioli Giuseppe and Bettoni Raffaele. As can be seen, with respect to the names that appear in the minutes of the Constitutive Act, we have corrections and additions, which immediately question the validity of that definitive character at the bottom of the Act itself. It should be noted, first of all, that there are two representatives for each party, with the exception of the Action Party which has only one. So Ramaccioni Giuseppe and Ramaccioni Renato found their definitive position (2); Remigio Tonanni passes from PCI to PSL; Labor Democracy is no longer an orphan of representatives; Aspromonte Rometti no longer appears (3). Almost certainly this has happened: most of the 32 men present have no experience of those subtle "games" that characterize politics. Of course, everyone has an ideal of reference and perhaps recognizes themselves in a group, but it is realistically to assume that many of them showed up at the meeting without knowing exactly what they should have done and, above all, far from imagining. that it would be necessary to agree on a certain party or group strategy. And here we are comforted by R. Mancini, who reports: "When those present were invited to declare which party they belonged to, some proved rather uncertain, before replying; others, on the other hand, completely confused, pointed to one, only to correct themselves at a later time. " And so, in the course of the session, very probably few people really realize the political importance of the representative distinction within a body such as the CLN. And it is this minority that directs the "game", without encountering any opposition at the moment. It may also be that someone, in his heart, does not agree with what is being decided; but who feels like disturbing this first democratic meeting? Only in the following days, when there is more time to reflect, to meet with greater tranquility and thoughtfulness, do second thoughts emerge that can even lead to some controversy. Hence, the opportunity for a comparison to reach that definitive composition of the CLN that satisfies everyone a little. In the session of 18 August the President is also appointed (we do not know if by election or by acclamation): he is the young lawyer Renato Ramaccioni, of the Liberal Party (4). Secretary and Cashier are appointed, respectively, Ruggero Puletti of the PCI and Giovanni Bambini of the DC The activity of the Umbertide CLN has a rather troubled start. The difficulty of finding, within, a precise political structure, the lack of clear ideas about one's duties and, above all, the immediate establishment of a climate of conflict with other bodies (City Council, Allied Military Governor, Prefecture) , ensure that its first steps are characterized by uncertainty and contradiction. And in fact, since the first meeting (precisely that of 18 August 1944), it is clear that the main concern of the Board is to determine a precise hierarchy of competences between the Executive and the Committee itself. The topics on the Agenda are different (5) but the discussion is animated almost exclusively on points 2) and 3) which concern the activity of the municipal council, namely: 2) Decentralization of offices; 3) Invitation to the members of the Executive to make a report twice a week to their parties on the problems raised for consultation by the Executive. It begins with the proposal of the PCI and the PSI regarding the need for the resolutions of the Executive to be submitted to the control of the CLN, before being disclosed. According to the President, the proposal arises following a Circular issued by the Provincial CLN, with which the Committee is entrusted with administrative control tasks in the State as well as political administrations. It is therefore unanimously resolved to invite the municipal council to present a weekly report on its activities, so that the local CLN Board can check and approve. But it certainly must not be the aforementioned Circular that determines this position. The deeper reasons are instead sought in two very specific facts: in the discontent that aroused, within the CLN, the appointment as Mayor of Giuseppe Migliorati (considered too moderate and too close to the city bourgeoisie) and, above all, in the accumulation of offices administrative documents attributed to the socialist Aspromonte Rometti, in which the Mayor places unlimited trust. In truth, the fact that Rometti holds so many public offices may not be a novelty and at other times no one would have contested it. In fact, the man, of proven socialist faith, possesses high moral and intellectual qualities, supported by a remarkable spirit of initiative and a great capacity for organization, which involves a bit everyone. In the village he is respected and enjoys a wide charisma. He is among the animators of the Public Health Committee, is councilor in the first council led by Dr. Mariano Migliorati and actively works to the constitution of the local National Liberation Committee, which relies heavily on his contribution. But Rometti is linked by close friendship and party faith with the surveyor Giuseppe Migliorati, who on 15 August 1944 was appointed Mayor. And almost certainly, before accepting the post from the Allied Governor, Migliorati must have snatched a promise of close collaboration from his friend. Realizing that misunderstandings would inevitably arise between the new Mayor and the CLN, Rometti does not want to take a compromise position (ie to be part of the Giunta and the CLN at the same time), and decides to collaborate with Migliorati. He therefore deserted the constitutive meeting of the CLN, during which a last attempt is made to make him desist from this decision: as we have seen, he is elected as a member of the Board, as if to put him in front of the fait accompli and in front of precise moral responsibilities. But he remains firm in his position and unleashes the resentment of the Social-Communist component, which in the course of this first official meeting accuses him of accumulating offices. However, Rometti is never explicitly mentioned. The socialist Zurli, in fact, in making a long speech about point 2) to the agenda and in stating verbatim that "there can be no sound administration when a single individual centralizes offices and prebends in himself ...", has the common sense and the foresight not to mention names (6). But we will find out whether it is Rometti later, when the subject will be treated again, and this time with a lot of name, during the fourth meeting on September 1st. Although nothing particular emerges from the minutes, even this first session of the CLN must have generated a bit of a storm. This is testified by the fact that the Committee, when it meets again on 26 August (7), is extended to include five other members: they are Dr. Sante Pannacci (PLI), accountant Alvaro Alberti (Democrazia del Lavoro), by Angelo Martinelli (Action Party), Reale Cecchetti (Independent) and Stefano Codovini (PCI). And at the beginning of the aforementioned report it is said that the need was felt to have to extend the number of representatives within said governing body, provided they are of proven anti-fascist faith, seriousness and rectitude, in order to reach the formation of a more broad views and knowledge. So why this need for expansion? A plausible answer can be offered by the extremely conciliatory tenor of the letter that must be sent to the mayor, to delimit and define the tasks of the CLN towards the Municipal Administration, as the first point on the agenda states. And it is also significant both that the letter is transcribed in the minutes as to avoid that, once the text is approved, there may be late second thoughts ..., and that it is precisely one of the new nominees who dictate its content: Alvaro Alberti , of Labor Democracy. There is no doubt then that the first meeting (characterized by too much intransigence and excessive censorship towards the Giunta), not only must have aroused strong concerns in the Allied Governor's entourage, but certainly must have also caused some perplexity to the Allied Governor. inside the CLN. This could also be confirmed by the fact that the second meeting of the Board, called on 22 August, was almost deserted. In fact, in the minutes, also without the o.d g., Only five present are indicated, who discussed the positions of some former fascists. Here then, in order to avoid the consequences of a harsh conflict with the established authorities, it was decided to expand the Board to more ... conciliatory and politically not too rigorous elements, perhaps suggested by the Military Governor or by the mayor Migliorati himself. An attempt is made to better define the role and tasks of the CLN We were therefore talking about the proposal presented by Alberti about the need to write a letter to the council, to delimit and define the tasks of the CLN and to ensure that the Mayor becomes a trait of union between the Liberation Committee and the Allied Governor. It is worth quoting some passages, because - as we said earlier - its content is quite significant to understand that it is an act ... remedial towards the Executive. It is said that the CLN intends to enter into close collaboration with the Mayor, who is invited not to consider this participatory will as a form of dictatorship that the Committee would like to have over the other management bodies. Above all, the Mayor is asked to indicate where the CLN sphere of activity begins and ends. The letter ends with these words: "The CLN aware of the serious problems that beset those who have to manage the Municipal Administration and those who have to solve the problems of unemployment and nutrition, wants to have the opportunity to submit the best solutions to the SV such problems arise ". Accepted unanimously, the text is therefore transcribed in the minutes. But the President of the Committee, the lawyer R. Ramaccioni, perhaps believes that there has been an exaggeration, in terms of "reparation": towards the Executive, this appears to be a beautiful and good submission ... In particular, he is not convinced that it is the Mayor who has to establish where the influence of the Committee can reach, and so he proposes that the Board should in any case contact the Allied Governor of the nearby city of Gubbio, to have him issue a declaration that define the tasks and limits of action of the Committee itself (8). The proposal is accepted. During this session, strangely, no mention is made of the position of Aspromonte Rometti, who, moreover, must have been the casus belli for the deterioration of relations with the Mayor. However, the question returns to the first point of the agenda of the following meeting (1 September 1944), but in a somewhat calm, albeit decisive tone. After a long discussion, it was approved to send a letter to the Mayor, drafted in the following terms: "The Committee found that Mr. Rometti Aspromonte focuses on his person the following activities: 1. President of the Hospital 2. Organizer of the Bottegone. 3. Municipal Councilor. 4. Organizer of Trade Unions. In order for the above-mentioned activities to be effectively carried out with absolute dedication and effective performance, the Committee deems it useful to decentralize them to more than one person "(9). This is a precise request, but formulated without polemical tones and taking care not to exert any pressure ("... the Committee considers it useful ..."). A sign of renewed harmony and trust? ... Perhaps it would be better to talk about an unsuccessful attempt. In fact, the extreme conciseness of the letter should not be overlooked, in stark contrast to the redundancy of the previous one; not even the absence (controversy? ...) of President Ramaccioni escapes; and finally do not escape what is resolved in point five of the agenda of the same meeting ("Lists of people to be arrested or stopped"): no decision will be taken on the matter, until it is known what measures the Mayor has taken against Rometti (10). But, clearly, Migliorati must not take into consideration the CLN proposal, because on September 14 the Board meets again to decree, controversially, its dissolution. It is the President who takes the floor and declares that the CLN of Umbertide "due to the futility of the work done so far, in the face of the vanity of its attempts to collaborate with the Mayor, decides to dissolve in protest towards the Provincial CLN which does not he took care of neither its emergence nor its development ". In summary, this must have happened: once it realized that the Mayor wants to take autonomous decisions, the Umbertidese Committee turned to the provincial CLN, sure of finding concrete moral support. But when he realized that no one was moving from Perugia, he tried to do it alone, both by using conciliatory tones towards Migliorati, and by turning to the Allied Governor of Gubbio. These attempts are also in vain, and the Committee's anger explodes, which, in our opinion rightly, takes it first and foremost with the provincial CLN. The President therefore proposes to write a letter of protest to the CPLN of Perugia announcing the dissolution of the local Committee. This proposal is put to the vote and unanimously accepted. The letter has an immediate effect. Bonuccio Bonucci, former animator of the Public Health Committee, belongs to the Provincial CLN, who understands that the dissolution of the local Committee would leave the "political" control of Umbertide in the hands of the Allied Governor and representatives of the most "moderates", with the consequent marginalization of those, such as the PCI, closest to the proletariat. He then convinces the President of the provincial CLN, Dr. Abbatini, to go with him to the town of the Upper Tiber Valley, to make immediate contacts with the most representative exponents of that Committee. Even if we do not know the date or the place where this meeting takes place, it is clear that it still gives positive results. Bonucci and Abbatini must undoubtedly carry out an excellent mediating action, both by calling the men of the Umbertidese Committee to a behavior of greater availability towards the Municipal Administration, and by obtaining, from the Mayor, assurance to a greater openness towards the advice given by the CLN and, in particular, towards a rapid solution of the Rometti case (11). But the mediation of the CPLN, while effective, is not painless. The Board of the CLN yes renews and enters into force the Statute Giuseppe Ramaccioni (Action Party), notary Raffaele Zampa (DC), Riego and Stefano Codovini (PCI) and Giuseppe Bottaccioli (Labor Democrats) leave the Board. Enter, instead, Astorre Bellarosa and Rondoni Giuseppe of the PCI, Benvenuto Mastriforti and Valerio Gennari of the PSI In short, the Action Party disappears, while the DC and Labor Democracy reduce representativeness to a single member; for its part, the PLI increases it to three, as does the representativeness of PCI and PSL A reshuffle, therefore, all in favor of the left and the PLI, which is the party of the President. And so the subsequent meeting on 25 September opens with a speech by the lawyer Ramaccioni who welcomes the new members, who have come to give their contribution to the renewed Committee, which proposes to collaborate with the Mayor and to put the better solutions that will be proposed to solve the problems that weigh on those who have to manage the Municipal Administration in a spirit of absolute harmony. Hearing Ramaccioni speaking in these terms is somewhat surprising ... A truly participatory speech? We harbor our doubts and we lean towards a speech of convenience, dictated by the need for compromise. In fact, we said that the Mayor must have given his assent to the renewal of the party representatives in the Committee and must have "settled" the Rometti case. However, he asked, in return, for an officer promised not to contest the decisions of the Executive. However, there must be good intentions, because the Statute that will regulate the life of Umbertide's CNL is transcribed from good memory and for the good of everyone. Almost certainly it was the President of the Provincial Committee, on the occasion of his visit to Umbertide, who brought a standard statute into view, to clarify the ideas to the men of the CLN club. Let us mention the most significant passages (12). For example, in points a) and b) of article 1 concerning the Attributions and Functions of the Local Committee for National Liberation we read: a) "The Committee has the purpose of coordinating and unifying the action of the various political parties represented in it, in order to ensure a union of all the active forces of the Municipality, for the destruction of Nazi-Fascism, and for the national reconstruction ". b) "The Committee must get in touch with the Allied authorities of the Municipality, ensuring them the most complete collaboration ...". There is therefore no question of control to be exercised over local administrations, but of coordination and collaboration. Point a) of article 2, concerning the composition of the Committee, also seems to be of considerable importance: "The Committee must be composed of the representatives of traditionally anti-fascist parties, which are represented in the current national democratic government, namely: Liberal Party, Democracy del Lavoro, Christian Democracy, Action Party, Communist Party, Socialist Party ". We conclude by recalling point a) of article 6, which states about the rights and duties of the members: "In all cases in which a vote is required, each representative has the right to cast his or her vote, regardless of how much possible from Party interests and conforming to the needs of the present moment, which require serenity of conscience and objective cooperation ". Despite some inevitable contrasts (13), concord and collaboration between the Executive and the Committee seem to hold, at least for some time. This is borne out, for example, by the fact that the Mayor willingly accepts to participate, on October 27, 1944, in a session of the CLN in which the appointment of the Judge Conciliator and his deputy is discussed. This appointment is the responsibility of the Mayor, but the Committee intends to propose names of his choice, among which the Migliorati should choose. And the Mayor entrusts the task to the accountant Francesco Martinelli, who is one of the men proposed by the CLN But then, almost suddenly, the situation precipitates with a series of events that it is rather difficult for us to mend in their exactness, but which we will try to analyze anyway. The CLN protests with the Prefect for the interventions promised and never carried out On November 4, 1944, the CLN wrote a letter of vibrant protest to the Prefect of Perugia (and PC to the Mayor of Umbertide) to try to hasten at least some of those interventions that were always promised and never kept (14). After a brief presentation of the situation, the letter immediately takes on highly polemical tones. There is talk of the population that with the arrival of the Allies hoped to have something, but that instead, disappointed, protest both against the city authorities and against the superior provincial authorities. He is also bitterly ironized on the fact that, while the various posters and circulars concerning the blocking of foodstuffs or the payment of taxes arrive regularly (indeed, sometimes well in advance ...), aid instead always struggles to find the way to Umbertide, where it has not yet been found a room that can serve as a warehouse for the storage of foodstuffs. It is also requested that electricity be restored and the example of Norcia is cited, whose public streets are illuminated. In fact, it seems almost a joke that the electricity has been reactivated in a village closed in the mountains, difficult to reach even in normal situations, while a town still remains in the dark just thirty kilometers from Perugia ... And yet - the letter warns - all these inconveniences are well known, because various commissions and authoritative people often come to Umbertide. "On the contrary, last Sunday, Mr. Bonucci, in a meeting of the COS on the discussion of city problems, listened to the requests and protests in the hands of the population and promised to be the spokesperson for your Excellency. The days have passed and already a certain skepticism hangs ". So, after having just mentioned the flood of the Tiber, the writing ends with these words: "How is it possible not to understand? And if it has been understood, why not take the necessary measures? of the population, hopes and demands a prompt and energetic intervention (15) ". Reading between the lines, it is clear that the criticisms are also directed at the municipal administration, accused, in particular, of not having been able to obtain even the most immediate measures, while for example Gubbio and Città di Castello have already enjoyed many help, although their situation is, in some ways, less disastrous than that of Umbertide. But it will be precisely this pointing the finger at the Giunta del Migliorati that causes a sort of fracture within the Committee. It can be deduced from the fact that, strangely, it is not Ramaccioni who signs the letter as president of the CLN, but the socialist Valerio Gennari, whose name, in the minutes of the sessions, appears for the first time in a meeting on November 5. In short, the letter bears the date of November 4, but it is certainly ratified the following day, during a meeting whose process gives rise to some perplexity. In fact, the minutes begin by warning that, since there is no majority, the agenda cannot be discussed (which in any case is not specified). Then these words are deleted and the session proceeds, but only to examine some trade licenses. Ramaccioni, mind you, is present. The Committee meets again three days later, that is on 8 November; but the minutes are not drawn up: only the names of the very few present are transcribed, including both Ramaccioni and Gennari. From this moment, and until the middle of December, the few resolutions that we have managed to trace all bear the signature of Gennari; only once does that of Ramaccioni reappear and, coincidentally, at the bottom of an act that cancels a previous purge measure signed by Gennari ... Meanwhile, the Mayor Migliorati suddenly resigns in the hands of the Allied Governor. And everything would lead us to suppose that this decision too must be linked to the Committee's moment of crisis. But what happened? The not conspicuous documents in our possession (little comforted by the oral testimonies, rather confused and contradictory), do not allow us to give precise outlines to this story, also forcing us to formulate only one probable hypothesis, which in truth could also prove to be risky, but which it is necessary to "marry". Let us propose it, therefore, with the help of documented events. After the misunderstandings of the first moments, we have seen that a good relationship of collaboration has been created between CLN and the Mayor, with a consequent rediscovered personal understanding between Migliorati and Ramaccioni: an understanding that is certainly not frowned upon by the Communist component of the Committee which he believes he can identify, in the good relationship between the two bourgeois-moderates, a sort of compromise to keep the progressive forces on the sidelines of Umbertide's administrative life. After all, Mancini and Palazzetti themselves report that even if every attempt at protest had been silenced for reasons of expediency, it must mean that the men of the PCI and the most extremist wing of the PSI had never shared, in their hearts , nor the appointment of G. Migliorati as Mayor, nor that of R. Ramaccioni as President of the CLN. Therefore, within the CLN the balance is rather precarious and it is sufficient that the decision to send the aforementioned letter of protest to the Prefecture (whose context reveals explicit criticisms of the municipal administration), to cause disagreements between the President (who sees in this resolution a will to "overlap" the Municipal Administration) and some of the members. The Mayor understands that Ramaccioni is about to lose the consent and control of the Committee and that, consequently, the Executive will now find itself more exposed to the attacks and requests of the CLN He then tries a maneuver of force, giving his resignation and causing an administrative crisis, from which he believes he can only get out by giving more power to the council itself. Obviously everything depends on the Allied Military Governor who, in the design of the Migliorati, should reject his resignation. However, the Committee senses this strategy and sends a letter to the Military Governor, in which it means that according to Italian democratic traditions it would be incompatible to reconfirm the Mayor who requests his will to be resigned. The letter, signed by Gennari, is dated November 9, 1944 and is also sent to the Mayor for information. And in another letter (also dated 9 November 1944 and also signed by Gennari), the CLN presents to the Governor a list of seven names of people who reflect the popular will, as they are chosen by a Committee composed of 6 parties democratic politicians who collaborate in the Italian reconstruction. If they are approved, the same in the first meeting will elect the person of the Mayor by majority vote. In drawing up the list, the Committee, very shrewdly, proposes only two members of the PCI, moreover recognized by all as rather moderate elements: Giuseppe Rondoni and Astorre Bellarosa. He therefore indicates four people who are not members of any party: Antonio Beatini (of the Mazzinian faith, as he used to say), the engineer Giorgio Rappini (close to the DC), the Marquis Ugo Patrizi (of liberal extraction) and the accountant Francesco Martinelli, formerly appointed Conciliator Judge (who declares himself, simply, of no party). The only name that is somewhat perplexing is the one at the head of the list: it is Aspromonte Rometti, the former municipal councilor, already a casus belli of strong contrasts between CLN and the Mayor. Why now does the Committee "candid" him even to the Mayor, while just a month before he was bitterly opposed? There is only one plausible explanation: his name represents a sort of guarantee towards the Military Governor, who knows and esteems him. And it is also to be believed that Rometti was not even consulted, but that CLN made his name "motu proprio". But the Governor totally disregards the indications of the Committee and proposes the engineer Giovita Scagnetti, a professional who has always shown himself willing to collaborate with the Municipal Administration. Scagnetti, however, cannot be liked by the CLN, because, although he is not a member of any party, he has never shown sympathy for the movements of the left; indeed, in the disputes between tenants and owners, it has in fact always sponsored the latter. Then, with a letter dated November 22, Gennari informs the Governor that he is against the appointment of Scagnetti and invites him to read the list of candidates already proposed with the letter of November 9, which are the true expression of the will of the Committee. This communication convinces the Governor to give up the Scagnetti, but not to please the CLN So, pending a better solution, he invites the Migliorati to remain in office. It is to be assumed that at this point a whole series of informal discussions and meetings begin to find, in fact, a solution to the stalemate that has arisen. And towards the middle of December the twist occurs: Migliorati definitively resigns and in his place the Military Governor appoints the lawyer Renato Ramaccioni. Yes, it is the former President of CLN But, seen in the light of the hypotheses we had formulated, his appointment should not surprise too much ... On 29 December 1944 the new council officially took office, in which only two names appear (G. Rondoni and F. Martinelli), among those indicated by the CLN Defeated on the political level, the Committee suddenly finds itself even without a guide. And in fact, even though Ramaccioni did not enjoy unanimous approval within the Board of Directors, it is however undeniable that his presence as a man of culture and law was of fundamental importance, especially as regards the organization and especially if we consider that the The committee was made up of many self-taught people. An attempt is therefore made to deal with this situation by appointing Professor Dante Baldelli to the office of president; but after a few days he is forced, due to a serious illness, to be admitted to a clinic in Rome. Now it is truly a crisis, for the Committee, which almost risks being dissolved. Suffice it to say that for five months (from November 1944 to April 1945), the minutes of the meetings do not bear any annotation of any session, but only many blank pages: a clear sign that the activity of the Umbertidese CLN, in this period takes place in a rather precarious way, disorganized and perhaps even with some controversy between the parties. For example, a letter that the PSI writes to the Committee itself (it is dated January 24, 1945 and perhaps it is not the first ...), in which it is again requested to send in advance, to the Socialist Section, the orders on the day of each meeting. This, in order to be sure that the point of view expressed by our delegates on each issue corresponds perfectly to that of the ... Section. Therefore, the letter not only testifies that the Committee, even if it has lost its President and without putting anything in the minutes, still carries out some activity; but it also confirms that not everything goes smoothly on the political level. We can say, at this point, that for Umbertide's CLN a period characterized by a strong and disordered will to affect the moral, material and socio-political reconstruction of Umbertide comes to an end. The enthusiasm is in fact very great, but it is almost never organized in a precise and concrete programming of interventions. Being able to finally discuss, debate and propose one's ideas in full freedom gives that certain sense of euphoria that is badly combined with concrete and hasty work. Even the desire to "do justice", which animates the vast majority of its members, soon finds itself entangled in the labyrinth of various skills; and we will see this more fully when we talk about purification. The lack of precise directives by the Provincial CLN of Perugia also plays a decidedly unfavorable role, which forces the Umbertidese Committee to act, at least in these first months, completely autonomously and almost in a situation of isolation. Agreement in the CLN between PCI, PSI and DC The situation returned to normalization, as we said, in the spring of 1945, with a meeting that saw only the representatives of PCI, PSI and DC The fact that in the minutes of the session these representatives are defined as delegates, seems to mean that the new CLN Board stems from a precise will to agree between the aforementioned three parties, while no mention is made of Labor Democracy, Party of 'Action and PLI What happened then? To formulate at least one hypothesis for an answer, it is necessary to pause in a brief digression about the reorganization of the parties in the Umbertidese territory (16). Immediately after the liberation, only Communists, Socialists and, in part, the Christian Democrats took action to give themselves at least a minimum of organization and structure. The PCI was already quite organized since the mid-1930s, when the clandestine cell headed by Antonio Taticchi and made up largely of men from the Republican Party operated in Umbertide. Therefore, with the fall of fascism, it was not difficult for him to pass from clandestinity to officialdom. We do not know the exact date on which this passage takes place, but it is assumed that already before August 1944 an Umbertidese Section of the PCL had to operate, because in that period R. Mancini and other companions constitute, in the rural hamlet of S. Benedetto , the first cell of the Communist Party, which on September 15, 1944 obtained recognition as a subsection, precisely by the Section of Umbertide (17). The PSI (which defines itself as the Italian Socialist Party of Proletarian Unity), constitutes its first Section on November 19, 1944, directed by an Executive Provisional Committee (and named after Giuseppe Guardabassi), which includes G. Migliorati, M. Migliorati, V. Occhirossi, G. Bartolini, A. Silvestrelli, A. Zurli and A. Renzini (18). As for the DC, we know (especially from oral testimonies), that immediately after the Liberation G. Bambini and E. Pazzi are the animators of the Christian Democratic group, which will be constituted in Section only in the first months of 1945. The other parties, on the other hand, seem to live only ... in the hearts and minds of their representatives, who generally participate in the political life of the city in the guise of "mavericks", that is, through completely individual interventions and initiatives, far from any strategy party. The ideological differences between the three main camps begin to emerge At the end of '44, while the ideological differentiations between the three main camps are taking shape more and more, the Christian Democrats begin to fear that they will soon have to compete with a compact front of the left, which for some time have been making agreements (19) . Fear reinforced by being ousted from the new Municipal Council of Mayor Ramaccioni and by being, even within the CLN, in a clear minority (they have only one representative). At this point all that remains is to try to coagulate, around the DC, the men of the "minor" parties, in order to rearrange, at least in part, the strong imbalance between the opposing sides. Surely this adjustment does not take place painlessly; on the contrary, it must cause a certain confusion in the Umbertidese political context, already made rather precarious by the conflict between CLN and the Municipal Administration and not even extremely secure in the social-communist alliance; it is certain, in fact, that, despite the apparent agreement, PCI and PSI live and operate in a climate of ill-concealed mistrust, above all because of a certain psychological subjection of the socialists towards the communists, judged - sometimes rightly and sometimes misinterpreting their strong will to action - a little too "overbearing." When the situation becomes really difficult, one realizes that only a "balancing" action by the Liberation Committee can remedy it (20). But, of course, a Committee that, like the one from Umberto I, is almost in shambles cannot do it. First of all, it is necessary to put it back into its ranks and make it really efficient. Meetings are then organized, agreements are made and in the end it is decided that the Board will be restricted to only the representatives of PCI, PSI and DC (two per party). And it is established that the President and Secretary by mutual agreement will have to choose from among the six delegates themselves. The PSI delegates its representativeness to a young man (Mario Belardinelli) and to the now "tested" doctor Mariano Migliorati, first Mayor of Umbertide. Giovanni Bambini and Eugenio Pazzi represent the DC, while the PCI delegates Astorre Bellarosa and Aspromonte Rometti (21). Mariano Migliorati new President of the renewed CLN Mariano Migliorati is elected President of the renewed CLN. And here it is to be assumed that his election was "piloted" by the parties, (if not also by the leaders of the Provincial CLN of Perugia), with the aim of putting a man who had always held himself above the head of the Committee. outside the political fray: the figure of a "pure" is fundamental to regain credibility, especially towards the Governor and the Prefect (22). At first, this does not really appear to be a move with rapid effects, because the diffidence on the part of the Prefecture is still quite evident. Suffice it to say that on April 26 it is precisely the Prefect who rejected the suggestion of the Umbertidese Committee about the man to be designated as a temporary substitute for the Mayor Ramaccioni, and to send his Commissioner to direct the Executive. But only a few days are enough (perhaps those necessary to obtain the necessary information from the Prefecture), to see this attitude totally changed and to ensure that the renewed Committee savors its first political success: it will be a member of the CLN, the communist Astorre Bellarosa, to be appointed successor of Ramaccioni, now firmly determined to resign definitively. To take up the new office, the 23 May 1945 Bellarosa leaves the Committee and is replaced by Riego Maccarelli. But beyond this moral victory, which still remains of great significance, what counts is the fact that from this moment on, any ideological reason for conflict between the Municipal Administration and CLN is eliminated. And this, comforted by the rediscovered internal equilibrium and by the good relations with the other bodies in charge, determines a radical renewal of the Committee's activity, which will truly adhere to the tasks established by its Statute: to collaborate, to suggest, to link up. And the commitment to meet at least once a week, taken at the end of the first session, is also substantially respected: from 12 April to the end of December 1945, 31 meetings were in fact recorded. But the frequency of the sessions is certainly not a sign of frenzy. Indeed, the examination of the Register of the aforementioned minutes (unfortunately only rarely supported by other documentation), allows us to affirm that the work of the CLN, in this period, is characterized more on a qualitative level than on a quantitative one, whether it is traits of purge, whether it be reconstruction or socio-moral initiatives. The CLN tries to report the most pressing problems of the city By this we mean that the Committee is no longer pervaded - as happened in the first moments - by the urge to remedy everything immediately. Now he is concerned above all with identifying and selecting the most urgent problems to submit them to the attention of the Executive or the parties or other organizations, which are responsible for any intervention in this regard. And if his operational contribution is also necessary, he certainly does not hold back, especially when it comes to "making himself heard at the top". By way of example, we offer a brief summary of the most important initiatives (with the exception of those relating to purge), taken by CLN in the period from April 1945 to June 1946. Since the first meeting, the "renewed" Committee feels the need to reorganize the COS (Center for Social Orientation) in Umbertide. With a clear Marxist matrix, COS is an organism which, in its general programmatic lines, aims to promote the study of the problems that social transformation presents in the various economic, political, juridical, scientific, moral, religious and cultural aspects (23) . And this study of general and local problems must be carried out on the basis of a concrete, independent sociality, criticized by prejudices and privileges, convinced that the transformation to be made brings with it not only economic, political, administrative, but also moral and cultural problems ( 24). In small towns such as Umbertide, COS does not only play a role of social promotion; in particular, it takes on the task of re-aggregating citizens and making them participate in local political and administrative problems. The population is in fact invited to periodic meetings, during which free conversations are stimulated: everyone can express their criticisms and their own proposals regarding the political and administrative organization, purification, food, market, transport, the viability, etc. The organization of the COS is strongly supported by the Provincial CLN and by the left-wing parties, because they see in them an effective tool for the "re-education" of citizens to democratic participation: which ends up transforming - albeit indirectly - into a sort of control and stimulus, with regard to Local Administrations forced to submit to the directives of the Allied Governors. Although the documents are really scarce, it can be assumed that the COS is starting to work in Umbertide, above all thanks to the commitment of its President Riego Maccarelli. But over time, the meetings must expire in chaotic assemblyism, because in December the CLN is still grappling with the Center which, it is said, must absolutely be reorganized. To this end, the Secretaries of the three parties are invited to participate in a session, during which it is established that the COS meetings are directed by people who know how to keep the environment calm and correct, also inhibiting the participation of those who cannot discuss. the problems in a concrete way. The problem of financing the COS is also examined and in the end the Secretaries of PCI, PSI and DC take on the burden. On January 5, 1946, the COS will meet on the following Sunday, with the following agenda: a) Communications from the CLN President b) Appointment of President c) Various. From this date we have no more news about the COS It is therefore to be assumed that, as the interest gradually waned, it ended up melting by force of inertia. CLN also tackles with great commitment the question of the destroyed Umbrian Central Railway, whose reactivation would not only obviate the serious problems of traffic and transport, but would also make a major contribution to solving the equally serious problem of unemployment. In fact, the Committee, in perfect harmony with the municipal administration, realized that it is useless to carry out reconstruction projects if Umbertide is not removed from the almost total isolation with the main roads. Here he then takes on a whole series of initiatives aimed at stimulating the competent authorities, starting with the creation of a city commission for the reactivation of the Umbrian Central Railway, on behalf of which Rometti goes to Rome for a meeting with the Minister of Transport, in order to raise awareness about the reconstruction of the railway bridge over the Tiber. On his return, Rometti reports that, although there are great difficulties, the authorities have made a clear commitment to send technicians for a rough estimate. And actually the technicians come and evaluate. But the bureaucracy proceeds slowly and so in April 1946 the CLN still has to urge the Mayor and the party representatives to a meeting that will lay the foundations for the work to be done for the reconstruction of the railway in particular and for that of Umbertide in general. The meeting takes place on May 4th at the CLN headquarters. In addition to the six members of the Board, the Mayor, the Secretary of the Chamber of Labor and the secretaries of PCI, PSI and DC are present The program for the reconstruction of Umbertide "The President exposes and illustrates the program for the reconstruction of Umbertide and says that in order to implement it as soon as possible it is necessary to start the practices with great energy, and there is also a need, on the part of everyone, of that activity that will gradually come withholding of the case ". It is therefore decided to meet tomorrow evening, May 5, to appoint a committee, which is given the name of the Committee for the reconstruction of Umbertide. It is made up of the president of the CLN, the Mayor, the Secretary of the Chamber of Labor and professionals from the country (25). We have not found any documents that refer specifically to this activity, but certainly we have worked in a concrete way, because in July 1946 the Minister Leone Cattani communicates to the President of the Committee - the lawyer F. Andreani - that the five expert reports of the Umbertide interesting works were approved by decree of 25 June of the Provveditorato alle OO.PP. for Lazio and Umbria. Another focus of interest is the problem of unemployment. In the session of 23 September 1945, following indications in a circular from the provincial section of the CLN, the Umbertidese Committee, in agreement with the Chamber of Labor and the Municipal Council, decided to convene a session to solve this problem and to draw up a program which will later be implemented. But the implementation of this program must encounter considerable difficulties, because on December 9 we return to the subject again and the need emerges to clarify the malfunctioning of the local section of the Chamber of Labor, whose secretary is currently the socialist Agostino Bernacchi. The problem of unemployment is also tackled with a different strategy, that is, starting from the assumption that nothing can be done without a minimum of planning, the formulation of which all the organizations and associations of the Municipality will have to contribute. And it is essential that this program stems from a precise analysis of the actual potential of the territory which, at the present moment, unfortunately is almost exclusively reduced to the agricultural sector and, to a limited extent, to the construction sector. In this sense, a fundamental role could be played by the local Chamber of Labor, which however (at least in the opinion of the Committee) does not seem to work as it should. At the end of the discussion, we are convinced that everything depends on the scarce collaboration of the representatives of the three parties and certainly not on the work of Bernacchi, who is busy with commendable spirit of dedication. It was then decided to invite the Secretaries of PCI, PSI and DC to meet to establish the measures to be taken so that the local section of the Chamber of Labor can function regularly. The issue is resumed in a subsequent session of 23 December, during which the outcome of the meeting of the three party secretaries is assessed, which took place in the presence of the Committee itself: from the discussion it emerged that the malfunctioning of the Chamber of Work is not due to the absenteeism of the political forces, but to the lack of a representative of the farmers. The Committee immediately undertakes to write to the Agricultural Union of Città di Castello, so that it can appoint a representative. But while waiting for the Chamber of Labor to organize itself, the CLN - at the suggestion of the Communist Party - promotes the constitution of a Winter Assistance Committee to help destitute families, who risk spending the winter in the cold, to the inability to get firewood. Not only the parties and the municipal administration are involved in this project, but also the other local socio-political organizations: the Italian Women's Union (26), the Combatants 'Association, the Veterans' Committee and the Youth Front. (27). A Commission made up of four representatives of the aforementioned organizations and operating under the direct control of CLN is appointed to make this Committee work. , which the municipal administration would be forced to suspend due to lack of funds, and which instead it is essential to continue, both to avoid the risk of infectious diseases (28), and for the need to provide work for those heads of families whose children already endure the cold and hunger of this harsh winter. Therefore, appealing to the sense of human and civil solidarity of those who have been better treated by fate, the wealthiest are asked to pay a contribution (29). The initiative must have a truly satisfying answer. Suffice it to say that the landowners not only contribute their share, but also make available to unemployed workers an adequate number of days to be carried out on their property for the entire two-month period January 15 / March 15, 1946, and this in order to meet for as much as possible to those who truly suffer (30). But, alongside these interventions that we could define as "priorities", the CLN takes on many other initiatives, equally significant and commendable. There is an obligation to report at least some of them, proceeding in a quick chronological excursus of the Register of Minutes: MINUTES No. 18, dated May 29, 1945 Since the President Migliorati will have to participate in the congress of all the CLNs of the province of Perugia, it is necessary to draw up a report illustrating the political and economic situation of Umbertide. It was decided to make contact with the Mayor, so that he could indicate which interventions should be privileged. MINUTES N.24, of 29.7.1945 The CLN turns to the Finance Office to ask for an extension of war damage reports, because the population of Umbertide and nearby Montone have not received the appropriate forms. MINUTES N.26, of 12.8.1945 It is decided to write a letter to the Mayor so that the permission of the dancing parties that have been taking place for some time and continue almost uninterruptedly be at least limited. To push the CLN to formulate this proposal, it is a highly moral reason (not only because the ruins, the agony and the mourning of our Umbertide require a very different behavior on the part of everyone, but also to educate the youth to love country and to human respect), combined with reasons of a social nature (the inevitable economic and social effects that can derive from the state of affairs that are complained of have also been considered). MINUTES No. 39, of 2.XII. 1945 The PCI has submitted a manifesto for approval, which the CLN authorizes to print and disseminate. The manifesto is aimed at the citizens of Umbertide, who are invited to denounce every maneuver and every manifestation of neo-fascism, to fight alongside the mass organizations to fight ... every liberticidal attempt, from whatever side it comes and to associate with the democratic parties to overcome this very critical moment and to be able to proclaim the Italian Socialist Republic tomorrow (31). There is also a premise, which partly explains the reasons for this appeal: ".. the neo-fascist forces organized in self-styled democratic movements and parties, try to exploit the difficult internal situation ...". Surely the Italian Communists, in this period, had the feeling that they were trying, in the plots of national politics, to create moments of tension to prevent the affirmation of the left forces. MINUTES N.49, dated 2.3.1946 The Committee considers it appropriate to invite the secretaries of the PCL, PSI and DC in order to agree on the forthcoming electoral campaign for the local elections. MINUTES No. 51, of 9.3.1946 President Maccarelli exposes the behavior that every citizen should keep in view of the elections and reads a manifesto he has compiled, submitting it for approval. The manifesto is not only approved, but the representatives of the three parties invited to the meeting decide to bear the printing costs. We point out that in the course of all these months there are various replacements among the members of the Board, decided from time to time by the respective parties to which they belong (31). There is also a rotation among the Presidents. In replacement of M. Migliorati, on 7 July 1945 the communist Riego Maccarelli (32) was elected, who on 9 December of the same year had to resign for health reasons. He is succeeded by prof. Giulio Briziarelli, of the PSI Although of different cultural backgrounds (one self-taught worker, the other didactic director), both are distinguished by moral rigor and a profound sense of justice, always combined with a high respect for the individual. And it is under the presidency of Briziarelli that, on July 17, 1946, the National Liberation Committee, section of Umbertide, will decree its dissolution. Il Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale The deed of constitution of the CLN of Umbertide Manifesto of the PCI aimed at citizens Letters from the parties to the CLN Resolution to dissolve the CLN L'attività di epurazione The purge activity Although there are not many Umbertidesi fascists who have shown extreme bias or who are guilty of serious episodes of intolerance, there is still the risk of summary vendettas, especially in the climate that has been established on the emotional wave of barbaric episodes of Penetola and Serra Partucci. So immediately after the liberation, the Allied Military Governor arrested 25 members of the Fascist Republican Party, who were held for a few days in the local prisons of the Rocca (35). This provision certainly appears appropriate, because it avoids the triggering of an indiscriminate "manhunt", as unfortunately easily happens in certain situations. Similar facts had already occurred in Umbertide, immediately after the declaration of armistice of 8 September 1943. We have news of it from a report sent by the CLN to the High Commissioner for the Purge in which, among other things, there is talk of the beating of a fascist during the September movement (36). Even the Public Health Committee ensures that stupid vendettas are not perpetrated; but surely this is not enough to - prevent some unconscious acts of violence carried out against fascists by some reckless; luckily they are all resolved with a beating, without the dead man escaping. The first official act concerning the purge is of 9 August 1944, when the newly established Municipal Council, according to the orders received by the Governor of the Allied Military Command, proceeds to purge those personnel who, due to political precedents, cannot remain in service. There are 16 employees suspended from service and salary, all "accused" of being squadrists and / or members of the former Republican Fascist Party. The "purged" employees present an immediate appeal to the Prefecture, which will be partially accepted. On 9 February 1945, in fact, the Mayor Ramaccioni invites the Accounting Office to immediately arrange for the issuance of the checks due to the staff suspended for purge as per the provision issued by the Allied Military Government, following an official act of the Prefecture. Therefore, while remaining suspended, the municipal employees will still have to receive the salary. And the matter will drag on for several months, as we will see later. Since August 1944 it is the local National Liberation Committee that has taken every decision regarding the investigations and sanctions to be imposed on the collaborators of Nazi-fascism, because the dead under the rubble of our country who sleep unattended, the families deprived of what they they loved more and more holy, the young people who were shot, entire families burned alive, the endless griefs of the nation want severe justice. Let's say immediately that it will certainly not be easy to ascertain facts or misdeeds, and it will be equally difficult to dictate and keep faith with uniform criteria of judgment in the evaluation of very particular cases, also because not all those who have found compromises with the Social Republic have joined them voluntarily. The Sforza Law on purge also contributes to increasing the difficulties which, drafted in a rather hasty manner and made known on 29 July 1944, does not always offer clear directives either as regards the methods of applying the sanctions or, above all, regarding the determination of areas of expertise. Basically, the various peripheral National Liberation Committees should know that all the practices concerning the purge must be subjected to the careful examination of the Provincial CLN which, in turn, will forward them to the Provincial Delegation of the Adjunct High Commissioner for the purge. which is responsible for the last control act. Instead, the Provincial Delegation of the High Commissioner for the sanctions against Fascism issued the final sentence (37). But the actual absence of effective links between the peripheral CLNs and the provincial section means that initially this process is mostly disregarded. In truth, this situation can also constitute a reason ... of convenience for the local Committees, which thus have the possibility of taking more immediate and direct initiatives. Even the Umbertidese Committee, in the absence of precise indications on the matter, often interprets the Sforza law in its own way and arrogates itself the right to decide on the matter and to "demand" that the Municipal Administration execute (or that private citizens put in place deed), as resolved by it. And here, for example, after having expressed a negative opinion on some trade licenses, the CLN sends a letter to the Mayor (on 23.X.44), which ends with: "So that the above is made executive" . Equally significant, in this sense, is the letter sent to the tenant of an office that the Committee judges to be of secondary importance. Well, he is peremptorily invited to leave the aforementioned room free for no later than 25 pv, which on 1 December will be delivered to Mrs. Gnagnetti Matilde ved. Tosti, which was left without a shop following the bombing of 25.4. 44 (38). Even when the tone of the communication is formally more conciliatory, the intention to "force the hand" still shines through. For example, in a letter sent to the Mayor on 9.XII.44 to request the dismissal of the municipal veterinarian, even if using expressions that are anything but mandatory ("... this Committee feels the need to express to the SV the opinion that he is dismissed .... It is hoped that the SV will welcome the expression of this Committee ... "), but it is important to underline that the veterinarian does not enjoy the sympathy and trust of the majority of the population. It is therefore not surprising that this way of operating not only risks determining, every time, a situation of conflict between CLN and the Municipal Administration (39), but also causes diatribes within the Committee itself, where most likely the line hard is opposed to soft. And this is confirmed, for example, by what happens during the first meeting (18.8.44), when we examine point 4) of the agenda: "Examination of the sales licenses and revocation of the same for fascists or philotedeschi ": it is reported that the topic provokes an animated discussion at the end of which there is a position of total disagreement, so much so that it is decided to ask the Mayor for the immediate convocation of a Commission made up of people who have an honest past and knowledge of the public ". However, it must be said that the purification activity carried out by CLN from August 1944 to April 1945, although characterized by a decisive and sometimes ... eager desire to do justice (40), never goes beyond the law , even at the cost of swallowing bitter morsels (41). Above all, the men of the Committee must be given credit for not giving too much credit to the "voices" in the streets or to confidential outbursts about abuses perpetrated by this or that "fascist". Citizens are invited not to limit themselves to sterile moral lynchings, but to denounce facts and people on the basis of irrefutable testimony. A poster that appeared on the walls of Umbertide in October 1944 testifies to this desire for objectivity: in urging the population to report fascist and black market crimes, it is recommended that the reports be made with honesty and seriousness, specifying the facts (42). Objectivity, honesty and seriousness are also confirmed by the fact that sometimes the Committee returns to its decisions, following more detailed investigations. In November 1944, for example, it expressed an unfavorable opinion with regard to a request for "discrimination" (43) presented by a lady; but on 12 December the CLN re-examines the file and declares that it has ascertained that the registration of the same to the Fascist Republican Party was actually due not to factious fascist spirit, but to coercion of the authorities of the republican period and to the concern to maintain the office of typist, the only source of income for a living. When, in April 1945, the total renewal of the Umbertide CLN took place, the purification activity slowed down. This is most likely to be connected to the presidency of Dr. M. Migliorati, who perhaps tries in every way to avoid investigations and measures that could seriously embarrass him, above all because of his professional position as primary hospital. In this regard, we have the testimony of C. Palazzetti: "Partly because of his willingness to help everyone, partly because some of his patients could also happen to be investigated, Dr. Migliorati really reluctantly accepted to make decisions regarding purge ". And most likely it will be the thankless task of purge that will determine the abandonment of the Presidency by Migliorati. The fact that in the minutes of 7 July 1945 no explanation is given for the change to the Presidency (44), and the fact that Riego Maccarelli signs in place of the President one day before being officially elected (45), lead realistically to assume that Migliorati has left due to some internal conflict, however not explicit in any of the minutes. But let's examine the minutes of the previous session (that of 2.7.1945): well, of all the minutes drawn up starting from April 12, 1945, strangely this is the only one not to mention the names of those present and it never appears that the President took the floor. Which suggests that the Migliorati was not present. And, coincidentally, in the course of that session the determined will to carry out a prompt and clear purge of those state and parastatal employees compromised with the past regime is manifested. It can then be assumed that Migliorati, already not very enthusiastic about the role of President (let's not forget that he was almost certainly ... "convinced", for the already indicated reasons of credibility, to assume the Presidency of the renewed Committee) and not feeling at all at ease in that of "purifier", faced with the impossibility of avoiding certain acts which, even if suffered, are still due, put aside. Or it is possible that he is advised or ... invited to step aside (perhaps by the provincial committee), precisely because of his lack of decision-making in terms of purge. Some might argue, much less suggestively, that Migliorati may have resigned because he is too busy in his profession as a doctor. Surely this is also a hypothesis to be taken into consideration, even if it seems strange that such a normal decision is not recorded ... The fact is that, under the Presidency of the communist Riego Maccarelli, the purification activity is characterized, compared to the previous ones. Committees, of greater scrupulousness and, above all, of more incisive rigor. In a meeting held in July 1945, Maccarelli bluntly criticized the work of those who preceded him. Textually it states that, from a whole series of facts, "... one can deduce the lack of activity of the previous Committees, their disinterest, their little initiative, which allowed themselves to be carried away by sentimentality, thus not fulfilling the task that the population had entrusted him. But currently the CLN carries out its increasingly growing activities with justice and truth following the best democratic tradition ". A severe criticism therefore and, at the same time, an announcement of a more serious commitment, especially as regards the purge activity, to which that "justice and truth" certainly refers. Purpose that is maintained. From this moment, in fact, in almost every meeting, the names of people on which to obtain information are mentioned; reports that have already been completed are approved; various applications for discrimination are evaluated or discrimination occurring without the opinion of the Committee is contested; they urge themselves to take action; attempts are made to regulate the issue of hunting licenses (46); requests for certificates of good moral and civil conduct and declarations of refusal to call to arms after 8 September 1943 are examined: all made by people who are suspected of collaborating or of common crimes. However, every act is undertaken with care and responsibility. In fact, Maccarelli is immediately concerned to suspend the release of documents or declarations ad personam, until the provincial CLN has given clarification on the matter. A few days later, the vice-president C. Palazzetti (who went to Perugia, to have a meeting with the lawyer Monteneri, President of the CPLN), reports that the local committees can issue certificates and personal declarations to the interested parties and finally clarifies that complaints must be forwarded to the CPLNP. which will then forward them to the competent offices. But President Maccarelli must not be satisfied with this oral answer, because on August 17 he asks in writing, to the High Commissioner for the Purge, to be authorized to issue certificates and declarations. And he is right not to trust the unwritten words: on the 29th of the same month he receives a negative response: "In general, the National Liberation Committees have no hierarchical dependence with this Delegation ... Therefore it cannot authorize .. . to issue ... special certificates ". The purge activity continues intensively even under the presidency of prof. Giulio Briziarelli. But as you progress through it, you realize that the results do not correspond to expectations. Although the Provincial Delegation for the Purge calls the peripheral Committees to a greater zeal, because the pending purge judgments against the various employees must be completed which, often suspended, constitute a serious burden on the administrative budgets (47), in truth a definitive sentence never appears among the various papers. For a certain period the Committee does not give up and continues regularly to carry out investigations and to propose names of people to be purged; then, faced with the almost total lack of results (and perhaps also because it is absorbed by the problems of reconstruction and by those of the electoral consultation), it gives less and less space, during its meetings, to purging. Only in the spring of 1946 did they try to take the situation back in hand. In the session of 19.V.46, in fact, it is said: "After a laborious discussion, this Committee establishes the following: a) to invite the Marshal of the RR: CC for the day 22 cm in order to make arrangements to be able to carefully monitor the operated by local fascist elements. b) to invite the Mayor to the same session ". The meeting of May 22 takes place regularly, but it seems that, when it comes to the conclusions, very little is said again: it is only decided to collect, through trusted people, all the information regarding the conduct of the fascist elements of the place and of refer them to the local RRCC station which will think to act in the best possible way. But, despite the propositions of a new commitment, only in one meeting is there still talk of purge, indicating the names of some former fascists on which to ask for information. The law on amnesty closes the purge processes At the beginning of July, Palmiro Togliatti, Minister of Grace and Justice of the new coalition government (set up by A. De Gasperi in those days), promulgates the law on amnesty, which determines the definitive closure of the purge processes. The provision, even if perhaps considered appropriate in parliament, certainly cannot satisfy those who have worked so hard to try to do justice to the abuses and crimes perpetrated during the "twenty years". In Umbertide it is above all the PSI to be indignant. This is demonstrated by the declaration that appears in "La Venda" of 28.8.46: "After the publication of the law for the purge of Togliatti, the section of the PSI of Umbertide, during the assembly held on 27.07, voted on the following order of day: "Noting the sense of bewilderment and mistrust caused by the aforementioned unjust law ... deploring the proponent of such an absurd political attitude, which could also have serious national consequences, makes a vow that firm and clear action is taken as soon as possible restorative ". It is clear that the indignation of the Umbertian socialists is not only against the law itself, but is also directed against Togliatti, defined as the proponent of such an absurd political attitude ... But even the men of the PCI do not agree with this provision, even if it originated from the will of their charismatic leader Togliatti. The burning disappointment provokes (as reported by C. Palazzetti), a reaction of disappointment and mistrust especially within the CLN: "In those days there was discussion, criticism, confrontation. Although perplexed, I was among those who positively interpreted the law on amnesty. But I also understood those who, due to tragedies experienced personally, could not see so many years of suffering erased with a swipe of the sponge ... ". And so, on July 14, 1946, the CLN of Umbertide unanimously decrees its dissolution, voting on the following agenda: "The National Liberation Committee of Umbertide, which in its work inspired by principles of human justice already felt the mockery of the purge, joins the protest of the people against the provision of the absurd amnesty recently promulgated and, remembering the sacrifices, the tears, the infinite sufferings, the victims and the immense ruins of the Nation caused by fascism and the Nazi-fascist war, resigns his resignation '”. Note: 1. See, in the Appendix, p. XX the minutes of the Constitution Act. Those present are: Mancini Raffaele, Boldrini Nello, Polpettini Vittorio, Puletti Ruggero, Renzini Alessandro, Ramaccioni Mario, Taticchi Antonio, Nanni Ramiro, Loschi Luciano, Rondoni Vincenzo, Gennari Addo, Beatini Lamberto, Migliorati Natale, Alunni Umberto, Gennari Aspromonte, Caprini Claudio, Caprini Nazzareno, Ramaccioni Giuseppe, Rinaldi Antonio, Pini Carlo, Sonaglia Gino, Codovini Stefano, Becchetti Giuseppe, Migliorati Giuseppe, Bottaccioli Giuseppe, Silvioni Guerriero, Simonucci Raffaele, Villarini Mario, Destroyed Amedeo, Chiodini Giuseppe, Children Giovanni, Ramaccioni Renato. 2. And in fact it was the correction and the superimposition carried out between the two homonymous Ramaccioni that made us suspicious. Renato is initially typed, as a representative of the PLI, under the name of Pini, while Giuseppe is noted alongside the Action Party; then someone deleted Renato's name from the PLL, to write it, in pen, alongside the Action Party, to replace Giuseppe. 3. We will see a little later the reason for Rometti's self-exclusion. 4. We have already seen that Ramaccioni will subsequently be appointed Mayor of Umbertide. 5. To be precise, the following seven points are indicated to be addressed: 1.Replacement of fascist or pro-German personnel from state and para-state administrations. 2.Decentralization of offices. 3. Invitation to the members of the Executive to make a report twice a week to their parties. 4. Examination of sales licenses and revocation of the same for fascists or pro-Germans. 5. Establish definitively the premises for the CLN 6. To call further meetings for the global organization of the parties. 7. The need for the Committee to come into close contact with the Provincial Committee of LN and with elements of the FSS and, if this is impossible, with the R. Questura. 6. As regards the positions "accumulated" by Rometti, see below. 7. This meeting is held in the former convent of San Francesco, in the music room, which from now on will be the permanent seat of the CLN. 8. The fact that a Military Governor is used unrelated to the Umbertide events, while it would have been more obvious to consult the Provincial CLN, testifies that there is an almost total lack of connections between the latter and the local Committee. 9. See, in the Appendix, p. XXI. 10. In truth, we find it quite difficult to establish a relationship between people to be arrested and the "Rometti case". Perhaps it can be assumed that the Mayor, in order not to assume the inconvenient role of the purifier, tries to "download" this responsibility onto the CLN, inviting him to compile or perhaps give his approval regarding the aforementioned lists, and that the Committee, sensing this move, resort to a sort of moral blackmail by conditioning their collaboration to the decentralization of the positions accumulated by Rometti. 11. And in fact on the 19th of September Rometti resigned as a member of the Executive, while retaining the other offices. An explicit gesture of protest towards his friend Migliorati, who has cornered him, offering him the opportunity to give up some job? Or, more subtly, an official resignation from the position of greater political weight, but with the tacit understanding of remaining a friend-adviser to the Mayor anyway? ... 12. See, in the Appendix, pp. XXII, XXIII, XXIV, XXV. 13. As when, for example, in the meeting of 16 October, the CLN disputes i rents established by the Municipal Commission, finding them unfair with wages and salaries, and therefore resolves to ask the Mayor to enlarge the aforementioned Commission, appointing, from among its members, representatives of employees and employees. 14. It is worth dwelling on this letter for a moment, if only to compare it with the one sent just a month and a half earlier, to the same Prefect, by the Mayor Migliorati. Both written with the same intent to obtain help, however, they are characterized by a totally different spirit and tone. Rather formal, almost "cold" the letter from the Mayor, which is limited to a list of the interventions to be carried out, supported by meager data and figures. Warm, controversial, but no less concretely essential, in the descriptions, that of the CLN, which almost certainly decided to contact the Prefect after the overflowing of the Tiber (3 November 1944) who, adding further inconveniences to a reality that was too tried by destruction warfare, ended up exasperating the citizens of Umbertide. 15. See, in the Appendix, pp. XXVI and XXVII, copy of the original. 16. We must warn that party archives are certainly not a source of information: no one has a single document that can refer to this period. Even the newspapers of the time did not give any news. Therefore, what little we are given to know, we have obtained from the rare personal papers of some militant or from oral testimonies, which are very vague and fragmentary. 17. See, in the Appendix, p. XXVIII, the report drawn up that day by R. Mancini. 18. In the Appendix, p. XXIX, we report the letter with which the Provisional Committee announces the constitution of the section to CLN, indicating the names of the comrades delegated to represent the PSLU.P. within the CLN itself. We also report, on the same page, a photocopy of a PSLU.P.card, taken from the cards of A. Renzini. 19. Among the documents of A. Renzini we found an invitation to take part, on Thursday 23 November at the Communist headquarters located in the premises of the Teatro dei Riuniti, in the meeting called between the leaders of the two proletarian sections. 20. It is no coincidence that the first session of the new CLN opens with the resolution that the renewed CLN in the ranks is in fact the balancing body of the political life of the country. 21. How is it possible that a "historical" socialist like Rometti has passed into the ranks of the Communists? Oral testimonies tell us of disagreements with the comrades of the local section of the PSLU.P .: nothing more precise is known to us. 22. R. Mancini and C. Palazzetti comfort us, in this hypothesis of ours, reporting that perhaps the most suitable person (for spirit of initiative and capacity for organization), to hold the office of President is undoubtedly Rometti. But his centralizing character and his momentary ... uncomfortable political position (he had passed from the PSI to the PCL), make him prefer the Migliorati. However, it must be said that most of the activities carried out by the "renewed" CL N. will be the result of Rometti's initiative. 23. So it is said in a pamphlet printed and disclosed in August 1944 in Perugia, where the Center began its activity on July 17 of the same year. See, in the Appendix p. XXX, copy of the booklet 24. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXI. 25. See, in the Appendix, pp. XXXII and XXXIII. 26. The invitation is signed by the new Secretary, Egino Villarini. The last three lines, almost incomprehensible, should indicate the day of the meeting (a Sunday), already agreed by the other Secretaries. 27. It was Mrs. Anita Zanottì Giacchi (director for many years of the Municipal Childhood Nursery), who gave life to Umbertide, the UDL, a women's movement of communist inspiration. The aforementioned was part of the Board of the CLN, which deemed necessary a female representation. But, when in September 1945 Zanotti proposes to the Mayor to appoint a representative of the UDL within the council, he receives a negative response, due to the fact that the council has deliberative power, while women have only consultative power. 28. We know very little about this "movement" which, by the admission of the founders themselves, is made up of independent young people, Communists, Socialists, Christian Democrats, the Cremona Club (veterans of the "Cremona" Partisan Division), the Student Union Italians. It was formed on August 16, 1945. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXIV, photocopy of a card of the Youth Front, kindly granted by R. Codovini 29. We speak of "limbs of human bodies" still lying under the rubble. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXV. 30. It should be noted that the amount of this contribution, although voluntary, has already been established on the basis of the actual size of the capital of the various owners. 31. So writes (20.1.1946) the secretary of the Provincial Farmers' Association of the Umbertide area. 32. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXVI, the typewritten text of the manifesto. 33. In the Appendix, pp. XXXVII and XXXVIII, by way of example, we report a copy of three letters with which PCL, PSI and DC inform CLN that they have decided to alternate their representatives. It should be noted that none of them ever explain the reason for the replacement. 34. We will see, in the following Chapter, the reasons for this rotation. 35. A curiosity: for the administration of food to these people (233 meals in total), the Municipality supports the expense of L. 1,631. 36. Indeed, the "beating" did not happen as it is crudely written. In fact, it refers to an episode that occurs inside the public telephone post. Suddenly, among the people, the rumor begins to spread that a well-known fascist trade unionist has entered the premises of the TIMO. Instead he is a bank manager of the same name. But now the crowd is crowding and a true fascist, who is there, tries to block the access. Then everything subsides and the "fascist" himself can be medicated by the pharmacist. 37. In truth, in the various papers we have found different terms of these organs: "Office of sanctions against Fascism", "Provincial purge commission". 38. The letter, dated 19.X1. 1944, has the subject "Provisions". 39. While perhaps considering them to be correct, the Mayor could not enforce certain resolutions; in fact, he had to carry out only the measures taken by the High Commissioner for the Purge or by the Allied Military Governor. 40. The letter referred to in note 66 ends with these words: "This deliberate is the solution of a high sense of justice that acts with serenity, punishing the guilty to facilitate those who unjustly were the object of the disastrous consequences that ensued ". 41. We would like to point out that among the members of the Committee there are those who have suffered (or believe they have suffered), harassment and injustices by the fascists. 42. The manifesto is shown in the Appendix, p. XXXIX. 43. When a person is accused of a political crime (almost always it is a question of belonging to the PER or of "fascist intemperance" or of collaboration with CSR and with the Germans), he can contact the local CLN to certify that these accusations are unfounded or that the offense was committed in particular situations. If the application is successful, the applicant obtains the so-called "discrimination": the fact loses the character of a crime, precisely due to the presence of a discriminant, that is, a cause of justification. 44. It is simply said that "the President and the Vice President have been elected. The following are elected: President R. Maccarelli ...". 45. The letter sent to the Mayor on 5.7.1945 bears his signature, in which he warns that "the CLN has expressed the opinion that the main square is dedicated to G. Matteotti". 46. In more than one meeting, it is insisted that for the issue of such licenses any doubts must be clarified by the Committee, because "... it is within its competence to resolve and conduct in the right light those cases that are compromised with the past regime ". We shouldn't be too surprised that CLN. gives such great importance to the control of hunting licenses: obtaining it means, in practice, having one or more rifles at hand, complete with regular firearms. And in moments of such great tension it is obvious that the Committee avoids keeping armed (albeit improperly), any fascist-hunters. And when it is realized that very little can be done about it, the Carabinieri Marshal is also invited to a meeting, who is asked to intervene to regulate these concessions. Unfortunately, the marshal is also involved in the general disorientation; he replied, in fact, that this was not within his competence and "limited himself to expressing an opinion". 47. This is a circular dated 13.9.1945., Which is of particular interest to Umbertide, whose Municipal Administration, as we have seen, has a long dispute with the Prefecture, due to employees suspended for a year now. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

Gli umbertidesi del Gruppo di combattimento “Cremona” di Federico Ciarabelli 14 settembre 2014 Indice 1 - Costituzione del Gruppo 1 1.1 - Il Gruppo di Combattimento 1.1.1 - Militari e volontari 2 - L’elenco dei “Cremonini” 2.1 - Alcune note su Guido Cecchetti 2.2 - Un volontario non umbertidese 3 - La partenza dei volontari 4 - Decorazioni e riconoscimenti 8 4.1 - La decorazione di Guerriero Leonardi 4.2 - La decorazione di Rino Pucci 4.3 - Croci di Guerra al Valor Militare 4.4 - Altre decorazioni e riconoscimenti 5 - Il rientro delle salme 6 - I volontari umbertidesi in alcune pubblicazioni del primo dopoguerra 7 - Altri documenti 7.1 - Il “Club Cremona” Sommario Il testo riferisce su alcuni documenti conservati in archivi pubblici e privati riguardanti i combattenti del Gruppo di Combattimento “Cremona” che – nel gennaio/febbraio 1945 – partirono da Umbertide per il fronte ravennate. L’analisi delle fonti ha reso possibile stabilire l’elenco corretto, aggiornando quelli precedentemente pubblicati. Gli archivi consultati sono: Archivio di Stato di Perugia, Archivio storico del Comune di Umbertide, fondo Raffaele Mancini depositato presso la sezione Anpi di Umbertide, Archivio fotografico del PCI di Umbertide. 1 - Costituzione del Gruppo La Divisione “Cremona” – da cui ebbe origine il Gruppo di Combattimento – era impegnata in Corsica l’8 settembre 1943. Dopo un breve periodo in cui partecipò al conflitto contro i tedeschi al fianco dei maquisards e dell’esercito francese, fu da questo disarmata e inviata in Sardegna, dove rimase fino al settembre 1944. Venne quindi trasferita ad Altavilla Irpina (AV) e poi ad Ascoli Piceno. La Divisione giunta in Italia era ridotta decisamente male: disarmata, falcidiata dalla malaria e dal tifo, male attrezzata, malnutrita e a ranghi ridotti non costituiva più, di fatto, un elemento utile per contribuire alla liberazione del territorio nazionale. 1.1 - Il Gruppo di Combattimento Lo Stato Maggiore dell’Esercito decise – alla fine del 1944 – di riorganizzarlo costituendo il Gruppo di combattimento “Cremona” agli ordini del generale Clemente Primieri. Il Gruppo fu strutturato in tre Reggimenti: 21º, 22º Fanteria, 7º Artiglieria e delle unità di supporto (1), sul modello delle divisioni britanniche. Il Gruppo venne inquadrato nel 1º Corpo d’Armata canadese (VIII Armata Britannica); il raccordo con gli Alleati venne svolto attraverso il 51º B.L.U. (British Liaison Unit). In aggregazione alle forze Alleate, sullo stesso settore del fronte, combatté anche la 28ª Brigata Garibaldi “Mario Gordini”, comandata da Arrigo Boldrini (2). Il Gruppo entrò in linea sottodimensionato (3) – nonostante l’apporto dei volontari – sul tratto tra Ravenna e Alfonsine nei primi mesi del 1945. Il 2 e 3 marzo ebbe luogo la più cruenta azione tra quelle a cui partecipò. Al termine di quello scontro ci fu la conquista della località di Torre Primaro. Il conflitto continuò sul fiume Senio, superato il quale il Gruppo liberò Alfonsine (10 aprile 1945), quindi avanzò affrancando anche Cavarzere, Chioggia, Mestre e Venezia. Al termine della campagna militare le perdite registrate dalla “Cremona” furono: 234 morti (di cui 208 in combattimento), 614 feriti (di cui 608 in combattimento), 73 dispersi (4). 1.1.1 - Militari e volontari Il Gruppo di combattimento arruolò i volontari provenienti dalle zone liberate (principalmente da Toscana, Emilia-Romagna, Umbria e Marche). Essi avevano in molti casi già partecipato alla Resistenza o erano organizzati dai rinati partiti politici (5). La loro immissione determinò una condizione di complessa gestione per le gerarchie militari del Gruppo. Il Comando e gran parte degli ufficiali, infatti, erano fedeli alla monarchia sabauda e interessati ad assicurare a questa, grazie alla nuova collocazione delle truppe al fianco degli Alleati, una posizione un po’ più vantaggiosa in vista degli accordi di pace. Tale visione contrastava con le intenzioni e il pensiero dei volontari che, spesso, non riconobbero l’autorità degli ufficiali ubbidendo invece ai loro comandanti partigiani. In questo quadro – e in presenza di seri problemi legati alla disponibilità di divise e armamenti, scarsità di razioni, fenomeni di abbandono dei reparti – il Comando attuò delle iniziative per migliorare le condizioni di vita e instaurò un proficuo confronto con i capi dei volontari (6). Ma non sempre le tensioni si stemperarono. Una vera e propria protesta si verificò quando, in occasione della visita alle truppe di Umberto di Savoia nella sua qualità di luogotenente del Regno del Sud, la truppa subissò di fischi il corteo e al presentat’arm alcuni volontari rovesciarono la canna del fucile verso il basso. Altri coprirono il suono della banda musicale, che eseguiva la marcia reale, intonando la canzone (7): Già trema la casa Savoia Macchiata di fango e di sangue Si svegli il popol che langue Si svegli il popol che langue. In riferimento a questo episodio Orlando Ceccagnoli, in una testimonianza (8) resa per lo spettacolo teatrale messo in scena nel 1975 ad Umbertide in occasione delle celebrazioni del 30º anniversario delle vicende, raccontò che vari volontari – fra i quali Ceccagnoli stesso e Serafino Faloci – furono posti temporaneamente agli arresti per impedire loro di partecipare alle manifestazioni di protesta. 2 - L’elenco dei “Cremonini” Il primo elenco pubblicato fu riportato nel quadro realizzato poco tempo dopo gli eventi bellici. Si tratta di una composizione grafica costituita da disegni e un collage fotografico. La figura centrale venne presa dai diplomi rilasciati dall’Anpi ai partigiani (9). I ritratti fotografici furono collocati ponendo in posizione centrale Quirino Pucci, Giuseppe Rosati (caduti in combattimento) e Pasquale Ceccarelli, nella sua qualità di tenente comandante. Gli altri componenti vennero disposti su due file in ordine (quasi) alfabetico. Non di tutti i volontari vennero pubblicale foto e di quelli senza immagine furono riportati i nomi in un riquadro. Già questa lista dei combattenti (composta di 23 nomi) fu redatta con delle omissioni e imprecisioni: • si nota l’assenza di Orlando Ceccagnoli; • è sbagliata la scritta “Volontari umbertinesi”; • Guerriero Confini è indicato come Giovanni; • Trippelli è riportato come Trippella • Addo Gennari è rinominato Aldo. Nel quadro non venne elencato Leonello Galina, che non partecipò alle azioni belliche perché dovette rientrare a Umbertide (10). In successive pubblicazioni i Cremonini umbertidesi risultano essere 24 (11). In realtà i volontari furono 25, dei quali 24 combattenti. Dalla comparazione delle liste emerge che Guido Cecchetti fu citato solo nel quadro. 2.1 - Alcune note su Guido Cecchetti Guido Cecchetti era militare di carriera e dopo l’8 settembre 1943 rientrò ad Umbertide. Partecipò alla Resistenza nella Brigata proletaria d’urto San Faustino (12) tra febbraio e luglio 1944. Dopo lo scioglimento di questa formazione (luglio 1944), si presentò al 22º Reggimento Fanteria “Cremona” e fu poi assegnato al 7º Reggimento Artiglieria. Cecchetti era pienamente coinvolto nell’azione degli antifascisti umbertidesi. Già nel 1944, infatti, Raffaele Mancini lo propose (13) per la carica di segretario del Comitato dei Patrioti. Ecco il testo della lettera: Al Sindaco del Comune di Umbertide Rendo noto alla S.V. che il serg. mag. Cecchetti Guido sarebbe disposto ad assumere la segreteria del Comitato dei Patrioti di questo Comune. La prego volerlo prendere in considerazione dato che il mio attuale impegno non mi consente di poter oltre tenere tale incarico. Dal giorno di oggi do al suddetto le relative consegne. Con osservanza Raffaele Mancini Umbertide lì 29 novembre 1944 2.2 - Un volontario non umbertidese I documenti analizzati hanno permesso di identificare il volontario Veschi. A lui si fece riferimento negli elenchi con i nomi di Armando o Francesco, ma una lettera (14) del Sindaco Bellarosa ne riporta i dati anagrafici e, sebbene fosse indicato Bologna come luogo di nascita, da ulteriori ricerche è risultato che Romeo Veschi nacque a Maiolati (Ancona) (15) nel 1925. In altra missiva (16) il Sindaco dichiarò che Veschi – nel periodo di presenza a Umbertide – non ebbe fissa dimora e che non vi fossero parenti residenti nel Comune. 3 - La partenza dei volontari I documenti consultati forniscono notizie anche in relazione alla partenza dei volontari che – come già noto dal racconto dei reduci – avvenne in date diverse. Se il nucleo principale partì il 29 gennaio (dall’analisi dei fogli matricolari o delle testimonianze si può ipotizzare che fossero: Alboni, Bargelli, Beacci, Bruschi, Ceccagnoli, Ceccarelli, Caprini, Confini, Faloci, Galina, Loschi, Mola, Pucci, Rosati, F. Silvioni, G. Silvioni, Trippella, Veschi, perché risultano arruolati tra il 27 e il 30 gennaio 1945), altri anticiparono l’arruolamento (Lozzi 3 gennaio, Leonardi 14 gennaio, Cecchetti e Mariotti 20 gennaio) o lo posticiparono (Benito Silvioni 3 febbraio, Paneni 10 febbraio). La sera del 28 gennaio si svolse al Teacine di Umbertide (oggi Teatro dei Riuniti in piazza Fortebraccio) una festa per salutare i volontari in partenza. Alcune informazioni sullo svolgimento della serata sono state documentate nel lavoro teatrale di Roselletti (17). Testimonianza di Anna Ciarabelli: “Io me ricordo che la sera prima che ’sti ragazzi partissero era stata fatta ’na festa: se ballaa proprio perché doveono partì ’sti ragazzi de la “Cremona” tant’è vero che m’arcordo che io ci so’ vinuta dal Niccone. Adesso ’n m’arcordo né come né con chi. . . ma c’ero. E me ricordo ’l particolare che se ballaa con tanta allegria e io diceo: Ma devon partì ’sti ragazzi, devon partì ’sti fioli e ’n’ho capito la festa da ballo. E ’stu Rino l’avea preso tanto l’allegria e per 1u’ dovea esse proprio ’na gran festa perché ’l facea siguro pe ’n’ideale anche perché me sa che la famiglia. . . penso che ’n era tanto contenta. Ballaono tutta sorta de balli de danze , e ’stu Rino era ’n ragazzo robusto; ’n bel giovanottone. . . e facea anche ’n po’ effetto a vedello. . . se notava ’n somma. E pu ci n’erono tanti. . . c’eron tutti! Me ricordo anche ’l punto ’ndu ero che gni guardao perché Rino ballaa da solo ’n mezzo e noialtri giovani gn’aveime fatto ’l cerchio ’n po’ perché s’era messo a ballà a torso nudo come si facesse la danza del ventre e ’n po’ perché gni se volea bene tutti perché era l’amico degli amici; era l’amico de tutti. E diceo: Guarda stu giovanotto che spirito che cià. . . lu’ devesse proprio uno convinto perché sinnò tutte ’ste cose ’n le farebbe. . .”. Durante la serata furono fatti probabilmente anche dei discorsi. Orlando Ceccagnoli (18), infatti, così ricordò quella serata al Teacine: “Noi eravamo ad un veglione organizzato dal Fronte della Gioventù Comunista e venne un capitano a dicci: “Ragazzi, c’è bisogno de gente giovane che viene a combatte per salvà l’Italia”. Lu’ avea già segnato dei nomi s’un taccuino e noialtri aderimmo ’na ventina, fra i quali chiedemmo che venisse con noi un comandante e se presentò l’Avvocato Ramaccioni, alora era Sindaco di Umbertide ed era Ufficiale di marina e disse: “Vado via io con loro”. Senonché al mattino aspettammo ’l nostro comandante e non c’era. Si presentò alora un certo Ceccarelli, sottotenente dei paracadutisti, che facea ’l contabile ta n’a ditta che arfacea ’l ponte. Questo, quando vide che noi eravamo ’n po’ titubanti nel partire, visto che ’l comandante ’n c’era e che ci dispiacea, . . . non fece altro che abbandonare la borsa coi soldi che avea dentro, le fatture, i pagamenti, i libretti degli operai e disse alla Mariettina de Ragno che era la padrona del Bar de Piazza: “Tenete questa borsa consegnatela alla mamma mia, al babbo mio e fategli tanti abbracci e tanti saluti, e montò con noi. Noi se partì da la piazza, giù verso la Piaggiola perché ’l ponte era rotto, con il camion scoperto e se cantaa tutti allegri. La gente forsemnon se rendea conto. . . pensava forse che andaime a ’n’altra festa da ballo, forse. . . purtroppo ’nvece Umbertide ha subito quello ha subito.” Venne inoltre data lettura di una lettera scritta da Fernando Bernardini (19), indirizzata ai genitori residenti a Badia San Cassiano. La lettera giunse a destinazione con il contributo di un militare inglese a cui la Brigata Cacciatori delle Alpi, in cui militò Bernardini, dette assistenza per oltrepassare le linee nemiche. Il testo non viene riprodotto per rispettare la volontà dell’autore (20). Il copione dello spettacolo teatrale riporta altre due testimonianze relative alla partenza dei volontari. Rosa Capecci riferì (21): “M’arcordo che poco doppo che semo arrivate ’n piazza partirono ’sti ragazzi sopra ’n camion aperto tu ’l di dietro; e c’era Pretone (22) che era tra i più allegri e cantaa e scherzaa e pu, quando partirono cantarono tutti ’n coro “tornerai. . . ””. Dal racconto di Gina Confini (23): “Quello che per davvero me dispiace è che Umbertide a la partenza de ’sti freghi reagì con ’n certo assenteismo”. 4 - Decorazioni e riconoscimenti Nei testi pubblicati le informazioni presenti in relazione alle decorazioni ricevute dai combattenti non risultano complete. Infatti oltre alla Medaglia d’Argento al Valor Militare concessa a Guerriero Leonardi, va aggiunta quella di bronzo al Valor Militare (alla memoria) concessa a Pucci. Inoltre le Croci di Guerra al Valor Militare (24) assegnate sono due e non una sola. 4.1 - La decorazione di Guerriero Leonardi Leonardi è stato decorato con Medaglia d’Argento al Valore Militare con la seguente motivazione: Comandante di squadra fucilieri durante un contrattacco nemico sotto le raffiche di mitragliatrici, batteva la postazione, impegnava il fucile mitragliatore della sua squadra aprendo il fuoco sul nemico. Ferito da pallottola che gli amputava un dito, al Comandante di plotone che voleva avviarlo al posto di medicazione rispose: “Sig. Tenente, ho ancora nove dita per fare fuoco.” Impegnava quindi nuovamente l’arma e continuava l’azione, fino a contrattacco respinto. Lasciava il riparo soltanto al mattino dietro ordine perentorio del Comandante di Compagnia. Zona Po di Primaro (Ravenna) 3/3/1945 4.2 - La decorazione di Rino Pucci Pucci è stato insignito di Medaglia di Bronzo al Valore Militare (alla memoria). Qui di seguito se ne riporta la motivazione: Capogruppo fucilieri, durante un contrattacco tedesco malgrado le violente raffiche delle mitragliatrici avversarie, concorreva con il fuoco del moschetto automatico a respingere il tentativo. Successivamente, passato il suo reparto all’attacco, si sostituiva ad un tiratore di fucile mitragliatore rimasto ferito e, mentre fra i primi si dirigeva sull’obbiettivo, cadeva mortalmente ferito da raffiche di mitragliatrice. Zona Po Primaro 3/3/45 4.3 - Croci di Guerra al Valor Militare Le pubblicazioni riguardanti i volontari umbertidesi riportano la notizia che Benito Silvioni è stato decorato con la medaglia di questa classe. In realtà i decorati furono due e la medaglia non fu assegnata a Benito, bensì al fratello Fioravante. • Pasquale Ceccarelli • Fioravante Silvioni 4.4 - Altre decorazioni e riconoscimenti Queste sono le decorazioni (25) che risultano concesse ai volontari umbertidesi: • Antonio Bargelli, Croce al Merito di Guerra e Distintivo della Guerra di Liberazione, • Augusto Bruschi, Croce al Merito di Guerra per la partecipazione alla guerra di Liberazione, • Claudio Caprini, Distintivo della Guerra di Liberazione, • Orlando Ceccagnoli, Croce al Merito di Guerra, • Guido Cecchetti, Croce al Merito di Guerra e Distintivo della Guerra 1940-1943, • Serafino Faloci, Croce al Merito di Guerra e Distintivo della Guerra di Liberazione, • Francesco Loschi, Distintivo della Guerra di Liberazione, • Rolando Paneni, Croce al Merito di Guerra e Distintivo della Guerra di Liberazione, • Quirino Pucci, Distintivo della Guerra di Liberazione, • Benito Silvioni, Croce al Merito di Guerra (1940-45), • Guerriero Silvioni, Distintivo della Guerra (1941). Tutte le informazioni relative alle decorazioni sono state tratte dai fogli matricolari (26) e dal testo di Mastrobuono (27). 5 - Il rientro delle salme I funerali dei caduti umbertidesi sul Po di Primaro e di Giuseppe Starnini (28) si svolsero a Umbertide il 5 dicembre 1945. L’Archivio storico del Comune di Umbertide conserva alcuni documenti inerenti la traslazione delle salme. Il 16 maggio 1945 il Sindaco scrisse al Prefetto di Ravenna (29): “I familiari dei volontari suddetti [Pucci e Rosati] desiderano ora trasportare quì [sic] in Umbertide le salme dei loro cari. Ed è a mio mezzo che gli stessi chiedono a V.E. l’autorizzazione per il trasporto delle salme in parola dal Cimitero di Mezzano ad Umbertide, autorizzazione che invocano in assenza di tasse”. La Prefettura di Perugia (30) inviò al Sindaco – perché questi lo notificasse ai familiari del caduto – il decreto di autorizzazione al trasferimento della salma di Starnini da Firenze a Umbertide. Il Sindaco di Umbertide, il 29 novembre 1945, scrisse a quello di Ravenna per chiedere aiuto e l’appoggio poiché è desiderio vivissimo delle famiglie dei Caduti e della Sezione Partigiani d’Italia di Umbertide di effettuare la traslazione delle due Salme ad Umbertide e lo pregò di adoperarsi perché tale desiderio si potesse realizzare (31). Nell’Archivio umbertidese non vi è traccia di risposte da parte della Prefettura e del Comune di Ravenna. Probabilmente esse non vi furono dato che un gruppo di umbertidesi, rimasti sconosciuti, partì e trafugò le salme. In relazione ai funerali abbiamo la testimonianza di Gina Confini (32): “L’unica volta che gli umbertidesi l’hanno veramente sentita e hanno capito quello che ’sti ragazzi aveono fatto, è stato quando hanno riportato Rino e Rosati dal cimitero d’Alfonsine. . . (33) che pu’ ’n è stata ’na cosa semplice perché ’sti ragazzi rubarono addirittura i corpi. 6 - I volontari umbertidesi in alcune pubblicazioni del primo dopoguerra Le vicende dei Gruppi di combattimento (34) furono documentate fino dal primo dopoguerra. Il primo testo dedicato al “Cremona” (35) venne pubblicato a cura dell’Esercito italiano nel 1945. La citazione che segue è tratta da quel testo e descrive il momento dell’immissione dei volontari nelle file dell’esercito regolare: “Il Gruppo è autorizzato a reclutare volontari, traendoli dalle disponibilità della zona. La scelta cade su quelli che hanno già impugnato le armi contro i tedeschi, combattendo inquadrati in formazioni di patrioti. Sono elementi che anelano a continuare la guerra di liberazione da essi volontariamente intrapresa ed il cui spirito dimostra una ferma volontà di battersi e di vincere. Sono patrioti che giungono accompagnati dagli stessi capi agli ordini dei quali hanno operato e che ora, equipaggiati dal Gruppo, vengono a rinforzare le file degli anziani del «Cremona» che tanto dura lotta stanno combattendo. Sono patrioti delle zone di Perugia, Gualdo Tadino, Firenze, Città di Castello, Spoleto, Terni, Umbertide, Arezzo, Ancona. . . , patrioti di diverse regioni che hanno già combattuto per la stessa causa e che ora – incorporati in reparti regolari – si fondono con i fanti, gli artiglieri e i genieri del Gruppo. È il primo sintomo, il primo passo verso la costituzione di quello che dovrà essere il nuovo Esercito italiano. Gli umbertidesi furono inseriti nella 9ª Compagnia; Ceccarelli comandò il 2º plotone e quasi tutti gli altri servirono nel 3º plotone (36). Cecchetti fu destinato al 7ºArtiglieria”. Troviamo un riferimento alla Compagnia degli umbertidesi in Pierangeli Ricci (37) nelle pagine che raccontano la battaglia sul Po di Primaro. Alle prime luci dell’alba del 3 marzo il nuovo schieramento dei reparti è il seguente: Avanzate: 9ª compagnia del 22º a sinistra; 11ª compagnia del 22º a destra; Ambedue a circa 200 metri da Casa dei Venti. Rincalzo: 10ª compagnia del 22º fanteria nel bosco, all’altezza di un gruppo di case senza nome. 7 - Altri documenti L’Archivio storico del Comune di Umbertide conserva altri documenti relativi ad aspetti personali dei volontari. Ve ne sono di riferiti ad attività lavorative svolte prima della partenza per il fronte, altri connessi ad attività politiche: Addo Gennari, Claudio Caprini e Guerriero Silvioni furono presenti il 23 luglio 1944 all’assembla costitutiva del CLN di Umbertide, come risulta dall’atto di costituzione del CLN di Umbertide (38). Tra le attività di interesse pubblico attuate dopo il rientro a Umbertide, se ne segnalano alcune di Pasquale Ceccarelli e Claudio Caprini. Esse possono valere come esempio dell’impegno politico, sociale e culturale, nonché dell’attiva partecipazione alla vita comunitaria profuso dai Volontari. Pasquale Ceccarelli svolse per alcuni mesi del 1945 (da maggio a novembre 1945) la funzione di assessore supplente della Giunta comunale. Propose al Sindaco (39) - per conto di un gruppo di persone - l’istituzione di una scuola serale gratuita “Allo scopo di dare a chiunque la possibilità di potersi istruire ed emancipare”. Claudio Caprini fu il primo Presidente della sezione Anpi di Umbertide (40), partecipò all’assemblea costitutiva della società sportiva Tiberis (41) e promosse – per conto del gruppo dei volontari – la realizzazione del “Club Cremona”. In anni successivi, Serafino Faloci fu Sindaco di Umbertide dal 15 giugno 1952 al 26 novembre 1960. 7.1 - Il “Club Cremona” I documenti riferiti alla costituzione del Club conservati sono due: 1. la richiesta avanzata al Sindaco (42), 2. la risposta del Sindaco (43). Di seguito si riporta il testo della domanda: Egregio Sig. Sindaco I volontari del gruppo di combattimento “Cremona”, organizzati in Sezione Permanente, chiedono a codesta Amm. Com/le il permesso di poter usare la parte estrema del luogo così detto Mercato Vecchio, per organizzare un locale di trattenimenti all’aperto. Si garantisce che anche le abitazioni più vicine a detto luogo vanno esenti da eventuali disturbi acustici che la gestione del suddetto locale può provocare in ore notturne. Gli eventuali introiti della gestione, che prende il nome di “Club Cremona”, una volta rifusi i capitali impiegati nella costruzione, andranno a tutto beneficio di Istituti ed Enti di assistenza. Fiduciosi della V/a comprensione, fraternamente Vi salutiamo. Per i Volontari del “Club Cremona” F.to Caprini Claudio Ringraziamenti Debbo molti ringraziamenti a tutte le persone che hanno messo a disposizione la loro competenza e conoscenza per indirizzare questa attività ed in particolare al personale dell’Archivio di Stato di Perugia, dell’Ufficio anagrafe e all’Archivio storico del Comune di Umbertide. Grazie ad Achille Roselletti per avere messo a disposizione il copione dello suo spettacolo teatrale. Esso costituisce una preziosa fonte di informazioni e testimonianze dei diretti protagonisti. Acronimi AdSPG - Archivio di Stato di Perugia AsCU - Archivio storico del Comune di Umbertide Fonti delle immagini - Circolo Filatelico «V. Monti»di Alfonsine, Diario storico militare del Gruppo di Combattimento Cremona - Archivio della Sezione Anpi di Umbertide - Archivio fotografico PCI Umbertide - Archivio fotografico Comune di Umbertide Riferimenti bibliografici - Bernardini Fernando. «I miei ricordi di guerra : Realizzato nel 1966 a Siena, dopo oltre venti anni, grazie alla conservazione di alcuni appunti dell’epoca Partigiana, che rispecchiano fedelmente il susseguirsi di quegli epici eventi. Rilegato nel 1978, con l’aggiunta di materiale dell’epoca e di alcune, brevi, considerazioni finali.» 1978. - Bruschi Augusto, cur. 35 giorni con la “Cremona”: Testimonianze fra cronaca e storia tratte dal diario di Quirino Pucci, fante del 22º Regg.to Fanteria. s.e., s.l., s.d. - Circolo Filatelico «V. Monti» di Alfonsine, cur. Diario storico militare del Gruppo di Combattimento Cremona. Bacchilega Editore, Imola, 2009. - Consulta Comunale per le celebrazioni del 30º anniversario della Resistenza e della Liberazione Umbertide, cur. Rino Pucci : da San Faustino a Po di Primaro. Testimonianze. Supplemento al n. 11 di Quaderni Regione dell’Umbria. Regione dell’Umbria, Perugia, s.d. - Da Lio Nicolò. La guerra non è né bella né comoda : Il Gruppo di Combattimento “Cremona” nella guerra di Liberazione 1943-1946. Fondazione Bella Ciao di Ravenna : Istituto Storico della Resistenza e dell’Età Contemporanea in Ravenna e Provincia, Ravenna, 2012. - Divisione di Fanteria Cremona. Il Gruppo Cremona nella guerra di Liberazione. Edizioni Tipografia, Roma, 1945. - Ginestri Gianfranco e Janna Carioli. Il canzoniere ribelle dell’Emilia Romagna. Edizioni del Gruppo Free, Bologna, 1967. - Labanca Nicola. «Militari e Resistenza. Le svolte della storiografia». In: I Gruppi di combattimento : Studi, fonti, memorie (1944-1945). A cura di Nicola Labanca. Carocci editore, Roma, 2006. - Mancini Raffaele. A mezzanotte abbiamo scommesso sulla levata del sole: (San Faustino Sud). A cura di Sezioni Anpi e Volontari della Cremona di Umbertide. 2ª. Tipografia Caldari, Umbertide, 1977. / Lettera ad un amico: 25 aprile 1998. A cura di Comune di Umbertide. Tipolito Caldari, Umbertide, 1998. - Mariotti Fabio. «Caduti per la Libertà». In: Umbertide Cronache (1995). Bimestrale del Comune di Umbertide, anno XVIII, n. 1, 1º bimestre. - Mastrobuono Giuseppe. Il Gruppo di Combattimento “Cremona” nella guerra di Liberazione. 3ª ed. Centro studi e ricerche storiche sulla guerra di Liberazione, Roma, 2003. - Pierangeli Ricci Mario. Il 22º reggimento fanteria “Cremona” nella guerra di liberazione 1943-1945. Ed. Regionale, Roma, 1947. - Roselletti Achille. “Tebe dalle sette porte, chi la costruì?” Dattiloscritto.1975. NOTE 1. Le unità di supporto al Gruppo furono così definite: 54ª Sezione sanità, 84º Ospedale da campo, 33º Ospedale da campo, 44º Reparto trasporti e rifornimenti, Officine meccaniche, Parco mobile, 94ª Sezione carabinieri, 739ª Sezione carabinieri 2. Arrigo Boldrini, Ravenna 1915 - ivi 2008, nome di battaglia Bulow. È stato comandate partigiano, dirigente del PCI, senatore della Repubblica, Presidente dell’ANPI dalla fondazione al 2006, quando ne divenne Presidente onorario. Decorato con medaglia d’oro al valore militare il 4 febbraio 1945 sulla piazza di Ravenna dal generale Mac Creery, comandante dell’VIII Armata. 3. In Mastrobuono, Il Gruppo di Combattimento “Cremona” nella guerra di Liberazione, p. 34, si evidenzia come l’organico avrebbe dovuto essere costituito da 500 ufficiali e 8.500 uomini, mentre “il Gruppo entrò in linea con una deficienza complessiva di 2.500 uomini rispetto all’organico.” 4. Mastrobuono, Op. cit. p. 141 5. Per informazioni sulle complesse condizioni di inserimento dei volontari, si veda Pierangeli Ricci, Il 22º reggimento fanteria “Cremona” nella guerra di liberazione 1943-1945 , cap. V. 6. Uno studio approfondito della situazione e delle iniziative intraprese è riportato in Da Lio, La guerra non è né bella né comoda : Il Gruppo di Combattimento “Cremona” nella guerra di Liberazione 1943-1946. 7. Si tratta di una canzone popolare di cui esistono varie versioni. Una – parzialmente diversa da quella qui riportata – è stata pubblicata in Ginestri e Carioli, Il canzoniere ribelle dell’Emilia Romagna. 8. Roselletti, “Tebe dalle sette porte, chi la costruì?”, p. 27 9. Alcuni sono visibili sul sito web “Storia e memoria di Bologna”, http://memoriadibologna . comune.bologna.it/ 10. Bruschi, 35 giorni con la “Cremona”: Testimonianze fra cronaca e storia tratte dal diario di Quirino Pucci, fante del 22º Regg.to Fanteria, s.p., bollettino n. 20. Va per altro sottolineato che Galina fu considerato un volontario: lo vediamo presente in divisa con gli altri Cremonini sia ai funerali di Pucci, Rosati e Starnini, sia alla manifestazione del 1º maggio 1946 11. L’elenco dei Cremonini umbertidesi è stato pubblicato uguale in molte opere: Bruschi, Op. cit., s.p.; Mancini, A mezzanotte abbiamo scommesso sulla levata del sole : (San Faustino Sud), p. 81;, Mariotti, “Caduti per la Libertà”, p. 41. 12. Commissione regionale per il riconoscimento delle qualifiche partigiane, Allegato D n. 37, n. 2333, AsCU, fasc. Elenco partigiani 13. Lettera del 29 novembre 1944, AsCU, 1944, Fasc. VI-1-4 14. Comune di Umbertide, prot. 7099 del 25 ottobre 1945, AsCU, 1945, Fasc. I-5-4 15. Dal 1939 il comune ha assunto la denominazione di Maiolati Spontini 16. Comune di Umbertide, prot. 7462 dell’8 novembre 1945, AsCU, 1945, fasc. I-5-4 17. Roselletti, Op. cit. p. 10-11 18. Roselletti, Op. cit., p. 13-14 19. Bernardini, “I miei ricordi di guerra : Realizzato nel 1966 a Siena, dopo oltre venti anni, grazie alla conservazione di alcuni appunti dell’epoca Partigiana, che rispecchiano fedelmente il susseguirsi di quegli epici eventi. Rilegato nel 1978, con l’aggiunta di materiale dell’epoca e di alcune, brevi, considerazioni finali.”, p. 28. Fernando Bernardini, (Umbertide, 1925 - Siena, 1998), nome di battaglia Libertas, tenente, commissario di battaglione, croce al merito di guerra, cittadino onorario di Vittorio Veneto, ha combattuto nelle file della Brigata Cacciatori delle Alpi, Divisione d’assalto Garibaldi “Nino Nannetti” nella zona del Pian del Cansiglio (tra Veneto e Friuli-Venezia Giulia). 20. Si veda Mancini, Lettera ad un amico: 25 aprile 1998 21. Id., p. 11 22. Soprannome di Alfredo Bargelli 23. Id., p. 13 24. Le ricompense al Valor Militare sono assegnate per segnalare come degni di pubblico onore gli autori di atti di eroismo militare. La Croce di Guerra al Valor Militare è assegnata solo in caso di conflitto. 25. La Croce al Merito di Guerra è concessa a tutti i partecipanti ad un evento bellico. C’è da dire che non tutti quelli che ne avrebbero avuto diritto l’hanno effettivamente ricevuta. Del tutto analoga è l’assegnazione del Distintivo della Guerra di Liberazione. 26. Rubrica dei fogli matricolari, vari anni e matricole, AdSPG 27. Mastrobuono, Op. cit., p. 173 e p. 178 28 . Giuseppe Starnini, arruolato nel Gruppo di combattimento “Legnano”, morì il 30 aprile 1945 in seguito alle ferite riportate in battaglia nei pressi di Bologna. È stato decorato con la Medaglia d’Argento al Valore Militare e, su proposta del generale Utili comandante della Divisione “Legnano”, con la “Croce commemorativa di Montecassino”, onorificenza concessa dal Presidente della Repubblica Polacca (Comando 68º Reggimento Fanteria “Legnano”, prot. n. 1945/Op. del 7 giugno 1946, AsCU, 1946, fasc. I-2-2). 29. Comune di Umbertide, prot. n. 3096 del 16 maggio 1945, AsCU, 1945, fasc. VIII-2-2 30 . Prefettura di Perugia, prot. San 26108 del 2 ottobre 1945, AsCU, 1945, fasc. IV-6-3 31. Comune di Umbertide, prot. 7830 del 29 novembre 1945, AsCU, 1945, fasc. IV-6-3 32. Roselletti, Op. cit., p. 12-13 33. In realtà quello di Mezzeno, frazione di Ravenna. 34. Oltre al Cremona, esistevano i Gruppi di combattimento Friuli, Legnano e Folgore. 35. Divisione di Fanteria Cremona, Il Gruppo Cremona nella guerra di Liberazione 36. Bruschi, Op. cit., s.p., bollettino n. 21 37. Pierangeli Ricci, Op. cit., p. 87 38. Mancini 1977, Op. cit., p. 85 39. Lettera prot. 7875 del 9 settembre 1945, AsCU, 1945, fasc. IX-4-1 40. Documento prot. 7837 del 29 novembre 1945, AsCU, 1945, fasc. II-4-4 41. Verbale n. 1 del 5 maggio 1945 della Società sportiva Tiberis, AsCU, 1945, fasc. VI-2-3 42. Documento prot. n. 4740 del 25 luglio 1945, AsCU, fasc. III-4-3 43. Comune di Umbertide, prot. n. del 27 luglio 1945, AsCU, 1945, fasc. III-4-3 GALLERIA FOTOGRAFICA