Storia, memoria ed identità Umbertide. Il sito si propone di divulgare la storia, la cultura e la memoria di coloro che hanno abitato ad Umbertide (Pg) per contribuire alla costruzione di una identità culturale comune nel rispetto dei principi Costituzionali. Questa divulgazione è e resterà senza sc HISTORY AND MEMORY UMBERTIDE Virtual place of memory and identity in motion Who we are We are a group of history lovers and scholars who want to create a space for the transmission of documents, memories and traditions of our city. The aim is the development of a shared identity that is inclusive of those who lived and those who live in Umbertide. The cultural and economic aspects, together with the Second World War, over time they have shaped the city, with its architectural elements and its spaces, but also the rural territory which for centuries has maintained its characteristic of scattered "settlement" and polyculture. For about 70 years, the scenario has been rapidly evolving. We are convinced that knowing the past, or who we were, will help understand how the life of the population will be structured, that is who we will be. Knowing allows you to have "new eyes" to see ... and think. Approfondisci la "memoria" ad ottanta anni di distanza dal bombardamento del 1944... Visita "OTTANT'ANNI" la sezione dedicata al progetto pensato da Mario Tosti con UNITRE di Umbertide, CENTRO SOCIO-CULTURALE S. FRANCESCO, UMBERTIDESTORIA e con il Patrocinio del COMUNE DI UMBERTIDE. Il racconto del passaggio del fronte durante la seconda guerra mondiale ad Umbertide, per riattivare la memoria, riflettere e non dimenticare. Progetto nato in collaborazione con il Dipartimento di Filosofia, Scienze umane e Storia della scuola secondaria superiore “Campus da Vinci” di Umbertide, in funzione della trasmissione e crescita della memoria tra le giovani generazioni, che ha visto già diversi incontri con le classe terze dell’a.s. 2023-24. Azioni che hanno portato alla ricerca e sistemazione delle informazioni poi diventate libro e pagine web. OTTANT'ANNI Il 1944 In questa sezione il progetto "Ottantani" per il ricordo della tragedia che colpì la nostra città il 25 aprile 1944. Tragedia che si lega in modo più vasto al territorio dell'alta Umbria per il periodo del passaggio del fronte nel 1944. Un progetto che ha permesso la pubblicazione di un libro cartaceo e ora la versione digitale, nata per far crescere la memoria in maniera collettiva. Un progetto a cura di Mario Tosti, Unitre di Umbertide, Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertidestoria, con il Patrocinio del Comune di Umbertide; con la collaborazione di Pietro Taverniti, Massimo Pascolini, Sergio Bargelli, Corrado Baldoni, Francesco Deplanu, Sergio Magrini Alunno, Antonio Renzini, Luca Silvioni, Romano Vibi. Gennaio La situazione al 31 dicembre del 1943... Aprile APRILE 1944 - L’ Umbria ed Umbertide nel mirino degli aerei inglesi... Luglio Luglio... distruzione e liberazione... Ottobre 1° ottobre: è morto Fabio Fornaci combattendo con la RSI... Febbraio 4 febbraio: Nuovo bando di arruolamento. La RSI ordina la chiamata alle armi per le classi 1922/1923/1924... ... Maggio 1° maggio. Dovrebbe essere la festa dei lavoratori, ma non si festeggia niente... Agosto Agosto... Le condizioni a Umbertide migliorano nettamente... Novembre 2 novembre . Gli americani hanno sferrato un attacco aereo su Tokio... Marzo Umbertide, già sconvolta dalla guerra civile, sta per trovarsi nel cratere del fronte del fuoco che avanza... Giugno 4 giugno: Liberazione di Roma... passaggio del fronte in altotevere... Settembre 2 settembre: nomina del nuovo Sindaco... Dicembre 1° dicembre: Morti umbertidesi: Piccioloni, artigliere, soldato della RSI... OTTANT'ANNI Il 1945 Continuiamo a raccontare, mese per mese, i piccoli fatti locali (ma coraggiosi e lungimiranti) che hanno caratterizzato il 1945, anno drammatico ed al tempo stesso esaltante, dopo la catastrofe della guerra in casa. Per superare le difficoltà è necessario rivitalizzare la forza con cui la comunità è riuscita, allora, a rinascere e prosperare in ottant’anni di pace. Gennaio Dopo il 6 luglio 1944, quando gli Alleati sono entrati a Umbertide, il nostro territorio passa formalmente dalla Repubblica Sociale Italiana (RSI), regime collaborazionista con la Germania nazista, al Regno d’Italia (cosiddetto Regno del Sud)... Aprile Il 24 aprile il sindaco Renato Ramaccioni comunica che, per ragioni di studio e di famiglia, dovrà assentarsi dalla sede per circa 20 giorni. Sentito il parere favorevole del locale Comitato di Liberazione e della Giunta comunale... Luglio Il sindaco Astorre Bellarosa, con la sua Giunta, non perde tempo per dare un forte segnale politico con l’intitolazione della Piazza a Giacomo Matteotti, simbolo dell’opposizione al fascismo... Ottobre Il Comune concede gratuitamente un loculo al cimitero per la salma della medaglia d’argento Giuseppe Starnini, caduto combattendo nella guerra di liberazione il 30 aprile 1945. Il Sindaco mette a disposizione della società sportiva Tiberis quanto rimane dell’attrezzatura del gioco pallacanestro... Febbraio Il 6 febbraio, Fausto Fornaci cade nel cielo di Thiene. Allontanatosi un po’ dalla sua formazione, è circondato da caccia americani. Dopo aver abbattuto uno degli avversari, viene attaccato da tutte le parti... Maggio Dopo le dimissioni del sindaco Ramaccioni, si insedia la nuova Giunta, formata in gran parte da comunisti e socialisti: Astorre Bellarosa (il nuovo sindaco)... Agosto La Giunta comunale, con il sindaco falegname e il vicesindaco meccanico, ha la sensibilità di perseguire l’apertura di un liceo scientifico, seppure in presenza di scuole senza vetri, distrutti dalle onde d’urto delle bombe, e senza sedie per gli insegnanti.... Novembre L’amministrazione Bellarosa segna un passo decisamente positivo nel difficile cammino della ricostruzione, anche morale, coinvolgendo quanto più possibile i cittadini che, responsabilizzati da una partecipazione dimenticata da anni... Marzo Il 3 marzo muore Rino Pucci del “Gruppo di combattimento Cremona”. Giuseppe Rosati, rimasto gravemente ferito, spira il 5 marzo all'ospedale canadese di Ravenna. Con essi cade anche la loro mascotte, un ragazzo di 15 anni, Giuseppe Battiglia di Roma, colpito alla testa, il cranio svuotato... Giugno L’urgenza di affrontare le condizioni disastrose, lasciate dalla guerra, non impedisce di impostare la soluzione del problema della ricostruzione... Settembre Il Comune si trova a fronteggiare gravi situazioni di necessità ed assistenza per diversi soggetti. Prende in carico la retta di refezione, a favore di 10 bambini poveri, per i pasti forniti nel locale interrato dell’ala posteriore della scuola elementare di Via Garibaldi... Dicembre Il 4 dicembre le salme di Quirino Pucci, Giuseppe Rosati e Giuseppe Starnini sono traslate ad Umbertide, dove si svolge un funerale solenne, con la partecipazione di tutta la popolazione... Scopri le nostre pagine dinamiche Ogni pagina è un percorso, un grande contenitore dinamico, anche con decide di approfondimenti, sempre in possibile crescita perché la ricerca non deve avere una fine. Ogni pagina è un piccolo "sito" specifico all'interno di "Umbertidestoria". Pagine strutturate in modo da facilitare la navigabilità e quindi la fruizione. La Fratta di Carta Prima della progressiva standardizzazione della cartografia tra '700 ed '800 si sono prodotte rappresentazioni del territorio e di città mosse da diverse esigenze... Memoria e Tradizioni La sezione delle nostre tradizioni e della memoria da preservare, curata da Sergio Magrini Alunno... Ricordi umbertidesi Nuova pagina del sito nella quale intendiamo dare spazio a tutti coloro che vorranno condividere con noi i loro ricordi e i personaggi caratteristici nella Umbertide di una volta anche con documenti e foto d’epoca... Montecorona Sabbianiani Estratti a cura di Giuliano Sabbiniani sulla storia, vita e produzione della Tenuta di Montecorona dal suo libro “Montecorona – la Tenuta e la sua gente”, Gruppo editoriale locale, Digital Editor srl, Umbertide - 2021"... Video di Storia e Territorio Raccolta di pagine con video si luoghi storici architettonici e particolari fonti storiche della storia e del territorio di Umbertide... Fratta del Quattrocento Prima pagina dinamica che raccoglie i vari aspetti del sito su uno specifico periodo storico: il XV secolo dell'antica Fratta... Le storie di Pascolini Prima pagina dinamica che raccoglie i vari contributi con ricerche di archivio di Massimo Pascolini... .... o visita le nostre pagine tematiche di raccordo... ... o scopri le nostre pagine tematiche tradizionali , strutturate come raccordo degli articoli singoli, a volte ancora da sistemare, da dove puoi accedere a specifici approfondimenti.. Nel tempo sostituiremo le pagine tradizionali con quelle dinamiche... "work in progress"! STORIA vai alla pagina STORIA PER TEMI vai alla pagina MEMORIA vai alla pagina TRADIZIONI vai alla pagina ARRIVI E PARTENZE vai alla pagina CALENDARI vai alla pagina TESI DI LAUREA vai alla pagina ALBUM vai alla pagina The information from the birth of the first residential agglomerations to the first archive news, The rapid time of political changes from the Middle Ages to the history of the twentieth century, the architectural remains, our monuments and works of art, the slow pace of changes in the territory that have come to define our landscape, the structuring of traditions, family memory ... all this defines the identity of a place and of the people who live there. Please help us to remember by sending photos (with date and place if possible), reporting errors on our texts, suggesting improvements or writing your memoirs, possibly with historical and contemporary sources, to build a vision of our future. Those who choose to send us images can choose to do overwrite, with the "water mark" technique, your "name and surname" or "family archive ..." on your photos, this to prevent the images from being used once on the web beyond the cultural purposes that we aim. For the same reason we have applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark over the historical photos of Umbertide which have been on the web for some time and in various private archives; in this way we try to avoid that further disclosure on our part favors purposes that are not consonant with our intentions. We come out publicly with parts that are incomplete and to be improved. Ours is an ongoing project that needed to be shared in order to grow. For now, thank you ... Adil, Adriano, Alberto, Alessandro, Alessandro C., Andrea Levi, Anna, Anna Maria, Brunella, Diego, Dritan, Fabio, Federico, Francesco, Giovanna, Giovanni, Giulio, Imperia, Isotta, Mario, Miriam, Loredana, Kalida, Paola, Silvia, Simona, Tiziana, Valentina RV, Valentina P. and all those who have sent us photos or supported. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com EH Carr "Change is certain. Progress is not "

CASTIGLIONE DELL'ABBATE SPORTACCIANO SANTA GIULIANA In the southern part at the closure of the walls there is a large portal crowned by a lowered stone arch, which creates a wide access passage, and by battlements that bear traces of a drawbridge, which can be lifted in a vertical position through the system of beams given the deep grooves and pontoon holes present. From the wall texture made of stone blocks of various sizes it is clear that both the portal and the polygonal tower date back to the rest of the buildings and the original layout of the fortification as they are made with small square stones. Castle and rural lordships CASTIGLIONE DELL'ABBATE L'INCASTELLAMENTO E LE SIGNORIE FEUDALI RASINA SPORTACCIANO MONTE CASTELLI SAN GIULIANO DELLE PIGNATTE MONTEMIGIANO SANTA GIULIANA VERNA FRATTICCOLA DI MONTEACUTO MIGIANELLA DEI MARCHESI CIVITELLA DEI MARCHESI, detta GUASTA MONTACUTO BASTIA CRETI GALERA PIEVE di CICALETO MONTALTO ROMEGGIO CERTALTO SERRA PARTUCCI CIVITELLA RANIERI POGGIO MANENTE SAN PATERNIANO POLGETO (villa Pulgeti) Giovanna Benni, researcher and teacher from Umberto I in 2002 carried out a study on “Castle and rural lordships in the Upper Tiber valley between the Early and Late Middle Ages. The territory of Umbertide (Perugia, Italy) ". Work published in NOTEBOOKS ON MEDIEVAL TOPOGRAPHY (Documentary and field research) Edited by Stefano Del Lungo N. 7, 2006. We propose a reworked summary of her work, with several photos of the settlements made by Giovanna at the time, but without the more scientific apparatus, that is the references of the notes and bibliographical references in compliance with the edited publication. The aim of this research was aimed at strengthening the hypotheses of an early embedding in the high-tiber area. Giovanna used the archaeological and documentary data about the historical territory corresponding substantially to the Municipality of Umbertide, to highlight the settlement processes of the castle and the settlements on the tops of the hills and mountains during the sixth and eighth centuries AD. C .. Investigation that used materials, historical-literary sources and documents (archival and non-archival): maps, plans, plans and topographical maps were evaluated to reconstruct the existence of the sites, their toponymic persistence, in cases of disappearance of the inhabited areas , or their transformation today. Thirty sites have been identified, the development of which took place in different chronological moments between the Early and Late Middle Ages in the complex process of fortification; the analysis of these sites includes various types, classified as towers with a main defensive purpose, castra (which combined defensive needs and economic organization, with the main demic aspect, or rather of population) and villae, in which the demic character is predominant, failing that of fortification elements. In fact, in the chapter "Lines of research for a repertoire of fortified settlements" he indicates these sites: 1 - Rasina (castrum Rasine) 2 - Monte Castelli (Mons Castelli, Montis Castelli) 3 - Montemigiano (Monte Mixano) 4 - Verna (castrum de Verna) 5 - Migianella dei Marchesi (castrum Megiane Marchionum, castrum Megiane Marchionis) 6 - Civitella dei Marchesi and Sant'Anna (Civitella Guasta) 7 - Bastia Creti (Bastia Crete, Bastia di Croce) 8 - Pieve di Cicaleto (villa Plebis Cicaleti, villa Plebis Cecaleti, villa Plebis Cicalleti) 9 - Montalto (castrum Mons Altus, castrum Montis Alti) 10 - Certalto (castrum Certalti) 11 - Serra Partucci (castrum Serre, Serre Comitum, Serre super Assinum, Serre Partucci, castrum Serre Partutii) 12 - Civitella Ranieri (castrum Civitelle Comitum, Civitella Comitum) 13– Umbertide (castrum Fracte filiorum Uberti) 14 - Poggio Manente (castrum Podio Manentis) 15 - San Paterniano (S. Patrignani, vila S. Patrignani supra S. Iohannem de Asino, S. Paterniani) 16 - Polgeto (villa Pulgeti) 17 - Castiglione dell'Abbate (castrum Castiglionis Abbatis, castrum Castilionis Abbatis) 18 - Sportacciano (villa Sportaçane, villa Sportaçani, villa Sportazani, villa Sportaciani) 19 - Santa Giuliana (castrum Sancti Iuliani, castrum Sancte Iuliane) 20 - San Giuliano delle Pignatte (villa S. Iuliani, Sancti Iuliani de Collinis, vila S. Iuliani) 21 - Fratticiola di Monte Acuto (see Fratteçole Montis Aguti, see Fractizole Montis Acuti) 22 - Montacuto (Mons Acuti) 23 - Galera (villa Galere) 24 - Monestevole (castrum Monesteoli) 25 - Piano del Nese (Piano de Anese) 26 - Preggio (castrum Pregii, castrum Preçe, castrum Preggii) 27 - Bisciaro and Racchiusole (Bisciajo, Solbicciaio; Raclustioli) 28 - Castellaccio and Castelvecchio (Castel Pretino) (castrum Preytinum, castrum Peritini, castrum Preitini) 29 - Valenzino (villa Valensine, Vallistina, Valecina, Valle Ensena) 30 - The slopes of Monte Acuto: hypothesis on the fortification (edited by Giovanna Benni) Our area in the Late Ancient and Early Middle Ages was largely included in the Byzantine Corridor. The corridor connected the center of the peninsula with Rome and Ravenna, thanks to a defensive system of fortifications placed in a strategic way on reliefs and hills visually connected to each other. These characteristics are clearly visible in the Upper Tiber valley, with particular regard to the territory corresponding to today's municipal boundaries of Umbertide, a city located on the diocesan limes of three major centers, such as Perugia, Gubbio and Città di Castello. Fig. 1: General map of the municipal territory of Umbertide with distinction of the settlement typologies (elaboration created on the model created by the Pro Loco Association of Umbertide). The toponyms reported therein refer to those of the settlements covered in the research. RASINA the Rocca di Rasina is an imposing Castrense hilltop site near today's regional border with Tuscany, north-west of the Niccone Valley, overlooking the high ground fortifications of Civitella dei Marchesi and Sant'Anna. The visible structure Probably the first fortified typology of Rasina was different from the present one. Today it appears as a very imposing fourteenth-century fortress, with a rather regular quadrilateral plan and two towers (also quadrangular) on the back. Their execution together with the rest of the fortress changed the original construction and the purpose of the first fortification built. This is conceivable since, upon reaching Rasina, one finds oneself in front of a composite structure, given by several elements: in the center stands a slightly irregular square tower, with a sloping base and totally closed to the outside, even if on the side right has some infill panels and a locked door placed very high up, probably obtained from a slit in more recent times. Fig. 2: View of the entrance to the Castle of Rasina The wall texture is rather irregular and consists of ashlars of various sizes and materials. On the sides of the roofed tower there are two lower buildings of small dimensions: one, a left, shows itself as a continuous room with the curtain wall of the destination building, however different from the original one. The right side still shows a construction joined to the tower not directly but by a short section of masonry on which the entrance portal to the internal courtyard of the fortification is grafted. The building on the right has no external openings, but in the highest part there are three consequential oculi while a small slit in the front part at the bottom, could suggest a different, original floor level compared to today, since the front side would seem higher than the rear. The tower, which can be accessed via a small external staircase, contains the works taken from the nearby church of Maria Assunta, so that it took on the function of a noble chapel. This further element could re-propose the idea of a readjustment of the primitive fortification present, that is to say only the tower, whose height today would not correspond to the real one and a possible lateral body annexed to it. Even the tower therefore, when the site would have evolved from a fortification placed to guard a territorial border to become a noble residence as early as the 14th century (owned by the Marquisate of Monte), would have changed its use to be incorporated into the rest. of the built-up area. It is rather unitary with the two towers in the back that protrude angularly at the sides with a slightly protruding base and divided by a stone shelf from the upper part, the only element that constitutes a partial variation to the general homogeneity of the building. Fig. 3: The main side tower to the west. Notice the door above. The fortifications of Rasina must be seen in terms of its role as a border, due to its position as a "frontier", a position that has remained with Tuscany even today. Some of these words appear connected to the presence of lookout posts or forts. This is visible thanks to the toponymy for some settlements located a short distance from the Rocca: the toponyms “Antria” and “Casa Antria” emerge from the IGM maps, located respectively to the SW and SE of Rasina. The two terms refer to the presence of Greek elements right on the edge of the Byzantine Corridor which included these areas, deriving from << ad andréia >> 'value' relative to fortified points. Going down to the SE of Rasina we also find the toponym “Casa Pagana” which falls within the casuistry of terms with Gothic or Longobard elements. These elements could therefore allow us to identify in the castle of Rasina not only the imposing fortification visible today, but a tower as a primitive settlement in the territory, whose main purpose was the defense and sighting on the border and then later consolidated and adapted to a residential use. The known history The information on the origin is fragmentary but the presence of the fortress seems to have already been attested in the XII-XIII century. It is probable that it belonged to the possessions of the Marquises of Colle, who had great control in this area due to the numerous assets held (among which the castra di Montemigiano, Civitella Guasta, Migianella dei Marchesi should be mentioned. lineage, Ranieri I of Tuscany (1014-1027) of the Colle family, received the frieze of marquis "of all possessions, especially the [...] infrascriptis oppidis" who are named and those caeteris castris ab eorum dominion [...] solius Montis S. Marie; we can therefore think that, at least in the 11th century, Rasina too was included among these "caeteris castri". In the 13th century, however, the sector to which Castrum Rasine belongs was characterized by the conflicts between the Tifernate bishopric and the municipality of Città di Castello for the possession of castra and villae present in the diocese which constituted, for both, the means of affirmation of the respective dominated. The lineage of Colle was also part of this clash, whose descendants several times found themselves in agreement with the Castellano Municipality, granting, with "submissions", own possessions, as in the case of Civitella Guasta (or of the Marchesi), Montemigiano and Monte Castelli already from the beginning of the XII century, thus obtaining in return a bitter confrontation with the episcope (mainly during the bishopric of Giovanni II, 13th century). At the beginning of the 13th century Città di Castello was divided between a tendency towards territorial expansion and the containment of the much more powerful Perugia and the dominion of Rasina suffered this political situation. This "conflict" was resolved only diplomatically with the submission of the Tifernati to Perugia (1220) and later with the stipulation of a treaty (1223). As a result of this, it is therefore possible to understand why Rasina, on that same date, was included in the Tifernate domains arbitrated by the Perugians. However Rasina remained a Tifernate feud in 1223, as well as in 1230 when it was entrusted to Città di Castello. The events of Rasina continue in the relationship with Città di Castello: a branch of the Colle family became marquisate of Rasina with Pietro del Monte who in 1378 sided with the Tifernati who tried to take Civitella Guasta "even at the cost of attracting the hatred of the marquises consorti ». A little later the combined intervention of the Perugian and Eugubian magistracies led to the definition of a conciliation in the family. In 1386 Pietro began to run around in the Tifernate countryside for the possession of Lippiano, because of this Città di Castello siege against Rasina, but after the clashes the two sides agreed in agreement in 1387, precisely under pressure from the City Council of Castle. Certainly these continuous clashes caused real ruptures within the lineage, also conditioning further subdivisions of the family and bringing Guido II of Civitella to confrontation again against Piero di Rasina from whom he stole the homonymous castrum in 1391 "at the same time arousing the ire of Città di Castle which sent troops to the reconquest ». Once the fights between the Marquises of the Colle had been perpetrated over time, it was only with the recurring intervention of the Tifernati that the balance was barely maintained. Much later (1435) the castle was ceded to the Marquis of Monte Cerbone who united it with his possessions. At the end of the 15th century, the powerful Tifernate family of the Vitelli, taking advantage of the political unrest that occurred in Perugia due to the clash between the noble families of the Oddi and the Baglioni, tried to take possession of Castrum Rasine but without success. The ancient bond that united the Marquises of Colle to the Florentine lordships constituted a difficult obstacle. The political events of 1490 testify to the relationship: subjected to the protection of Medici Florence and obtained confirmation in that year, one half of the dominion of Rasina was sold by the Marquis Ugolino while the other part was merged again with the same family of Rasina thanks to a clever marriage policy. 2. MONTE CASTELLI North West of Umbertide, inserted in the Diocese of Città di Castello, the castrum Mons Castelli is visible, organized with other fortified structures in this territorial area. It was also a defensive position that allowed him to carefully control the plain below, where the Montecastelli settlement was subsequently established. Fig. 4: The castrum of Monte Castelli The visible structure A local road runs alongside and goes around the settlement, until it closes again. Thus it is possible to identify the castrum which in the cadastral map looks like a fortification of medium altitude whose sectional structure appears rather irregular, consisting of a main body almost parallelepiped and a smaller front one, divided from a large courtyard. The main body of the fortification is located on the northern side of the settlement, in such a way as to be able to control the underlying roads of the valley and be well defensible in case of attacks. The settlement was enclosed by the perimeter walls which, however, are partially altered and almost non-existent on the two sides of the South West and North East. Fig. 5: Monte Castelli: excerpt from the cadastral map of the inhabited center (Agenzia del Territorio, Perugia, sheet no. 12). Today the structure is still massive and has a section with an irregular base provided with projecting buttresses, so as to make any possible attack difficult. We hypothesize that the fortification was to be surrounded by an escarpment moat, given the fortified typology of the castrum with its position from a hill of medium altitude, although no traces of connecting elements between the ground and the masonry such as drawbridges or barbicans can be identified. . Based on the plan, two elements stand out: a first part towards the east of low masonry, ending at the top with a flat and wide battlements which, subsequently, could have been used as an entrance to the castrum, an area that, both internally and externally, shows a certain irregularity of the masonry texture created by the affixing of stones of variable size. This part is also reported in the cadastral maps as a fragmentary structure around which the remains of a further perimeter curtain are identified which served as a separation between the settlement and the surrounding countryside; it is assumed that the central part of the entire housing structure, due to the angled and high walls, the depth in the ground and partial overhang, may have played a preponderant defensive role, before the residential transformation. Transformation started as early as 1210 with the donation of land for the construction of a hospital and a church. At the time of the reconnaissance, there are some restoration works that aimed at arranging the inhabited area by reconstructing it internally as much as possible in adherence to a fortified settlement typology. Fig. 6: Monte Castelli front view of the fortifications The second important element of the main housing body is the large tower positioned to the west with an irregular section, but probably quadrangular, with a large embankment base that makes it an imposing defensive structure emerging from the articulated masonry. It was separated, according to the cadastral map, from the rest of the masonry by a very narrow passage. In the upper part the tower is closed regularly although the structure could have been closed so as not to present the current front openings which significantly change its appearance, similar to many of those present in the rest of the fortified settlement body. The known history The first information on the castle of Monte Castelli dates back to the beginning of the 11th century, when it was indicated among the properties of Ranieri I of Tuscany (1014-1027). Ranieri returned there as Marquis of Colle; even later Montis Castelli was included among the castra recognized as possessions in an imperial diploma issued by Frederick I, for which he appointed ducem, marchionem et comitem Uguccione di Filippo. Belonging to the diocese of Città di Castello had great importance and influence for the events concerning Montis Castelli, especially under the bishop Giovanni II for its value as an area on the border between the two distinct counties of Perugia and Città di Castello. In fact, the first news concerning the castrum of Monte Castelli that can be obtained from sources and documents dating back to the relations between the Tifernate bishopric and the inhabitants of the castle, for legal reasons due to contractual agreements and agreements of private or community property. In a document of 1172, drawn up in Colle Putei and preserved today in the bishop's archive of Città di Castello, we learn that Ugolino marquis of the lineage of Colle (son of Uguccione) together with his wife Ymila (Emilia) decided to grant bishop Pietro of Città di Castello the "capitantiam castri Montis Castelli". This "capitantiam" clause concerned "ad faciendum quicquid episcopo placuerit scilicet pacem et guerram cuicumque voluerit", excluding the same "Ugolino et Ymila suisque exceptis heredibus". With the provisions of "pacem et guerram" we have a precise indication of the power of which the bishop was the protagonist: he had his own military body and could decide to make peace and war. John II was however also interested in other religious foundations of various kinds included (and scattered) in the diocesan territory of Tifernate; among these were also included the hospitals whose control by the bishop would have allowed the dominion over homines and properties belonging to these foundations. As we have said previously, Monte Castelli was also affected by the construction of a hospital and a church in the early 12th century; these two buildings were placed "at the head of the Monte Castelli bridge, on the Tiber side, towards Montone and Promano" but for their construction the land was donated to the owner of the castellana diocese by "Giburga widow of Giacomo di Giovanni d ' Ignolo »and his sons in 1210. In the donation Giburga arranged not to demand anything in return since all he wanted to obtain was ibi serve et benefacere in manus episcopi, therefore only fulfilling needs requested by Christian charity. In the early 1300s, during the alternating political events triggered by the confrontation between Guelphs and Ghibellines, the castrum had returned to belong to the Marquises of Colle (1312) who had obtained a diploma of investiture for various castles among which Montis Castelli was also counted because granted by the emperor Henry VII, also Ghibelline and supported by the marchiones. Yes it has then news of the consolidation of the bridge walls in the mid-14th century, above all because in that period the first companies of fortune tried to settle in Città di Castello, causing damage to many inhabited areas encountered along the way. In fact, an almost total destruction affected the castle of Monte Castelli in 1398 by the castellans themselves, so as not to give their strongholds to the enemies. During the attack the castrum suffered a lot of damage especially to the defensive structure, mainly represented by the fortified tower with a quadrangular section placed laterally. In the early 1400s, Perugia also took an interest in Mons Castelli, paying particular attention to its certainly strategic and defensive position; Città di Castello, then, ordered the restoration of the castrum so as to return directly to control this area due to the danger of pressing and recurrent attacks, up to the Perugian conquest in 1438, under which it remained for a long time and then returned to tifernate in 1482 reconquered by Giovanni Vitelli. Connected to the Castle we have the toponym Monte Castelli which recalls as a term, in fact, an oronym deriving from «castell (um), diminutive of castrum“ fortress ”,“ equipped field ”» as it is also interpreted in toponymy dictionaries. A significant reference for the inhabited nucleus of Monte Castelli is the reconstruction of the bridge which took place in June 1347, which required "the use of 1000 feet of stones". This bridge proved functional not only for the inhabitants of Castrum Mons Castelli, but also for the pilgrims who, on their way to Rome, crossed the Upper Tiber valley. 3. MONTEMIGIANO Monte Mixano, today Montemigiano it presided over the entrance to the Tiber valley near the confluence between Torrente Niccone, to the south, and the Tiber itself, to the east. An area open to land and river trade due to its proximity to the connecting road between the Tifernate and the Perugian towns. While towards the northwest it is placed in direct observation of castrum Verne and Monte Castelli. Fig. 7: Montemigiano view from the south of the fortified village. The visible structure The settlement of Montemigiano is perched on a hill, with the evident appearance of a high ground castrum, with a very wide surrounding view over the course of the Tiber up to the castrum of Verna. Currently the small fortified village has been renovated as a typical rural settlement. It is crossed by a single narrow road that wriggles through the inhabited nucleus of small houses attached to each other: they form two wings, with the one on the right very full-bodied. The cadastral map nowadays highlights houses of varying sizes built in local stone, but with many inputs of bricks that do not reflect the original facies of the buildings because they were destroyed several times due to the numerous incursions suffered; however, even today the atmosphere of the little one is that of a medieval village. In the final part of the town, attached to the church, there is still a door with the arched structure attached to the walls, although without a bridge or portcullis, which makes us understand its function, that is to isolate the fortification from the surrounding countryside. This makes us suppose that around the castrum there was a great deal of a moat or a steep escarpment to hinder any possible attack. This morphological aspect of the Castrense territory is still visible in the area below the castrum door, still uncultivated and rather inaccessible due to the presence of dense chestnut groves. After passing the first houses that face each other, you come to an internal courtyard totally paved with regular ashlars, opening onto a square with a large terrace overlooking the valley in which flows the Niccone river and which allowed to carefully control the surrounding territorial sectors, in order to guarantee an organized defense to the Castrense nucleus. Fig. 8: Montemigiano: excerpt of the cadastral map of the inhabited center (Agenzia del Territorio, Perugia, sheet n ° 41) Next to the houses still placed on the right wing, stands the bell tower of one of the two churches present in the fortified nucleus which is embedded between the church itself and a small house, showing a large base with a quadrilateral section and very irregular wall texture, for use of different types of stones. In the top section of the front part of this bell tower, a square in the stone is still visible where a sundial was probably placed, which has not been used for some time. The crowning of the steep-roof bell tower is still made of stone, but with the four sides open to arch. Attached to the bell tower is the church, while to the side of the latter is the entrance portal to the castrum which appears as a very large and massive structure closing the rear part of Montemigiano. Among the structures present, the bell tower is of particular importance because it is placed between the houses and the portal, as a point of contact between two opposite 'spheres', the civil one, represented by the square of the Castrense nucleus, and the religious one, that is the church itself 'settlement. Fig. 9: Montemigiano: the bell tower A short distance from the door in the east part is a tower protruding from the walls, albeit slightly higher than the walls, with an irregular base section; it too was in charge of the control and defense of the northern area of the settlement because probably, already in medieval times, it was the most difficult to control area of the entire fortification. It can be thought, however, that the current height of the tower does not correspond to the original one, but that it is instead the later result of the adaptation to the rest of the inhabited areas, when the defensive aspect had ceased to be the main prerogative of the settlement. All the buildings on the north side, including the tower and the door with the affixing of each corresponding masonry, constitute the same external perimeter structure of the settlement and create a continuous and irregular masonry with a large embankment base, as is typical for the settlements of hillocks that had to take into account steep terrain with variable trends, both in terms of type and altitude, even at short distances. The same Montemigiano in the southern part that descends towards the valley is organized, sloping down, into a lower level floor. The known history Montemigiano was an important hilltop castrum already present in the 11th as it was included that among the possessions of the Marquises of Colle, Uguccione di Filippo was elected as ducem, marchionem et comitem in a diploma sanctioned in 1162 by Emperor Frederick I of many localities in the area, it is possible to assume that it was Montemigiano also part, given that the Marquises of Colle appeared several times in the documents also bearing the title of “Montemigiano”. But it was from the thirteenth century that we have more news due to the conflicting relations between the municipality of Città di Castello and Giovanni II, bishop of the city. The ties between the marquisate of Colle and the Municipality of Città di Castello had begun very early, with many submissions of appurtenances in favor of the Tifernate city in order to maintain the autonomy of the family and obtain tranquility and stability for their assets. The situation that arose between the two secular domains was complicated, however, by the interference of Bishop John II, who also intended to acquire this territorial area for the bishopric. It is probable that, for this reason, Ranieri marquis of Montemigiano, fearing the loss of his own land in favor of the bishopric or the municipality of Tifernate, as had already happened for the marquisate of Montone, decided to subdue Montemigiano to Perugia in 1216. This phase ended in a decade to return close relations of dependence with Città di Castello. In the following period, Montemigiano "followed" the division into factions identifiable with the generic names of Guelphs and Ghibellines that took place in central-northern Italy, within the inhabited centers and in relations with their counties. After Guido del Monte, son of Ranieri became Marquis of Montemigiano in 1248-1249, the proximity of the Marquis to the Guelphs led to a clash with the Ghibellines who supported the town of Città di Castello in the fifties and sixties of the thirteenth century. There is no news of this period relating to clashes and conflicts in which Montemigiano was the protagonist against other localities, but it is likely that he was still involved, considering that a hint of a provision in favor of Montemigiano on the proposal of the domains of Corrorano dell'Alto Chiascio it is reported in the resolutions of the Reformation Council. Their influence must have been very considerable if, in 1288, «D. Iacobus by d. Ugolino [di Coccorano], with a letter asks the Special and General Council of the Municipality of Perugia to suspend the cavalcade against the Marquises of Montemigiano. The Council accepted the request 'propter potentiam ipsius [Iacobi] et confederationem quam habet cum comune Perusii. The "merits" of some relatives of Iacobus towards the people of Perugia are listed in detail, including those of Ugolino di Albertino who helped Perugia in the wars against Gubbio in 1217 and 1258. At the end of 1200, the clashes between the Marquises of Montemigiano and the bishopric of Città di Castello intensified, but reached an agreement. The complex events that involved Montemigiano in the first half of the fourteenth century were conditioned by the clash between Guelphs and Ghibellines and their role in the Municipalities of Perugia and Città di Castello. In 1306 Montemigiano became part of the Perugian countryside following the submission wanted by Oddo II Fortebracci who was the power of the castrum. This action was certainly produced by the fact that Montemigiano (like Perugia) was headed by Guelphs, while at that time the Ghibellines were in charge in Città di Castello. It temporarily returned under the control of Città di Castello in the decade following 1333 under the dominion of Charles, as agreed with the Municipality of Perugia. After a momentary phase of Tifernate jurisdiction, in 1351 Montemigiano was taken over by Perugia and remained in its possession for a long time, until in 1368 also Pietro di Guido for the Marquises del Monte took the castrum "and kept it until 1371, the year in which through the papal legate Henry bishop Cumano, he returned it "ad honorem" S. Rom. Ecclesiae ». This action allowed the marquises to be protected by the papacy and to still belong to Perugia albeit for a very short time, because it continued to be disputed between the two institutions. In 1371 Montemigiano was ceded to the Tifernati, although the jurisdiction remained in Perugia, which allowed the inhabitants to be exempt from taxes for a certain period and to strengthen the Castrense nucleus. Between the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the conflicts that affected Montemigiano were actually more and more frequent therefore, also as a result of the growing interest on the part of the State of the Church in the central area of the peninsula, there was a need to consolidate and strengthen Montemigiano after short periods ( already in 1382) always adhering to the jurisdiction of Città di Castello, while maintaining its political autonomy thanks to the presence of internal magistrates, locally elected with the aim of organizing political events. The close relations between the papacy and the Tifernate nobles conditioned the 15th century with numerous and reciprocal incursions until Montemigiano returned, as a fiefdom, to the possessions of the Vitelli family of Città di Castello, as evidenced by the presence of coats of arms corresponding to this family in the rectory of the Castrense nucleus. 4. VERNA Castrum Verne stands at about 500 meters above sea level near the confluence of the Tiber with the Nestore Torrent. For location and structure this fortress recalls the typology of the high ground settlements. The position of castrum Verne allows us to hypothesize that the fortification was placed to guard the river road along the Tiber and the commercial one thanks to the road system that led directly to Città di Castello, continuing north to Ravenna. Fig. 1: West entrance with the rear portal of the castrum. The settlement was undergoing renovations at the time of the research The visible structure The castrum has a centralized scheme that reconciles economic capabilities, based on forestry-pastoral activities, with defensive possibilities supported by visibility on the surrounding areas with a simultaneous control of land and river routes: it can control, in fact, Montemigiano, Monte Castelli and the Pieve di Comunaglia. The castle has a mighty fortified structure with a rectangular and regular section, placed vertically along the NS axis in the territory. It can be reached via a rather winding dirt track and a steep climb; in this way the first facade of the visible structure is actually the one behind it (west). The façade is organized with large openings and a portal, certainly altered from the original facies in relation to the changes it has undergone over time. It has a large buttressed base and is surrounded by a deep escarpment. The fortified structure is supported by an embankment contained in a thick masonry which would have had the function of supporting and protecting the fortification. The Castrum was probably preceded by a moat, given the rather raised ground level on which it is located. In the part facing the Nestore valley, however, it descends to a lower level. The main entrance of the structure is, however, on the south side. From here you enter a large hall with cross vaults supported by large masonry columns; taking into account the modern modifications undergone by the building, this large room could be considered as the main room of the whole building even if it is located in the lower level, precisely because the castrum is built on a higher and a steep floor. From the hall it is possible to reach all the others, perfectly connected to each other. Fig. 2: Verna: overall elevation of the west facade. The settlement was undergoing renovations at the time of the research. From the lowest floor of the fortification you go up to the upper ones via a long and narrow internal staircase that leads directly to the south entrance with a rather steep path; upon reaching the first floor of the settlement it is possible to cross a room where there is a large fireplace. From here, however, it is possible to access the other side of the castle, which overlooks an embankment similar to a terrace just above the retaining wall of the north side facing the Nestor. From the corner created by the masonry, a large pentagonal section tower emerges here, revealing a mighty structure implanted in the ground, but now raised to the same height as the walls of the fortification. Given that the tower is strategically placed on this side of the structure, it is also conceivable that originally the height was greater, probably to perform defense functions, given that as it is currently shown it would not have guaranteed a favorable overall view. The external wall texture currently appears well defined and regular, although local stones are used. The masonry does not denotes outwardly relevant elements: you can notice some small corrections made to the walls with the affixing of arches, including buffered ones. In the top part of the building, however, the presence of small openings placed on the masonry at regular intervals should be highlighted as if they bear traces of a pre-existing flat battlements, used as a curtain wall with a more defensive than decorative purpose, also buffered and rearranged with windows, present on the two longest sides of the building and today hidden by the roof. A short distance from the perimeter walls alone there is a ruined religious building, which is usually brought back to the church of San Pietro, although, in reality, the church with this title was located further west of Verna, where the toponym is still identifiable on topographic map. S. Pietro. The internal area of the building shows the complete decay of the structure, without walls and roof, of which fragments, inserts and stone shelves remain on the sides of the main altar placed frontally in the apsidal area, where only minimal traces of decorations can be seen fresco. The church could have been used as a noble chapel, perhaps built on a pre-existing building of worship with the function of a church inside the walls. A little further to the side of the fortified settlement there are rural houses, also probably included in the walls of the settlement, abandoned and completely surrounded by vegetation; this prevents a precise typological analysis of the walls. Fig. 3 - Verna: top of the hexagonal tower located in the northern sector of the castrum. A similar structure stands out just above this nucleus, revealing a similar structure with an even greater position of importance because it is placed on a higher hill, the same covered by brushwood. Probably the use of these houses during the period of management under sharecropping, since this area was also characterized by a predominantly agricultural economy. The known history The history of Castrum Verne moves on the characteristic of having long become an attractive center of secular and ecclesiastical noble power. Probably the attractive power of Verna depended on the fact that it was part of the district of the rural parish of Comunaglia located west of the castrum . The Plebatu de Cuminallie included the castrum of Verna and its church dedicated to St. Peter as well as many other religious entities spread in the surrounding area and was a real hub of aggregation already in the early Middle Ages. The toponym Comunaglia is a reference to one of the various phases that led to the formation of the rural municipality and, specifically, indicates the affirmation of the common lands3. This happened in a sort of continuity with the Roman vicus (which was a territorial district) with this early medieval; this continuity was established in the common lands which are defined as communia, communalia, comunitas and communantia , Latin terms which would also demonstrate the derivation of the local toponym Comunaglia with the meaning of "common goods". Fig. 4 - Verna: ruins of the Church of S. Pietro Before the thirteenth century there is no precise information but it seems that the castrum of Verna was already part of the possessions of the marquises of Colle confirmed by Berengario in 917 AD. In 1162, among the various localities of the Tifernate countryside, Verne also had as " ducem, marchionem et comitem" Uguccione di Filippo, elected by the emperor Frederick I. Probably the district was part of the aegis of secular noble power with the triple office of power military, political and administrative. In a strategic position with respect to Montemigiano, Monte Castelli and the Pieve di Comunaglia at the beginning of the thirteenth century it became, however, one of the districts among the most coveted by the castle bishop Giovanni II, because they also constituted a buffer area open towards the border with the Perugia countryside. In the 11th century the properties of the castellano bishopric had begun to increase, even though the body itself lacked awareness of the "economic" process being implemented, as was or had happened previously for other ecclesiastical bodies in northern Umbria. This increase often it was due to donations from lay lords of the countryside, pro remedio souls , which between the end of the 12th and the beginning of the 13th century represented one of the most common forms of increasing ecclesiastical assets. From the 12th century (and even more from the 13th century) the acquisitions of goods and properties had become for the rectory of Città di Castello a real political line pursued in a particular way by the bishop John II. He aimed to consolidate his territorial and economic dominion, aware of the possibilities of strengthening the diocese by increasing its appurtenances, thus guaranteeing this religious body precise political importance in relation to other similar religious bodies and local rural lords of ancient tradition. To do this it entered into competition with the monastery of San Bartolomeo di Camporeggiano, in whose possessions the parish of Comunaglia fell, and with the municipality of Città di Castello, which was gradually being established thanks to the acquisition of territorial properties on which they were often castra, curtes or villae. In the conflict with the Gubbio body, the bishop of Tifernate obtained a positive result as John II managed to completely supplant the monastery of Camporeggiano from a patrimonial point of view. who had possessions in the castle district of Verna. On the contrary, the diplomatic confrontation with Città di Castello, conducted for the possession of Castrum Verne claimed by the bishop, while the municipality did not intend to yield due to the evident proximity to the city, was strong and lasting, persisting until the 1930s. XIII century, therefore at least until the duration of the regency of the bishopric by John II (1226), above all because the conflicts were caused by multiple disputed possessions by the two sides. On the basis of the remaining documents, the domain of the diocese began to be established in 1208 when homines di Verna and Civitella Guasta (i.e. Civitella dei Marchesi) came into conflict due to some land that both sides claimed in the Pieve di Comunaglia. The bishop John II, however, to heal the conflict established that the plots were subject to the bishop's rights and also ordered, according to the parties, that the same comitatini should take care of the land pro episcopatu . In 1216 there was the direct passage to the jurisdiction of the episcopate: there was a sale between Giovanni II and Federico di Ugolino, one of the branches of the marquis of Monte Santa Maria, of castrum Verne, burgis et pertinis et districtu . He bought the castle of Verna for an amount of 310 pounds of Pisan money: with this action, John II demonstrated the ability of the bishopric to assert its dominatus over one of the most important noble nuclei of the countryside. But at the same time this purchase highlights the importance the bishop had to give to castrum Verne to pay him such a large share and, moreover, obtaining loans to which he had to answer for a long time to powerful citizens of Perugia: Suppolino di Ugolino and Senese granted him parts substantial amounts of money necessary for the acquisition of the castle. From the deed of sale stipulated on 20 September in Città di Castello in the presence of both parties, we learn in great detail that the plaintiff of the document, son of the Marquis Ugolino, declared: « Ego [...] Federicus brand [ ...] vendo et trado do et concedo, gift inter vivos38 et offero [...] vobis domino Iohannis [...] omnia que habeo sive habere videor seu mihi competunt [...] res mobiles, immobile, actiones, iura realia, personalia, mixta "meaning, therefore, all the assets that" [...] sunt in castro Verne, burgis, curte, pertinis et districtu et inter hos fines ", therefore those included in the Castrense territorial district (districtus) of boundaries were precisely defined39. It was later discovered that Federico di Ugolino of the Marchesi del Monte had completely sold his jurisdiction in the castrum to John II, although he did not fully enjoy (on a personal level) the dominatus , which instead belonged in part to the Sioli domains. In September 1223 Rinaldo and Brunamonte, sons of Suppo of the Sioli domains, presented the bishop with a request for payment for their possessions sold in the castle of Verna, claiming the possession of castro " Verne, famulis, terris, vineis et super plebe de Runte bonis et rebus ad eam spectantibus et rebus aliis positis in plebatu plebis eiusdem " . They were ready to sell these appurtenances to John II upon payment by him of " CLX. Libras bonorum denariorum pisanorum" . The bishop was forced to pay until 1224. After the first half of the 13th century, Verna was occupied by the Ghibellines due to a new contrast with the bishop Niccolò da Orvieto and the Guelphs who supported it; of this period, however, we have only summary information. In 1250, Guido Marquis of the Colle lineage took possession of the Monte and in 1265 he took possession of the castle of Verna and its districtus , in contravention of the provisions of the bishop Niccolò da Orvieto. Returning the following year (1266) under the bishop's jurisdiction following the decision taken by the Tifernate power, the inhabitants of Verna swore "an oath of fidelity and vassalage, promising to keep the castle in obedience to the bishop and not to cause offense to the inhabitants of Città di Castello and Montemigiano ». The fourteenth century was again characterized by the struggles between municipalities, as Perugia and Città di Castello simultaneously aimed to obtain the border area in which castrum de Verne enjoyed a prominent role. Already in 1382 the Marquises of Civitella Guasta had moved to take the Castrense nucleus of Verna which had suffered a lot of damage due to the incursion of the Perugians. The diplomatic move of an agreement between Tifernati and Perugini meant that Città di Castello regained Verna and proceeded to rebuild it by increasing the fortified elements of the structure for a long time, until at least the beginning of the 15th century, when the 15th century proposed new clashes mainly due to the position of the Papal State, which aimed to organize a territorial area completely subject to its dependencies in the center of the peninsula. At the end of the fifteenth century, in 1482, there were the last clashes that affected the castle and the district of Verna. The Tifernati led by the Vitelli family clashed against the papal troops. The castle came out widely, castrum de Verne obtained exemption for its inhabitants from taxes for a long time, to try to make its reconstruction possible autonomously. Latest news of this period comes from the register of tithes, the Rationes Decimarum , where there is no mention of the church, but local historians recall the presence of a hospital located in the castle of Verna and noted in 1504: minister of revenue of the hospital of Verna to go to the aid of the poor, the episcopal vicar D. Lucantonio appointed Don Giulio di Domenico da Verna for this office ». 5. MIGIANELLA DEI MARCHESI To the north west of Umbertide rises the castrum Megiane Marchionis . A hill castle consisting of an indistinct main body in the south-west and three smaller bodies around the religious building of Sant'Angelo. Migianella dei Marchesi approaches the type of feudal castle and has walls and stately accommodations, a moat and is partially isolated by a deep cliff for a large part of the perimeter. The toponym could be traced back to an attestation of the predial name, deriving from the owner in the "Roman" period, whose root, Migiana, probably derives from Misius . The visible structure From the road that climbs towards Migianella, the south-eastern part of the settlement is immediately visible and a fraction of the still stable high walls that close at the corner with an almost intact semi-rectangular tower. From here a path climbs towards an opening of the walls which was probably the rear entrance of the castrum. Fig. 1: excerpt from the cadastral map (Agenzia del Territorio, sheet n ° 77) From here you immediately enter the large courtyard: you will find a first rural house in the most central area, perhaps belonging to the most recent phase of construction (due to a widespread use of masonry) with evident recovery of the slightly overhanging ancient base. The inhabited nucleus is now made up of five houses, two in a single body, and the church with the adjoining bell tower which is now unsafe. which shows, however, the reconstruction of the crowning with bricks and arches in place of a previous sloping roof following the original foundation. The interior of the first building clearly shows the use of spaces typical of rural houses, cellar, herbarium, stable all on the first floor, on whose walls you can see an interesting stone epigraph engraved and dated AD 1769 with the initials G. (or C , the letter is corrupt) MFF . In front of the first house there is a second large one, connected by a brick gallery on the upper floor and a third placed in front, which houses the church of Sant'Angelo with the bell tower. It is likely that the gallery is a late refurbishment of an existing wooden structure. Under the gallery there is a narrow street that allows the central passage between the side facades of the houses: two rural houses on the left, the church with baroque characters which is in disuse and another farmhouse. Following the small road that leads westwards, you arrive in the large open space behind the buildings, consisting of the main entrance of the settlement with the entrance portal on the left and a green area on the right, which leads to a small house behind the church. This part of the castrum is very suggestive presenting an entrance portal surmounted by a lowered arch, which tradition wants to lead back to an Etruscan matrix; certainly the arch is quite ancient, made with sedimentary rocks. In fact, it seems that on one side it is suspended and on the other embedded in the surrounding walls, in reality it is supported by two large dry stone walls of very thick sandstone. Fig. 2: Access portal on the north side of the complex Crossing the arch in a southerly direction, you pass right under the curtain wall, obviously retracing the path, perhaps the original one, of the moat, while the northern part of the castrum has perimeter walls lower than the level of the west ones, almost descending under the plane of trampling. Migianella is built on a rocky cliff, the same foundations clearly visible on the southeast side rest on it and are obtained from the stone that shows its original jaggedness (fig. VII.5). The walls all run around the castle. It is evident that the transformations made to the settlement over time may have changed its course, causing it to be rearranged in the circular segment which, with a west-north course, starts from the arch to the secondary entrance door. In fact, under this area there is a steep slope which constituted a valid natural obstacle to taking the castrum . The walls in the basement show a modest projection which, together with the protruding stone from which the fortification stands, represented a barrier for enemy attacks. Fig. 3: Perimeter walls of the south-east side grafted directly on the rocky spur. The known history Before the 14th century there is very little news that Migianella's existence has been handed down to us. There are mainly only demographic data concerning the quantitative presence of the fires. There is evidence of the existence of a parish church dedicated to Sant'Angelo and belonging to the Pieve di Marciano. The first documents that report news of it date back to the mid-thirteenth century: in the " Liber impositionis bladi" , in 1260, the cadastral source noted Migianella as castrum and in the estimate of 1282 it was considered a villa , with a presence of about 20-28 fires. However, in the following years it was referred to as a " castle ". This fortress, which to the south sees the hermitage of Monte Corona and not far "observes" Monestevole, belonged to the properties of a branch of the lords of Monte Santa Maria Tiberina, that is, the marquises of San Giovanni di Marzano. Its border position between Umbria and Tuscany determined its historical events, as the clashes with enemy troops caused considerable damage to the structures in many circumstances. After a reconstruction of the walls in 1297, «in the first half of the 14th century» Migianella «was equipped with towers and bulwarks in the service of artillery», remembers Guerrini. In fact, in 1350 the castle was " surrounded by walls and fortified ". In 1408 Migianella underwent restoration work by the express will of the Council of Priors of Perugia given the conditions in which it had been reduced, but still in 1415 the castrum needed the repair of the walls. To deal with this problem, the population was exempted from paying taxes for about three years with the clause, however, of guaranteeing Migianella an adequate and functioning defensive structure. This was also repeated in 1444 and 1482. Fig. 4: Corner tower on the south-east side The relative tranquility enjoyed by this border settlement entered a crisis in 1479, when Migianella was struck crosswise by political conflicts following the conspiracy hatched by the Pazzi together with Pope Sixtus IV against Lorenzo and Giuliano dei Medici. The death of the latter induced his brother to invade the papal territories as far as the northeast of Lake Trasimeno in revenge with the aim of destroying Perugia. Even Migianella dei Marchesi was attacked, sacked and deeply damaged: it suffered not only devastation, but also deportations and many inhabitants were killed. About two centuries later the Florentines returned to break into the castrum. Sources disagree with the dating, but examining the historical events it is possible to argue that the destruction of Migianella occurred in 1643, during the siege of Uberto's sons, that is, Umbertide, placed in Fratta. The troops settled in the vicinity of Migianella for five days, and then invaded, plundering and ruining the castle and the church of San Michele Arcangelo. Giovanni Riganelli in 1994, in " From Totila to Rachi: Perugia and its territory in the first centuries of the Middle Ages " tries to trace a hypothetical border between the territory of Byzantine and Lombard influence in the northern area of the Perugian territory, convinced that the border between the Lombards and Byzantines adhered to the diocesan one of the territories of Gubbio, Città di Castello and Perugia. Thus he analyzed the episcopal properties listed in the papal documents confirming the assets, issued by Innocent II in 1136 and by Eugenio III in 1145. In 1136 the properties extended from the Niccone river to the meeting point with the Tiber were considered. In the confirmation of 1136, which involved the southern area of the Niccone stream, some churches that depended on Perugia were mentioned. Among these was the " plebem Sancti Petri in Martiano cum ecclesia de Meiana et reliquis capellis suis " which the author associates with the " plebs Marciani " in the territory of Migianella, supporting the presence in today's period of the toponym Marciano north of Monte Migianella , while the church de Mediana referred to the church of Sant'Angelo present right inside the settlement of Migianella dei Marchesi and dependent on the parish of Marciano in the fourteenth century. 6. CIVITELLA DEI MARCHESI, called "GUASTA" Civitella dei Marchesi is located on a hilly area northwest of Umbertide about thirteen kilometers near Mount Bastiola. The visible structure Civitella is called "Guasta", that is devastated, a definition that, today, adapts to the settlement due to the very turbulent historical events that caused its destruction. Civitella represents a high-altitude fortress located at an altitude higher than 500 meters, therefore, on a high hill. The role of the fortified nucleus in this case is mainly defensive, based on the favorable sighting possibilities. Reachable via an easy local road that climbs up to the top of Mount Bastiola, the settlement of Civitella Guasta is first encountered. The settlement is now renovated and transformed into a summer residence for several families, the settlement structure would seem to maintain, albeit not fully, given the numerous renovations it has been the protagonist of, the appearance of a fortified nucleus built on the sides of the road itself and it presents a set of full-bodied fortified structures which at least partially convey the idea of their grandeur at the base. Fig. 1: Visible structure of Civitella Guasta, main building, south side - 2002 On the left side of the local road it is possible to identify the main body of the whole settlement oriented in the EW direction. It has a large base projecting into a slope which is typical of the fortified structures of the high hills, but today the building is high and divided into two main sections, which constitute two different dwellings, showing the transformations undergone by the consolidation of the contemporary era, while respecting a suitable rural setting. To the right of the local road, a little higher than the main nucleus, there are other buildings with solid walls, also used as residences; the change undergone by these buildings however allows us to understand the organization space that concerned them. Civitella dei Marchesi, although today it totally lacks the walls that indicate the size of the fortification precisely, thanks also to the organization of the inhabited nucleus on the territory, it can allow us to hypothesize what could have been the large extension of the settlement. In fact, the "castrum" had to respond to a settlement method in the territory suited to a marquisate and in any case suitable for the ancient lineage of the Colle. Continuing along the local road, almost reaching the top of Monte Bestiola, is the settlement of Sant'Anna which bears very evident traces of a fortified structure, not only in the perimeter walls but also in the main architectural elements constituting an example of "castrum". For the most part the fortified nucleus is buried and, what can actually be analyzed, are walls that rise from great depth and emerge allowing a rather jagged view of the structure global; surprisingly these are organized on several levels of land. Fig. 2:. north-east side ruins of the fortress walls, next to the church of Sant'Anna. On the left side of the local road it is possible to identify the main body of the whole settlement oriented in the EW direction. It has a large base projecting into a slope which is typical of the fortified structures of the high hills, but today the building is high and divided into two main sections, which constitute two different dwellings, showing the transformations undergone by the consolidation of the contemporary era, while respecting a suitable rural setting. To the right of the local road, a little higher than the main nucleus, there are other buildings with solid walls, also used as residences; the change undergone by these buildings however allows us to understand the organization space that concerned them. Civitella dei Marchesi, although today it totally lacks the walls that indicate the size of the fortification precisely, thanks also to the organization of the inhabited nucleus on the territory, it can allow us to hypothesize what could have been the large extension of the settlement. In fact, the "castrum" had to respond to a settlement method in the territory suited to a marquisate and in any case suitable for the ancient lineage of the Colle. Continuing along the local road, almost reaching the top of Monte Bestiola, is the settlement of Sant'Anna which bears very evident traces of a fortified structure, not only in the perimeter walls but also in the main architectural elements constituting an example of "castrum". For the most part the fortified nucleus is buried and, what can actually be analyzed, are walls that rise from great depth and emerge allowing a rather jagged view of the structure global; surprisingly these are organized on several levels of land. Fig. 3: ruins of the walls on the west side. Around what remains of the fortification there are evident sections of collapsed walls, while the central severed body, probably consisting of a formwork, is placed at a lower level than the walking surface so as to bear clear traces of filling materials, deposited internally in time. At a higher level than this part of the fortification, there is a cistern still full of water on the left, while on the right side, which descends to a lower ground level, a large section of masonry opens up. A large flying buttress is visible which buries itself and creates a deep corridor, also covered with earth, which descends under the lowest floor. Due to the collapse of the internal masonry and the thick vegetation that surrounds the entire structure, it cannot be accessed. Still at a lower level (as if the whole "castrum" were placed on three levels of terracing of the land) we can see parts of very thick masonry, probably constituting the walls present up to the most recent period, which for the most part has collapsed. Fig. 4: The ancient opening is clearly visible below the current tread level. in this portion of masonry on the south-east side of the town. Regarding toponymy, the entry Civitella refers to "civita" which "derives from the Latin" civitas "[...], abstracted from" civis "," citizen ""; Civita or Civitella, especially in central Italian toponymy, often refers to settlements built on mountains and hills. The passage from the toponym "castrum" to "civita" is usually traced back to the time of Lombard domination with a different use of sites starting from the VI-VIII centuries. It is not possible at the moment, however, to find evidence of such an ancient existence for this site; moreover, it is generally difficult to establish how and when this could have happened. In fact, scholars argue that for the Early Middle Ages, it is difficult to establish when the name of “Civitas”, that is to say an administrative-judicial center, governed by a duke or a steward, with jurisdiction over a dependent district, which some of these castra assume. It is in fact quite possible that it was acquired for two concomitant reasons: the concentration of the population favored by its size (three to five hectares) and the fact that, together with many cities of ancient foundation, they became privileged sites of the Lombard settlement. The known history The fortress of Civitella dei Marchesi was part of the marquisate of the lords of the Colle who later became Bourbon of Monte Santa Maria Tiberina, important feudal lords of the northern area of the Alta Tiberina valley, whose possessions were extended in a large territorial area between Tuscany and the papal lands and between several dioceses. The possession of Civitella over time aroused a long dispute between the Marquises and the Municipality of Tifernate and that of Perugia was also partly involved. The Marquises del Monte were among the few noble groups that in the 11th-12th century did not limit themselves to local roots, but also succeeded in establishing themselves on other surrounding territories: in the Arezzo, Perugia and Tifernate areas. Among the peculiarities of the family there was also the possibility of issuing minting: the minted coin was called "montesca", precisely in relation to the homonymous marquises of the Monte. The story is significant of the importance assumed by the lineage over time. In a 1098 will of Enrico son of Ugone, the creation and consolidation of «a nascent lordship territorial, in which the possession of the "castra" constituted the fulcrum from which the "Dominatus loci" would have radiated on all those who referred to these fortified centers. The testator also included in the provisions his curtis di Colle (probably near Città di Castello), considered as a complex of land assets belonging to him, which he specifies to be divided into "mansos et domnicatos [...]". in the second half of the 11th century, the family carried out a precise reorganization of the patrimony for the the will to create «an incipient districtus» based «on the control of the“ castrum ”, from which the power of command of the“ dominus ”radiated. Among the appurtenances of the family of the early eleventh century, there should be part of the territory of Preggio, in fact there is news of possessions not best identified "non longe a castro Predii" in 1010-16, where San Romualdo had also stopped on his return journey from Pannonia. Two centuries later, in fact, the descendants of Rainerio would have exercised noble rights over the men of this community. The Civitella branch, in constant conflict with the rest of the family, distanced itself from the marquisate and Ugolino di Rigone established its new position near Comunaglia, replacing the their first castrum of Colle destroyed in the clashes from Città di Castello. In fact, the Tifernati family already in 1225 took possession of the settlement of Civitella dei Marchesi to the detriment of the castellan bishop Giovanni II. From the Rationes Decimarum, in the tithes of the year 1349 we learn that the castrum belonged to the Pieve di Comunaglia, "Plebatu de Cuminallie", and that the "Ecclesia S. Christofori de Civitella" was present in the settlement, with sixteenth books. Civitella found itself in spite of itself to be a point of penetration both for the Tifernati and for the more distant Florentines, the first interested above all in the control of the local territory, the others projected on a wide range towards the "lands of San Pietro" and therefore to the clashes with Rome. However, the demographic recession of the 14th century started a process of abandonment of the castle, which almost entirely assumed the appearance of a fortified nucleus, purely suited to military and defensive tasks of the marquises. Many of the struggles that affected the castrum at the beginning of the 14th century were engaged in order to obtain this stronghold placed in a strategic way towards the valley of the Niccone stream. First in 1315, the Guelfuccis of Città di Castello took possession of Civitella, driving out the Marquises, then in 1351 the Perugini conquered Civitella and granted it to the castellans. Civitella suffered the fate caused by its border position between the countryside belonging to Perugia (area of Porta Sant'Angelo) and Città di Castello (district of Porta Santa Maria), therefore it was continually contested by various municipalities. It was the Perugini themselves who bought the fortress in 1368 from the Marquis Ugolino, known as Ghino, at a cost of five thousand florins. In 1369 Perugia, in conflict with Pope Urban V, received excommunication and a similar fate also fell to Civitella. Not only external were the disputes that caused instability in the town of Civitella dei Marchesi but also internal ones: in 1370, when the damage caused by the previous Perugian conquest was still heavy, the Marquis Ugolino bestowed on his son Uguccione his part of the inheritance and caused the 'removal from the marquisate. Uguccione then organized the conquest of the "castrum" and with a small group of soldiers easily entered into possession of Civitella, imprisoning his father. With the recognition of Urban V, opposed to Perugia and its allies, Uguccione established himself as a "dominus" in Civitella under the protection of the pontiff. The conflicts renewed themselves in 1379 during the clash with Città di Castello for the conquest of Civitella, as part of the marquises of the “castrum” did not agree to belong to the Tifernate jurisdiction. Supported by the Marquis del Monte Taddeo di Angelo, they tried to rebel and, to this end, built a "fortress" as an outpost to defend the castrum. The allocated fans near Rasina they tried to besiege Civitella to conquer it by order of the Marquis del Monte, Ugolino di Piero. Won Taddeo di Angelo, Civitella was conquered from Città di Castello, but the intercession not only of the Perugian Council of magistrates, but also of the Eugubian bishop was necessary to settle the disputes. Civitella dei Marchesi in 1379 was entrusted to the jurisdiction of Città di Castello with the promise of the marquises «to maintain fortress for the municipality »tifernate. Fig. 5: what remains of the church of S. Anna. The hostilities with Città di Castello were at this time strong enough to push the Tifernati to provide for the defense of the territory with the construction of a small defensive structure located in the front area of Civitella a little further north-west (the point where the church of Sant'Anna was later erected in the 1600s) and used as a military post to attack the enemy "castrum". After the numerous sieges to which it was subjected, it was finally conquered by the Castellani in 1415 and destroyed by reducing it to heap of ruins; captured, the family of the Marquises of Civitella was publicly sent to death in Città di Castello, putting an end to this branch of the family. In 1634, near Civitella, the construction of a church dedicated to Sant'Anna was started at the behest of Melchiorre Tarragoni, a friar who aspired to spirituality while respecting the hermit ideals. Followed by other confreres, it became necessary to change the first building to make it efficient to accommodate a greater number of people; they remained in the church until 1718, when it was then reunited with the older parish of Comunaglia foundation. 7. BASTIA CRETI Bastia Creti, also referred to in documents as "Bastia Crete" and "Bastia di Croce", is a fifteenth-century fortress located 8 km south-west of Umbertide, near Niccone. The visible structure Over time Bastia Creti has undergone the transformation from villa to castrum and today it is a private residential structure. It has the appearance of a hill fortification erected as a stronghold for security, near the main road on the Umbrian border on the side in contact with the Tuscan one. In the cadastral map it appears as a building with a semicircular structure from which particular characteristics of the original facies transpire, especially the one before the 15th century. The walls of different inhabited areas joined together constitute a unitary external defensive wall, a very frequent aspect also in other settlements. The floor plan highlights the complete internal transformation for adaptation to a housing and residential structure. The oldest part that remains of the complex appears to be the one constituted by the perimeter walls rather protruding, while the rest of the town, as mentioned above, has undergone successive modifications to adapt it to residential use, distorting the original appearance to bring it closer to needs. typical of a modern home. Fig. 1: cadastral map of Bastia Creti, excerpt from cadastral map (Perugia Territory Agency table 64.) The known history The analysis of the name of the place would allow us to actually hypothesize the defensive role played by the fortification. The toponymy considers the term "Bastia" as an indication of the presence of a fortress. For Del Lungo, in "The Byzantine corridor and the Via Amerina: toponymic survey", work of 1999, perhaps it derives from the French bastille, “Fortress”, or from the Latin equivalent for construction, a rural house that dates back to the 13th-14th centuries. In general they indicate geographically favorable positions for erecting a fortification, which may have been seen for a similar purpose even before. For Belforti G., Mariotti A. in “Historical and topographical illustrations of the city and countryside of Perugia. Contado di Porta Sant'Angelo ”, referred to 1421, probably took its name from some military fortification which was called in this way. In a rather summary way, however, it is proposed below that the addition of "Creti" or "Crete" [...] may be derived from the fact that this fortification was composed largely of "clay". It is difficult to establish how reliable the definition can be with reference to the settlement and adhering to the real type of soil. Rather, the term "Creti" could be a contraction of the phytotoponym "cerretum", deriving from the Latin form "cerquetum", a customary name that in the medieval period indicates the presence of vegetation preserved in the Byzantine era for defensive purposes, deforestation is more intense in fact, especially in the late Middle Ages, not far from this settlement, moreover, there is the toponym “Cerretino”, another probable reference to the vegetation of the place. However, there are no archival documents that allow Bastia Creti to be placed before the 15th century. It was certainly built in 1433 at the behest of Perugia who considered it an important defensive hub due to its proximity to the Tuscan land. In the most ancient documents Bastia Creti was however also mentioned as Badia di Croce, a word that uses the Christian symbol of the cross as a border element. Some elements could demonstrate its previous foundation. The oldest evidence of the town of Bastia Creti is the foundation of the church of Santa Lucia (also today the only older element remaining) and of its rectory in 1218, dependent on the possessions of the monastery of San Bartolomeo di Camporeggiano, whose dominatus loci it also extended into the valley of the Niccone river as far as Preggio. This area, however, was included in a deed of donation stipulated by «Ugo del q. Lamberto and his mother Keiza "who in 1104 [...] ceded a castellum in loco qui dicitur l'Elciole in the Perugian committee"; it was probably Arcelle, a town above the Niccone Valley near Bastia Creti. Fig. 2: detail of Ignazio Danti's map of 1584 Furthermore, the Abbot of Camporeggiano granted in emphyteusis in 1193 "terrains and homines in Creti, in Pagana and in Vubiana", perhaps precisely meaning the territory of Bastia Creti, given that many geographical references can be identified to the area in question. The presence of the term "Pagana" could be a reference to the settlement known today as the Pagan Church, which is located not only very close to Rasina, but also to Bastia Creti itself on the opposite side of the valley almost in a specular position. If indeed these land given in leaseholds fell within the appurtenances of the territory of Bastia Creti, this could demonstrate the consistency of the nucleus of inhabitants of the area given the sale of homines coming in this case also from Creti. Furthermore, the presence of the term castellum in the donation formula of 1104 would offer a clue for the start of the precocious building process in the northwestern area of the Perugian countryside and the Tiber. Castle building which is generally attested to around the mid-twelfth century. The hypothesis could also be confirmed by the construction of the church of Santa Lucia (1218) as evidence of a demic castral settlement that would have been equipped with a parish church. Bastia Creti was however initially presented as a villa in the repertoire of inhabited settlements of the thirteenth century, with the passage then in the fifteenth century to a castle. The most important events for the history of Bastia Creti therefore occur precisely at the moment when it assumed the name of castrum (15th century). Accepted the request for its foundation in 1433 by the Council of Priors, already in 1439 it was subject to the raids of the troops of Città di Castello, who intended to retaliate for the conquests suffered in their territories, thus capturing even prisoners. The clashes were so destructive for Bastia Creti that in 1484 the castrum requested the interference of Perugia for reconstruction interventions. The common citizen granted the exemption from the disbursement of the fire tax and in 1485 contributed to the reconstruction of the city walls with the donation of thirty gold florins. Bastia Creti is today a town belonging to private individuals. Iconographic sources added: -Detail of Ignazio's map "Danti Perusinus ager". "Cum privilege Imperatoris, Regis, et cancellarie Brabantie, ad decadesum 1584 ": https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/ 67531 / metapth187370 / m1 / 1 / zoom /? resolution = 6 & lat = 4964.5 & lon = 4844 8. PIEVE DI CICALETO Pieve di Cicaleto can be considered a high-rise walled settlement located on the territorial boundary of the countryside. Settlement that performed both economic-administrative and defensive functions. The visible structure The toponym Pieve di Cicalato can be identified on the right side of the Tiber, south-west of the town of Umbertide, in an area of medium hill near Monte Acuto. Pieve di Cicaleto has undergone an evolution passing from the original aspect of "castrum" implanted on the pre-existing parish, to a "villa" remaining so until today, with the rooting of farmhouses and rural buildings and consequent division into two words: Cicaleto above and Cicaleto below. Extract from the Table of the IGMI (1: 25.000) Sheet 122 of the Charter of Italy, n. I, NO, relief from 1941. (Niccone) The known history There is news in the "Liber bailitorum" of 1258 of a "Villa Plebis Cicalleti", a list of villas and castles of the Perugia countryside "belonging" to Porta S. Angelo. In the " Liber impositionis bladi " it was still mentioned as villa " Plebis Cecaleti, for the payment of an imposition of thirty" corbe ". Probably called a parish church due to the presence of "an ancient parish church which later disappeared", it was however considered as a castle in the Perugian countryside located in the area south-west of the town of Umbertide and remembered in 1282 in the list of villas and castles in the countryside, due to the presence of a variable number of fires throughout the year between 31 and 34. In more recent times, Cicaleto (as it was typical for a common body) was isolated from the scattered settlement and, due to its diffusion characteristics in a vast territorial area, identified this settlement as its aggregative nucleus, therefore the fulcrum of the surrounding settlements. In fact, only in the late medieval period, in certain cases, could a common body become an attractive pole for a demic center, while Cicaleto would testify to the persistence today of the oldest structure as a scattered settlement of effective importance for its position and structure. Double image in comparison. Extract from the Tablet of the IGMI (1: 25.000) Sheet 122 of the Charter of Italy, n. I, NO and image from Google maps (2020): Longitude 43.28 ° and Latitude 12.32 ° A push towards the change of the settlement system of Cicaleto is particularly noticeable during the second half of the 13th century, when part of the Perugian territory gravitating to the countryside was involved in the phenomenon of liberations, which affected individuals or entire organized communities (especially in the 13th century), in order to dissolve, albeit in a very gradual way, the bonds of subordination from any lordship, thus starting a slow process of urbanization due to the progressive abandonment of the countryside. The case of liberation that involved Cicaleto falls within the kind of actions that Riganelli, in " Peasant revolts and Frankish villages in the Perugian area in the thirteenth century, in Protest and peasant revolt in medieval Italy ." In 1995, he defines «“ peaceful ”liberations of settlements and individual subjects upon request of the same and with the payment of indemnities to the“ dominus ”>>. The episode reported by the scholar highlights only one of the two main parts, namely the monastery of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, against two unspecified brothers. In a quarrel between the monastery of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto and two brothers of Villa Cicaleti, which had as the " object of the dispute whether or not the monastery was << homines et manentes >>, it was amicably resolved on 4 September 1295 with a agreement between the parts. The brothers, by virtue of the agreement, were freed together with all their movable and immovable property "but in exchange they had to" pay the sum of 14 pounds to be spent on pro works qualcherie et molendini ipsius monasterii. " The deed of liberation allows us to define important aspects of this process through the analysis of the terms used, that is homines et manentes. Riganelli specifies that, with the term homines, in the Perugian territory the servants belonging to a gentleman were generally understood, indicating the territorial predicate, while "the definitions relating to the legal condition of dependence or marked servile status of men" are those with references to « manentes, vasalli, fideles [...], of men subject to the hominitium. [...] to these must be added the expression homines per capitantiam [...], typical of the Umbrian area ». Having obtained the release upon payment of a tax intended to be used for the works of the monastery, at least one of the brothers had to provide for their execution. Cicaleto was again the protagonist of another act in 1295, with which the abbot of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto granted the archpriest of the parish the possibility of taking out a loan. This episode is relevant in order to highlight the development of the Terra S. Salvatoris as a territorial dominion in full evolution in the thirteenth century and to define the vast faculties enjoyed by the abbot (underlining his multiple rights). For the most part, Pieve di Cicaleto was defined as a villa in the cadastral lists of the 15th century: in 1410 there were ninety-three people in the parish and only in 1469 there was the first indication "of a walled settlement", which probably existed even before. We have news of an imposition established for Cicaleto in 1447 by the Perugian Council, with which the villa was obliged to pay the costs for the reconstruction of Castiglione dell'Abbate (always belonging to Monte Acuto) together with the villa of San Savino. This provision may mean that the community had an economic and defensive point of reference in Castiglioncello and that, therefore, it was necessarily required to contribute by making contributions. It is only 30 years later, in 1477, that we have news of the attempt to aggregate the communities: in fact, both San Savino and Pieve di Cicaleto had received the consent of the Perugian priors to join castrum Castiglione dell'Abbate. forming a single nucleus, although separated in different areas. At the Pieve di Cicaleto there was also a church already attested in the sources of the early '300 and dedicated to San Michele Arcangelo, with books for 15 pounds, while Grohmann in " City and territory between the Middle Ages and the modern age (Perugia, 13th century- XIV) "of 1981, recalls that in the Liber beneficeorum, a list that included churches, monasteries and parish churches of the countryside present in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries," the church of the parish church of S. Angelo di Cicaleto, dependent on the monastery of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto, is registered for 45 pounds ». About the founding of the church of Sant'Angelo believed to date back, Guerrini in “ History of the land of Fratta ” says « the Church is very ancient. In the turn of one of its bells 1201 is carved, and in another 1273 ». This settlement, therefore, shows the clash between two "powers": secular power, represented by " homines et manentes " who had obtained liberation, and religious power, the T "erra S. Salvatoris ". Added images: - Extract from the Table of the IGMI (1: 25.000) Sheet 122 of the Charter of Italy, n. I, NO (Niccone). - Image from Google maps (2020): Longitude 43.28 ° and Latitude 12.32 ° 9). MONTALTO (Castrum Mons Altus, castrum Montis Alti) Montalto is a hillock settlement located on a hill at the entrance to Umbertide in the north-west near Niccone. The visible structure The external facies of the "castrum" has undergone changes over time due to the increasing adaptation of the structure as a residence with the passage to the name of villa in the 16th century. In the distance, only the top of the watchtower is visible, since all the rest of the "castrum" is surrounded by thick wood. The oldest aspect is represented by the high tower from the end of the 14th century, which was also probably transformed over the centuries to make it more similar to the rest of the fortification. Fig: 1. Montalto: excerpt from the cadastral map (Perugia Territory Agency, sheet no. 56 The settlement is surrounded by a local road and a path that leads directly to the top of the hill on which Montalto stands out. The urban cadastral map highlights a centralized fortified nucleus with an almost elliptical shape, structured as a single body slightly concave in the central part. In front of it there is a large courtyard, in the center of which stands the body of the tower that rises mightily. The rest of the buildings then formed around it, used as dwellings to testify to the change of role hitherto purely defensive to evolve as an inhabited nucleus and, in general, a larger settlement. The Known History Montalto is located west of the flow of the Tiber River and is strategically located at the passage of the road that leads to Città di Castello. In fact, it acquired the function of controlling the frequent incursions of the Tifernati on the Frattigiano territory, the extreme Perugian bulwark of the Porta Sant'Angelo countryside. In the Liber bailitorum seu sindicorum et procuratorum castrorum of 1258, a list of Perugian villas and castles, there was "Mons Altus", who, in the "Liber impositionis bladi" of two years later, was required to pay the Perugian municipality a tax of "thirty corbe ". In 1282, in the census on the distribution of the inhabitants of the "castrum" peasant communities of Montalto, it recorded 17 fires, but its territorial extension must have been quite vast, as shown by the corresponding "corbe". Fig: 2. Montalto Tower: Giuseppe Severi Archive, 1970. The most dating back to the nucleus are those, however, relating to the presence of a Camaldolese monastery of monks named after San Bartolomeo and founded near the castle of Montalto by San Pier Damiani in the eleventh century, although its precise location from the information that can be deduced from the Camaldolese Annals. San Bartolomeo originally belonged to the appurtenances of the monastery of Camporeggiano, then joined in 1366 to the Hermitage of San Pietro di Gubbio. After its suppression as a monastery at the behest of Martin V, in the first thirty years it became a church listed in the Liber beneficeorum as "Church of S. Bartolomeo de Monte Alto, dependent on the monastery of Campo Regio" and "registered for 60 libre. In the land registry of 1489 [...] the church of San Bartolomeo de castro Montis Alti is listed among the rusticals, for 55 pounds, and has a property divided into 7 plots ». In 1495 San Bartolomeo was then included among the churches subject to the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto. As regards the date of birth of the "castrum", it can be assumed a period between the XII-XIII century. "Castrum Montalto" was part of the defensive plan developed by Perugia to subject the internal parts to its own control and maintain stability in the more peripheral parts of the countryside. The aim was to limit the relentless thrust into the territory by Città di Castello. "Montis Alti", located at the extreme north of the road network pertaining to the countryside of Porta Sant'Angelo, is mentioned in a document dated 1332, written by the notary "Franciscus Cagnoli", on the recommendation of the priors of Perugia. Here the castle, like many other important settlements in the area, was required to participate in the restoration and maintenance of the road connecting Città di Castello and Perugia. The stretch of road which the Montalto community had to provide included "340 pipes" corresponding to approximately two linear kilometers. The road was used for commercial purposes for the transport of goods and products as a fundamental internal transit route. Fig: 3. Montalto: Giuseppe Severi Archive, 1970. Another provision dates back to 1342. In the Perugian statutes drafted in the vernacular, its jurisdiction over Montalto was sanctioned by deciding that residents outside the fortification coming from neighboring "villae" would gather inside the castle. This for have greater control over the nucleus both in defensive function and to increase the economic yield of the castrum. Around the 1880s a central tower was erected in the castle for the settlement that the Perugian Committee considered necessary for defensive purposes. Guerrini claims that it was built on a project by the same workers who were executing the Rocca di Fratta, namely Alberto di Nino dei Guidalotti and Angelo di Cecco. In this period, in fact, the incursions on the territory of Fratta were becoming more and more pressing; Montalto was therefore also fortified in 1385. The intent of the Perugian magistrates was to make the fortifications of the countryside difficult to attack in anticipation of any possible riot. In fact, in that period Perugia was involved and divided by internal struggles that saw two main factions as protagonists, that is, the social components of municipal society which had developed from the original contrast between Guelphs and Ghibellines: the so-called "Beccherini", that is to say the gentlemen who in the second half of the 14th century they governed Perugia, to which the "Raspanti" were opposed, commoners and exiles interested in the conquest of cities adjacent to the municipality to create a kind of coalition and revolt the power of Perugia. Fig: 3. Montalto: Fabio Mariotti Montalto too had returned in the interests of the exiles and this situation led Biordo Michelotti in 1394 to attempt, in the name of Perugia, to reconquer the castrum together with other castles that had been taken in the clashes. Pope Boniface IX, interested in bringing these territories under the control of the Church, aimed to oppose the actions of Michelotti by sending soldiers led by Ugolino III Trinci, but he did not succeed in his intentions. Worried about the possibility of subsequent attacks and clashes aimed at conquest, the Perugian priors in 1395 ordered a new fortification of Montalto, now largely destroyed. In this regard, on 1 July 1395 the Council of Priors decided that a castellan should be installed in the "castrum", so as to put Montalto as a constant guard and make it more controllable. Shortly after, the Oddis attempted the assault on the "castrum" but without success and the situation changed in 1398 with the death of Michelotti because Montalto returned to the employ of the Guelphs under the control of the Oddi. Conquered again in 1407 by the Perugian nobles, Montalto was garrisoned for a long time and the succession of these attacks caused a slow decline, although in 1478 the inhabitants wanted to confirm their belonging and loyalty to Perugia, which in 1482 granted the community a sum of sixty florins. to be used to replace the castle bell. In 1518 Montalto received twenty-five florins as a contribution to the consolidation of the walls. From the original denomination of "castrum", in the fourteenth century Montalto became a "villa", only to return again to "castle" in the land registers of 1501. Montalto was also mentioned several times in the "Rationes Decimarum", generally with regard to the taxes paid by the "rectore" of the church of San Bartolomeo in the Perugian tithes of the years 1332-1334. From the tithes of the '300 we can see a tendential stability in the value of the tax paid, approximately sixty pounds. We conclude with a mention of toponymy: The toponym “Montem Altum” finds reasons in the position of the ancient settlement. Furthermore, the partly extensive medieval attestations such as Montealto, Monte Alto, partly syncopated like Montalto, are flanked by hypercorrective variants such as Montaldo and the even more ancient Montaldi. In these latter cases the influence of the Germanic Aldus staff can be glimpsed. Photos added: Photo Giuseppe Severi Archive Photo Fabio Mariotti 10). ROMEGGIO (Castrum Romegii, castrum Rome ç ii) Castrum Romegii, also referred to over time as Castrum Romeçii, is located west of Umbertide, on a hill and can be included in the type of fortification of Poggio. In fact, from its position it presides over the plain below. Romeggio was a decisive fortification on the northern border of the Perugia countryside: it watched over the northern sector, surrounded by other fortresses: Montalto to the north, Polgeto to the southwest and Fracta in the plain at its foot. Fig. 1: Extract from the cadastral map - Perugia Territory Agency, fog. N ° 72. Romeggio The visible structure The defensive role represented by the fortification is still highlighted today by the presence of the tower, lateral to the current settlement and placed on a hill with ample visibility on the fortresses of the surrounding area. The Roreggio tower stands out from the nucleus with a large base emerging from the ground and represents the oldest part of the castrum. Although today it appears to have been remodeled due to the damage suffered and the sectional additions applied over time, it maintains the original structure with a regular square section with five internal floors, of which Guerrini, in "Storia della Terra di Fratta" of 1883, remembers "It is completely empty [...] you enter through a small door and go up to the top with a wooden staircase". Fig. 2: Detail of the central body of the Romeggio tower. Sickled arch in the foreground and wall texture of different chroma. The well-preserved squared stones (thanks also to subsequent renovations) are inserted into a very regular wall texture and interrupted only in the parts where arched vaulted sections are affixed, i.e. window-like openings (created later), slits on the four sides and small square holes similar to pontoon holes probably used to insert wooden balconies or for occasional defensive structures applied to the external façade. In general, however, the building is closed up to the highest part ending in the crowning. The tower has a very regular battlements, probably used to shelter from blows during attacks, as well as the masonry with a variation in the color of the wall ashlars used, gray at the base and top, whiter in the central area. Some historians have proposed that this variation was the product of stratifications caused by remakes performed in later times. The hypothesis could be valid, given the numerous interventions that occurred to the castrum especially in the fourteenth century, albeit limitedly documented by the sources. It is also possible that the variability derives from the use of material elements of different constitution, that is, more or less calcareous stones, applied with other construction methods. The only original fragments of masonry are those of the section at the base of the tower and the small ruderal segments of the perimeter walls, for the most part no longer existing. For this reason, the attempts to reconstruct the original wall structure of the settlement today that can explain the reasons for the recurring names of Romeggio in an alternative way, such as castrum, villa and loco, are rather complicated. Around the central fortified nucleus there are now some rural houses which highlight the development of the settlement in a further typological variety. The known history We can hypothesize that in the nucleus known today as Romeggio, before the construction of the tower, there were simply scattered houses, and only later these were collected by a structure similar to walls. Still later the graft of a central tower was added. It is equally possible that the destructions caused by external incursions have affected the appearance of the town. The date of the first construction of the castrum is still unknown. However, we have the first news with the Liber bailitorum of 1258, given that in the list of villas and castles we find it registered as Castrum Romeçii. In 1260 Romeggio then, in the Liber impositionis bladi, was burdened by a tribute of sixty corbe. As for the population gathered around it, there were thirty-one fires from the 1282 census, when the settlement was classified as a castrum. Many other times it was considered in an unclear way, as castrum, villa and locus, thus highlighting rather complex settlement events. However, it is certain that the strategic location of the settlement had attracted Perugia's interest in the fortress, also given its proximity to Città di Castello. This interest materialized with the granting by Perugia of subsidies for consolidation and reconstruction. However, the inhabitants of Romeggio also operated autonomously. In a notarial deed of 1332, the provision established by the Perugia municipality to take care of part of the road network of the countryside, relating to the location of the fortification, together with others existing in the same area is mentioned. This is in order to keep the existing routes easy, given their use mainly for commercial and economic purposes in the direction of the areas north of the peninsula. In fact, castra such as Romeggio needed particular attention for road maintenance, since they were placed in a key position with respect to major transit routes or on border lines. Fig. 3: Exterior of the Romeggio tower with annexed rural buildings. In 1394 the Council of Priors granted the community exemption from the various taxation to which it was subject, so as to be able to take care of the repairs autonomously. Guerrini also affirms that "in the same period the castle of Romeggio was granted exemption from taxes for one year, because in the past wars it had suffered a lot, and reduced most of its inhabitants to rant". Probably the castellans did not reside in Romeggio or that, in any case, they carried out their duties there only temporarily if already in 1395, the conflicts in the political sphere increased, especially in the countryside, the need was felt to endow the castrum of Romeggio with a castle in a definitive way . For some years the known historical sources are silent about the events that interested Romeggio until, in 1439, the Perugian Council of Priors granted the inhabitants the exemption from the payment of the focatico subsidy to ensure that they themselves repaired the walls. of the castrum, and perhaps the tower itself, avoiding the payment of huge taxes to be paid within the following year. Fig. 4: Exterior of the structure with the Romeggio tower. This intervention was probably arranged to provide for the consolidation of the castle which took place in the difficult political period of Perugia, characterized by the clash between commoners intent on taking over city power, and local lords. Armed clashes often occurred involving many sectors of the countryside, as the escaped refugees sought refuge in the castra furthest from the municipality. The danger, however, also came from Tifernati and Eugubini who aimed at strengthening territorial power to reach confrontation with Perugia. It was precisely the Baglioni from Perugia who settled in the castrum in 1494, arousing the disappointment of the Oddi opponents, who attacked until they wanted to take nearby Fratta. As regards the religious settlements belonging to the appurtenances of the fortification, the churches of San Biagio and San Pietro are mentioned in the Liber beneficeorum, which were housed in the fourteenth century. In the land registry of 1489 the church of San Biagio of the villa of Romeggio is registered, among the rusticals, for 25 pounds and is the owner of 12 pieces of land estimated as a total of 160 pounds of denarii. In the same land register also appears the church of S. Pietro de villa Romeggio, also for 25 pounds which owns 3 pieces of land. In the list of 1495, which reported the churches submitted to the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, there were those of San Biagio and San Pietro di Metola, which referred to the denomination given precisely to the Metole hill on which the castrum is built. The church of San Biagio, however, is remembered this time for its location in the castle district outside the fort. Finally, as regards the origin of the name, we can use the toponymy that associates "Romeggio" with the meaning of pilgrim and, in this regard, Guerrin explains that the name of this Castle could derive from the road that the pilgrims made, called Romei . In fact, "Romeus", "Romitius", "Romeorum Via", "Romeorum Strata" are names that are often found in the texts. It therefore seems that the pilgrims, the "Romei", traveled this road to reach the sacred places present towards the border Tuscan, such as La Verna and Camaldoli. 11). Certalto ("Castrum Certalti") The toponym "Torre Certalta" with the remains of its "castrum" can be found in the north-east area of today's Umbrian municipal territory. Located near the crossroads where the neighboring dioceses of Gubbio and Città di Castello meet; to the east lies Camporeggiano, to the north-west the Carpina valley and further south, near Umbertide, the Assino valley. Today it is an administrative border area also close to the municipalities of Montone and Gubbio. Fig: 1. View of the “castrum” from the north side of the hill. (Photo by Giovanna Benni) The visible structure The long historical story that involved the fortification process of Castrum Certalti is today difficult to reconstruct, for a long time it was disputed between Città di Castello and Gubbio, and for this reason it suffered attacks and destruction. If we consider and analyze the evident structural elements both from the cadastral map and, directly, from the fortification itself. What remains does not give credit to the castrum of the past, although today's facies testifies to the conflicts that interested it. It is possible to reach Torre Certalta with a rather steep path between high hills and slopes. Upon arrival, the castrum unfortunately appears in its entirety as a heap of stones, around a ruined tower with a quadrangular section with evident cracks on the top, up to at least half of it. The tower is short but still high and one can think that it must have been a rather imposing structure, this also considering the first request made in 1243 by the community, to be able to equip the castrum with a tower 60 feet high. We know from the sources it was composed of a courtyard, a tower or a keep and other dependencies. Therefore, a courtyard and a solid wall surrounded by moats (and natural obstacles) were perhaps foreseen as the first defensive elements. The tower still shows a rather irregular wall texture, made even less compact because it is unsafe and crumbled centrally. It is difficult to get close to it. There are some slits which, in the modern period, were adapted as a window. The material used is local stone, sandstones, and there are no re-uses of other materials (not even bricks) or particularly accentuated subsequent uses. The tower is a structure closed laterally, so its original use as a dwelling can be excluded in favor of a purely defensive function as a watchtower. The entire castrum in fact had to respond to this need, although its position could also recall the functions of a post located on the crossroads between the various diocesan sectors. Fig: 2. "Torre Certalta" visible from the road that goes up from Umbertide (Photo by Francesco Deplanu) As regards the toponymic reference of the fortified settlement of Certalto, we can adduce several hypotheses in this case. The term can be thought of as a compound with “Cerreto” (from cerrus, “cerro” with collective phytonymic suffix -etum) through cert-, while the second part remains of uncertain derivation. As regards the second part, it could be "a suffix with a toponymic function, in turn taken from the Germanic onomastics, analogous to the suffix -aldo". But it cannot be excluded that the suffix -alto or -aldo may also be a contraction of the Latin term altus, derived from the complete denomination cerrus altus, thus recalling those elements which, placing them in relation, especially in this case, with the locality in which one located in Torre Certalta, they can be considered as "borders" between different appurtenances of the Longobard Kingdom and the Byzantine Corridor, using not only high places, buildings or particular symbols, but also simply trees as a testimony, even naturalistic, of a diversified landscape that has the divisions already defined in antiquity have been preserved over time. Fig: 3 "Torre Certalta", photo by Amedeo Massetti. However, even the first part of the compound is not exempt from further possible hypotheses of derivation in different epochs. In fact, it could also be the direct reference to the phytonymic "Cerro" which, together with others, such as "Olmo", "Leccio" etc., demonstrates the continuity with rural areas of Roman tradition not settled by Lombard terms and widespread more precisely on the boundary of the two different political entities of respective reference. Furthermore, this toponym could indicate the presence of dense wooded expanses largely present in the medieval period linked to areas of scattered settlement, which over time led to the (wild) deforestation of the hilly areas. «Cerreto» and «cerro» would indicate this settlement aspect related to the destruction of forest sectors which, however, at the same time the Byzantines did not give up on deliberately leaving them swampy and thick with rather intricate woodland vegetation for defensive purposes. To conclude, it can be highlighted how the dominant characteristic of the defensive aspect of the "castrum" is attributable to the entire area. In fact, this characteristic can also be confirmed by the presence, in medieval times, of other small fortresses around Castrum Certalti, perhaps of lesser size, but competing in creating an organized Castrense network: Bagnoli and Poggio di S. Agata. Fig: 4. "Torre Certalta", photo by Fabio Mariotti. Bagnoli Local tradition also recalls the existence of other fortifications in the neighboring territory, of which now remains testimony mainly in the toponymy. We remember the castle of Bagnolo, which was razed to the ground because it seems to have risen too close to Certalto. The toponym Bagnoli to the north-east of Torre Certalta remains of this Castrense nucleus, which however falls within the Eugubino territory, south of Monte S. Faustino above 700 meters above sea level. From the topographical maps it is clear that currently the settlement remains mainly ruins. We have news about the castle of Bagnolo (Bagnoli) also from the "History of Città di Castello" by Magherini Graziani. In 1243, in the midst of the conflict between the Eugubino and Castellano Municipalities to obtain the jurisdiction of "castrum Certalti," Bagnoli was also affected by rivalry between nobles. A mayor was then elected, in order to agree and establish a period of peace between Gentile di Bernardino and Armanno, lords of the castle of Bagnolo subjected to the municipality of Tifernate and belonging to the countryside of Porta Santa Maria, since he was registered in this district in a cadastral book of 1257. This fortified settlement was considered by the Tifernati as a further important point of reference due to its position in the border sector, directly open to conquest towards the territories of Eugubine influence. Therefore, probably, considering the period of general unrest in relations between the municipalities, not by chance "in the month of March, the special council of 24 gathered together with the Consuls of the Arts in the house of power, present Uguccione da Cortona captain of the people, decided to [...] also to provide for the defense [...] of castles [...] because of the rebels who preyed on by day and night ». In the resolution mentioned by Magherini Graziani, it is specified "Castra vero anno preterito [1262] kept by Comune sunt infrascripta: In districtu Porte S. Marie: [...] castrum Bagnoli per quatuor custodes." Bagnoli also had its own curia registered in the 1271, which was part of the possessions of the municipality of Città di Castello together with the other appurtenances of the castrum. We also remember the castle of San Leo (601 m asl) north-west of Certalto (F ° 115 II SE) which was transformed into a home typically corresponding to the rural environment, similar to the typology of tower-houses. There remains a characteristic covered arched loggia which highlights both the transformations it has undergone and the use as a residential dwelling for which it was adapted, although it shows a large projecting base in respect of the type of fortified houses. Poggio S. Agata A little further north of Torre Certalta is Poggio di S. Agata, a high hill town at 620 meters above sea level, which recalls the presence of Gothic elements rather widespread in northern Umbria, thus demonstrating the transit of the population on this territorial sector, although they did not stay there for very long, both for the brevity of the Goto domination and for the difficulties encountered in the relationship with local populations. Beyond toponyms in which the ethnic Goth appears hidden in particular forms, also the titles of churches and the agiotoponyms indicate its presence. In the case of Poggio di Sant'Agata, which recalls the title to the saint of Sicilian origins with "exaugural character attributed to her by previous cults", an important element can be identified for the localization of "Goth colonies or Germanic [...] nuclei [...] on the western border of the corridor at Montone ». In fact, this sector shared today in the borders of different municipalities (Montone, Umbertide, Gubbio) "establishes the transit of the frontier of the [Longobard] Kingdom with the corridor in the strip between this relief, the Poggio di S. Agata [...] and Monte S. Faustino ». The known history "Castrum Certalti" stood where today is Torre Certalta, whose foundation dates back at least to the 12th century. Its extremely interesting position due to the high strategic border aspect exposed the castle to be the center of conflicts between different dominated to obtain its belonging. The castrum was already in the twelfth century dependent on the monastery of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto but later, in January 1203, with the permission granted by the abbot of the same body, the inhabitants of Certalto decided to submit to the municipality of Gubbio considering this way of being better protected, both for the rights eventually granted in exchange, and for the possible attacks carried out by neighboring and rival "homines". The power over the castle of Certalto belonged to the family of the "Domini" of Clesci of which little is known. In the year of submission to Gubbio (1203) the men claim to be “sicuti est terra d. Ugolini Guglielmini from Cliesci ". From diplomatic sources in the Gubbio archive we learn that the lords, before 1203, submitted goods generally defined as "land" to the same municipality, without however joining further commitments and duties to be performed for Gubbio. In the act of submission it was written, in fact, “Ego [...] Bernardinus consul Certalti [...], nos insimul bona nostra voluntate, nostra nomine et toto populo Certalti, et per mandatum abbatis Sti Salvatori Montis Acuti noster dominus, et pro his parable et voluntate et per eiusdem preceptum [...] submittimus nos Ugolino Frontini Eug. potest. [...] stare sub vestra custody et donation in perpetuum et our castri quod vocatur Certalti cum tota sua iurisdictione et districto ”. At the beginning of the thirteenth century the relations between Gubbio and Città di Castello became more tense, therefore each provided to strengthen their possessions more, especially those settlements located on particular territorial borders. In 1208 "Certalti" was occupied by Gubbio troops who fortified the castle by permanently placing soldiers there, although it was still the property of the monastery of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, since the Camaldolese abbot was still its lord. The Gubbio defensive array, however, did not have to be sufficient since the "castrum" was conquered in 1232 by Città di Castello, interested in annexing new castra to strengthen its territorial power. Certalto thus fell into the hands of Tifernate, it was occupied by soldiers who symbolically gave the keys to the castle to the Abbot of San Salvatore, while retaining all right of collection. of taxes and adding further commitments, including the possibility of summoning the inhabitants of the castrum according to the so-called "ad hostem et parlamentum" obligations, therefore against the enemies of the municipality. The dominion of Città di Castello over Certalto sanctioned later in the year 1233, with full jurisdiction over the castle and a subsidy of soldiers dependent on the Count of Sioli, it began to waver, until it finally collapsed in 1238. On that date, the Eugubini took advantage of the absence of the Tifernate Suppolino di Ugolino di Prete power, to regain possession of the fortification. After having conquered it, they attempted the destruction, recognizing as the cause of the precariousness of the situation between the two municipalities the dispute of Certalto, a garrison that had long aroused the expansionist aims of the castle. The Perugian priors intervened in the conflict, supporting the need for the conservation of the castrum, considering it a fortress located on a particular sector of the border between the counties, and opposed its destruction by seeking agreements with the Eugubini, in order to preserve it and maintain it in this way also the political order. On the same date that it was decided to keep Certalto (June 14, 1239) Gubbio, Città di Castello and the lords of Sioli (in the people of Rainaldus and Abrunamonte) came into hostility through dispute, to establish possession of the settlement. Although recalled from Perugia, however, the city of Gubbio persisted in the decision to raze Certalto. Therefore it was necessary the intervention of "Deotisalve Massarie", procurator of the Perugia municipality who, with loyalty to the Church, guaranteed the rector of the Heritage and the Duchy the stipulation of a truce, of at least two months, between Gubbio and Città di Castello, avoiding the destruction of the castrum and preserving the rights claimed by the three parties on the castle itself. Despite the decisive intervention of Perugia, Città di Castello continued the roughness for the revenge of the jurisdiction over Certalto. Only the heavy sanctions established by Emperor Frederick II in 1240 against violators of the peace agreements limited the clashes. However, the Tifernati soon moved again to the siege of Certalto, violently occupying it and extensively damaging both the external wall structure and the innermost parts, the court and the nucleus of houses, for a considerable sum in case of compensation for the castle. which, however, was never paid. Following this, the "Domini" of Sioli filed an appeal to the imperial court for the siege and sacking suffered by the castrum against the Castellano Municipality, declaring "to have had it in emphyteusis from the monastery", but nothing was granted to him, indeed finding the opposition of the emperor Frederick II himself. Magherini Graziani interprets the episode, or rather the one pronounced by the imperial curia with a sentence of 1243, as the sovereign's clear support for the Tifernati and tells: "the Castellani [...] had sent to destroy the Castle of Certalto, threatening the inhabitants , and for five years in a row they had taken all the collections of his addictions, thus violating the rights of full dominion and regimental power that the brothers Brunamonte and Rinaldo and Mascio, abbot of San Salvatore di Monteacuto had in that castle ». In fact, the noble affair of the Domini di Sioli in relations with the municipality of Città di Castello was rather complex due to the widespread possessions of the lordship with gravitational rights also on appurtenances present in the Tifernate territory. These rights were among the major causes triggering the conflicts, involving the same municipalities of Gubbio and Città di Castello for the definition of their respective territorial influences. The constant opposition relationship was therefore evident in the disputes for the castle of Certalto, which was repeatedly subtracted from each other due to the border position between the two dioceses. Just after the destruction occurred in 1243 by Città di Castello, Certalto was rebuilt in 1246 at the behest of the Gubbio municipality with the subjugation of the lords Rinaldo and Filippo di Sioli. In fact, Rainaldo di Suppo di Sioli assured the Gubbio municipality not only the submission of the "castrum", but also its reconstruction and its maintenance "ad pacem et guerram". If we note the new act of submission stipulated by the lords of Sioli for Certalto with Gubbio, we note that the plaintiff, in addition to the object (ie the castrum), contracted further commitments. The obligation to make peace and war was mentioned, but the clause "ad hostem et parlamentum" should also be remembered, that is a constraint that obliged them to take part with their own troops in military expeditions, and the commitment to meet in the city if required by the municipality, keeping the castle with a prohibition on giving it to others or selling it. This is in order to avoid letting in those who the municipality itself considered its adversaries. The deed also allowed the construction of a tower and the consolidation of the walls demolished by the Tifernati in 1243. The tower should have been sixty feet high, according to the documents of the time, while the “keep” had to be consolidated «with walls twelve feet thick ad pedem S. Martini». The fortification works applied to the castle made it even more relevant from a strategic point of view, for which Eugubini and Tifernati soon returned to contend for it, because it represented a real bulwark open on an important territorial strip whose diocesan borders were as relevant as those political-administrative. We should not forget the economic aspect, which had as its reference the road route of the Byzantine Corridor, between Gubbio and the territories previously belonging to the Pentapolis up to Ravenna. The precarious situation pushed the inhabitants of Certalto to equip themselves with a magistracy capable of creating security for the castellans, controlling the power of the castrum and above all maintaining a more direct relationship with the representatives of the Municipality to which the fortress had been subjected. In July 1326, again following the authorization granted by Gubbio, the mayor of Certalto was elected at the behest of the inhabitants who considered a more direct organization of the defense of the "castrum" necessary. In the mid-fourteenth century the Gubbio municipality proceeded to appoint 8 "prudentes viri" who had the freedom to create and fix the defenses, among others, of the castle of Certalto. Beyond the legal mediation proposed to limit clashes between municipalities, only a few months later, in May of the same year 1350, it was established by another legal personality, "Francischus Oddonis de Montone", that the Eugubino and Castellano municipalities would divide the respective jurisdictions for each half "castrum", including «Castello, cassero, curia di Certalto». The territorial area of the "castrum" subjected to the control of Città di Castello, although belonging to Porta Santa Maria of the Tifernate area of the south-east, remained dependent on the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, but in Certalto in 1378 they came representatives of the Castellano municipality were sent, Captain Giovanni Vivoli and an ambassador, Nerio di Stefano de Rosellis. In an exchange of letters in May of the previous year, the Eugubini consuls and the Tifernate priors mutually reaffirmed their desire to continue to share the jurisdiction of the castrum at the same time as sanctioned in 1350 "pro quiete contrate et facile utriusque", in order to overcome the conflicting relationships created by their "ancestors". Despite these positive reciprocal intentions, however, Città di Castello always showed a particular interest in Certalto with the precise aim of taking possession of it completely. In 1401 the Tifernati had to resolve various disputes with Gubbio inhabitants who owned their assets in the "castrum" (claiming certain rights), such as the rights claimed by the Countess "Cia", who several times over a decade showed interest in wanting to have their possessions recognized, and, later in 1413, Bartolomea and the sons of “Berardellus Johanni de Eugubio”, who were willing to take back possession of the curia, the castle and the keep. To control this problematic situation, the Tifernate Municipality sent Bonora di Niccolò in 1407 with the role of "castellan", demonstrating more and more the will to make the castrum its own domain in all respects. The inhabitants also felt the need to increase their security, so in 1503 they forwarded to the Municipality the request, which was later accepted, to be able to erect a tower inside the castrum. The fortified structure would perhaps have been built on the walls "in a place known as the Campanile". Toponym that perhaps indicated the survival of a religious building. All this would thus demonstrate the persistence in toponymy of settlement names borrowed from the terms "cloccarium" and "campanile" (Celtic term) widespread in rural areas. Gubbio attempted the conquest of Certalto in 1409, preparing for the occupation of the castle, but the maneuver was unsuccessful. A clear stance by the dominant religious body on the castrum, or San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, was probably necessary to define the uncertain situation. On the contrary, in 1414, a confirmation of emphyteusis on Certalto was issued by the abbot of Monte Acuto in favor of Città di Castello, which in this way received the "castrum" together with all its appurtenances. Fig. 5. Detail from the map of Filippo Titi of 1697, where the characteristic of the "castrum" of "Certalto" is still clearly visible as a border area between Città di Castello and Gubbio: "Legacy of the Duchy of Urbino with the Diocese, and Government of the City di Castello and other Governments, and Neighboring States "of 1697. The structural conditions of the castrum must have been really particular, for which various measures were established: consolidation of the tower and sale of land in the curia of the castrum to obtain sufficient money to pay the requests for money used for the restorations. Therefore the Gubbio Municipality, emulating the usual resolutions of the Council of Priors of Perugia, granted the community exemption from taxation for a certain period, in order to independently provide for the repairs of the Castrense nucleus and to expand the existing parts (year 1448). However Certalto was still present in the deeds of private individuals who tried to obtain the territory, so only the reconfirmations promulgated by San Salvatore di Monte Acuto in 1473 and 1534 reaffirmed in Città di Castello the emphyteusis of the keep, of the walls, of the tower and of the rest internal elements of the built-up area. We have said that Certalto was mainly granted in emphyteusis by the monastery of Monte Acuto. In these cases, not only the fortified structure was included, but probably also the curia, so as to be able to identify the presence of religious bodies linked to the "castrum" and of actual importance for this territory. In fact, in the heritage of the monastery listed in a papal bull issued by Eugene III in 1145 there was also the church of Sant'Andrea in castro in Certalto, which was therefore part of the border territory of the two dioceses and remembered much later in 1495 among the churches subjected to San Salvatore di Monte Acuto together with the church of San Giovanni di Certalto. The latter body, the same pertaining to the Camaldolese monastery of San Salvatore, was identifiable in the "plover" of Montone and was also listed in 1267, but was not confirmed by the bishop to the abbot of San Salvatore in 1294, the year in which it seems that the church of San Silvestro was annexed to it. Furthermore, the complete title of the Church was San Giovanni e Andrea di Certalto, located however in the diocese of Gubbio. In fact in the “Rationes Decimarum we can find among the tithes due to Gubbio in 1333 the churches of the curia of“ castrum Certalti: Item habui a dompno Matheo rectore ecclesiarum Ss. Iohannis et Andree de Sertalto pro dicto termino XL sol. III den… ”and other similar indications. Another church of which today there is no news was that of "San Benedetto di Casseto, or Certalto", which existed along the municipal border between Umbertide and Montone, today with probability identifiable in the two toponyms of San Benedetto and Caseto a short distance to the west from today's toponym of Torre Certalta. Photographs: Giovanna Benni, Amedeo Massetti, Fabio Mariotti, Francesco Deplanu 12). SERRA PARTUCCI (Castrum Serre, Serre Comitum, Serre super Assinum, Serre Partucci, Castrum Serre Partutii) Castrum Serre is a hilltop castrum that rises to the northeast of the Umbertidese territory. It was affected by the events in the thirteenth century by the rivalries of the municipalities of Gubbio, Città di Castello and Perugia. This is because its position, together with the castle of Certalto and Civitella Ranieri, placed it in the garrison of this area of the local Castrense network on the border with the municipality of Gubbio. The visible structure “Castrum Serre Partutii”, given its dominant position, responds to the type of hill castle, whose main function was the defensive one. This can already be seen from a first analysis of the Castrense structure of the settlement, despite the destruction which occurred in the 15th century by Braccio Fortebracci. Fig. 1 - Serra Partucci: excerpt from the cadastral map - Perugia Territory Agency, fog. n ° 31. The structure has a tower placed to control the west side of the surrounding area, and a smaller, merged tower. Serra Partucci clearly shows the safeguarding character of the Castrense nucleus itself, but also of the surrounding scattered settlements, whose residents probably found shelter there in particularly dangerous political moments. The cadastral map highlights a rather regular structure that has a large courtyard outside. It is not easy to reconstruct the hypothetical original medieval structure of the castrum, but it is possible that more surrounding space was available; and given the type of castrum di poggio, it was also equipped with walls. The castle today has a single body with an almost rectangular shape, from which two irregular towers protrude; The Castello di Serra has a quadrangular section and dominates the hills whose altitude is lower than that on which the castrum stands, and the plain, near which the Assino stream flows. The Castle also has a lower structure with a semicircular section which was added in the 15th century. In fact, in that period Serra began a slow evolution towards a use corresponding to the stately home, a typical aspect of many castra in the area where the forest-pastoral economy was prevalent and, above all, in cases in which a rural hegemon had established itself over the territory. The Castrense nucleus is bordered by a local road that serves as a link between the towns of the plain to the south, including the ancient Fratta today Umbertide, and those located north of Serra, towards the neighboring, today's municipalities of Montone and Gubbio. A look at the surrounding environment of the fortification allows us to highlight the isolation of Serra which, besides the natural obstacles, was probably surrounded by a moat, ending in the part behind the castrum in a particularly steep way. This system created a counter-scarp to make the siege of “Serre Partutii” difficult, even though the castle suffered numerous attacks over time. The quadrangular tower has a large jutting base as a buttress and a first section of the tower is delimited by a medium-thick stone shelf that separates the upper part of the fortification. The latter is erected in a perfect quadrangular shape with a crowning enriched by flat battlements added in 1422, when the castrum was completely rebuilt. The tower as a whole shows, today, great regularity in the masonry texture performed in local squared stone, of small cut. It can be argued that, of the entire fortified structure, it probably represents a formwork, even if in our case it is not protected by any enclosure, unlike the typologically more widespread composition. Fig. 2 - Serra Partucci: West facade of the castrum with welded quadrangular tower and semicircular keep. On the facade side of the tower there are three small cracks and two small openings of the same type also laterally on the left and right. In addition, this last side also shows a door placed at half height added in a very recent period, which interrupted the unity of the Castrense body. There are also slits in some of the battlements that crown the top of this wing. It can be assumed that originally the tower did not really have this height and was designed for a greater elevation, but the subsequent adaptation to a dwelling had involved a modification to make it more suitable for the overall structure. The semicircular tower, inserted in the Renaissance period laterally to the right of the tower, shows recent modifications with the apposition of terraces both frontally and on the side. Fig. 3 - Serra Partucci: south-west side with a view of the residential complex. The tower also shows a certain particular base overhang and, at the same height as it is placed in the quadrangular tower, another thick stone shelf is provided to support the wall above. The wall respects the semicircular shape of the tower, but has a flat and closed crowning with the insertion of Renaissance-style corbels, above which slits of a composite type emerge at regular intervals that allowed multiple weapons to be used together. It is not possible to identify the presence or absence of pontoon holes due to the interventions undergone by the entire structure. The housing structure, with its rectangular body, is the result of multiple works carried out in different eras for this reason, in addition to the two large portals facing each other on the right and left side, few others are particularly interesting elements. Among these, certainly worthy of note are two bertesche, placed respectively on the right and left sides of the building in the rear part, used as sighting towers. The bertesche are made of masonry but also have wooden inserts, with delicate finishes adapted to the Renaissance structure. However, like the semicircular tower, they too reveal a roof covering that diminishes their original purpose: the bertesche as well as facilitating sighting, although they do not appear to have loopholes, were clearly used to carry out the "plumbing defense". Entering through one of the two portals, the family coat of arms is visible on the barrel vaulted ceiling, probably the heraldic emblem of the "Domini di Serra", or rather a celestial shield with a serrated transverse bar. You are immediately faced with a large staircase on the sides of which there are six tall columns in variegated black marble. In some of the rooms on the upper floor there are frescoes, while in many of the rooms on the ground floor alterations in the levels of masonry are visible. Externally from the ground floor you can access a room where there are small stairs divided into two symmetrical side wings and ending in as many open galleries on the underlying part of the room. Under the two small stairways arranged in wings, round arches develop, but placed at a much lower ground level than the floor. The workmanship and the rough stone used as a material suggest a service staircase through which you can access the upper floor. To the left of the castle of Serra there is a noble chapel dedicated to San Giovanni, which was rebuilt at the end of the 18th century, taking up the relevance of a previous church inside the walls of the castrum. Overall, today's “castrum Serre Partutii” structure gives the sense of an imposing fortification which, in the immediately front part, fulfills the defensive purpose for which it was strategically placed on the hill, as a garrison of the territorial border between various administrative and diocesan appurtenances. In the back, on the other hand, facing north-east, it hides a large stately courtyard which over time has undergone adaptations according to the use suited to the various owners, without however ever totally alienating the purpose symbolized by its grandeur. Fig. 4 - Serra Partucci: elevation of the towers on the south-west side. The known history The first news about the castle of Serra can be deduced from a document of 1072. Here, the lords of the castrum, proving to be already established domains in the territory, donated some lands to the rectory of San Mariano, the main religious body of the city In fact, in order to understand the fortification process concerning Serra Partucci it is necessary to consider the events relating to the Domains of Serra. An ancient marquis lineage owner of large territorial possessions in different areas of both the Perugia and the Gubbio countryside. Several parental groups belonged to the family but probably they developed from the family of the Panfili counts of Gubbio, of which we know that the first exponents lived before the first half of the 11th century. The actors of this document of 1072, they were “Suppo del q. Azzone di Azo ”count and his wife“ Berta ”, in favor of the parish church of San Veriano. It is presumable from what, at that time, the castle already had importance thanks to this ancient lineage and that, therefore, it had larger territorial possessions. Another testimony of the vigorous process of affirmation in the territory that concerned Serra and the sector of its position, in 1139 Lodolfino son of Albertino of the Panfili lords, sanctioned a donation again in favor of the rectory of San Mariano, with a pro anima clause (therefore with a saving intention ) of the part in its possession. The father then left the two sons a part of the castle in case they wanted to build a church inside. The donation was reconfirmed in 1173 by Tornamparte and Suppolino, sons of Panfilino, who represented the Panfili branch of the Domini and progenitors of those of Serra, of which however there was no more news in the 13th century. The sources also tell us a series of possessions belonging to the Domini di Serra, although the house to which they were destined was not well defined. In 1177 the Domini held castra in different areas of influence in contact with more communes, but also possessions of homines and customary rights in the thirteenth century (1202-1222). Even the Domini di Serra, as mentioned, therefore included among their possessions the homines with whom, often, they had to settle disputes and further offices. The possession of homines had become one of the elements to demonstrate one's power, as happened in cases in which a castrum owner attracted the inhabitants of nearby scattered settlements, voluntarily making them "homines per capitantiam", then subjected to his dominion, in exchange for security and defense. The branches of the Serra family managed to keep their original possessions received as an inheritance unchanged over time, without any subdivisions being interposed. Panfili, Suppolini and Domini di Serra strengthened their territorial power and established themselves throughout the twelfth century thanks to the fact that the brothers managed to compact the properties. The lineage was able to maintain power at the birth and affirmation of the Municipality, probably because it was supported by members of the city's noble class: some personalities of the family also held important positions in the judiciary even in the twelfth century. In fact, Rainaldo and Alberto di Serra were consuls of Gubbio in 1163 as "consul et rector", a position, albeit for rather restricted tasks, not accessible to all but the privilege of a few families, albeit for rather restricted tasks. In 1217, the disputes between Perugia and Gubbio marked a notable change. With a provision established by the Perugian authority "Pandolfus de Sigura", to resolve the dispute between the municipalities arising from the conquest of the Val di Marcola, the passage of Castrum Serre, together with other Gubbio fortifications, to Perugia was sanctioned. In the Diplomatic Code of the Perugia Municipality we read that potestas Eugubii, consilium et comunantia ipsius civitatis et homines ipsius communantie tam clerici quam laici per se et suos successores et heredes dent et concedant, finiant et refutent, in perpetuum transactent et quietent comune Perusino [.. .] castrum Serre [...] Civitella Comitum, Podium Manentis [...] cum omnibus eorum curis et tenutis et districtibus; et quidquid comune Eugubii habet et tenet ab his finibus infra versus Perusium. The complex situation of the period led several "domains", including the lords of Serra to seek support, including forced submissions, conflicts and arbitrations, to surrounding lords and also directly to other municipalities. In fact, in the 1930s, a period of crisis in the consolidation of territorial lordships due to the conflict between different social components and the disagreements between municipalities that produced military clashes, contacts were initiated between municipalities and dominant lords. In this case, those of Poggio Manente, Ascagnano and Antognolla also had considerable importance. In 1223 the agreements with Città di Castello began in the presence of two nobles from Serra, namely Rainaldo di Serra and Tornamparte dell'olim Rudolfino. "The lords of Serra are mentioned in the agreements with Città di Castello certainly as the most directly interested, by territorial contiguity, in obtaining the support of the Tifernate municipality in exchange for substantial concessions in terms of expansion of the area of influence ". In the same way, however, on the other hand, the municipalities were also interested in obtaining the purchase and sale of fortified nuclei, albeit without jurisdiction, so as to avoid any danger caused by the competition of minor but still conspicuous powers also in possession of fortifications and castra. It is no coincidence that in 1257 the Suppolini di Serra sold two castra of their own to Gubbio and Perugia, buying their rights, possessions and men. Fig. 5 - The bertesca is inserted in the masonry of the left side of Serra. Note that an element of the same invoice is also present on the right side of the fortification. Certainly the contracts were encouraged by the conflicts between the two Municipalities for a policy now burdened and conditioned by the clashes of the years 1257-1258. Given the situation, Serra too obviously fell within the post-war provisions therefore, respecting the stipulated submission, the feudal lord and actor of the deed Venciulis Abrunamontis continued to keep Serra Comitum under the dominion of Perugia after returning to Gubbio only in 1251. The first evidence of the current toponym Serra Partutii appeared in the sources in September 1295 when a deed of sale was signed in favor of Accurandolo Bernardi whose actor was "Patrutius d (omi) ni Ranutii comes Serrae supra Assinum" for a plot of land in the locality of San Filippo, part of the curia of the castle of Serra. The deed was stipulated “in castro Serrae iuxta Palatium Partutii dni Ranutii comitis Serrae supra Assinum”. A very important element that can be found in the act is the use of the term "juxta" which is indicative of a very specific form of embedding, opposite to that defined "circa" and very widespread mainly in imperial diplomas from the tenth century, just when the incastellamento was spreading to northern Italy at a difficult political time. The castrense typology called "juxta" recalls the presence of a fortified structure in the immediate vicinity of a town or a Curtense or pleban center, probably because the topographical position determined the settlement methods, also according to the typology of the inhabited nucleus and the presence of specific economic activities that required a precise choice of the place. For greater practicality, rather than enclosing villages in the valleys or halfway up the coast, the site on which to place the fortification was identified in hilly or foothill areas based on the strategic position with respect to the surrounding areas. It can be argued that for Serra Partucci the expression intended to identify a high-rise settlement whose dominant position required the fortification of the castle located above the scattered villages. It is following this act that "Patrutiius dni Ranutii" was recognized as the count of "Serrae supra Assinum", establishing the current name of the "castrum". In the meantime, however, the lineage of the "comites di Serra" was very active in the sale and acquisition of land not only pertinent to the castrum or external to it, but also in its proximity, so as to constitute a large dominated area even far from the headquarters of the castrum. In the first half of the 14th century, numerous acts testified to the movements of the family's assets. Donations, sales, acquisitions of plots of land, the so-called "fields" or even houses, both with religious bodies and private lay people to whom they gave land with the annexed properties in leasehold, relating to the previous owners who were often other important parental lineages: in fact , some terms occur in the documents, such as "campo roncato", which indicate particular types of agricultural regime used. In our case it would recall the presence of wooded expanses rather widespread in the northern territorial sector. Often adjacent to each other, these lands, agricultural and otherwise, appearing as the subject of the deeds, also showed the presence of certain inhabited structures. The presence of a fortified structure in "castro Serrae iuxta Palatium Partutii," roughly fifty years earlier, would represent the very essence of the concept of rural lordship represented by the domains of Serra which, for the attachment to the lineage, tried to strengthen the own power over men and over the territory by resorting to military defense works. This is by no means accidental and, on the contrary, is to be related to the fervent political situation represented mainly by the clash between municipalities and of these with the powerful ecclesiastical lordships, with the aim of affirming one over the other. The defensive aspect certainly could not fail in these cases, so even the "castrum" of Serra always had to be ready to react. A similar situation actually arose in 1350 when the presence of Giovanni di Cantuccio Gabrielli in Gubbio, with his harsh ways of carrying out political offices, began to become a difficult obstacle for the existence of many castles in the countryside. The castra placed on the border with the Tifernati, that is to say those of the fortified network to the west in the municipality of Gubbio, among which there was also Serra Partucci, attempted the revolt against the Gabrielli but were unable to evertere the new dominion, which nevertheless lasted very little26. Having reconquered the castle and returned to the aegis of the Gubbio municipality, it was the same inhabitants who, upon concession of the consuls, requested the presence of magistrates inside the castrum and elected, as can be seen from the documents, with variable frequency, two to six months, from 1377 in then, for positions of «captain castri Serre Comitum supra Assinum» and custodian, that is «turregiano di Serre Partutii», until the middle of the 15th century. We remember among these men Ser Franciscus Ser Marini in office from May to July 1377; Angelinus Lelli in November 1377; Ser Silvester de Cantiana held the role of captain longer, from January to November 1378, and Ser Angelus in June 1385. In the revolt against Giovanni di Cantuccio Gabrielli, Serra particularly damaged the internal fortified structures. operibus per eum datis in reactando turrim Serre Partitii ". Always scrolling through the municipal registers, it turns out that in 1419 the Perugian troops led by Filippo di Giacomo Baglioni, in office as a soldier hired by Braccio Fortebracci, went to Gubbio because exiles from Perugia and other rival cities had been welcomed there. Arriving near the Gubbio municipality, the troops besieged Serra Partucci in the same way as other castra, to obtain a bulwark towards the common enemy. On reaching occupation, the castle was destroyed, moreover for having suffered considerable looting, favored by the betrayal of Giovanni di Ceccolo Gabrielli from Perugia. In fact, the conquest of Serra was in a certain way a revenge against Gubbio, which was particularly keen to control this sector of the countryside placed in contact with more municipalities and therefore disputed. From here, the Peruginis headed threateningly against Assisi. Consequence was an immediate process of reconstruction with which the castrum assumed its almost current appearance due to the use of a tower and a keep. But the provisions taken also aimed at supporting the rebalancing of the castrum's economy, so those who had possessions in Serra or in its curia had to respect the payment of the due charges. Finally, the taxes that had to pay these owners "qui possessiones et bona in districtu sive curia dicti castri Serre possident" to the new captain and castellan of Serra, "Bondomandus ser Luce de Callio", in office from the year 1422 until 1431, were established, for the same reasons proposed to the same circumstance: pro publica utilitate et defensione, pro reparatione et rehedificatione dicti Castri ". The castrum required constant and progressive consolidation works that the sources report meticulously. Despite all the interventions aimed at fortifying Serra to provide it with a substantial defensive structure, in such a way as to hinder attacks and prove to be a safe residence for the magistrates residing there (especially castellans or captains), 1432 proved to be another difficult period for history of the castrum due to the new threat represented by Nicholaus Stelle (Fortebracci), who in that year successfully attempted a new assault on the castle, managing to settle there until 1435 and representing a new factor of decline, so much so as to induce many of the inhabitants to apply to the authorities of the Municipality to obtain as compensation some rural houses (casalini) near the castle, a sign that around it the scattered agricultural settlement was still present, in fact, still in 1444, it counted the presence of fifty mouths . In the mid-fifteenth century Serra, with the assets also owned by the curia, had returned to be a fief of the Gabrielli counts, having inherited it in 1459 from his father together with other nearby fortifications, with all the appurtenances of the castle and, at the invitation of the dukes di Montefeltro, they fortified the castra of their dependence, including Serra. Passed in the mid-1500s to the Bentivoglio counts as a fiefdom, in 1564 they sold a substantial part of the assets held at Serra Partucci to the Gubbio monastery of San Pietro, a powerful dominatus loci in the Middle Ages. 13). CIVITELLA RANIERI (Castrum Civitelle Comitum, Civitella Comitum) A short distance from the town of Umbertide rises "Castrum Civitelle Comitum" along the provincial road that connects it to Gubbio. The "Castrum" dominated the territory of an ancient Umbrian county. A territorial border area very functional for defense, as well as for the economy, whose position was influential for the neighboring municipalities of Gubbio and Perugia, which aimed to obtain it as a territorial border area. The visible structure "Castrum Civitelle Comitum" emerges from the hill, immersed in its park, showing the grandeur of the manor. There are very few original characteristics of the "castrum" although the outer walls retrace the layout of the fourteenth-century one, in fact the present appearance is the result of the fifteenth-sixteenth century reconstruction commissioned by the Ranieri after the destruction caused by the Baglioni assault. Fig. 1. General view of Civitella Ranieri from Serra Partucci. The settlement is easily reachable via the provincial road divided near the manor into a minor path, which follows the path of the moat all around the castle and leads directly to the main portal, from the Renaissance period, where traces of the presence of a drawbridge and, at the top, the stone coat of arms of the Ranieri counts. The portal has a battlements covered by a roof, from the modern era, and various loopholes included between the machicolation corbels. The entrance hall forms a kind of keep, demonstrating the defensive purpose it had to fulfill, as a small rectangular fortress to protect the entrance to the castle. Furthermore, the portal is connected with continuity to two small square crenellated towers, placed at an angle with the function of a curtain wall, used as a walkway before reaching the two towers. In fact, the two lateral wings of the walls show a regular cadence of openings, now adapted as windows, which originally could have been loopholes. It is possible that they were not present in the original closed curtain wall, but applied later, in order to avoid any support for the enemy attack, in fact even the two side turrets have totally closed, dark walls. This curtain has a regular course and runs around the castle, until it closes on the rear sector of the building with another secondary portal, minor, but the same one envisaged as a drawbridge. The walls, on the other hand, end in the part of the embankment surrounded by a large moat. Fig. 2. The access portal to the fort. With the stone coat of arms of the family on the arch. After passing the main portal, you enter the internal courtyard overlooked by the keep; the latter shows the typical features of a sixteenth-century fortified complex. It consists of a single central body on the sides of which there are two symmetrical round towers with a cantilevered base and a drum on both sides, which is supported by corbels used as ornamental elements also present in the central facade, where there are windows obtained in the masonry. Above, the stone shelf runs along the entire perimeter of the fortress to delimit the lower part, with a slope, of the tower from the upper one. In the highest part of the keep there are small windows that would represent the flat summit battlements of the keep, originally present but now covered by a roof, just like the towers. Inside the courtyard there are two small paths that allow you to go around the central body, revealing very thick perimeter walls with an escarpment base and corbels still recurring on the crown, but not continuous throughout the building. From the right side you enter the castle through a large portal that leads into a further internal courtyard. The courtyard around it is divided into a narrow closed space, but by means of a staircase you can reach the two floors of the castle intended for housing. Large sixteenth-century stone fireplaces are found in the many rooms with very large vaults. Some of these, in the points where they connect the ceiling and walls, form singular decorative motifs, consisting of small stucco and relief coats of arms, referable not only to the Ranieri family, but also to those of other fiefs subjected to it. Interesting is the room used as a library where a very narrow wooden gallery runs halfway up the room and continues for the entire surface of the same, it can be reached by a small staircase, also wooden. Beyond the two superimposed floors used as a stately home, in the highest part of the keep there is access to a third, probably consisting only of a walkway that follows the perimeter of the fortress all around the building, where there are still openings and hatches used for the defense of Civitella in case of enemy approach. In the personal notes of Count Emanuele Ranieri: Civitella Ranieri, medieval castle; historical notes of Count Emanuele Ranieri. The holes were probably used for the so-called "vertical shooting". From notes reported in the family papers we also learn that the towers were used as prisons and that there are still mobile and revolving cages with iron points. Within the castle, on the right side of the building, and included in the innermost courtyard, there is a church dedicated to San Cristoforo, consecrated in 1556 and run mainly by parish priests of the Ranieri family. Fig. 3. Elevation of the main facade of the fortification. The known story There is little information regarding Civitella in the first centuries since its foundation. At least up to the thirteenth century events conditioned by the conflicting relations between municipalities, first of all Perugia and Gubbio. The first news of the castrum dates back, however, in 1078, the year in which construction began, commissioned by Raniero di Monferrato, brother of Duke Guglielmo. However, information on the castrum can also be deduced from the list of churches dependent on the parish of San Bartolomeo di Campo Reggiano in 10532. Although some historians claim that Raniero came to Italy in 800 AD following one of Charlemagne's expeditions, others argue that this lineage originated in Saxony and came to Italy in 970 AD after the affirmation of Emperor Otto III. This last hypothesis is confirmed by the investiture granted by Otto III himself to the Ranieri family with the donation of lands and fiefdoms in Umbria and in the Marchia, in order to strengthen their power by forming the basis for a subsequent development as a rural seigniory3, especially after the construction of the castrum; castrum continued with the work of Raniero's descendants. The "Castrum" was involved in the conflictual relations between Perugia and Gubbio, already at war in 1216. Both municipalities aimed at the conquest of fortified places ruled by lords, in order to establish a defensive network with a regular settlement structure for an efficient preventive control in the respective territory. At the end of the clashes between the two municipalities, it was sanctioned by the victory of Perugia which, through its power, established really harsh conditions for the Gubbio municipality, aiming at the concession of goods and land, and the subtraction of relevant Castrensian nuclei entrusted to the Perugian jurisdiction. Among these was also Civitelle Comitum, certainly considered of great political interest due to its border position and control of river and land routes, characteristics similar to those of the fortifications built in this eastern sector and close to Civitella. The ups and downs that involved the castle in the thirteenth century depended on the continuous struggles between rival and neighboring municipalities, Città di Castello, Perugia and Gubbio, for which territorial control was the only means of affirming one's power, but with the difficulties encountered towards the local lords who represented with their fiefs an obstacle to municipal autonomy and who, as in the case of Civitella, intended to have a strong presence in order to guarantee the continuity of their lineage, despite the submissions to which they were subjected. Fig. 4. Here you can see the right wing of the walls connected to the portal. In the background you can see the square and crenellated turret that forms an angle. Also in the left wing of the perimeter curtain there is a corresponding structure. The events that affected the story of Civitella Comitum in the 14th century seem more significant. In 1324 the "castrum" became the possession of the feudal lord Ghino di Petrella, belonging to the lineage of the "marchiones di Colle", recognized as a marquis with a privilege granted by the Emperor Henry VII in 1312. The marquis took steps to consolidate the castrum damaged during the attacks of rival cities. Historians trace the reconstruction in the upper part of the fortification back to this moment, probably also involving the displacement of the original walls. A few decades after the conflict between commoners and nobles that raged in Perugia in the 14th century, often resulting in heavy clashes, also involved Civitella. In 1361 a group of commoners led by Arlotto Michelotti attempted the siege of the castrum and managed to conquer it with the removal of the representatives of the "Ranieri domains", namely Vico di Tancreduccio and Costantino I. Arlotto Michelotti, as his family members had already done for other castra, made the fortification his own fief and gave it the name of Civitella Michelotti. The Ranieri, therefore, considered it necessary to intervene by juridical offices, such as the Perugian magistracy, to regain possession of their "castrum", also because in 1363 the fiefdom of the Michelotti had been confirmed by the abbot of Marzano. The "Ranieri" resorted to the Roman curia to try to bring Civitella back within their possessions. The Curia at that time, however, was burdened by the splitting of the seat for the transfer of the papacy to Avignon. It had to wait until 1385 when the general of the Perugian armies Bartolomeo Carafa intervened against the occupants to return Civitella to the "Ranieri". The ambition that pushed the troops to reconquer Civitella was strengthened by the large possessions included in the "castrum" which, in case of victory, would have meant obtaining a solid border stronghold. We can understand, albeit partially, what the consistency of Civitella was in the territory by resorting to a donation deed of 1388 stipulated by "Karolus Ugucionis Marchio de Civitella" in favor of "Venciolus Roscioli" including "a house located in castro Civitelle, fines cuius at I street, at II murum cassari Civitelle, at III porta ipsius castri Civitelle and the fourth part of the castle of Civitelle, the court, the territory, the appurtenances, etc.". From this information it can be concluded that the castrum had its own internal roads, streets that connected the door to the keep and so on, but it could also have a courtyard and side appurtenances. Furthermore, the donation could demonstrate the existence of more portals in the walls, compared to the two known ones, which are also evidenced by later sources. The turbulent events of Civitella, however, resumed as early as 1390 with the assault of Biordo Michelotti; only two years later, there was the assault of Guido III del Monte, whose possessions were far beyond the border with the Tifernate municipality. To obtain the conquest of the castle, he caused considerable damage to the wall structure. It is even more complicated to reconstruct the events of 1407. Tradition recalls Roger II who, after having carried out military duties as a soldier of Fortebracci's armies and as a captain of Venetian troops, he would return to castrum Civitelle to recapture the castle with armed corps, returning it to his lineage and working hard until Martino recognized the town as a county V in 1426, while paying for this privilege in money, which was then bequeathed to the descendants. Another version of the events, however, would give Roger II less importance, given that the Marquis would have negotiated the reappropriation of the castrum with the monks of Marzano. Their intercession with Martin V, in fact, would have allowed the return of Civitella in the hands of the Ranieri marquises. The recognition of the possession of Civitella among its own assets was however confirmed in 1433, again to Ruggero II. The scarce documentation regarding this affair makes it difficult to define many aspects with precision and, at the same time, to outline the political role of Roger II in the episode. The close relationship of the Ranieri di Civitella with the Perugian Oddi family caused problems for the castrum, which in 1491 suffered a severe attack by the troops led by Paolo II Orsini, hired by the Baglioni rivals in order to conquer all the fortifications politically close to the opposite faction. Destroyed Civitella, the counts fled to the duchy of Urbino, from where Duke Guidubaldo moved in 1498 to bring the castles conquered by the Baglioni back to the Oddi family, re-establishing the political order that had been altered in the second half of the 15th century due to strong contrasts. inside the Perugia countryside. The intervention of Pope Alexander VI in fact managed to re-establish relations between the cities and when later in the course of the 16th century the power of the church was firmly affirmed, many were the privileges recognized to the Ranieri family in the economic, political and territorial spheres. , above all thanks to the support of an organized marriage policy, which guaranteed stability in relationships. 14). POGGIO MANENTE (Castrum Podio Manentis) Poggio Manente is a castle that responds to the type of "hill", located southeast of the town of Umbertide and a short distance from the castle of San Paterniano, with which in pre-unification it formed a "small municipality", a "University appodiata" then united with Fratta. It is placed in control of the border between Gubbio and the dioceses of Perugia and Città di Castello, since the castrum of Poggio Manente was historically part of the Gubbio defensive network established in the western sector of the countryside. The visible structure The town is bordered to the northwest by the local road which, together with the agricultural land, surrounds the castrum making it a small fortified village. It can be reached via a road that leads directly to the castrum and acts as a link with the Umbertide valley, the structure externally appears imposing but dilapidated, due to the numerous collapses of the curtain wall. Fig: 1 Poggio Manente overall view of the fortification on the south side. Note the bell tower of the church of San Nicola The large inhabited structure that can be seen from the cadastral map creates a single body which can be accessed via a spacious entrance hall. In front of it there is a small courtyard, beyond which there are further parts, four rooms, used as a residence organized on different floors. Detached from the central core, south of the whole inhabited, there is the aforementioned fifteenth-century church dedicated to San Nicola. The church has a small bell gable and a rectangular plan, which was originally included within the walls of the castrum. Fig: 2 Extract from the cadastral map (Perugia Territory Agency, sheet n ° 90). From the typology of the fortification it is possible to "reconstruct" the presence of a deep moat, along which the road probably develops today. There are no traces of a probable external enclosure, probably the walls of the houses of Poggio Manente, which have a semicircular layout, constituted the defense walls. Walls that do not create real corners but appear rather rounded, as if to eliminate any sharp edges that could have favored assaults from the outside. The perimeter of the walls makes it possible to clearly identify the presence of four towers placed on the sides of the ammunition walls of the fortress. As far as these towers are concerned, the plumbing profile and the quadrangular plan are still visible at the base, although only one remains standing today which has a severed crown without any battlements. The walls, built mostly in local stone, show evident irregularities in the wall texture with subsequent insertions of reintegration material, substantially different from the original one, river pebbles are also visible in the texture. The entrance to the castrum consists of a long stone staircase affixed in a very recent period compared to the original facies of the castrense nucleus. From the staircase you can reach a narrow portal of particular artistic and architectural importance due to the presence of the pointed arch, surmounted by a narrow slit and a small bertesca; it is probable that a drawbridge was attached to this portal, albeit very narrow. After passing the portal, you enter a large entrance passage covered by the structure of a keep guard post at the entrance to the castrum; from the passage you can immediately notice a voluminous round arch which supports a stone gallery used as a connection between the buildings on the right and left side; the arch is placed at a rather low level and partially obstructs the view of the front view of the interior of the castrum. This suggests that at the current level there is a probable raised level of the walking surface, due to multiple successive fillings over time. Fig. 3 portal of the complex. The staircase was added recently by modifying the pre-existing access ramp. It is also possible to notice the pointed arch of the entrance arch The subsequent stratifications, and therefore different floors, were a characteristic of many medieval villages and cities and can be reconstructed through stratigraphic excavations, which highlight the thick stratifications deriving from the accumulation of materials of various kinds, such as organic waste, stones, wood of previously existing houses, unlike the rigorous road arrangement carried out periodically in Roman times. This hypothesis can also be confirmed by the presence of a further round arch placed precisely on the opposite side to this, which turns out to be one of the oldest elements present in the entire fortified structure. Internally the walls are very thick so as to give the impression of a narrow fortified structure within which small medieval streets that run entirely through the courtyard wriggle; inside, contrary to what appears outside, the structure is very united and presents constructive continuity. Fig. 4: Detail of the internal viability of the castrum of Poggio Manente. Visiting a first inhabited area, today used as a large part of the castrum for residential use, the main characteristics of the structure appear to be substantially maintained, especially in the aspect that had been given to it following its use in the Renaissance period as a stately home. From the thickness of the walls, niches and a small stone balcony were obtained that "hides" the possible transformation of a bertesca, given its lateral position just next to the main entrance portal. Very interesting is the large fireplace in the room where you can see, engraved on the right side shelf, a stone coat of arms affixed as a decoration consisting of five mountains, which recall the Podium family dependent on the city of Gubbio. In the same room there is a deep underground passage which, both from tests conducted on the masonry, and along the same, would seem to descend for about three meters below the foundations of the castrum, but the partial collapse of the curtain constitutes an obstacle to more specific investigations. Since in the southern part the castrum is higher than on this side, it is possible that the passage was a long internal patrol walkway, to connect all or most of the perimeter walls in a particularly safe way for residents. Fig. 5: Poggio Manente: detail of the west side of the fortification. The top part of the masonry collapsed following the explosion of bombs during the Second World War. In part, the structures of the castrum were used as sheds for goods, tools and livestock, while others were used as residences. There is still a large compartment once used by the inhabitants as a community oven and a deep underground cistern, an essential guarantee of water autonomy for the residents. Continuing north towards the Tiber valley (from here you can see Umbertide), you go up a small steep staircase that leads to a large loggia located on the upper floor of the building south of the entrance and opening onto a beautiful view of the plain below. . The wide possibilities of view over the territory around the castrum emerge, allowing it to fully fulfill the defensive purpose with a perfect observation of at least three cardinal points. Furthermore, from here it is possible to see a part of the castle that has significant collapses, although from the outside they are not detectable. No floor is present here, not even a floor that separates different areas. The time elapsed together with the last wars have led to the collapse of this wing of the castrum, which requires a deep restoration of the masonry. The loggia is obviously an architectural element affixed later, when the transformation into a stately home had already begun and this is conceivable above all by the extensive use of bricks and plaster of different colors around the shutters that crown the wall face. On the lower floor of the area described there is a further portal without an entrance passage, considered to be the rear entrance to the castrum. It is probable that once upon a time it could be accessed via a raised passage, for example a drawbridge, due to the unevenness of the ground, while currently the present staircase opens to a slope. The portal (above which was affixed a coat of arms, now stolen, of the house of Poggio Manente and which highlighted the dependence on Gubbio) is large, but the internal structure has undergone numerous transformations, so it now appears to be a simple secondary entrance. The known history There are not much dating back sources that testify to the foundation of the castle of Poggio Manente, but local historians believe that, both for the long-established count lineage and for the type of settlement, the fortification can date back to the 11th century, thus placing itself among the earliest examples in the northern sector of a late fortification process. As for the location of Poggio Manente it is evident that the castrum has evolved to control the border between Gubbio, its diocese, and the dioceses of Perugia and Città di Castello. Due to its strategic position, which also controlled neighboring Fratta, the castrum in the thirteenth century also passed under the control of the Perugia municipality. Its location can be explained by the will of the Municipality of Gubbio to build fortified settlements to control the boundaries of its committee. In general the castra, in fact, were located on hills of medium and high altitude, mainly on areas that represented strategic points as a crossroads between the river network, roads and borders, in order to create a defined and organized protective structure, assimilating, with this aspect, to the typology of territorial defensive curtain also used by the other municipalities of northern Umbria based on the conformation of the soil and the environment. Castrum Podii Manentis was owned by the domains of the same name, belonging to the noble group of Poggio Manente-Ascagnano, which represented an important lineage of northern Umbria, whose possessions extended beyond the high hills of the Eugubino countryside up to widening towards the south, near the Tiber, following the lease transfers and concessions of land and castles. From this noble group, however, several noble families had divided, including the domains of Poggio Manente and Castiglione Aldobrando, and one of these chose the castrum of Poggio Manente (so called for their presence) as its own dominion, making it "the center of an autonomous dominated ". In fact, the castrum soon took on its independence as the domains enriched their possessions with new surrounding (or distant) lands, often with inhabited nuclei that allowed to increase the presence of homines under their dependencies. Fig. 6: detail of the Giorgi Charter of 1573, you can see the representation of the walls of the castrum “Il Poggio” and of the church of S. Nicolo ... or Nicolò. The genealogical tree that reconstructs the various branches of the nobles of Poggio Manente shows that the lineage had a rather articulated parental group, since the lineage was formed by multiple families. The domains of Poggio Manente, which had their own residence in the castrum, derived from those of Ascagnano and one of their first possessions of which we have news included the castle of Penne, whose position cannot be located today, granted in emphyteusis in 1157 by the monastery of Santa Maria di Val di Ponte together with the transfer of customary rights, thus showing the existence of ancient and regular relationships with the monastic institution maintained over time. Perhaps these relationships were encouraged by the fact that "the name of some abbots could make one think of the kinship with certain noble families: the name of Armanno, abbot from 1182 to 1204 [...], returns in two generations of the lords of Poggio Manente that can be placed in that lapse of time ". In this case the monastery represented a strong dominatus loci to which the first exponents of the family granted their usariae in 1159, that is the set of men, fortifications and wealth possessed near the monastery to obtain the castle of Penne in emphyteusis, reserving themselves from usariae and the collection of certain taxes. The same concession in emphyteusis was renewed in 1169. Their possessions were vast and, given that the house was made up of numerous members, they held together some castra (a widespread phenomenon in northern Umbria), including the castle of Agello Eugubino. notified in 1188 and 1203. Descendants from a common ancestor (Rainaldo), the domains of the castle of Poggio Manente belonged to the branch of Stefano di Armanno (1157-1184), whose heir Spagliagrano (1215-1248) gave rise to the comes Stefano and Rainaldo di Spagliagrano, lords of the castle, with whom he achieved prestige thanks to the large possessions obtained. Fig. 7: The church of San Nicola south of the "castrum" of Poggio Manente. Precisely under the dominion of the Spagliagrano lineage linked to Gubbio, the castrum experienced the most important events due to its belonging to alternating dominant municipalities, which also considered this fortification as a point of contact between opposing powers along the same border. The castle was hit by the severe measures taken by the power of Perugia, following the war of 1216 against Gubbio: the defeat cost the Eugubini the loss of some castra in favor of Perugia, a transfer that also included Podium Manentis, remaining solidly in the hands of the city until 1251. Even the domains of the castrum however felt in this period the social conflicts that involved the varied Perugian society. They received the blows of the five-year crisis 1223-1227: besides disputes disputed with religious bodies (1222-1223), as an affirmed rural lordship they tried to enter into agreements and pacts with the municipality of Città di Castello in 1223, because they were largely "interested , due to territorial contiguity, to obtain the support of the Tifernate municipality, in exchange for substantial concessions in terms of expanding the area of influence ». Direct reference of these positions were the agreements sanctioned within the year by Stefano di Spagliagrano, precisely the feudal lord of Poggio Manente. It is not strange that the castrum, although in this period it was subjected to the Perugian jurisdiction, was interested in agreeing agreements with the Tifernati. In fact, well aware of the difficult situation, the same uncertainty in political power pushed the lords of Poggio Manente to strengthen their lineage from every point of view, as the only possibility of affirming and continuing to exist as a rural lordship of the area of membership. It is probable that this same instability caused Poggio Manente from 1251 to 1257 to return under the jurisdiction of Gubbio, together with the other castles subdued by the Perugians in the second decade of the 13th century, the war against Gubbio was pressing. In July 1258 "D.nus Stephanus dni Spalagrani de Podio Manentis also in the name of his brother Ranaldo" sanctioned with Gallus Norimbello (captain of the people) the submission of part of the Castrum Podium Manentis to the municipality of Perugia, obtaining in exchange the defense of the castle against any possible attack by citizens and soldiers of Gubbio and the obligation to return it to its domains ( i.e. Stephano and Ranaldo) at the conclusion of the war with their common rival. Poggio Manente thus returned to the Perugian jurisdiction. The act of submission, however, also included further commitments to be fulfilled always in favor of Perugia, such as the obligation to "make war and peace according to the orders of the Municipality" and "promise to keep the castle in the name and on behalf of the Municipality , not to alienate it or submit it to others, not to welcome enemies of the municipality itself ". Perugia, like the other municipalities that aimed at territorial power as much as possible in the vast areas of the countryside as well as in the areas closest to the urban center, was mainly interested in submitting the castra to its own jurisdiction, since therefore it fully fulfilled this purpose, given the its proximity to Gubbio and close relations in the past with Città di Castello. Fig. 8: detail of Filippo Titi's map “Legation of the Duchy of Urbino”, 1697, showing the representation of the territory of “Il Poggio” by the Marquis Orazio Bongiovanni, Roman baron and Marquis of Poggio Manente. Particular is also the presence of the obligation for the castrum towards Perugia to "keep the castle ad honorem et status of the receiving municipality" (an element generally not present in the submission documents), but using "their own castellani or capitanei", considered not only more faithful to the municipality to which they belong, but also "safer and more controllable" due to its direct dependence on Perugia. In this way, attempts were made to avoid any possibility of conflict and strengthening of the dominions considered rival, in order to achieve power. Poggio Manente, however, had already previously demonstrated its jurisdictional dependence on the Perugini, as evidenced by the relations of the dominus Rainaldo di Spagliagrano (and his brothers) with the magistrates of the city. Following the conclusion of the war against Gubbio, Poggio Manente was confirmed as a castrum dependent on Perugia, despite the aversion of the tifernate mayor Tiberio di Ranaldo de Valcellis who claimed his appurtenances. The 14th century proposed less eventful events for the history of Poggio Manente, beyond small disputes and judicial acts that saw the rural population or the lords of the castrum as protagonists. The military events that in the second half of the same century concerned Poggio Manente were part of the lasting conflict between Gubbio and Perugia, so much so that the magistrates of the latter city hypothesized the destruction of the castrum in 1378, but not completed. In the southern part of the castle there is the fifteenth-century church dedicated to San Nicolò (erected in 1404), which must have been included within the walls of the fortified nucleus. However, the tithes of the diocese of Gubbio corresponding to the years 1333-1334 refer to the presence of a church dedicated to Saints Peter and Paul, belonging to the castrum (of which, however, there are references only from the Rationes Decimarum): Item habuit a dompno Zintio rectore ecclesie Ss. Petri et Pauli de Podio Manentis XX sol. reven .. Dompnus Cintius rector ecclesie S. Petri de Podio XX sol. rav. . Dompnus Zintius rector S. Petri de Podiomanente XX sol. rav. . This information makes it possible to establish the existence of a religious body gravitating to the district of Poggio Manente or in the castrum itself, pre-existing to the church of San Nicolò and, probably, belonging to the rectory of San Mariano di Gubbio, given the influence of the institution in this area and the relations with the domains of Poggio Manente for territorial possessions. In short, Poggio Manente, as a hill castle, performed a purely defensive function, as an important outpost subject to the Gubbio municipality in the sector bordering Perugia. In fact, he was involved precisely for this reason, in the violent castra disputes that saw Gubbio and the Perugian municipality as protagonists. Nb : the structure is private, although for the most part it appears dilapidated and abandoned it still maintains an inhabited sector. 15). San Paterniano (S. Patrignani, vila S. Patrignani supra S. Iohannem de Asino, S. Paterniani) ) Today of the castle of San Paterniano only a few parts of the perimeter walls remain, from which it is possible to hypothesize the reconstruction of the original structure, although the section in elevation is not very reliable because it appears cut off. Fig. 1: remains of the walls of the castle of San Paterniano, photo from 2021. In the urban cadastral plan, two buildings with a regular quadrangular section can be seen: one with an entrance hallway and another neighboring rectangular one, which leave space for a small courtyard surrounded by the local road with which San Paterniano is connected to Poggio Manente. Externally the fragments, for what remains, show a wall texture that is not very regular due to probable subsequent insertions with squared stones, interrupted by the presence of narrow slits and partially projecting base. Today there is a private settlement on site. Nb : the structure is now private. Fig. 2: remains of the walls of the castle of San Paterniano, photo Porrozzi from 1984 in Bruno Porrozzi, “Umbertide and its territory. History and images ". Pro Loco Umbertidese Association, So.Gra.Te. Città di Castello, 1983 Externally the fragments, for what remains, show a wall texture that is not very regular due to probable subsequent insertions with squared stones, interrupted by the presence of narrow slits and partially projecting base. Today there is a private settlement on site. A little further north of San Paterniano (at 523 m above sea level) there is a church with the same name, also in a precarious state surrounded by dense bush, whose structure was rather small. However, we do not have bookings of this church reported by the Liber beneficeorum, which instead proposed in the locality of San Paterniano a church dedicated to San Giovanni di Assino «[...], dependent on the monastery of Petroia, [...] registered for 60 libre »And that« in the Belforti-Mariotti manuscript [...], it is located in the villa of S. Paterniano in the Porta Sole countryside ». Porrozzi in “Umbertide and its territory. History and images "reports, without offering any reference, that the church had internally valuable frescoes, in which the Virgin, Child and Saints were portrayed in various scenes, perhaps performed by the famous artist Matteo da Gualdo (who worked in the areas of eugubine flu). Fig. 3: The main structure of the castle in the IGMI maps, survey of 1942 is identified as "the Castle" at 508 meters above sea level The toponymic origin of the title of the castrum in San Paterniano has led the tradition to formulate elaborate explanations, with which we wanted to see in the term Petrignano (sometimes recurring in the sources) a development of the terms petra ignis, that is 'stone of fire' . San Paterniano could instead recall an agionimo or, more particularly, a predial name ending in the suffix -anus of Roman tradition, which has been maintained, developed and established over time in this area. There are three in the border area and in the partially internal one between the diocese of Perugia and Eugubina. In fact, Serra also brings the name Paternianus back to this category, in which he sees a Germanic origin very close to the type of surnames of the late Roman age on the basis of similar examples, identified as morphological casts. Fig. 4: The structure of the Castle of San Paterniano on the southwest side along the road used as a private residence. The known history San Paterniano was located near the border between Perugian and Eugubine appurtenances, therefore placed to safeguard the territory from the reciprocal incursions of the two municipalities, often in conflict with each other. But the numerous toponyms that recall a dedication to San Paterniano, widespread in the northern area of the Perugian countryside between the dioceses of Perugia and Gubbio, do not allow us to accurately identify the historical events that affected the castle of the same name located in the northeast sector of Porta Sant 'Angelo, since there are no specifications that allow us to separately investigate the precise evolutionary processes of each of them. Fig. 5: Detail from the charter of Filippo Titi of 1697: “Legation of the Duchy of Urbino with the Diocese, and the Government of Città di Castello and other Governments, and neighboring States” of 1697; here the Castle is referred to as San. Patrignano. The known history Analyzing the cadastral sources of the mid-thirteenth century, we can see different terms regarding San Paterniano. In the countryside of Porta Sant'Angelo there appeared a vila S. Patrignani supra S. Iohannem de Asino and another vila S. Patrignani attributable to different localities and both listed in the Liber bailitorum of 1258 relating to the countryside. In this case, however, by making a quick comparison between the two villas for their position, it is possible to trace San Paterniano supra S. Iohannem de Asino2 to the location addressed in the present research, since the toponym San Giovanni was also located near the settlement. di Assino, probably corresponding to today's Podere San Giovanni located at 291 m above sea level and not far from the stretch of the Assino stream3. Villa S. Patrignani, on the other hand, would correspond to another locality located near Colle del Cardinale, albeit always belonging to the countryside relating to Porta Sant'Angelo. Subsequently, the Liber impositionis bladi of 1260 between the villas and castles of the countryside did not report taxation for this villa, except for the mentions of San Giovanni di Assino5. The record of the hearths drawn up in 1282 cited the diversification of these settlements with greater precision. San Giovanni di Assino was registered separately, while two S. Paterniani villas appeared, showing a different consistency in the number of inhabitants. Fig: 6. Ruins of the central area of the church of San Paterniano. Here we report the description of the masonry lost inside: “Entering the left wall, the Virgin with Child is painted, carrying a swallow and St. Ubaldo. Further down there is another figure representing a saint with a doge's cap, sword in hand and a dragon at the foot of the sea. Under it we read: - This figure made the monks of ... (perhaps of the Badia). The attitude of the figures, the elongated neck of the Virgin, the shape of the Child's halo, are the characteristics of Matteo da Gualdo. On the right there is another fresco representing the Madonna and Child, S. Antonio ab. and S. Sebastiano (?). This fresco may refer to a later, later period, perhaps the early sixteenth century, and be attributed to the Umbrian school, which recalls Perugino. The face of the Virgin and Child, discreetly preserved, are beautiful. The origins of the church are very remote and uncertain; a brick wall bears the inscription: Restored 1525. " (Reported in Bruno Porrozzi, "Umbertide and his territory. History and images". Ass. Pro Loco Umbertidese, Tipografia So.Gra.Te. Città di Castello, 1983 -P.245-; text from the work of Ballerini F ., "Historical notes of the Earth by Pierantonio and surroundings", Umbertide 1913.) Since the settlement of San Paterniano treated here was repeatedly presented by scholars as a "castle" (although the sources defined it as a villa), it is possible to adduce a greater presence of population, given that a little further north of the fortified nucleus there was also a religious body: in San Paterniano the hearths surveyed fluctuated in 1282 between 8 and 11 nuclei. The uncertain settlement events of San Paterniano are related by local historiography to those that affected the nearby castles of Poggio Manente and Serra Partucci, subject to the Eugubian jurisdiction due to their border position. Furthermore, the proximity of the settlement to the flow of the Tiber made it a castrum for controlling land and river routes, even if it was small in size; it could have served as an outpost to the overlying castle of Poggio Manente, but it could also have been a case of polarization between castrum and villa, where the latter would have been established following the abandonment of the castrum by some cottages, thus doubling by a collective decision. Fig: 7. Ruins of the Church of San Paterniano with the upper part probably collapsed inside. The wall texture reveals various interventions. Here in the foreground the outermost wall facing southwest in sandstone. While the same wall is clearly visible from below (in the previous photo) which appears largely in masonry, while the texture of the rear and innermost walls (previous photo) they seem to have a similar construction to the remains of the walls of the "Castle", also in sandstone. Furthermore, since the sources repeatedly connoted San Paterniano as a villa, it is possible to hypothesize that it really was and that, not surprisingly, especially in the early Middle Ages, it could have a semblance of a defensive structure, for example a simple moat or a kind of masonry. , given that even this type of inhabited area could have a very solid and centralized body . It is necessary to specify that in the areas where a fortification was created, even though there were already pre-existing settlements, they maintained independence and continued to be called villae (a phenomenon that occurred mainly in the 12th and 13th centuries). The only historical event known to date concerning the castle is the occupation that occurred in San Paterniano in the year 1439 by the Oddi Perugians, supported by exiles intending to conquer the fortifications of the northern territory, pushed by the conflict against Perugia and the rival family of the Michelotti. It is in this same year that Bertoldo degli Oddi, among other castrums, also attempted the conquest of Fratta and Castiglione dell'Abbate11. Fig: 8. View from the Church of San Paterniano towards the southwest. Below the agglomeration of Poggio Manente and below the Assino valley with its confluence with that of the Tiber, where the current Umbertide, ancient Fratta, extends. Photo: Francesco Deplanu and Bruno Porrozzi. L'INCASTELLAMENTO E LE SIGNORIE FEUDALI RASINA MONTE CASTELLI MONTEMIGIANO VERNA MIGIANELLA DEI MARCHESI CIVITELLA DEI MARCHESI, detta GUASTA BASTIA CRETI PIEVE di CICALETO MONTALTO ROMEGGIO CERTALTO SERRA PARTUCCI CIVITELLA RANIERI POGGIO MANENTE SAN PATERNIANO POLGETO (villa Pulgeti) 16). POLGETO (villa Pulgeti) Polgeto rises along the road connecting Umbertide and Perugia. The castle falls within the type of castle on the slope; in fact it stands on a rather steep hill. Among the various castles and towers that overlook ancient Fratta from Monte Acuto, it is the farthest from the city. The main characteristics are its elevation and position of garrison of a communication route that was used above all as a commercial route. Fig. 1: Polgeto, in the background the Upper Tiber valley. The visible structure The local road that leads to Perugia passes sideways to the built-up area while, at a distance, the presence of the parish church of Santa Maria del Sasso is evident. The whole nucleus of Polgeto appears gravitating around the tower, which has an excellent view of the surrounding areas: Fratta (Umbertide) to the southwest, the castrum of Fratticiola di Monte Acuto and Castiglione dell'Abbate to the south while further up, to the northwest is supervised by the castle of Migianella dei Marchesi. Fig. 2: Polgeto: excerpt from the cadastral map - Perugia Territory Agency, fog. n ° 80 As regards the architectural aspect, historians usually only highlight one aspect of the fortress, the one consisting of the defensive-military elements: the late-fourteenth-century "Guelph" type battlements ending in a flat section, used as a shelter from shooting enemy and three vertical "windows" obtained from slits previously present in the masonry, in order to hit the enemy without showing their exposure. The most interesting aspect of the fortress is, however, its own mighty structure, which shows the original function that prompted its construction. It represented a control point of the territory and preventive fortification of the site: an outcast had settled in the place determining the development of a rural lordship which later, with the push of the local residents, had become a fortified center with surrounding walls. Subsequently, all the structural changes envisaged for a fortification by the military strategy of the 13th-14th century were applied to it. fig. 3: Polgeto: detail of the central crenellated tower, northeast side. The main access allows the entrance to the castrum with a portal, rather imposing with a closed entrance passage. This structure highlights a fourteenth-century pointed arch on the inside, just below which there are two side niches proportionally smaller, but of the same type. The settlement as a whole looks like a circuit of buildings which, separated by narrow streets, are gathered in a large wall, much of which, especially on the southern side of Polgeto, is still present and visible, while in other parts it is practically non-existent. . The large central fortress shows few openings and a summit battlements; originally the crowning could have been higher and with totally blind walls, so the walls would have been more extended and elevated than it is today, and joined at each corner by three watchtowers. The continuity of the perimeter walls helped to represent a valid element for the defense of the castrum, together with the elevated position and environmental characteristics. The known history In the most ancient cadastral documents Polgeto was indicated alternately as both castrum and villa, except for a few exceptions when from 1438 the censuses reported it as castrum. The alternation of the same settlement shows the loss of the peculiar and predominant fortified aspect of the nucleus with the consequence of its expansion outside the districtus castrense, this in relatively quiet historical periods. Fig: 4. Detail from the map of Filippo Titi of 1697, where the Castle of Polgeto between Monte Acuto and Fratta is still clearly visible: "Legation of the Duchy of Urbino with the Diocese, and the Government of Città di Castello and other Governments, and Neighboring States" of 1697. The Liber impositionis bladi of the year 1260 (list of villas and castles in the Perugia countryside) reports Villa Pulgeti, which was required to pay an imposition of XVIII corbe, among the settlements of Porta Sant'Angelo. Also in 1282 Pulgeti was defined as a villa and there were 23 fires, thus delimiting a settlement of modest size whose foundation is historically traced back to a Perugian, the exile Biagio di Buto, who from the municipality of Perugia would have taken refuge near Polgeto erecting its own fortified castrum for defensive purposes in the second half of the 12th century, so as to protect itself by circumventing any condemnations inflicted by the priors. There is no news of Polgeto in the period from its first (probable) foundation up to the 14th century, except for the mentions of a social, economic and administrative nature present in the land registers and censuses, which however can demonstrate the evolution of the successive settlement methods. in the castrum. From the original fortress owned, Polgeto had later united other fires adapting to the slow but progressive centralization and fortification system, widespread in this northern sector in the 12th-13th centuries. An element that confirms the new evolution of the settlement was the request promoted by the community of the castrum in 1399 to the General Council of Perugia, to be able to build some houses around the pre-existing tower wanted by Biagio, thus forming a specific fortified settlement nucleus. Local history does not report clashes or attacks concerning Polgeto in medieval times, but it is possible to hypothesize that its position as a summit garrison controlling the territory of Fratta and not far from Migianella dei Marchesi, made it the target of Perugini and Tifernati fighting to ensure the territories located respectively further north or south of their peripheral appurtenances. It is probable that it was precisely these incursions that prompted the inhabitants of Polgeto to request fortified housing structures. fig. 5: Front view of the church just before the nucleus with the tower of Polgeto. Despite this, Polgeto was still reported as a villa in the census of 1410. The situation evolved with the passage to castrum in the first thirty years of the 15th century. In the locality there were already two churches since the 14th century: San Lorenzo, which in 1495 was among those listed as dependent on the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto8 (but no longer existing), and Santa Maria del Sasso. Regarding the parish church of San Lorenzo, Grohmann explains that «in the Liber benefiorum [...] the church of San Lorenzo de Puglieto, dependent on the monastery of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, is registered for 35 libre. In the land registry of 1489 [...] the church that is specified is de castro Polgeti, in the countryside of Porta S. Angelo, is registered among the rusticals, for 25 libre; owns 7 pieces of land, for a total estimate of 220 pounds of money ». The church was also mentioned in the Rationes Decimarum: Item pro ecclesia S. Laurentii de Polgeto solvit dompnus Egidius rector dicte ecclesie pro dicto termino XVIII sol. cor .. We therefore have no known in the fourteenth century of the other church, that of the Madonna del Sasso. Photo: Francesco Deplanu 17) CASTIGLIONE DELL'ABBATE (Castrum Castiglionis Abbatis, castrum Castilionis Abbatis) Castiglione dell'Abbate, also called Castiglioncello or simply Castiglione, stands on a hill 416 meters above sea level, about 3-4 kilometers from Umbertide. Photo 1: Castiglione dell'Abbate seen from the coast of Monteacuto with its control position on the right and left plain of the Tiber (Photo Francesco Deplanu) Today the tower is clearly visible, placed in an angular position with respect to two inhabited structures merged with it, on the southeast side. Isolated on a hilly spur, Castiglione was reasonably disputed by the two major municipalities of northern Umbria, Gubbio and Perugia, due to its location halfway between a very important river route, protagonist of trade and commerce and a land route, connecting the centers to the north. and south of the ancient Byzantine Corridor (the Via Tiberina). THE VISIBLE STRUCTURE The Castrum with its tower, and today two inhabited annexes, originally belonged to the vast dominatus loci of Terra S. Salvatoris, that is, it was a possession of the monastery of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto. Castiglione dell'Abbate enjoys a good field of vision on the town of Fratta, today Umbertide, but above all it can also see from a great distance the fortifications of Fratticiola, Galera and Montacuto to the west, Migianella dei Marchesi, Polgeto and Romeggio to the north, up to further away Civitella Ranieri and Poggio Manente to the right. This arrangement places it in that extended fortified enclosure in the northernmost part of the Perugian countryside of Porta Sant'Angelo. Originally the tower was erected as a quadrangular structure, made with small squared stones of regular texture; side openings were provided, for example loopholes that are still present on the north-west side. Today, however, the summit is severed and, although restoration work has been undertaken, most of the sections of the curtain wall have collapsed. However, the linearity of today's wall face makes the Castrense complex of Castiglione dell'Abbate appear as a very simple structure, even though it stands on the hill surrounded by a dense thicket of chestnut and poplar trees. Several times over time the walls have undergone restorations, but today the SE part has mostly collapsed, so only a few fragments are visible. Photo 2: Castiglione dell'Abbate: the castrense complex (north-west side of the hill) with the tower built in 1389. Beyond the hypothetical conjectures on agionimi, the toponymy allows to confirm the strategic function covered by the settlement even in the early medieval period. Considering a wider sector of the territory around the garrison of Castiglione, although it is not possible to find explicit references that indicate the presence of the Byzantine Corridor (which ideally divided these places according to their belonging), terms of Lombard origin may emerge that recall border military positions and presences. The most significant is Rio del Guardengo, a watercourse that subtends the word Warda, that is, a guard post «with the fortress of Castiglione above [...], SE of Umbertide, dominating the passage of the pass road from S. Giovanni del Pantano on the right bank of the Tiber "which, according to Del Lungo, with the" termination -eng- of the toponym, it is possible that it was originally a Gothic position later taken up by the Lombards ". These affirmations can be decisive for the foundation of the primitive settlement in a much older period than the one that the sources can allow, even if with a different facies from that known today. Furthermore, in this sense it is essential to note that, in the naming of the underlying Abbey of the Savior, a further toponymic presence of a Gothic-Lombard matrix can be identified, an important element in support of the possible presence on the site of first Gothic and then Lombard military positions. . Photo 3: The “Rio del Guardengo” in the IGM Tablet 1: 25: 000 “Umbertide” - F. 122 INE Relief of 1941. Recently, restoration and consolidation works have been undertaken, which have partially changed the structural aspect of the castrum (especially as regards the houses on the side of the tower), while the severed tower seems to bear the presence of battlements on the crowning corresponding to the period (fourteenth century ) of construction: today, however, no trace remains. THE KNOWN STORY Information on "castrum" begins in the mid-1200s. As "Castrum Castilionis Abatis" it is indicated in 1260 in the "Reformationes Comunis Perusii". Subsequently it is indicated with the presence of 20 fires in 1282 with the name of “Castrum Castilionis Abbatis” in the list of the distribution of hearths of rural communities. The documents do not help us to reconstruct the development of this settlement before 1210, but considering the year of death of the abbot Savino (1190) and the existence of the homonymous church (1145), it is possible to hypothesize the presence of an inhabited nucleus , although not fortified, at least from the beginning of the twelfth century which, following the trends of the northern Umbrian territory, developed with greater vigor from the mid-twelfth century. We know from various sources that a religious body was also part of the castrum, although with differences in the attribution between the agionimi Santa Maria and Santa Lucia; however, in the Liber beneficeorum the church, dependent on the monastery of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto, is registered for 18 libre; in the land registry of 1489, then, 7 pieces of land are marked, with an estimated value of 90 pounds of denarii, and the church is registered for a pound of 25 gross pounds. Photo 4: Castiglione dell'Abbate: tower of the castrum, seen from the north-west. Another important data for the modern agiotoponomastic aspect is that provided by the reference to the denomination of “Abbatis” of the castrum. Tradition has it that the Camaldolese abbot Savino, a hermit and then rector of the underlying San Salvatore, who died in 1190 and later proclaimed a saint, was born in this settlement. The name of the place and date are useful to be able to make a reverse path to go back more precisely to the original foundation of the settlement, probably initially unfortified. It is possible that here, over the course of time, the cult of San Savino was replaced starting from the 13th century with the Marian cult which was very widespread in the area: the churches of Santa Maria di Monte Acuto are remembered; Madonna della Costa; the hospital of Santa Maria and San Giuliano, near Galera, since the bull issued by Eugenio III in 1145, which contains a list of churches whose assets are confirmed, presents the "church of San Savino located between the Abbadia and Monte Corona ». Furthermore, Briziarelli recalls a traditional annual procession, which took place on the day of the Ascension and which proceeded from the Abbey of San Salvatore to Castiglione, to explain the existence of a religious nucleus. It is necessary to specify that, proceeding along the road that leads to Monte Corona, a few meters above the fortification, there is a small religious building, where a male monastic community resided, mentioned in the sources as the Church of San Savino. This small oratory is currently completely recovered as a home, while maintaining the characteristics and typical elements of the cult building almost unchanged, such as the internal sacral area, where the altar was placed, narrow single-lancet windows, today reused as windows, and an oculus placed on the main facade. Presumably, therefore, the procession ended here and not in the fortification, which in any case included in its Castrense "districtus" also the church of San Savino, The castle was probably built as a strategic site for the defense of the underlying Abbey of San Salvatore, although it was part of the project developed by the Perugia municipality to organize and control the countryside by means of fortifications that served to define the defensive network and support the population of the periphery, political choice mainly used to increase the agrarian economy. For this reason the Perugian municipality ordered with determination, depending on the case, new foundations or the recovery of pre-existing walls for the settlements located near the border with other cities, granting the right to defense with fortified structures to rural communities that needed them. . We must not forget that the presence of a castle with its belonging district determined the importance of the agricultural areas. Castiglione was also part of this process, with the support of the inhabitants of the settlement themselves. In 1297 the sources attest to the reconstruction of the castle walls, following the resolution of the Council of the Priors of Perugia: the second half of the 13th century saw the worsening of the conflict between Perugia and Gubbio, both interested in the conquest of new areas of influence, for increase their submissions. Castiglione was also involved in the events. After the defeat occurred to the Eugubini in the clash with Perugia, work was certainly undertaken to consolidate the walls. From the usual urban organism typical of hilly rural settlements, which provided for a simple wall and two doors with which to connect the road system, more or less straight or circular according to the regularity, Castiglione dell'Abbate passed to have only one door open with consequent closure of the others, probably to limit the incursions and guarantee the defensive structure. According to the resolution, the surrounding villas of Fratticiola di Monte Acuto and Galera, whose inhabitants had used Castiglione as a shelter, also had to contribute to the expenses for these changes. However, these same, opposed to the provision, asked the Council of Priors to cancel it in 1298, arguing that the remoteness of the settlements would not have favored their escape towards Castiglione. Having ascertained its strategic importance between the 13th and 14th centuries, the expansionist aims of Perugia and Gubbio still poured into the castle, which in their continuous and lasting conflict tried each other to recover it. In December 1351 the army of the Perugian municipality siege to retake the castrum controlled at that time by the Eugubini. In order to re-establish the Perugian supremacy, considerable damage was caused to the fortification. Only after some time, in 1389, the need was felt to build a sighting tower inside the walls, in order to limit the conquest of the nucleus in the frequent attacks. It was the Perugian magistrates themselves who arranged for its construction, as can be seen from the Book of the Acts of the Conservators of Freedom of Perugia. From this moment, and continuously also in the 15th century, the inhabitants of Castiglione were obliged to carry out the reconstruction of the walls independently by allocating the necessary sum, in 1396 about 60 florins, without obtaining the participation of the Municipality of Perugia, which however granted them the exemption from taxes in order to undertake to equip the castle. During the fifteenth century, however, the inhabitants often obtained an exemption of half the fire tax provided for each family unit. In 1447 Pieve di Cicaleto and San Savino also contributed to the payments. Crucial years were those of the end of the 15th century when, between 1488 and 1489, the confrontation between the opposing factions of nobles and commoners exploded again in Perugia: Oddi and Baglioni reached repeated clashes, so the defeated were forced to flee: Bertoldo degli Oddi arrived in Castiglione with a number of 300 infantry in tow, he occupied the castrum and also attempted the acquisition of Fratta, today's Umbertide. The Baglioni, however, obtained the reconquest of Castiglione. Twelve men residing there were imprisoned accused of treason against Perugia (for having supported the Oddi) and were taken to the city. The magistrates decreed the destruction of the walls of Castiglione dell'Abbate by the tifernate Camillo Vitelli, hired by Perugia, with the obligation, however, to preserve the tower, which is visible today. The cadastral map also shows the remains of a structure with a rather regular rectangular perimeter, laterally to the construction of the tower. Images: Giovanna Benni and Francesco Deplanu 18. SPORTACCIANO (villa Sportaçane, villa Sportaçani, villa Sportazani, villa Sportaciani) The Castrense nucleus of Sportacciano is today rather remodeled due to the considerable collapses it has suffered over time. It comes anyway of a castle of the hillock type, as it emerges from a modestly sized hill, 435 meters above sea level, on the east side of Monte Corona, not far from ancient Fratta, today Umbertide. Fig. 1 - Sportacciano: excerpt from the cadastral map (Perugia Territory Agency, sheet n ° 123) The visible structure The ruins of the castrum are located on a hill in the Montecorona area, south of the Abbey while to the east, not far away, the Tiber river flows. What is striking of the structure is the considerable thickness of the walls, especially those of the formwork placed in the southwest sector and constituting a consistent unitary body. The walls, moreover, encircled a rather large area and, in turn, were closed by the local road that flanked the town. The position of the castrum was favorable to the control and sighting of the surrounding areas; to fulfill this function a quadrangular section tower was erected, which today is cut off at the top. The alterations undergone by the castrum suggest that, at least until later in use, it could have been articulated and wide. The rooms were included in the walls which, even where they are ruined, show the existence of loopholes and other openings, elements typical of military or, in any case, fortified structures. The internal openings of the settlement were probably affixed later, as well as the barrel vaults present on the dividing walls. It is probable that internally it was not equipped with dividing floors, but rather that it was equipped with wooden balconies, as the pontoon holes on the outside, later adapted as dovecotes, could demonstrate. From the study of the internal space, the presence of two further minor towers would seem to emerge as a defensive garrison of the east area, while the north area was naturally controlled by the rather steep terrain, with a difference in height from the castrum of at least thirty linear meters. The position of Sportacciano must be considered in relation to the other castra of the area around Monte Acuto: these settlements form a sort of fortified network, considering a hypothetical conjunction on topographic map between those currently existing so that, in the case of Sportacciano, it can be defined as a dominant garrison in a sector of the Tiber. The original typology of the castrum, which has an irregular wall texture due to the use of non-square stones, is difficult to reconstruct. The settlement in its conformation would appear to be a fortification belonging to the later phase of the fortification process, which developed in this area around the 13th century. Fig. 2 - Sportacciano: ruins of the castle (from Porrozzi 1983, p. 257) The known history The first news about Sportacciano dates back to the mid-thirteenth century, first as a "Villa" and then as a "castrum": "villa Sportaçani" was counted among those present, together with the castles, in the "Liber bailitorum" of 1258 from the Perugia municipality. The "Reformationes" and the "Liber impositionis bladi" of 1260 also reported the presence of the "villa Sportaçane", subject to a tax of 25 corbe. In 1282 it appears that the villa consisted of 25 fires. In the mid-14th century the community living in Sportacciano is certainly lively. This can be deduced from several small legal disputes concerning its inhabitants. In 1395 the inhabitants sent a request to the Council of Priors of Perugia, which they accepted they could have proceeded with the reconstruction of the buildings fortified castrum, so as to create an appropriate defensive structure against external attacks probably connected to the struggles between opposing factions in the Perugia area. In this period it is remembered by the sources that for the «Past turmoil and to defend the people's state the castle was demolished and its inhabitants reduced to extreme poverty had been forced to seek asylum elsewhere ». The community of Sportacciano thus showed itself respectful of the dominion and faithful to Perugia. His request was accepted and he received the exemption from the tax for a period of three years, so as to be able to autonomously provide for the consolidation of the Castrense nucleus. The slow recovery meant that in 1410 there were seventy-six people. About a century later, in 1489, the raids carried out in the Perugian countryside by the exiles, led by members of the Oddi family, banished from Perugia by the will of the Baglioni, also touched the castle of Sportacciano, so much so that it was occupied together with others in the area. After fleeing to Gubbio to avoid city conflicts, the Oddi family moved several times against the castles of the countryside to reconquer them, in order to create their own settlement network in the area with the help of other noble families of the Municipality. The latter controlled the fortifications until the spring of the same year, when they then formally agreed with the exponents of the Baglioni family. Two religious bodies were part of the Castrense settlement of Sportacciano: the church of Sant'Andrea and that of San Giovanni del Farneto, considered by local historians as an "extra moenia" church. Although the second was already listed in the 14th century, both were registered separately in the list that included the churches subjected to the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto in 1495. Photo 3: The nucleus of Sportacciano east of the Convent of Monte Corona in the IGM Tablet 1: 25: 000 “Umbertide” - F. 122 INE Relief of 194 More precise information on the two entities can be deduced from the values of the cadastral estimates: In the Liber beneficeorum the church of S. Andrea, dependent on the monastery of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto, appears for 25 libre. In the land registry of 1361, S. Andrea de castro Sportaciani is registered for 5 libre. In the land registry of 1489 this church, known as “de castro Sportaciani” is bookable for 42 pounds and is the owner of 25 pieces of land, thus demonstrating the consistency of land holdings. Also from the land registry of 1489 we know that the church of S. Giovanni de Sportaciano is bookable for 25 pounds. In this document, the entity is the owner of 6 pieces of land. It can therefore be assumed that Sportacciano was one of the cases in which, already in the sources, the distinction of the connotation between "castrum" and "villa" was unclear and, indeed, in similar rural settlements it was possible to confuse the two terms since, in both in cases, there could be fortification structures (a moat, or more peripheral houses). It can also be considered that the name of the "castrum" with the ending of the suffix in -anus, declinable and indicative of predial toponyms, was a proof of the pre-existence of the villa together with these inhabited areas compared to the "castrum", retracing the area of a village , that is of a "vicus" originally located in this area. Photo 4: ruins of Sportacciano. Fabio Maritotti Archive Photo 5: ruins of Sportacciano. Fabio Maritotti Archive Photo 6: ruins of Sportacciano. Fabio Maritotti Archive Images: Giovanna Benni, Bruno Porrozzi and Fabio Mariotti 19. SAINT JULIANA (castrum Sancti Iuliani, castrum Sancte Iuliane) “Castrum Sancti Iuliani”, today Santa Giuliana is a solid hill castle built on a limestone area in the southern sector of Monte Corona; the Castrum belonged to the Contado di Porta Sant'Angelo of Perugia like Fratta itself, around the settlement the most important high-hilly and mountainous peaks of the area rise: Monte Acuto and Monte Tezio, while to the east the Tiber river flows, in the whose course flows into the Nese stream. Fig. 1: Santa Giuliana seen coming down from Monte Corona (Photo by Francesco Deplanu) The visible structure Santa Giuliana is a medium-sized fortified center with walls that follow the contour lines in an enveloping way around the keep placed on the top, the structure of the castrum of elliptical shape, with rather high E walls that run all around the core for about 320 meters in length, highlights the purely defensive: in the southernmost part of the nucleus towards the valley, it has the extension of the houses, whose protection is guaranteed by the conformation of the land, which sees in this position the presence of a steep steep escarpment up to the plain of the Nese stream. About one km from the "castrum", on the high-hilly side facing the town of Piano del Nese, a fortified structure belonging to the settlement of Santa Giuliana is erected: a high tower at the base of which there is an abandoned church, entitled it too in Santa Giuliana and indicated as the rectory of the castrum Fig. 2: excerpt from the cadastral map of Santa Giuliana, Territory Agency of Perugia, Fog. n. 162 The perimeter wall is also continuous around the north and west sectors, and has three towers even if, originally, there were five of different types. The three still existing are placed on a continuous axis: one with a polygonal shape, partly hidden by vegetation and to which a further structure was probably attached, now no longer present, but of which fragments of the perimeter walls remain; an almost circular tower now much remodeled, whose base is projecting, therefore it does not render its real dimension extended in height. A last tower with a quadrangular section, of massive size, placed at the north-west end of the "castrum", where it creates a corner of the gorge with the walls created by the extension of the two sections of this and also used as a shooting angle during attacks The external “facies” reveals very high defensive walls consisting mainly of the walls of the same inhabited structures that surround the inner core, even if each of these maintains its individuality and independence, as can be seen from the different layout of the roofs. They rest on the steep area towards the escarpment and join at an angle. Fig. 3: Santa Giuliana in 1982 by Bruno Porrozzi, “Umbertide and its territory. History and Images ", Pro Loco Umbertide 1982. Fig. 4: Santa Giuliana portal with drawbridge signs (Photo Fabio Mariotti circa 1990). After the portal you enter a small anticameral space which leads to a second door open to the larger semicircular space guarded by the battlements above; it is probable that the same entrance included a tower raised on the massive base, in place of the small bell gable inserted in a later period. Fig. 5: Santa Giuliana inside the portal (Photo Fabio Mariotti circa 1990). The internal wall has an inhabited nucleus consisting of a dozen houses in perfect medieval vestiges, still in the original style after the respectful restorations carried out since the 70s by the current owners. Around the houses there is a road path that proceeds along two streets that go around the inhabited areas, joining in an almost circular shape along the length of the nucleus: one flanks the walls on the western side, while the other to the south is divided between the houses of Stone. From these two main arms a third develops, which crosses the central body of the houses and joins them, flowing into a small square towards the southernmost area of Santa Giuliana, where there is also the well, completed in 1526. Fig. 6: Santa Giuliana seen coming down from Monte Corona (Photo by Francesco Deplanu) Other particular structures of historical and architectural interest appear the flying buttress stairs, which connect the houses to the courtyard below, and a further type of stairs with an enlarged base open in a fan shape on the spaces of the internal courtyard, given that the houses are grafted onto staggered floors. and the surface of the land is divided into a slope, resting on dry stone walls. The same well in the center of the fortified nucleus, albeit much later, respects the shapes of the surrounding settlement structures because it was built entirely of stone in a single block. Inside the castrum Santa Giuliana there was also a later church dedicated to Sant'Antonio, as can be seen from an epigraph engraved on the stones of the wall of the church itself "Oratorium S. Antonii 1558", referable to the year of consecration of the church. About a kilometer further downstream from the castrum, on the high-hilly side facing the town of Piano del Nese, a high tower rises at the base of which there is an abandoned church belonging to the settlement of Santa Giuliana, dedicated to Santa Giuliana and indicated as the rectory of the castrum. Porrozzi in his text “Umbertide and his territory. History and Images ", of 1982, asserts that the rectory had internal walls frescoed with devotional scenes of the Umbrian Renaissance current of the early 1400s, but left in ruins. The paintings would have depicted the Madonna with Child and Saints, among which Santa Giuliana was also present and recognizable. The tower is still quite intact, has a regular quadrangular layout and wall texture made of small squared stones with evident slits and pontoon holes over the entire surface. Probably the tower with the annexed rectory represented the fortified nucleus placed before the castrum itself, to perform functions not so much defensive, but rather as a position that had to fulfill toll and signaling tasks. The rectory of Santa Giuliana appears to be very dating back, in fact it was listed among the churches recognized by the papal bull of Eugene III in 1145 as belonging to the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto; however it was testified for the first time also in 1143 in a document belonging to the "Annali Camaldolensi". In the lists of churches present in the countryside of Perugia in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, taken from the "Liber beneficeorum", the church was marked with different values. Fig. 7: Church of Santa Giuliana and neighboring tower in 1982 by B. Porrozzi, “Umbertide and its territory. History and Images ", Pro Loco Umbertide 1982. From the cadastral estimate of the institution it is clear that the church of S. Giuliana, of the homonymous castle, dependent on the monastery of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto, is registered for 40 pounds. On November 12, 1404, the church was registered in the land registry for 12 libre. Different estimates for the 15th century follow. Already in the tenths of the years 1332-1334 the church of Santa Giuliana was however reported and cited as “Santa Iuliana de Antignalla“ (Antignolla, Antichalla). The known history In 1282 in Santa Giuliana there were 24-28 fires, reported in the list of focatico relating to the countryside of Porta Sant'Angelo, registering a sum of about a hundred people. But the "Castrum Sancti Iuliani" was already present in the economic and administrative information of the Municipality of Perugia: in the "Liber bailitorum" dating back to 1258 and from the "Liber impositionis bladi" in 1260 in which "castrum Sancte Iuliane" had taxes established for fifty corbe . An important document concerning the castle is that relating to the liberation process which in the mid-thirteenth century affected many areas of the countryside dependent on the monastery of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto. In March 1262, in fact, Abbot Guglielmo of the monastery of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto granted a peaceful liberation to the community: it was granted in emphyteusis to two mayors of the "comune et universitas" of the castle of Santa Giuliana, "totam iurisdictionem et curiam ”Of the castle, the fortifications and the tower. The concession did not include the "casalini", the rural houses given to the inhabitants in emphyteusis, nor the walls of the castrum, nor strangers or other important personalities such as "magnates" or "supposites", while those who were defined and identified as "Comunes homines" they could sell the aforementioned goods, and therefore alienate them. It is therefore probable that the exemption notified by the abbot of Monte Acuto only served to define in a practical way what actually existed in the castrum, since the inhabitants of Santa Giuliana had organized themselves with their own administrative structures defined in the text "comune et universitas ”, Which demonstrate the political maturity already reached by this community in this period. In fact, the monastery granted freeing to the community to continue to maintain relations with it, but did not ask for anything in return other than the rent of the buildings built in the castle. Fig. 8: Santa Giuliana almost circular tower, much remodeled, with overhanging base (Photo Fabio Mariotti circa 1990). In 1332 Santa Giuliana received from the Council of Priors the task of providing for the maintenance of the road section responsible for the community, to ensure suitable roads and communications for an important transit route, given that the settlement was located near a border area of the countryside. (to the southeast) along the main land and water routes. The disputes of "castra" between powerful Perugian families, mutually interested in controlling the fortifications of the countryside also involved Santa Giuliana: the incursions of refugees who mostly moved away from Perugia, following the changed political conditions during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, she revealed harsh and uncertain. A well-known event in the chronicles concerning Santa Giuliana was the battle that took place in the “castrum” in the year 1410 between a member of the Perugian Michelotti family, that is Ceccolino and Paolo I Orsini deployed under the mercenary captain Braccio Fortebracci. Both were eager to take over this strategic settlement. The Orsini's militias studied the attack system well, but the residents applied an incessant resistance which, at first, discouraged the enemies and then forced them to abandon, especially following the wounding of Paolo Orsini. SAN GIULIANO DELLE PIGNATTE Fig. 9: Santa Giuliana (Photo Fabio Mariotti around 1990). The exiles, however, having besieged Santa Giuliana with pressing attacks, caused considerable damage to the "castrum" and for its necessary consolidation the Perugian Council, the following year, in 1411, approved the exemption of the community from the payment of taxes, such as, for example, those of the "libra" and the land registry, for a certain period of time, meaning this decision both as a reward to the population for the strenuous defense of the "castrum" submitted to Perugia, and as an aid for the reconstruction and structural consolidation of the fortified core. The difficult situation following the military events of the beginning of the century affected a large part of the population, who we know from documentary sources left the "castrum" to look for a new home in other cities in the area, especially Città di Castello. In 1415, however, many of these same inhabitants asked the priors for permission to return with their families to the Perugian countryside and therefore to their “castrum”, thus obtaining in exchange the privileges due to the Comitatese inhabitants. One is led to think that the alternating demographic situation also influenced the use of terms such as "castrum", "villa" and "locus" referring to different types of inhabited areas, but generally applied indiscriminately in this period and in very close times among them, due to the number of fires, and therefore of the inhabitants, extremely variable. Fig. 10: Santa Giuliana interior (Photo Fabio Mariotti circa 1990) The "castrum" began to slowly repopulate in the 15th century. The need was thus felt to use a water supply for drinking water, so the need to build a cistern in the "castrum" to be used as a well and water reserve within the village itself was brought to the attention of the Prior Council in 1518. . The Council of Priors accepted and on that date thirty florins were made available. I work on his execution were completed in the year 1526, a date that appears on an incision on the same edge of the well. A singular element in the events of the castle is the presence, mentioned by some scholars, of an epigraph engraved on the stone of a house near the well, which bears a few lines and a date: «May 6, 1527 ROM RUINA RUIT FERRO FUGAQ FAME». Tradition has compared the dedication engraved on the inscription to the serious political event which on the same day upset the equilibrium of Rome, barbarously oppressed by German mercenary infantry who carried out a real "sack"; this hypothesis is explained by the local historians themselves (albeit raising strong doubts about the relationship between Santa Giuliana and the story) as the painful impression left on the inhabitants of the castrum by the episode. Fig. 11: Santa Giuliana interior (Photo Fabio Mariotti circa 1990) It is however possible to note from the epigraph that the verses had been executed by two different hands, therefore, probably, two different periods and that the second writing had modified the original inscription. Perhaps it could instead recall another important historical event of which the protagonist may have been Santa Giuliana. Images: Giovanna Benni, B runo Porrozzi, Francesco Deplanu and Fabio Mariotti 20. San Giuliano delle PIGNATTE (villa S. Iuliani, Sancti Iuliani de Collinis, vila S. Iuliani) To the northwest of Monte Corona, not far from Umbertide, is the "vila Sancti Iuliani", which has been transformed over time into a rural settlement. The Villa, at 357 meters above sea level, was remembered both among the settlements present in the list of 1258, known as "Liber bailitorum", and in that of 1260 which included villas, castles and religious bodies cataloged in the "Liber impositionis bladi" where the villa was taxed for 30 corbe. Fig. 1: San Giuliano delle Pignatte: excerpt from the cadastral map (Perugia Territory Agency, sheet n ° 139) From the lists of the distribution of the focatico in the countryside of Porta Sant'Angelo we know that in San Giuliano there were 16 "fires", that is, families. The visible structure The original agglomeration has been transformed over time into a rural settlement. The main historical building, where the "early medieval ciborium" was found, shows its ancient vestiges thanks to the wall frescoes painted by an anonymous artist; of the complete cycle only fragmentary scenes remain, from which however we can deduce a late-fourteenth-century Sienese pictorial matrix, characterized by the privilege of space and volume, depicting a Madonna enthroned with Child and probably a Saint on horseback, whose iconography could recall San Giuliano the Hospitaller (the knight has a sword with him). The frescoes are today in a very precarious situation due to the neglect to which they are left (note of this already in 2008, the year of publication of the research on the Castle and the rural lordships). Fig. 2: San Giuliano delle Pignatte, detail (Photo Francesco Deplanu). The professor. Santanicchia, in "Between the Apennines and the Altotevere, an art itinerary, published in 1996 in Città di Castello", speaking of the relationship between the artistic elements found in San Sepolcro and Città di Castello, affirms about the frescoes: "Still in the Lorenzian context , clearly recognizable features, this time in the direction of Ambrogio, can also be seen in a fresco in the church of San Giuliano delle Pignatte, near Umbertide. This strong inflection towards stylistic approaches tempered on Lorenzetti art, between the second and third quarter of the century, is certainly one of the dominant features of the upper Tiber area, and comes to constitute, in practice, a common experience with what is expressed by the artists of eugubina homeland, areas where these languages are within reach also for geographical reasons, especially for the tifernate ”. Fig. 3: San Giuliano delle Pignatte, in the background the northern part of Umbertide, the ancient Fratta. (Photo Francesco Deplanu). The element of great importance, which could actually demonstrate what role Villa S. Giuliano had among the religious entities of the territory dependent on San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, was precisely the presence in the church of a ciborium, subsequently transported to the upper church of the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, where it is still located, probably datable to the VIII-IX centuries and consisting of four small smooth columns whose capitals show spiral decorations and a crowning with decorated slabs. Fig. 4: San Giuliano delle Pignatte, detail (Photo Francesco Deplanu). This facing is made of local stone and for the most part it would seem made with the use of hand tools (usually widely used by early medieval stonecutters), such as steps and spikes. One slab has a single cordon shoot in the lower part and phytomorphic figures with spirals; the other shows the same arrangement, but in the main compartment there are zoomorphic figures in a static horizontal position, that is, two peacocks facing a very small cantharus, while the large spirals fill the otherwise empty space around the two animals. Fig. 5: Ciborium of San Giuliano delle Pignatte, as positioned today in S. Salvatore di Montecorona (Photo Francesco Deplanu). The finest detail of these figures is the tail which, in both cases, has a dense hatching with feathers engraved and almost obliquely arranged in a "herringbone" shape with ribs in the center containing a perforated and then closed circle; the heads instead appear very stylized. The presence of this type of artifact dating back to the time and the much later frescoes painted in the church, would suggest the continuity of use of the institution which over time had maintained its importance as a religious center and, indeed, increasing its importance in the Lower Middle Ages (probably the most important period in the events of the settlement), until then slowly decaying assuming the today's appearance and role of rural settlement. FRATTICCOLA DI MONTEACUTO Fig. 6: Photo of the Ciborium in San Giuliano delle Pignatte from the Archives of Mons. Renzo Piccioni published in: Proceedings of the Conference (Abbey of San Salvatore di Montecorona, 18-19 June 2009) edited by Nicolangelo D'Acunto and Mirko Santanicchia in the Bulletin of the National History Deputation for Umbria, CVIII (2011), fasc. I-II (pp. 165- 183). Monographic section: "THE ABBEY OF SAN SALVATORE DI MONTE ACUTO - MONTECORONA IN THE XI-XVIII CENTURIES" - History and art -. The Known History There are very few historical information related to San Giuliano delle Pignatte, however it was mostly reviewed as a villa, it was defined as a place only in 1456), and in the lists of the years 1439 and 1496 the definition "delle Pignatte" also appeared together with the toponym. Some scholars say that there was an ancient fortress in the place of the villa of San Giuliano, of which no concrete trace remains today, if not the presence in the perimeter of the settlement of scattered rural houses. In Guerrini's book, "History of the Land of Fratta now Umbertide from its origin until the year 1845", dated 1883, we note other churches located near San Giuliano which, it seems, joined it: San Michele Arcangelo di Cicaleto , San Tommaso di Galera, which in fact is indicated as "San Tommaso di Galera, or San Giuliano" in the list of churches dependent on the Abbey of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto in 1495, the hospital of Santa Maria, gravitating to the same district , San Cristoforo di Bisciaro, San Lorenzo, whose location is not certain. The subjection of these entities to San Giuliano delle Pignatte could testify to the importance assumed by the church in the district. Although the settlement model of the villae was variable depending on the place of constitution, it is possible that these continued to persist in favorable areas both in terms of physical and qualitative structure, away from the busiest roads to avoid contact with those who could have caused attacks. For this reason, the inhabitants gathered around the buildings of the most important nucleus, organizing a valid economic support for their productivity, in order to push the settlement to the fortification with the contribution of further structures useful to the community such as a church, a cemetery. . Furthermore, it seems necessary to trace the settlement typology of this villa to possible cases of doubling of the inhabited area following the construction of a fortress, remember that the castle of Santa Giuliana rises further north, at a proximity of only four kilometers. According to scholars, the main cause of these subdivisions and demic typologies was the collective decision of the inhabitants to move outside the castrum in order to create, with a slow process, a new inhabited nucleus outside the castle, that is to say a villa. In other circumstances, however, the same domains in possession of territorial powers could have sanctioned the split. Fig. 7: San Giuliano delle Pignatte in IGM Tablet 1: 25: 000 “Umbertide” - F. 122 INE Relief of 194 MONTACUTO GALERA Fig.1: versante di Monte Acuto verso Umbertide con la torre di Fratticciola di Monte Acuto visibile al centro tra la boscaglia. La struttura visibile Dell’insediamento di “Fratticciola”, con un’aperta visuale sulle vallate di fronte e le colline circostanti, si conserva un’alta torre quadrata piombante in buono stato ma con la parte sommitale rovinata, che risulta attaccata ai lacerti delle mura perimetrali del castrum. Il castrum è ubicato in un sito ben protetto da possibili incursioni, se non per i eventuali attacchi che potevano arrivare dalla sottostante strada vicinale di collegamento tra Perugia e Città di Castello o Cortona. Fig.2: Fratticciola di Monte Acuto, Torre del complesso castrense. Seppur rimaneggiati, sono ancora in piedi le sezioni di nord- ovest, che nella parte interna appaiono parzialmente interrati a causa delle stratificazioni create da materiale di riempimento naturale, o prodotto dalla muratura crollata . Non è visibile nemmeno l’apertura di ingresso della torre che risulta probabilmente ostruita dalle pietre crollate. Uno scavo stratigrafico potrebbe permetterne il recupero e una più attenta analisi strutturale. Si potrebbe, però, localizzare tale passaggio possibilmente seguendo le altre aperture presenti sul lato interno della torre verso nord, realizzate e tamponate in epoche successive con sviluppo lineare sullo stesso asse, come risultato di probabili trasformazioni di preesistenti pertugi per utilizzo bellico, o semplici modificazioni applicate quando anche l’insediamento di alta collina era divenuto sicuro, permettendo così il riutilizzo delle strutture difensive in altri modi, tra i quali, ad esempio, quello abitativo. Fig. 3: Fratticciola di Monte Acuto. Stralcio della mappa catastale - Agenzia del Territorio di Perugia, fog. N°137. La parte esterna delle mura perimetrali è piuttosto stabile; risulta molto più profonda rispetto all’altra parte, non solo perché il terreno è qui scosceso: si può pensare che anche la parte interna avesse la stessa altezza e che odiernamente i detriti ne abbiano variato la conformazione primitiva. La tessitura muraria, chiaramente visibile all’esterno, mostra una spessa muratura realizzata con grosse pietre saldate strettamente tra loro che però non occludono totalmente lo spazio. Va notata con particolare attenzione un’apertura posta in basso nella zona nordovest che, se all’interno mostra per lo più la presenza di pietre provenienti dal crollo del paramento, poteva essere utilizzato come passaggio con andamento circolare tutto attorno alle mura, oppure poteva essere un semplice camminamento sempre con andamento circolare, usato durante le guardie, o ancora nei momenti di assedio. Si pensi che l’originale livello di calpestio era probabilmente molto più basso di quello attuale, per cui l’odierna sezione di mura perimetrali tuttora visibile e tangibile doveva essere, in realtà, più rialzata e, molto più di oggi, ne rappresentava la parte sommitale. Di quest’ala, sempre tenendo in considerazione la parte esterna della fortificazione, colpisce la struttura della muratura, che in un punto forma uno spigolo. Può mettere in risalto un elemento di architettura militare definito “angolo morto” che durante gli attacchi permetteva di difendersi più agevolmente dal lancio di frecce. Lo stesso elemento può tuttavia essere necessario anche per una maggiore stabilità strutturale, vista la conformazione territoriale dell’ambiente in cui venne eretto il nucleo castrense. Fig. 4: Fratticciola di Monte Acuto, resti della cinta muraria sul lato nord. Le mura della parte E e SE si mostrano purtroppo molto rimaneggiate. Il livello è più basso rispetto a quelle del lato opposto, con i soliti e consueti evidenti crolli della muratura, per cui è difficile ricostruire ipoteticamente anche la più recente conformazione della struttura fortificata. È ipotizzabile però, osservando lo spazio che resta, che le mura circoscrivessero una piccola corte interna appartenente a un insediamento non soltanto difensivo ma molto vicino a un «castello-recinto», le cui funzioni erano anche quelle di controllo, di pedaggio, di avvistamento e di segnalazione. Fratticiola rappresenta infatti un caso esemplare insieme agli altri insediamenti di poggio siti ai piedi di Monte Acuto, che assommano perfettamente l’elemento difensivo, comunque preponderante, alla componente amministrativa in funzione di stazione doganale o di riscossione delle gabelle, costeggiando l’importante direttrice commerciale del territorio. L’elemento più rilevante dell’insediamento resta ora principalmente la torre posta nella zona a sudovest che, con il suo perimetro esterno in questo lato, diventa corpo integrante della muratura. È formata da piccoli conci squadrati di pietra di dimensioni variabili, chiusa all’esterno e con solo piccole feritoie trasformate nel lato interno però in aperture ampie, quindi non conformi allo scopo originario. Fig. 5: Fratticciola di Monte Acuto, interno di una feritoia nei resti della cinta muraria. La posizione della torre edificata angolarmente alla cortina muraria, con essa quindi strettamente collegata, ci permette inoltre di ipotizzare che Fratticiola sia oggi l’unica torre superstite di un più complesso sistema fortificato di impianto regolare, provvisto di ulteriori torri angolari a sostegno e rinforzo della muratura perimetrale, in modo tale da assicurare il ricovero di abitanti, animali, ecc. in caso di attacco. In effetti, la stessa posizione delle mura nel terreno, che scende rivolto verso valle digradando, indurrebbe a pensare ad una cerchia muraria conchiusa e vigilata da torrioni, come postazione di presidio ai piedi di Monte Acuto. Non resta, tuttavia, un corpo di paramento murario perimetrale sufficientemente esteso, tale da confermare queste ipotesi. Non è da escludere, comunque, l’eventualità che la torre, costruita nel 1325, venisse innestata nel punto in cui in passato ne preesisteva un’altra. Esempi di fortificazioni di matrice bizantina, che per modello potrebbero essere ricondotte ipoteticamente a questa struttura forse preesistente a Fratticiola, sono quelli spiegati dal Ravegnani e rispondenti alle tipologie di «castello come forte militare», «forte isolato a protezione di comunità rurali» oppure «fortificazione suburbana accessoria alla difesa cittadina». A conferma di questa ipotesi si può citare la posizione della studiosa Pani Ermini per la quale già durante i secoli VII-VIII fino al IX avvenne lo spostamento in altura di alcune di città di età romana in altri siti con requisiti necessari alla sopravvivenza e venuti meno nei luoghi di origine, quali la sicurezza sul piano militare, la salvaguardia da fenomeni naturali, la possibilità di sussistenza sia per gli uomini che per il bestiame. La base della torre è caratterizzata da un modesto aggetto che rende difficoltosa la scalata manuale e l’avvicinamento con strumenti offensivi. Tra la parte sudovest rimanente e quella sudest di mura crollate, vi è un largo passaggio che può far pensare all’ubicazione del portale di accesso. Più difficile è considerare la presenza di un ponte levatoio, di cui non restano tracce materiali e neppure fonti documentarie di alcun tipo. Fig. 6: Fratticciola di Monte Acuto, torre e castrum lato a sud-est. LA STORIA CONOSCIUTA Fratticiola di Monte Acuto apparteneva al contado di porta Sant’Angelo, e nell’estimo stilato nel 1258 viene ricordata come “villa Fatiçole Muntis Accuti”; nel 1260, nella “Reformationes” è presente come “villa Fratteçole Montis Aguti”. Più tardi, nel 1282 la “villa Fractizole Montis Acuti” annoverava ancora 25 focolari. Nel 1298 gli abitanti della villa di Fratticiola insieme a quelli di Galera avevano ricevuto l’ordine dai magistrati perugini di concorrere alle spese per la ricostruzione delle mura del vicino Castiglione dell’Abbate poiché vi si erano rifugiati nei momenti di pericolo causati da attacchi esterni. Si può ipotizzare che questa fu una delle ragioni che spinse la popolazione residente a erigere una torre nelle proprie pertinenze intorno al 1325. Fig. 7: Fratticciola di Monte Acuto, la torre con “l’angolo morto”, vista dal sentiero che sale verso la vetta. In tutti gli estimi stilati dopo il 1282 e soprattutto in quelli quattrocenteschi, Fratticiola era separata dagli altri centri circostanti e figurava come villa (con ricorrenza negli anni 1410; 1438; 1439; 1456) con un numero di settanta persone fino al 1486, quando il nucleo venne registrato come castrum, per poi però non risultare più censito. Nella villa erano presenti anche delle chiese, menzionate con le intitolazioni di San Giorgio e San Giuliano (forse la non lontana San Giuliano delle Pignatte) di Monteacuto, che appartenevano rispettivamente al monastero di San Paolo di Val di Ponte e a quello di San Salvatore di Monte Acuto. Entrambe risalivano a prima del XIV secolo, anche se le fonti ne parlano solo agli inizi del Trecento. Il toponimo Fratticiola, vezzeggiativo di Fratta, solitamente riferibile alle strutture fortificate di matrice bizantina, richiama il termine latino frangĕre, col significato di distruggere ciò che esisteva precedentemente per costruire può indicare il termine «sbarramento». Fratticiola nelle carte IGM viene identificata con l’insediamento di Montacuto (513 m di altitudine), ma nelle mappe catastali novecentesche le strutture abitative appaiono regolari e separate, dunque più aderenti a un tessuto edilizio recente, modificato dall’uomo moderno. Del nostro antico «castello» restano, infatti, solo delle case coloniche, di aspetto diverso da una originaria curtis castrense. Fig. 8. Vista verso la valle dell’antica “Fracta”, oggi Umbertide, da Fratticciola di Monte Acuto. 22. MONTACUTO (Mons Acuti) "Montacuto" è un insediamento di pendio piuttosto piccolo, di cui odiernamente rimangono per lo più solo case rurali, anche se le fonti ricordano che il caseggiato era sede di una contea e i conti Ramberto, Raniero e Alberto ivi residenti erano annoverati tra i potestà in carica a Città di Castello nella prima metà del XIII secolo. La storia conosciuta Generalmente, Montacuto viene indicato in molti testi come lo stesso presidio fortificato di Fratticiola di Monte Acuto (ricordato nel censimento del 1282), poiché non era presente negli estimi che raccoglievano tassazioni di ville, castelli ed enti religiosi del contado perugino. Immagine 1: “Montacuto”, insediamento sparso in Tavoletta I.G.M. 1:25:000 “Umbertide” - F. 122 I. N. E. Rilievo del 1941. La posizione dei ruderi della torre è compresa tra le isoipse 575 e 600 m s.l.m., mentre parte dell’insediamento sparso di “Montacuto” si trova in basso fino a 513 metri, la vicinanza delle linee di isoipse (una ogni 25 metri) indica l’inizio di una morfologia di pendio più aspra del territorio che ha condizionato l’abitato come il castrum. Qua la cima di Monte Acuto è posta a 926 metri s.l.m. (nella plastico 1:50.000 è indicata a 923 s.l.m.) La costruzione del castrum di Fratticiola nel 1325 ha spostato l’attenzione dall’insediamento di Montacuto alla vicina fortificazione, perciò entrambi venivano ricondotti a una sola, comune origine. A tal proposito, lo storico perugino Pellini nel ‘500 ricordava che gli abitanti di Fratticiola per volontà dei magistrati perugini decisero di avviare la costruzione «nel loro territorio» di «un castello cinto di buone muraglie, di fossi, e di steccati nella guisa che sogliono farsi le castella in questo territorio». La facies dell’insediamento di Fratticiola e la struttura spiegate nell’opera di Pellini hanno dunque portato alla conclusione che si trattasse della stessa fortezza. Immagine 2: “Montacuto”, insediamento sparso in plastico dell’I.G.M., “Umbertide”, Scala 1:50000 edizione 1, 2000, Foglio n. 299. Nelle carte topografiche realizzate a cura dell’IGM, il nucleo abitato di Montacuto è definito e indicato, mentre non compare Fratticiola di Monte Acuto, segnalato verosimilmente soltanto come abitato ruderale, simboleggiato con quattro punti (::). Si è posto dunque il problema di definire la tipologia insediativa di Montacuto che, rispetto a quella della distante Fratticiola, assume molte delle caratteristiche tipiche di un insediamento autonomo sorto con un nucleo di abitazioni non fortificate e, quindi, con le connotazioni di una villa. Immagine 3: stralcio di “Montacuto”, insediamento sparso in Tavoletta I.G.M. 1:25:000 “Umbertide” - F. 122 I. N. E. Rilievo del 1941. Cerchiati in blu evidenziati i ruderi della Torre ed in rosso gli edifici sorti più in basso. Foto 4: particolare dell’ insediamento di “Montacuto”, insediamento sparso senza l’indicazione dei ruderi della Torre di “Fratticciola di Monte Acuto” plastico dell’I.G.M., “Umbertide”, Scala 1:50000 edizione 1, 2000, Foglio n. 299. A sostegno di tale ipotesi vanno anche considerate la posizione dell’insediamento e la vicinanza proprio con il soprastante castrum di Fracteçole. Tali aspetti possono riferirsi ad un particolare modello di costruzioni, molto più comune però tra le tipologie di architettura fortificata dell’Umbria meridionale, definito schema a ventaglio, articolato con la torre «di avvistamento nella parte più alta e l’abitato che si allarga [...] digradando». Tuttavia, vista la vicinanza alla sommità del rilievo (Monte Acuto, m 926 s.l.m.), il suddetto modello potrebbe essere aderente alla situazione insediativa del sito esaminato. Infatti in questo territorio anche gli edifici rurali di abitazione vedono la prevalenza del «tipo di pendio». Fig. 5.: Foto dell' insediamento sparso visibile dalla strada che sale da Umbertide a conferma dell'ipotesi interpretativa di "schema a ventaglio" dell'abitato di "Monteacuto" e "Torre di Fratticciola di Monte Acuto"; struttura articolata con la torre di avvistamento nella parte più alta e l’abitato che si allarga, appunto a ventaglio. Foto composta n. 6: lungo la strada principale vicinale all’Intersezione con il sentiero Cai 170b, che sale fino alla Torre di Fratticciola di Monte Acuto, e poi prosegue per la cima stessa, si possono vederne lacerti di mura, simili per composizione alla torre più in alto lungo il percorso, che potrebbero andrebbero studiati più approfonditamente (è il tratto di strada che unifica i due abitati cerchiati in azzurro nella Immagine n.3); nella vicinanza dell’ultimo abitato sottostante “Fratticciola”, è stato posta in evidenza dai proprietari una croce in ferro che fa pensare all’ubicazione nelle vicinanze di un edificio od edicola di culto. Seguendo le notizie proposte dal Belforti-Mariotti, il Grohmann ricorda che gli Annali Camaldolensi documentano come enti religiosi gravitanti sulla zona la chiesa parrocchiale di Santa Maria, già dal 1210, e quella di Santa Lucia, mentre nell’elenco di chiese e monasteri del contado di Perugia del XIV secolo sono considerate anche quella di San Giorgio e San Giuliano, «de Monte Acuto. La prima dipende dal monastero di S. Paolo di Val di Ponte ed è iscritta per 10 libre; la seconda da S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto ed appare per 20 libre». Immagine 7: Foto insediamento di “Montacuto”, con la Torre di Fratticciola di Monte Acuto” visto dalla strada che sale da Umbertide, di Francesco Deplanu. Meritano un accenno i resti di parte di un capitello, inserito in un muretto di recinzione di un’abitazione del nucleo insediativo di Montacuto. Emerso a seguito di scavi nel terrapieno retrostante la casa, condotti per lavori di consolidamento eseguiti da privati, questa sezione di capitello è stato poi inconsapevolmente murato a vista nel paramento esterno della recinzione. Tale rinvenimento è importante non solo ai fini delle considerazioni proposte nella presente ricerca sulla continuità insediativa della particolare zona di altura indagata, ma anche come testimonianza di recupero e riutilizzo di spolia nella zona monteacutense. In effetti, elementi decorativi con caratteri stilistici molto vicini a quelli del frammento rinvenuto sono riscontrabili in almeno uno dei capitelli innestati sulle colonne presenti nella cripta dell’Abbazia di San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, anch’esso eseguito con simili motivi a triangoli scolpiti alternativamente in positivo e in negativo e, secondo gli archeologi, cronologicamente riferibile al XII secolo (Umbri ed Etruschi 1996, pp. 97-110). Ciò permetterebbe inoltre di ipotizzare, al meno per entrambi questi elementi, una connessione piuttosto stretta ed una possibile provenienza ravvicinata, non escludendo la probabilità di ulteriori rinvenimenti dello stesso tipo nel medesimo terreno di riempimento in caso di scavo. Quanto è emerso dalle ricerche effettuate sul caso di Montacuto, permette di affermare che la posizione estremamente ravvicinata con il soprastante castrum di Fratticiola possa essere stata condizionata da un probabile sdoppiamento dell’abitato castrense preesistente (Fratticiola), a seguito del quale si sarebbe formato l’insediamento sparso, o villa, ancora oggi esistente. Tali supposizioni possono essere fatte sulla base della mancanza di fonti precedenti al tardo ‘200, riferibili a Montacuto, nelle quali la villa potesse essere citata esplicitamente come autonoma, oppure dipendente dal sito castrense. Lo sdoppiamento, in tal caso, sarebbe avvenuto per la concorde scelta della comunità lì residente di staccarsi dal nucleo primitivo, così da crearne uno nuovo seppur interdipendente con il preesistente. Solo più tardi questo secondo insediamento sarebbe stato provvisto di elementi difensivi, quali ad esempio un semplice fossato oppure una marginale muratura per recingere il perimetro del nucleo, mantenendo però inalterati i caratteri distintivi di una villa o di un insediamento sparso, garantendo soltanto la minima sicurezza. Poco si può comprendere oggi osservando le mappe catastali dell’insediamento, che nel tempo ha subito variazioni. Tuttavia, è ipotizzabile un’assimilazione all’odierna disposizione come nucleo abitato raggruppato, sorto anch’esso sullo snodo stradale della via per Perugia a sud, oppure in direzione della Valtiberina verso nord. Immagini: - Foto Giovanna Benni e Francesco Deplanu - Stralci carte I.G.M.: “Tavoletta 1:25.000” e Plastico “Umbertide” Scala 1:50000 edizione 1, 2000, Foglio n.259. 23. Galera (Villa Galere) Galera è un insediamento di pendio a 527 m. s.l.m., costituito da una casa-torre e da due edifici di uso agricolo, oltre ad altri annessi, a circa 5,5 chilometri a SO di Umbertide e percorso dalla strada che da Romeggio tocca anche Montacuto, per poi giungere a Perugia. Fig. 1: Galera. Edicola, casa Torre e Casa colonica “il Ranco” con annessi. Foto: Francesco Deplanu La struttura visibile Le modifiche susseguitesi nel tempo non permettono con certezza di indicare la probabile evoluzione dell’insediamento. Le mappe catastali mettono in evidenza dei fabbricati con struttura piuttosto regolare perciò non è possibile delineare quale sia stata la probabile evoluzione dell’insediamento (fig. 2) Fig. 2: Galera. Stralcio della mappa catastale - Agenzia del Territorio di Perugia, fog. N°148. Non sono visibili mura e questo potrebbe rispondere al fatto che a lungo il luogo, fino al XIV sec., è stato indicato solo come “villa”, ossia di un nucleo di piccole dimensioni con poche unità familiari, 21 fuochi nel 1282. L’unico elemento prettamente militare previsto a difesa dell’insediamento era forse quello costituito dalla casa-torre ed edifici annessi che, a tutt’oggi, circondano la strada di transito per creare uno spazio compattissimo e chiuso. Particolarmente rilevante è, a tale proposito, proprio la presenza della casa-torre costruito in momenti diversi, che evidenzia tipologia costruttiva medievale, anche se si possono individuare vari interventi apportati successivamente nel tempo (fig. 3) Fig. 3: Galera: prospetto anteriore della facciata della casa-torre. La casa-torre è un’alta struttura rettangolare con tessitura muraria piuttosto regolare. I materiali impiegati nella costruzione sono esclusivamente locali, costituiti da pietre calcaree e arenarie unite a ciottoli di fiume e pietre grezze, tratte dal letto del fiume Tevere e dal rilievo di Monte Acuto (figg. 4-5-6). Fig. 4. prospetto anteriore della facciata della casa-torre. Fig. 5: Galera: veduta d’insieme della casa-torre. Fig. 6: lato sinistro della casa-torre. È probabile che tale edificio venne eretto in origine come alloggio del signore proprietario: imponente nella struttura, costruita con blocchi calcarei piuttosto regolari, con inserimento di piccole scaglie di pietra o di mattoni nelle commessure, presenta una piccola scala esterna nel lato ovest per accedere alla casa-torre, formando una specie di loggiato (fig. 6). Fig. 7: loggiato della casa torre di Galera (foto n. 22 di Anna Maria Boldrini dalla sua tesi di laurea del 1990 inedita). However, the reference to the villa of San Giuliano could be used to a limited extent as an indication of a simple rural settlement "without particular connotations" and moreover not even surrounded by walls. Guerrini, speaking of the villa of San Giuliano, explains that it was «once joined to that of Galera. However, nothing of importance is found about the Civil History of this place, except that due to its proximity it somehow remained a participant in events that occurred in the finite Castle of Santa Giuliana ", thus at least partially confirming the dependence of the villa on the castrum just as it can happen in the cases of doubling of the inhabited area, an aspect that could also be underlined by the use of the agios with the name of San Giuliano. San Giuliano "de Collinis", according to the Latin wording of the villa, had a church with the same name and depended on the "Terra S. Salvatoris", whose "dominatus loci" was so extensive as to include all the areas around Monte Acuto. Documents such as the papal bulls issued from the beginning of the eleventh century to the first half of the twelfth proposed the confirmation of religious buildings dependent on Monte Acuto, including the church of San Giuliano. That this institution was very dated is also conceivable on the basis of the dating reported on one of its bells: 1201. From the cadastral books we learn about the bookings that occurred in San Giuliano: "on March 29, 1404, the notary Nicolaus Andree, registered the church of S. Giuliano of the homonymous villa in the countryside of Porta S. Angelo, ad petitionem Sanctis Pauli sindicus ville S. Iuliani, for 6 libre. The church owns a single piece of land, in Villa Plebis Cicaleti, estimated at 60 pounds [...]. For the same book the church appears in the estimate of 1444 [...]. In the land registry of 1489 [...] a church of S. Giuliano appears, located in the villa of the same name, but in the countryside of Porta S. Pietro, for 56 libre. [...] In the Liber beneficeorum [...] the church of S. Giuliano de Collinis, dependent on the monastery of S. Pietro in Perugia, is registered for 20 libre. In the land registry of 1489 [...] the church of S. Giuliano of the villa of S. Giuliano "de le Broche", in the countryside of Porta S. Angelo, is registered for 25 pounds. The church owns 13 pieces of land a total of 195 pounds of denari are estimated. In the Perugia documentation this villa is also mentioned as S. Giuliano delle Pignatte ". In fact we have known of various toponyms that indicated San Giuliano mainly defined only with agionimo, while in some cases it was accompanied by specifications such as "de Collinis", "de le Broche", "de le Pignatte" depending on the year referred to in the land registry under examination. These particular applications may suggest a possible local artisan production engaged in the creation of "pignatte", or terracotta pots. This hypothesis can also be supported by the linguistic support given by the presence, further downstream, of the toponym Fornace, which still exists today. Nb: The settlement of San Giuliano delle Pignatte and the surrounding rural houses are private property and belonged to Saiagricola, a farm in Monte Corona today the “Tenute del Cerro” company. Images: - Photo of the Ciborium in San Giuliano delle Pignatte by Mons.Renzo: Proceedings of the Conference (Abbey of San Salvatore di Montecorona, 18-19 June 2009) edited by Nicolangelo D'Acunto and Mirko Santanicchia in the Bulletin of the National History Deputation for the 'Umbria, CVIII (2011), fasc. I-II (pp. 165- 183). Monographic section: "THE ABBEY OF SAN SALVATORE DI MONTE ACUTO - MONTECORONA IN THE XI-XVIII CENTURIES" - History and art -. - other photos Francesco Deplanu. In-depth link: for an analysis and history of the "ciborium of San Giuliano delle Pignatte" today in S. Salvatore di Montecorona you can see: https://www.umbertidestoria.net/monumenti-e-musei 21. FRATTICCIOLA DI MONTE ACUTO (Fratteçole Montis Aguti, villa Fatiçole Muntis Accuti) Osservando Monte Acuto dalla pianura umbertidese svetta tra la boscaglia la torre grigio- bianca di Fratticciola di Monte Acuto che presenta un’ampia visuale sulle vallate sottostanti e sul versante della destra fluviale del Tevere. Fratticiola è un antico insediamento ma dalle fonti non è possibile risalire alla primitiva fondazione del castello, sebbene secondo la tradizione la torre venne eretta nel 1325. L’insediamento è posto a circa 600 metri di altitudine vicino la sommità di Monte Acuto, in una fascia pedemontana molto boscosa lungo la strada che conduceva a Perugia passando da Polgeto. Sono molte sia le tamponature eseguite con pietre su alcune delle aperture dell’edificio, porte e finestre, sia le variazioni delle tecniche costruttive con evidente riutilizzo di doppi archi, probabilmente ripresi da altre costruzioni e apposti sulle finestre di questa facciata che guarda verso ovest e sempre la principale, esposta verso la vallata sottostante Monte Acuto. Tamponature e riutilizzi di archi sono presenti anche nel vicino edificio denominato “Ranco". Fig. 8-9: Casa colonica a fianco della torre di galera detta "Ranco". Galera è un agglomerato isolato di alta collina, perciò si potrebbe ipotizzare che gli abitanti godessero di particolare autonomia a garanzia delle proprie capacità economiche, atte alla sussistenza della comunità, tenuto conto che nella parte posteriore del nucleo abitato è presente una cisterna utilizzata per l’approvvigionamento idrico. Principale attività dell’insediamento era lo sfruttamento del luogo con economia a conduzione silvo-pastorale: ampi campi dedicati all’allevamento aperti verso la valle, e presenza di fitta vegetazione risalendo Monte Acuto. È difficile proporre un’indagine sul toponimo Galera. Tradizioni orali locali tramandano che nell’insediamento trovasse luogo una prigione per trattenere fuoriusciti perugini e banditi, ma dato che anche Galera rientrava nelle rete insediativa individuabile alle pendici di Monte Acuto, appartenente al Corridoio bizantino, sembrerebbe più probabile che nel tempo avesse subìto trasformazioni tanto profonde da causare lo stravolgimento del significato toponomastico originario. Foto 10: particolare mappa Carta del Perusini agri; exactissima novissimaque descriptio: auctore Egnatio Dante, del 1584 dalla Texas University. Prendendo visione di carte e mappe catastali piuttosto risalenti, in effetti si nota che, in luogo dell’attuale toponimo noto, ne fosse presente un altro. Se nelle carte geografiche cinquecentesche era chiamato “Halera”, precedentemente l’insediamento era conosciuto come “Salara”, il che ci indurrebbe a ipotizzare un riferimento a un termine connesso all’elemento longobardo. La voce “sala” (insieme ad altre) può in effetti avere specifici riferimenti, secondo il “Del Lungo” nel suo testo del 1999 …. , ad un singolo edificio rurale, o ad un appezzamento di terra di una certa ampiezza, tutti dipendenti dalla “fara” . In effetti, il significato inteso come termine derivato dalla voce di origine longobarda è anche indicato come un antico “appellativo,” che designa “corte, edificio” e più specificatamente, “casa per la residenza padronale nella curtis o per la raccolta delle derrate dovute al padrone”; in seguito indica semplicemente “casa di campagna”». L’aspetto più importante del termine messo in risalto è certamente il fatto che «Sala è [...] un toponimo da insediamento, vale a dire che si riferisce ad un originario stanziamento di gruppo longobardo, nella spiegazione di un nome di luogo, [...] una voce prelatina sala “canale, acquitrino” e simili (è un tema idronimico). L’attribuzione di un toponimo allo strato longobardo deve dunque considerare tale eventualità». Seppure l’interpretazione del toponimo sia complessa ed incerta, ci sembra necessario per “Galera”considerare due aspetti che potrebbero avvalorare l’ipotesi della rispondenza e della continuità del sito. Il primo porterebbe a confrontare la tipologia dell’insediamento con quella ricordata nelle fonti duecentesche, in cui veniva considerato effettivamente villa, quindi come abitato sparso rurale non provvisto di cinta muraria (gli elementi suddetti, tipici della “fara”). In secondo luogo è importante considerare che questo territorio posto a destra del Tevere, e in generale indicativamente pertinente al dominio bizantino perché inserito nel Corridoio, nell’VIII secolo fu definitivamente investito da uno sfondamento operato dai Longobardi. La memoria di tali azioni sarebbe stata preservata fino ad oggi dalle sopravvivenze toponomastiche. La storia conosciuta "Villa Galere" era menzionata nelle Reformationes del 1260 come “villa” appartenente al contado perugino di porta Sant’Angelo e nel censimento del 1282 ne veniva confermata la specificazione in “villa” con la presenza di 21 fuochi. Molto più tardi però, negli anni 1469 e 1496, veniva definita “castrum" . Foto 11: Confronto casa colonica “Ranco” che mostra come la struttura architettonica avesse nel passato numerose riutilizzi di archi. Foto attuale (Francesco Deplanu -2022) e foto di Anna Maria Boldini, 1990, “Tesi inedita” Facevano parte di Galera alcune chiese: S. Fomagio, San Tommaso e Sant’Angelo. Di “S. Fomagius” si ha menzione soltanto nel Liber beneficiorum e in tale documento è iscritta per 40 libbre, alle dipendenze di “S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto”. Per quanto riguarda “San Tommaso” nel catasto del 1361 appare per 25 libre; la stessa “libra” compare anche nel catasto del 1489 e nell’estimo del 1493. Nell’estimo del 1444 “San Tommaso” è, invece, iscritto per 10 libre. Infine “Sant’Angelo”: nel catasto del 1489, la chiesa di S. Angelo della villa di Galera, è allibrata tra i rusticani per 25 libre. Ente composto da 10 appezzamenti di terreno, stimati complessivamente per 180 libre di denari. Dalle fonti emerge che, presso la località, erano presenti anche degli ospedali, accatastati tra XIV e XV secolo: l’ “Ospedale della villa”, l’ospedale di “San Giuliano” e l’ospedale di “San Lazzaro". L’ “Ospedale della villa” che nel catasto del 1361 era iscritto per 21 libre, come nell’estimo del 1444; mentre nel 1493 appare per un valore di 25 libre». L’ospedale intitolato a San Giuliano nel 1489 era allibrato per 25 libre ed era proprietario di 9 pezzi di terre, stimati per 95 libre di denari. L’ospedale di San Lazzaro infine era accatastato per 25 libre ed era proprietario di 6 pezzi di terra, stimati 100 libre di denari. La presenza di quest’ospedale potrebbe essere ricondotta al toponimo “Osteria”, riferibile a un abitato poco distante da Galera e attribuibile a un luogo di ricovero (o riposo) posto lungo vie commerciali e di pellegrinaggio. Infatti va ricordato che dalla strada vicinale che tocca Galera si giunge anche a Romeggio, altro toponimo che mostrerebbe un riferimento al termine latino “romedius”, pellegrino. Foto: Giovanna Benni, Anna Maria Boldrini, Francesco Deplanu. Video di Galera: https://youtu.be/6dZe1iRJcuc MONSEVOE ( già 43. MONESTEVOLE (Castrum Monesteoli) Monestevole, già “Castrum Monesteoli” è un abitato di poggio a soli 5 chilometri da Umbertide in posizione altamente strategica, sia per la vicinanza al Torrente Nese e al Fiume Tevere, sia per il paesaggio di aspri calanchi alternati alla fitta vegetazione che lo avvolge, rendendolo ostile ai possibili attacchi nemici, anche per la vicinanza alle più importanti direttrici commerciali di transito percorribili nel contado verso Perugia a sud, o verso altri centri a nord. Posizione che gli permetteva di esercitare un ampio controllo sulle zone circostanti. La struttura visibile La situazione evolutiva del castrum nel tempo, come appare dall’ indagine delle murature realizzata attraverso lo studio della mappa catastale, ci presenta l’insediamento appare come un nucleo quasi circolare cinto non solo dalle mura perimetrali, ma anche dalla strada vicinale (ora Provinciale) che conduce a Perugia e che gira attorno a Monestevele. Fig. 1: Stralcio della mappa catastale (Agenzia del Territorio di Perugia fog. n° 135) La parte centrale del castello è un corpo unico da cui emergono strutture laterali minori, torrioni o torrette di avvistamento, anche se ora la sua consistenza volumetrica è visibilmente ridotta e comprensibile solo osservando l’ammasso di pietre presenti all’interno della corte. Provenendo dalla strada vicinale, si raggiunge un sentiero che conduce proprio all’ingresso principale del castello, posto nel lato ovest del castrum. Immediatamente si notano le sporgenze di due torrioni circolari laterali eretti rispettivamente a sinistra e a destra, e che appaiono mozzi, seppure ben saldi nella sezione inferiore aggettante e intramezzati da una mensola circolare di pietra a sostegno della parte sommitale dei torrioni. Fig. 2: Monestevole, veduta d’insieme del complesso fortificato. Quest’ultimi sono molto vicini tra loro ed è probabile che nello spazio che li separa (due metri circa) fosse posto un portale fortificato utilizzato come antiporta. Infatti, a circa un metro da terra, sul torrione destro si può individuare un buco quadrato e profondo riferibile forse alla presenza di un grosso chiavistello o di una trave lignea usati per serrare il portone. Entrambi i torrioni sono piuttosto rimaneggiati, in particolare quello di sinistra, la cui parte sommitale quasi fino all’altezza della mensola è abbondantemente crollata negli ultimi tempi. Superato l’ingresso principale vigilato dai due possenti torrioni, ci si immette in un andito di accesso a forma di «Z», anch’esso in origine chiuso probabilmente da un portone, vigilato (secondo la consuetudine) da una torre, in questo caso trapezoidale, rivolta anche verso l’interno del cortile del castrum. Fig. 3: Monestevole: versante sud del castello, al centro del quale spicca la torre di avvistamento Si passa poi a uno stretto corridoio (identificato come percorso «ad imbuto») costeggiato da muratura a livello del piano di calpestio, che permette di rientrare proprio nel cortile interno del castello e nei numerosi vani presenti. Molto interessante in questo edificio di carattere fortificato è la zona a metà tra l’andito e il corridoio verso il cortile, per la presenza di un passaggio interrato nel lato sinistro del secondo portale. Questo elemento rappresenta una componente rilevante della struttura difensiva. Scendendo un ripido camminamento, prima della seconda entrata, all’interno del quale sono crollate delle pietre della muratura circostante che lo rendono ancora più elevato rispetto al calpestio. Briziarelli in “Umbertide. Abbazie - eremi - templi - ville - feste - folklore - Sacro Eremo di Montecorona - Castelli Medioevali, Città di Castello” del 1963, a p. 105, ricorda l’esistenza in questo punto di un passaggio che permetteva di accedere ai sotterranei, con la presenza di «oltre quaranta scalini». Fig . 4: Monestevole: prospetto della torre di avvistamento. La Storia conosciuta Sconosciuto è l’anno della prima edificazione di Monestevole, ma le notizie più risalenti si hanno attorno al XII secolo in relazione alla sottomissione di Fracte filiorum Uberti (Umbertide) eseguita da Ugolino dei Marchesi di Monte Santa Maria Tiberina il 17 febbraio 1189 alla città di Perugia. Alla stipula di questo atto prese parte un testimone, Alegrettus de Monesteolo, a dimostrazione della presenza di un abitato già in questo periodo. È infatti probabile che il marchese, sottoponendo il suo territorio “ad coltam et datam” e disponendo l’aiuto in pace e in guerra a Perugia, in base all’individuazione dei territori appartenenti a Ugolino compresi fuori e dentro la diocesi di Perugia, vi considerasse anche il castrum di Monestevole pertinente al contado di porta Sant’Angelo. Ciò potrebbe spiegare la presenza di Alegrettus. Fig. 5: Monestevole: ambiente centrale dell’insediamento. La muratura ha un andamento irregolare con moduli diversi e frammentari. In particolare si notano due volte coperte da muratura di crollo e materiale di riempimento. Poco più tardi, nel 1206, i fratelli Gilardino e Quintavalle de Monesteolo, abitanti dell’insediamento, presero parte a un lodo con il priore di Santa Maria di Rance (centro scomparso del contado di porta Santa Susanna) per «la ripartizione dei diritti sugli uomini di castellare Castilionis». Fig. 6: Monestevole: particolare dell’ingresso dell’abitazione interna all’insediamento. Alcuni piedritti e peducci della ghiera sono crollati lasciando l’intradosso scoperto. Poco più tardi, nel 1206, i fratelli Gilardino e Quintavalle de Monesteolo, abitanti dell’insediamento, presero parte a un lodo con il priore di Santa Maria di Rance (centro scomparso del contado di porta Santa Susanna) per «la ripartizione dei diritti sugli uomini di castellare Castilionis». La testimonianza di questi atti, molto rari nel primo Medioevo, sono significativi della situazione di rilievo goduta dal “castrum" e dai suoi abitanti, protagonisti di acquisizioni territoriali che contribuirono ad accrescere l’importanza di Monestevole, sempre considerato dalle fonti catastali con la denominazione di "castrum”. Già nel 1260 Monestevole era attestato come castrum nell’elenco del Liber impositionis bladi per le ville e i castelli, dove risultava tassato per 60 corbe da corrispondere al comune perugino, dimostrando così la propria rilevanza fiscale tra i castelli del contado come, tra l’altro, aveva già fatto nel 1258, poiché presente nell’elenco del !Liber bailitorum!. È necessario, però, attendere il censimento del 1282 riguardante le comunità contadine del contado perugino relativo a porta Sant’Angelo, per sapere che il numero dei focolari presenti a Monestevole durante l’anno era di 51, mentre in quelli successivi (soprattutto nel corso del ‘400) i fuochi avrebbero avuto forti oscillazioni di decrescita e sviluppo, dovute principalmente a cause belliche. Esempi più chiari ne furono i soli 29 fuochi registrati nel 1438 o i 46 del 1495/1501. Nel 1324 vennero stipulati «due instrumenta, uno rogato a Monestevole, l’altro a Castiglione Ugolino» contenuti ora presso l’archivio vescovile di Città di Castello. Le successive notizie riguardanti i molti avvenimenti che interessarono “castrum Monesteoli” ebbero per protagoniste le delibere del comune di Perugia, in merito a provvedimenti da prendere per eseguire lavori di consolidamento del nucleo castrense e della rete viaria. Monestevole, infatti, come altri castra del contado, a causa della posizione gravata da «impervi tracciati» dove «scorre un flusso commerciale di bestiame, di derrate alimentari, di lana, ma anche di prodotti utili all’industria cittadina», doveva provvedere al mantenimento regolare delle strade di propria pertinenza. Già nel 1350, quando impazzavano conflitti esterni e intestini, il comune perugino che «tenne molto a questo castello», condusse a proprie spese la totale riparazione dell’insediamento. Ancora il comune nel 1395 dispose che gli abitanti del castello fossero esentati dal pagamento di quaranta fiorini, impiegando così il denaro per riparare la torre e le mura rovinate dalle azioni militari, e che, allo stesso tempo, venisse accordata la presenza stabile di un capitano14. In questo periodo Monestevole aveva raggiunto una notevole importanza strategica nella maglia difensiva del contado, al fine di salvaguardare Perugia dagli attacchi di parti avverse. A questo punto, il Consiglio dei priori comprese che diventava necessario mobilitare specifici corpi militari di controllo che mantenessero un dominio maggiore e più serrato sul territorio, oltre che uno strumento diretto nel rapporto città-contado, evitando qualsiasi possibile controtendenza degli abitanti (ovvero rivolte e richieste di affrancazioni), nel pieno adempimento delle funzioni di “capitananza”. A conferma di ciò, venne ordinata nel 1404 la presenza di un castellano che eseguisse guardia notturna e diurna al castrum, poiché non era più sufficiente una presenza militare occasionale. NB: page under construction .... The Rocca di Umbertide 1912 Fig: 7: Monestevole: abside della chiesa di San Simone ricavata all’interno del torrione destro. Poco più tardi, nel 1206, i fratelli Gilardino e Quintavalle de Monesteolo, abitanti dell’insediamento, presero parte a un lodo con il priore di Santa Maria di Rance (centro scomparso del contado di porta Santa Susanna) per «la ripartizione dei diritti sugli uomini di castellare Castilionis». La testimonianza di questi atti, molto rari nel primo Medioevo, sono significativi della situazione di rilievo goduta dal “castrum" e dai suoi abitanti, protagonisti di acquisizioni territoriali che contribuirono ad accrescere l’importanza di Monestevole, sempre considerato dalle fonti catastali con la denominazione di "castrum”. Già nel 1260 Monestevole era attestato come castrum nell’elenco del Liber impositionis bladi per le ville e i castelli, dove risultava tassato per 60 corbe da corrispondere al comune perugino, dimostrando così la propria rilevanza fiscale tra i castelli del contado come, tra l’altro, aveva già fatto nel 1258, poiché presente nell’elenco del !Liber bailitorum!. È necessario, però, attendere il censimento del 1282 riguardante le comunità contadine del contado perugino relativo a porta Sant’Angelo, per sapere che il numero dei focolari presenti a Monestevole durante l’anno era di 51, mentre in quelli successivi (soprattutto nel corso del ‘400) i fuochi avrebbero avuto forti oscillazioni di decrescita e sviluppo, dovute principalmente a cause belliche. Esempi più chiari ne furono i soli 29 fuochi registrati nel 1438 o i 46 del 1495/1501. Nel 1324 vennero stipulati «due instrumenta, uno rogato a Monestevole, l’altro a Castiglione Ugolino» contenuti ora presso l’archivio vescovile di Città di Castello. Le successive notizie riguardanti i molti avvenimenti che interessarono “castrum Monesteoli” ebbero per protagoniste le delibere del comune di Perugia, in merito a provvedimenti da prendere per eseguire lavori di consolidamento del nucleo castrense e della rete viaria. Monestevole, infatti, come altri castra del contado, a causa della posizione gravata da «impervi tracciati» dove «scorre un flusso commerciale di bestiame, di derrate alimentari, di lana, ma anche di prodotti utili all’industria cittadina», doveva provvedere al mantenimento regolare delle strade di propria pertinenza. Già nel 1350, quando impazzavano conflitti esterni e intestini, il comune perugino che «tenne molto a questo castello», condusse a proprie spese la totale riparazione dell’insediamento. Ancora il comune nel 1395 dispose che gli abitanti del castello fossero esentati dal pagamento di quaranta fiorini, impiegando così il denaro per riparare la torre e le mura rovinate dalle azioni militari, e che, allo stesso tempo, venisse accordata la presenza stabile di un capitano. In questo periodo Monestevole aveva raggiunto una notevole importanza strategica nella maglia difensiva del contado, al fine di salvaguardare Perugia dagli attacchi di parti avverse. A questo punto, il Consiglio dei priori comprese che diventava necessario mobilitare specifici corpi militari di controllo che mantenessero un dominio maggiore e più serrato sul territorio, oltre che uno strumento diretto nel rapporto città-contado, evitando qualsiasi possibile controtendenza degli abitanti (ovvero rivolte e richieste di affrancazioni), nel pieno adempimento delle funzioni di “capitananza”. A conferma di ciò, venne ordinata nel 1404 la presenza di un castellano che eseguisse guardia notturna e diurna al castrum, poiché non era più sufficiente una presenza militare occasionale. In effetti, il primo ‘400 fu un momento cruciale per i territori perugini per il susseguirsi di complesse vicende politiche. Gruppi signorili insieme al capitano di ventura perugino Braccio Fortebracci si spinsero verso vari centri dell’Umbria settentrionale (tra cui Città di Castello e Gubbio), formando un solido schieramento per muovere l’attacco contro l’avversa Perugia, così da farne vacillare il potere. La città rispose inviando truppe a protezione di Fratta (Umbertide) capeggiate da Ceccolino Michelotti insieme ad altri capitani. Il loro compito principale era quello di disporre un organismo difensivo, per evitare ogni possibile attacco contro Monestevole e gli altri castelli tenuti nella zona del contado perugino, quindi presidiare giorno e notte il castrum per assicurare la stabilità dello stesso avamposto. Il castello di Monestevole subì una sorte tristemente simile a molte altre fortificazioni del contado quando nel 1470, a seguito degli eventi nati dalla congiura fiorentina dei Pazzi contro i Medici a Firenze (vieppiù per il coinvolgimento di papa Sisto IV negli avvenimenti), le truppe medicee calarono presso le terre pontificie causando gravi danni. Monestevole, non unico castrum nella zona, venne coinvolto nello scontro. Un anno dopo, nel 1480, il comune deliberò che venisse concesso denaro alla comunità dell’insediamento per intraprendere la manutenzione del nucleo fortificato, circa sessanta fiorini, ripartendolo per la ricostruzione delle mura e la realizzazione di una cisterna nella zona centrale della fortificazione. In effetti, dalle fonti si evince che alla fine del ‘400 ci fu un incremento della popolazione del castrum, rendendo necessaria la costruzione di una cisterna dentro le mura come garanzia di autonomia economica e sociale, o comunque autosufficienza, per la comunità. Procedendo parimenti in queste due attività, la ricostruzione delle mura fu piuttosto lenta poiché i danni causati dalle incursioni erano stati molto più consistenti del previsto, tanto da richiedere già nel 1485 lo stanziamento di ulteriori venticinque fiorini per continuare l’opera di consolidamento della struttura muraria. I castelli del contado, dopo avere stipulato gli atti di sottomissione con il comune perugino, vennero coinvolti di riflesso nelle vicende politiche che riguardavano il comune di pertinenza, costretti a subire gli attacchi e le devastazioni causate dai nemici con l’intento di creare squilibrio e instabilità nel contado. C’era una chiara volontà di minare la periferia per giungere senza ostacoli al centro cittadino. Totalmente inglobata come possesso dallo Stato pontificio, nel ‘500 quest’area si avviò lentamente alla stabilizzazione. Il territorio divenne progressivamente più tranquillo e quindi di facile controllo. A guisa di altri simili nuclei fortificati, Monestevole ridusse il proprio aspetto difensivo fino ad allora prevalente, per sviluppare soprattutto l’assetto residenziale in qualità di dimora signorile. A metà ‘500 l’imponente Castrum Monesteoli, che tanta parte aveva giocato nel contado perugino per tutto il Medioevo come punto importante della cortina territoriale di fortificazioni, venne restaurato con il permesso del Comune di Perugia e la grande torre fu recuperata e adibita a residenza, adattamento di cui ora restano solo poche tracce fatiscenti. Al castello apparteneva la chiesetta parrocchiale intitolata a San Simeone (San Simone), che nel XIII secolo rientrava tra i possedimenti dell’Abbazia perugina di San Pietro, come dimostra il Liber beneficiorum in cui era registrato il suo allibramento per 18 libre, mentre nel XIV secolo era entrata alle dipendenze di San Salvatore di Monte Acuto. Successivamente, «il vescovo Giovanni Andrea Baglioni, nel 1447 concesse il fonte battesimale che fu consacrato nel 1494». Porrozzi in Umbertide e il suo territorio. Storia e immagini, del, a1983, p. 182; cita che che questo fonte battesimale «concesso per comodità di popolo» era ancora presente nel 1564, quando la sua esistenza veniva confermata dal resoconto del vescovo della Corgna, stilato durante la visita pastorale nella diocesi perugina. San Simone non era però la sola parrocchia presente nel territorio del castrum. A questa chiesa furono accorpati i pievani di altri enti religiosi vicini, cioè quelli della chiesa dedicata a San Leone, poiché essa era distrutta (sita in località Bovana o Bovara) e ricordata nel Liber beneficiorum alle pertinenze del monastero di San Salvatore e allibrata nel XIV secolo per 15 libre, mentre nel 1495 elargiva al monastero «un canone di 2 libre di cera»24. Altre chiese pertinenti al castello erano quelle di San Giovanni, esistente già nel XIV secolo, che più tardi entrò alle dipendenze territoriali di Monte Corona, nell’odierna denominazione di San Giovanni della Costa a sudest di Monte Acuto, Santa Maria Maddalena, San Donato, entrambe allibrate nel 1489, e San Simone. La presenza di tali chiese è un elemento significativo dell’importanza goduta da Monestevole tra gli insediamenti del contado perugino di porta Sant’Angelo. Inoltre, ciò è confermato anche dall’aspetto imponente del castrum seppure attualmente restino solo alcuni degli elementi principali costituenti la fortificazione, permettendo tuttavia una verosimile ricostruzione dell’originaria disposizione degli apparati interni ed esterni del nucleo difensivo, così da individuare anche le modifiche apportate successivamente. Foto: Giovanna Benni Immagine: stralcio della carta catastale (Agenzia del Territorio, fog. n° 77) Link al sito: https://www.umbertidestoria.net/incastellamento-e-signorie-rurali - “Moniestevole” Particolare da “Carta corografica di Perugia” del 1577, di Ignazio Danti, incisa da Mario Cartaro a Roma nel 1580 da Source gallica.bnf.fr / Bibliothèque nationale de France . Visibile al link: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b550000622/f e aggiungere il tuo testo. 44. Piano del Nese Nella zona pianeggiante lungo il corso del Torrente Nese vi fu una larga diffusione degli abitati sparsi; le costruzioni si dispongono principalmente lungo il letto del Torrente Nese, anche se in nuclei ristretti e posti a breve distanza tra loro. Immagine 1: Abitati sparsi lungo la sponda sinistra del torrente Nese in aggetto rispetto alla pianura. Si hanno, però, scarsissime notizie che non favoriscono la ricostruzione delle vicende che hanno riguardato questi nuclei abitativi indicati come “Pian di Nese”, contrastando così con un territorio piuttosto singolare, sia dal punto di vista geografico, sia per le vicende storiche che hanno interessato tale settore del contado perugino, soggetto a invasioni e incursioni. La struttura visibile Oggi molte di queste strutture sono state abbandonate o trasformate in edifici rurali, ma in origine avevano una struttura disposta in modo tale da definire volontariamente una organizzazione difensiva: grandi basamenti a volte provvisti di contrafforti aggettanti; la parte abitata dal nucleo familiare saldamente eretta a pianta regolare quadrilatera; poche aperture o fessure in prossimità della base. Questi caratteri erano peculiari delle strutture rurali fortificate, largamente diffuse nella anche campagna umbertidese durante tutto il XII-XIII secolo. In effetti, nel tessuto insediativo castrense di cui faceva parte anche Piano del Nese si hanno molti esempi di abitati con un corpo a torre. Le vecchie case-torri medievali durante la diffusione della mezzadria diventarono il punto di riferimento, quando possibile della nuova tipologia di sfruttamento indiretto della proprietà agricola diventando il punto di riferimento fisico, di fianco o intorno al quale altre strutture venivano aggiunte. L’antica tipologia perde così, pian piano, la sua originale funzione di difesa a favore di quella economico-produttiva. Tra i centri abitati o singole case presenti, Piano del Nese si rivela come un tipico complesso di insediamenti con caratteri di abitato sparso, diffuso in una stessa area, molto simile agli impianti riconducibili a villae e delimitato nel versante a sud solo dallo scorrimento del Torrente Nese, che oggi coincide, in parte, con il confine territoriale del Comune di Perugia. L’abitato sparso indicato come Piano del Nese, si sviluppa in collina tra due corsi d’acqua minori e l’importante strada provinciale che conduce dall’antica Fratta verso i centri del Trasimeno o a Perugia. Immagine 2: Abitato sparso denominato oggi “Pian di Nese” con casa-torre medievale e piccola chiesa, non visibile nell’inquadratura, lungo la sponda sinistra del torrente Nese in aggetto rispetto alla pianura. Rispetto ad altri siti presenti nel territorio ha oggi assunto minore rilievo, ma la presenza di questo insediamento era certamente importante va connessa all’esistenza dell’antico Castrum Preitinum un tempo probabilmente vicino, ora non più individuabile ma punto di forza del settore estremo del contado verso Perugia. A presidio del tratto torrentizio che scorre in prossimità della località Piano del Nese si può individuare la presenza dell’edificio fortificato identificato come torre di Santa Giuliana, alla quale è unita la chiesa omonima, posizionato a metà strada da Pian di Nese e la confluenza del torrente nel Tevere, di poco a sud del Castello di Santa Giuliana. Il complesso è posto qui come struttura a dominio della zona ad ovest pianeggiante. Stime catastali danno notizie della presenza di una chiesa, non riportata però nelle Rationes Decimarum, proprio in località Piano del Nese: l’ente risulta allibrato nel XIV secolo tra quelli appartenenti al contado di porta Sant’Angelo ed è intitolato a San Pietro de Anese. Il Grohmann ricorda a tale proposito che la chiesa di S. Pietro era iscritta per 5 libre e dipendente dal monastero di S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto. La Storia Conosciuta Anche se abbiamo ben poche notizie riguardanti il territorio, è ipotizzabile che tale settore fosse coinvolto nelle vicende storiche e politiche che colpirono anche castra e villae circostanti, quali Bisciaro, Racchiusole, Valenzino, Santa Giuliana e Castrum Preitinum; in ogni caso, questi avvenimenti rappresentavano il riflesso di ciò che accadeva a Perugia, i cui esiti dimostravano un assorbimento positivo o negativo (ovvero il rifiuto) dei fenomeni che riguardavano questi centri. Immagine 3:nella carta si può notare il simbolo del ponte sul torrente e la presenza del simbolo di edifici; caseggiato che, suggestivamente, si “sovrappone” alla posizione dell’ex Osteria di Pian di Nese esistente. Particolare della "“DESCRITTIONE DEL TERRITORIO DI PERVGIA AVGVSTA ET DEI LUOGHI CIRCONVICINI DEL P M EGNATIO DANTI DA PERUGIA MATEMATICO DELLO STUDIO DI BOLOG.A”", 1577. da Source gallica.bnf.fr - Bibliothèque nationale de France (BNF) . I caratteri minimamente autonomi che interessarono Piano del Nese derivarono dalla volontà della comunità ivi residente di sostenere e mantenere i rapporti con il resto degli abitanti circostanti, dotandosi per questo di valide infrastrutture, ottenute grazie alle concessioni del Consiglio dei priori: la realizzazione di un ponte sul Torrente Nese, probabilmente nella zona che oggi nelle carte è indicata con il toponimo Ponte Nese o comunque in sua prossimità, tende a sottolineare il rilievo goduto dal luogo e, dunque, dalla sua comunità, nel corso del tempo e in epoca risalente, permettendo anche di rilevare il ruolo ben definito di questo settore comitatino come snodo commerciale e supporto economico per la zona: agevole era, infatti, il collegamento fluviale con il Torrente Càina che scorre poco più a sud, e la vicinanza dell’abitato con l’articolata viabilità stradale. Immagine 4: l’ex Osteria e stazione di posta di Pian di Nese. Fotografie: Francesco Deplanu Carta: Carta corografica di Perugia del 1577, di Ignazio Danti, incisa da Mario Cartaro a Roma nel 1580 da Source gallica.bnf.fr / Bibliothèque nationale de France. SOURCES: - Giovanna Benni, researcher and teacher from Umberto I in “ Castle and rural lordships in the Upper Tiber valley between the Early and Late Middle Ages. The territory of Umbertide (Perugia, Italy) "published in NOTEBOOKS ON MEDIEVAL TOPOGRAPHY (Documentary and field research) Edited by Stefano Del Lungo N. 7, 2006. - Photo by Giovanna Benni, Anna Boldrini, Fabio Mariotti, Francesco Deplanu. - Photo: historical photos of Umbertide from the web and from various private archives to which we applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark in this way we try to avoid that further disclosure on our part favors purposes that are not consonant with our exclusively social and cultural intentions.

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY FRATTA curated by Fabio Mariotti THE CASTLE OF FRATTA The castle within the walls was divided into three areas: the Terziere Inferiore , the Terziere di Mezzo , the Terziere Superiore which included the northern part of the castle (Rocca, north-west bulwark and was also called Terziere della Campana). The Terziere di Mezzo included the part towards the Tiber, the houses in front of the church of San Giovanni, the central square (square of the Marquis of Sorbello), the northern part of the Vicolo delle Petresche with the hospice of the Capuchin Fathers of Montone behind it, the part north of the middle road near the central square. It was also known as Terziere della Greppa. The lower Terziere (or Terziere della porta di sotto, also known as the door of the slaughterhouse) included the area around the southwestern bulwark, the southern part of the via delle Petresche (via Spunta current), the via regale (or straight, via Cibo), of the middle road and the San Giovanni road that led to the church of the same name. The castle walls In 1736 the Tiber, with its floods, ruined the central part of the west curtain and destroyed four houses built on that point of the walls. The budget of the defenders of Fratta amounted to 1,032 scudi. Wanting to hasten the reconstruction, they asked Clement XII for a subsidy and the pope replied that he would give five hundred scudi, however, when Fratta proved that he had found the rest. The defenders were able in a short time to find their part but, seeing that that promise from the pope did not arrive, they began to buy the timber for the armor, the bricks and the lime and entrusted the work to the master builder Bartolomeo Ferranti of Rome. They took action on September 15, 1739, but the pope had not yet paid the promised subsidy at the end of the year. The defenders gave the task to a Mariotti, a Frattegiano resident in Rome, and he replied that Clement XII was very ill and that the defenders of Fratta had to work hard to get the five hundred scudi. He adds that if the pope had died, it would have been much more difficult to obtain them. It is not known when the work was finished, but it was certainly done very quickly as winter approached. A plaque was affixed to the wall with the inscription "Clem XII Pont Max MDCCXXIYIX.", Which can still be seen about fifty meters before the bridge. The Tiber It had a different trend from the current one and was dangerous for two reasons: - the current was perpendicular to the road that led to the Niccone valley and to Città di Castello, even then of great communication, so it could have been cut. By 1758 he had come fifteen meters from the road and was threatening to cut it off. - if this had happened, the bridge would have remained dry, with evident damage to the town and with serious compromise of activities such as military defense, weir, mills, gardens, public wash house, sewage disposal. Work was done, using many large poles. In 1726 the bridge of the Reggia was consolidated, over which all the traffic, even heavy traffic, passed from Santa Maria to the church of the Madonna della Reggia and to San Francesco and Montone. The bridge was made of wood, except for the two brick ends and in 1770 the judiciary of Fratta decided to enlarge it. In 1787 the municipality incurred an expense to cover the top of the Rocca. The roof of the tower is rebuilt. The villages adjacent to the Castle The Borgo Superiore It is located north of the castle within the walls and includes the Castel Nuovo (formed by the two streets of the Boccaiolo and the one that leads from the Piaggiola to the market gate), the "Mercatale di Sant'Erasmo" (today's Piazza Marconi), the area of furnaces and the church of Santa Maria della Pietà. Palazzo Ranieri Owned by Count Curtio Ranieri, son of Costantino, it was in the Piaggiola road. In 1756 the count enlarged it. In front there was a public well (the widening that forms between the end of the Piaggiola and the Boccaiolo road) called the well of Sant'Agostino, near the church of the same name. Mill of the Fathers of San Bernardo (Castel Nuovo) It is located along the small road (now called del Molinaccio) which leads from the end of the Piaggiola to the Tiber. It was close to the castle walls and belonged to the Fathers of San Bernardo or Barnabiti. These had two small convents, one in Fratta and one in Migianella. In the Borgo Superiore there are still two tower-houses, one in the Mercatale area and another at the Porta del Boccaiolo. They consist of a bottom below and a room above. They were built for peasant use. The Lower Village It is also called "le Fabbrecce" because there are blacksmith shops and in the mill outside the Borgo, the scythes were rounded (as in the fourteenth century! Nothing had changed). It included the area of the street that led from the bridge of the Reggia to Piazza San Francesco, the Via di Santa Croce (now Via Soli) and the area outside the Borgo gate. At the beginning of the century, the road that began outside the San Francesco gate and led towards the Madonna del Moro was called the Caminella road; then strada del Piano (during the French occupation at the end of the century, strada Consolare del Piano); at the beginning of the twentieth century via Secoli. Along Santa Croce there was the Osteria della Corona, owned by Count Ranieri. The square was already called Piazza San Francesco. It changed its name later to go back to that name. Roads In 1790 work was carried out on the road to Montone, in the section under the convent of the Observant Friars of Santa Maria. The width is eight feet, like all the other roads leading to Fratta, the bracing of which is redone every year. The doors In 1788 an arm wrestling was put on the Porta della Saracina (there was still this mighty tower at the beginning of the bridge). Other works were done on the door of the market and that of the nuns. In 1790 the door of the Saracina is set up. In 1792 it was the turn of the bridge and work was done to lower the door to the market. Sources: - Renato Codovini - “History of Umbertide - Volume VI - 18th century” - Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2001 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2001 (Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli - Walter Rondoni - Amedeo Massetti - Fabio Mariotti). South-west bulwark of defense The plaque on the walls dedicated to Pope Clement XII The ancient houses on the Tiber. In the red circle the headstone - On the left, cadastral map of Fratta from the mid-1700s - Above, map of the medieval Fratta with the castle doors The cover of the 2001 Umbertide Calendar The historian Renato Codovini Il Castello di Fratta Il modo di vivere, di morire, la solidarietà e gli svaghi La chiesa di Sant'Andrea di Castelvecchio Il Castello di Fratta Le chiese minori di Fratta e i proietti L'Amministrazione e la Pubblica Sicurezza Gli appalti e le proprietà pubbliche Agricoltura, Commercio, Mestieri e Istruzione Il Tevere, i ponti, le mura del Castello Il sistema elettorale comunale L'Amministrazione e la Pubblica Sicurezza ADMINISTRATION AND PUBLIC SECURITY The municipal administration In the eighteenth century the public administration of Fratta has two different offices. From 1700 to 1787 the building located in today's Piazza Fortebracci, formerly the seat of the convent of Santa Maria di Castelvecchio (current seat of the Riuniti theater). From 1787 to 1799 in the palace of Castel Nuovo, formerly the seat of the convent of Santa Maria Nuova, suppressed in 1787. There are three administrative bodies: the judiciary, the council of twelve and the general council (or 42). The judiciary is made up of the four defenders, also called "priors" or simply "the magistrates". Once elected, they met and nominated the "chief magistrate" or "first prior". Person of great importance in social life, he came from the "first class". The election of the council was made between only two classes, the primary people of the place, civilians and landowners and the artists (craftsmen). The former are destined to obtain the rank of head of magistrate, the office of public chamberlain and the harangue of the council. The second the other three parts of the judiciary: the second, third and fourth prior who are distributed by seniority. The council of twelve met for decisions of greater importance, when they wanted to be sure that there would be no opposition to what was to be established. It was made up of the four defenders, the four counselors of the defenders, the three health conservatives and the chamberlain. He could not impose new taxes, vary the prices of abundance, discuss quarrels between citizens and the public administration, make decisions about wars, invasions, earthquakes, plagues. He was summoned by ringing the big bell with twelve taps. The council of 42 was the general council, that is the council of the twelve, increased by the representatives of the classes that had the right to be part of it and by the exponents of the major villas (hamlets). Organs: - Councilors (municipal). People who made up the two municipal councils (12 and 42). They were partially renewable, one third at a time, always removing the oldest ones. They belonged to the first and second classes. In 1798, following the French occupation, women were appointed municipal councilors for the first time. Three in Fratta and one in Preggio. - Defenders. There were four of them and they remained in office for four months. They were elected by means of a "bussolo" vote, but they did not receive any salary since theirs were an honorary office. Only at the end of the mandate were they compensated with a small sum as a gift, not exceeding one and a half shields. - Counsel for the defenders . There were four of them and each "on the sidelines" of a defender (or prior), to whom he gave advice. almost like today's personal secretary. They were chosen from among those who had been defender in the previous quarter, assuming that he had acquired some experience in the affairs of comitative government. - Gonfaloniere. First prior and head of the judiciary, he was called so only at the beginning of the restoration, after the end of the Roman republic. in August 1799. - Consular prefect of Fratta. Office of the French administration, reporting directly to the prefect of the canton of Fratta. He was the head of the commune of Fratta and also "president of the commune". - Prefect of the canton. Figure established in the last decade of the century, when there was the French invasion. The prefect was responsible for everything that took place in our canton, including the municipality of Preggio and Poggio Manente (San Paterniano) as well as Fratta. Employees and officials: - Archivist. Usually a notary. He drew up acts for the municipality but also for the citizens. - Balio. He was in charge of liaising between the judiciary and other community bodies and private citizens. He took four scudi a four-month period. - Camerlengo. Collection and payment clerk. He did not take any premium on the collection as he received a normal salary. - Chancellor. He had more or less the functions of today's municipal secretary. His office was called "chancellery" or "priority secretariat". - Commissioner and judge. Public official appointed by Perugia. His main task was to enforce the law and punish the guilty, but in the most difficult, delicate and controversial cases he had the order to send the guilty to Perugia subjecting them to the examination of the higher court. - Conservatives of health. Three people who remained in office for two years and had to belong to the first sphere, that is, to the first class. They spoke to the city council when called and their job was to give an opinion on what was being discussed in the meeting. - Donzello. Clerk to all minor duties, he had the lowest salary paid by the administration to an employee. - School teacher. His salary was paid partly by the municipal administration, partly by the parents of the children and another by the brotherhood of Santa Croce. - Doctor led. He was also paid by the municipality. - Moderator of the public watch . Supervisor, maintenance, loading and various checks of the public clock. - Portinari. Surveillance of the gates of the town who opened every morning and closed in the evening at about "two hours at night". - Preacher. Ecclesiastical, priest or friar, about three times a year he preached in the churches of the town. He stayed in Fratta for a few days, staying in a convent. - Praetor. Charge born at the time of the French invasion. - Commissioner. Charge that arose at the time of the French invasion. He kept the books of the canton's administration. - Scribe. Person in charge of copying documents, letters, reports of board meetings, etc. - Sindicators. We find this use in the first half of the century. The mayors controlled the community accounts and remained in office for one year. - Letter dealer. He was the postmaster, also hired by the municipality. - Public appraisers. We find them in the first half of the century. They were people responsible for estimating properties or various activities both for the interest of the municipality and for private citizens. They remained in office for a year. - Community representatives in Perugia and Rome. People involved in unraveling community affairs in these cities. Being well established in state offices, they had practice in public administration and were known by various employees. Management of the Municipality Revenue for taxes There were the chamber tax, the municipal tax, the privileged and fair tax, the allotment of the ground coffee. The community of Fratta imposed them on the population and then calculated its percentage on the sum; the remainder was sent to Perugia. The chamber tax was requested by the reverend Apostolic Chamber of Perugia, which kept a small sum and sent the rest to the central government of Rome. The privileged and fair tax related to the various privileges that the city of Perugia granted to its dependent communities. The ground tax concerned everything that was brought to the mill and was the most detested by the peasants. Then there was the focatico tax. It hit all the "fires", that is, the hearths, the families. It remained until the 1960s under the name of "family tax". In 1706 only eleven families paid for it; in 1728, fifty-seven. The "property tax" hit the owners of houses and land. In addition, there was the "undressing and jail tax". By "bare" was meant unnecessary clothing and by "galleys" a tax intended to strengthen the state's navy. Finally, there were other occasional taxes, such as the "tax on the million", introduced in 1713 by the papal government which needed as many scudi. Revenue for procurement They were preferred by the municipalities as they were easy to manage and made it possible to collect the maximum on set dates. The contracts were made known by posting a notice outside the door of the town hall: on the appointed day, the "piper" would station himself in certain points of the town, sound the trumpet and let people know the time and place of the competition. Which took place with the "virgin candle" method every three years. Procurement of the oven. Granted in 1710 to Ercolano Fanfani. It ensured the production of bread for the whole country. Wage contract. The prerogative of distributing the salt belonged to Perugia, which gave it out to the various communities. Fratta, in order to get the necessary, had to go and pick it up in Perugia or, when there was none in the warehouse, in some town on the sea road: Fossombrone, Fabriano, Jesi, Ancona. Contract of the oil shop and grocery store. It consisted in granting a contractor the service of selling edible oil and kinds of delicatessens in the municipal shop, at the prices established by the municipality and written prominently on a sign. Procurement of the land stamp. Those who wanted to occupy a part of the public land (for example street vendors) had to pay a certain fee. Procurement of the meat stamp. The "butchers" of Fratta had to "skin" the animals in the public slaughterhouse. After removing the skin (which was used for the sole of the shoes) they cut the animal and the pieces were stamped by the "meat boiler". The operation served to make it clear to those who bought which was ox and cow, calf, sheep or mutton. The "bollatore delle carne" made the butchers pay the stamp, then paid the municipality, in two or three installments, as established. Public procurement slaughterhouse. Whoever won the tender sold the meat in this shop for two or three years by paying the agreed sum, in half-yearly installments, to the municipality which had the purpose of keeping prices calm to favor the poorest population. Contract for damage given and deposit of pledges. The depositary of the "damage given" was assigned to the surveillance of public goods, movable or immovable, he noted, in his interest, the damage caused by citizens to public goods, brought these facts before the judge and commissioner. This was also joined by the contract for the "depository of the pawns" , that is the office that advanced money to whoever deposited a pledge. Procurement of measures. The possibility of having large quantities of goods weighed was the prerogative of the Noble College of Exchange of Perugia. The operation took place with a large scale, publicly owned, called "the big steelyard". Procurement of firewood. Those who intended to bring firewood into the village had to pay a right in money to the municipality. Who contracted the collection to a private citizen. Procurement of the foietta. The right to tax the sale of wine "al menuto", ie sold by glasses or foiette, was also contracted out by the municipality to third parties. Procurement of the cenciarìa. He charged the collection of rags. The contractor collected a fee from those who collected the rags and was also a collector. Contract for the pen . Collection of the excrements of the animals that passed through the country, assigned by means of a contract to the one who offered the highest price. Tiber wood tender. It used trunks and branches that were deposited under the bridge after the floods. Tiber fishing contract . It struck those who wanted to fish in the stretch of river under the jurisdiction of the municipality, that is, upstream of the bridge. Expenses The municipal administration of Fratta divided the expenses into "recurring expenses", "Occasional outgoings and expenses", "various gratifications". The "recurring outings" yes they distinguished in outputs for the achievement of the purposes of the institution and for alms. Among the former, the main item is the payment of employees and employees of each degree. A recurring exit was the seasonal arrangement of the roads which, both in the country and outside, they had to be bridged every November. Another expense was the annual cleaning of sewers, wells and fountains. It does not seem strange to consider among the recurring expenses also those "for alms", because at the time the municipality used to give money to some brotherhoods for the patronal feasts of Sant'Erasmo, San Bernardino and SSma Annunziata. He also bought wax (candles), "powder" (for the barrels), oil for lighting and other useful things in the processions. At Christmas and Easter the municipality also used to give gifts: to the representatives of the community in Rome gave two capons; to the four defenders, at the end of the mandate quarterly, two scudi. The "occasional expenses" were used, for example, to repair municipal-owned houses and farms, roads, bridges, town gates, to pay interest liabilities on debts, cops' living expenses. All those rewards, finally, that the It was common to give the refreshments offered in the form of gifts and tips to distinguished visitors to guests (for example for the arrival of the bishop), gifts to the commanders of the foreign troops of passage so that they did not do too much damage, donations to the convents. Public safety While the public administration was delegated, in Fratta, to the judiciary and to the municipal councils, in the eighteenth century public security was strictly the responsibility of the commissioner, who was appointed decenviral (that is, of the Perugian judiciary). The commissioner and ordinary judge, in this double capacity, had in his first role the competence over the public safety of the whole territory and the investigating power given to him by the Perugian executive. On the basis of this power, it resolved all issues relating to public order that arose in a territory of about five or six thousand inhabitants (Fratta and hamlets), up to the arrest of those responsible. For certain crimes he sent the guilty to Perugia, to his superior judicial body or criminal office, as it was then called. In the event of minor disputes (those which today, for example, are the responsibility of the justice of the peace) he invited the parties to go to a notary and in his presence formulate a "peace act" between them. In case of crimes of greater gravity (usually acts of banditry), where the powers and possibilities of the commissioner proved powerless, he asked Perugia to send one or more teams of cops. They, with the force of arms, were able to put an end to those emergency situations and to restore the normality of life, bringing the offenders to Perugia. In the village the behavior of the cops was rather heavy and savage and the population paid the price, but this was well tolerated by the "good government" for which the fear that they knew how to instill in the people was obviously convenient, as it facilitated their way to act. The cops also came in times of epidemic diseases and if there was to fight the bands of brigands. In these cases they also went to guard the border areas and blocked the road with large iron gates to prevent transit in both directions. During their passage they stayed at the Osteria della Corona where they could stay for several days, but they were always frowned upon by the population as they committed abuses of all kinds and even harassed the hosts and their families. The Count of Civitella, who owned it, decided for these reasons to close not only this tavern to the public but also the one located in the San Giovanni street. It is the first case of "lockout" of an exercise. The municipality then bought a house to be used for housing the cops when they came to Fratta. It was bought in 1770, in via di San Giovanni and became the office and residence of the commissioner-judge. In this way it was possible to free the two rooms of the town hall which had already been used for this purpose for several years. Security problems also arose at the time of French domination, due to the harassment carried out by those troops. The commissioner-judge could not move as he wanted in these situations: the military occupation had effectively nullified many of his possibilities. In May 1798, for example, the French soldiers of General La Vallette, coming from Città di Castello, committed various abuses, including the destruction of furniture and books from the convent of San Francesco. It is due to such vandalism that nothing has remained on the life of our convents whose friars had come to Fratta in the last decade of the 13th century. In December 1785 the central government of Rome forbids all games in taverns and taverns. In 1788 soldiers were sent to Fratta to oppose a gang of criminals. In 1791 it was necessary to arm other soldiers, in the face of new raids by brigands who escaped, in July, from the Macerata prison and considered very dangerous by the government which had made prizes available to those who had captured them. A great scourge of time was that of collecting grains, which were then sold outside the kingdom. To put an end to this illicit trade, the municipality issues a notification against the "grabbers of wheat products". On August 13, 1795, a decree tends to limit the underworld of our province by forbidding those who go to the Monteluce fair from carrying weapons. In 1788 an ordinance was issued against "wounders and those who insult in the streets, with or without weapons". On 26 March 1797 two companies of the Colonna regiment pass through Fratta, the Vespiccini company and the Colonnello company. On June 26, Corsican soldiers "fled from Faenza due to the French invasion, commending themselves to the mercy of this public". He is fed. On February 2, 1798, carriages from Cisalpini pass. Sources: - Renato Codovini - “History of Umbertide - Volume VI - 18th century” - Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2001 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2001 (Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli - Walter Rondoni - Amedeo Massetti - Fabio Mariotti). Today Teatro dei Riuniti, from 1700 to 1787 seat of the Municipality of Umbertide The town hall in the early 1900s Old photo of the church of S. Bernardino Ancient image of the Castle of Civitella di Civitella Ranieri THE WAY OF LIVING, OF DYING, SOLIDARITY AND LEISURE The way of life At the beginning of the eighteenth century most of the people of Fratta struggled in misery. The few owners (and this throughout the Papal State) had a good game to keep wages low, given the large supply of labor, fed by many poor people looking for work. There were other elements to burden this picture: the frequent famines, the extraordinary taxes to compensate for the various flaws in the central administration, the devaluations of the currency to fill the sudden cash gaps. The people were totally subject to higher taxes. He didn't feel the need to rebel, but he certainly felt the weight of it. The entertainment The Frattegiani's opportunities for recreation and distractions were not many and all more or less orchestrated from above. The theater, as the local academics society had a certain activity; patronal and religious festivals in general; the public joy in the cases of the most sumptuous marriages and in the passage through Fratta of the cardinal protector; the festivities in the immediate surroundings of the town. They could lock themselves up to play in the Osteria della Corona or in that of the Staffa but, above all, they had the greatest set of distractions and entertainment during the carnival period. It began on the day of Saint Anthony and ended on the "fat Saturday" with the midnight dinner, called "la sabatina", made up of fatty foods. Weddings They were characterized by three moments: the private policy, the notarial deed, the ceremony in the church. With the private policy, the families established the economic conditions under which they would allow the marriage of their children. The parties then went to the "notary", together with the witnesses, to ratify the agreement. Finally, the ceremony followed, celebrated "according to the rite of the Holy Roman Church", preceded by a public "denunciation". The marriage was registered by the priest in the special book which, in 1741, had the five baiocchi stamp of the reverend Apostolic Chamber. The processions They all had a religious character and there were no civil processions or parades. Their development was linked to the many festivals of the time; then there were others that originated from contingent events (rain, earthquake, disease, etc.). In the seventeenth century they were still called with the old medieval name of "lumi", for which going in procession was said to "go to the light" (taking place almost always in the evening, there was a great display of lights, with candles, "fàcole" of pitch , oil lights). They were planned a few days earlier by a certain fraternity which appointed a group of five or six brothers who were entitled to the honor of the organization. These were called "above" and had the task of looking for the necessary money in the "begging" done in the countryside or in the streets and squares of the town, especially on market or fair days. Elements common to all the processions were the presence of (lay) companies and (religious) congregations with their brothers, closed in their cloaks of different colors and shapes. The representatives of the community for the occasion wore the ceremonial dress (the purple rubbone), while the soldiers, often Corsican mercenaries, came specially from Perugia. Another element was the "machine", that is the large wooden scaffolding equipped with two large and long poles which served to support the statue of the saint for whom the procession was made and which was carried on the shoulder. Finally, the banners of religious and secular associations among which wooden sticks with cloth and fringes sprouted, carried by the sacristans of the churches, in the midst of a cloud of smoke, smells and sizzles of burning pitch released from the many "fàcole", candles, lights and a burst of barrels that framed that whole. In the end, those who had intervened wearing the "hood" were given food consisting of bread, cakes, torcoli, wine, the distribution of which often gave rise to "abuses and dishonesty" and several times the bishops of Gubbio suspended "the brothers' tycoon that go in procession ", and replaced it with distribution of candles. But given a certain rarefaction of the people in tow, everything returned as before. Parties and sweets In the eighteenth century there were about twenty feasts a year and they all had the common and main component of religiosity. The banners of the art corporations, religious fraternities (or companies), congregations (only priests) intervened together with that of the community of Fratta. These associations, together with the municipality, thought of the decorations, both of the town and of the churches. They were made with great pomp, of the drapery type (the "drapoloni"), of silk or damask, as well as they could consist of light weaves (structures) of wood or light metal, of various designs, covered with fabrics or flowers ( even fake), ribbons and lace at will. It was possible then, but only on major occasions, to the construction of real triumphal arches for the streets and gates of the town. Among the characteristic festivals there was the "flower festival of May", promoted by the company of Sant'Antonio. On such occasions, in the organizing church, there was always a "choir of musicians" and singers. On 8 September 1795, for the feast, the famous Frattegiano singer Domenico Bruni arrived in the church of San Francesco, passing through one of his numerous artistic tours that he sang among the amateurs of the town, without any compensation. In the evening, the houses were lit with candles in the windows and everyone waited for the climax of the "barrels and rays". The costume In the eighteenth century the "sumptuary laws" of the seventeenth century on the way of dressing were in force in the Roman ecclesiastical kingdom, which forbade citizens (not the rich) certain luxurious ways, discriminating and further distancing the various social classes. In 1703 Pope Clement XI issued an edict in which he ordered low-status women to renounce any adornment, imposing the use of ordinary fabrics and non-violent colors. It was then forbidden to those of the people and petty bourgeois (edict of Clement XII in 1730) to put gold and silver trimmings on headdresses, fabrics and ornaments. The way to die In the parish books we find various "systems" to pass on to a better life. In 1715, with a touch of romanticism, - "... died at 10 pm on the moon ...". There are also descriptions of violent deaths, such as "... assaulted by two brothers, one of whom took his gun and shot him in the chest and so wounded he fled the Tiber on the boat of Ascagnano". In 1740, for a woman who throws herself into the Tiber "... At other times she had done other wisdom". A woman dies "from a serious fall made on the precipitous stairs of her house". Another, certain "Francesca di Brizio found in the house all burned with the exception of the head". Then there are death records and testamentary dispositions which show the religious sentiment of the people. Sant'Antonio da Padova enjoyed a certain cult in our country, so much so that he had his own altar in the church of the Compagnia del Soccorso, in the monastery of Santa Maria Nuova. In 1722 a Frattegiana told the notary "I want to be buried at the altar of St. Anthony of Padua, my lawyer and protector dressed in the habit of St. Anthony ...". In another testament of 1794 we find instead the extreme will of a sinner (or presumed such). He explains how his funeral must take place: "... from the house where I live my body is to be taken directly to the church without any turn of the streets and this in order not to remind the public of the scandals given in my life. When it reaches the church it is immediately buried without to expose the corpse of such a great sinner to the public's view, without wax, or music, or other similar things that vanity has been able to invent ". Funerals and burials The dead person, after having received, sooner or later, the visit of his parish priest for the absolution and registration of the death in the parish books, remains entrusted to the relatives and is stripped, washed, then wrapped in a sheet, ready for the funeral (or fùnere, as it was said then). That was the responsibility of the parish priest of the parish to which the dead man belonged and, if he was in a company or in a congregation, the association sent its own representation of brothers dressed in "hoods". The dead man was placed on top of the bier, with the top layer covering him, then carried on the shoulder to the church. Often the testator, among other things, indicated the place of burial. In fact, the dead were buried in the rear part (cemetery) of the church, but some were placed in existing mounds under the floor. There was therefore a distinction between outside, where the poorest were buried, and inside, where the brothers of the lay companies and the wealthy were placed (noble sepulchres), while the truly rich had their chapel. The noble tombs, for the rich, were obtained in front of the altars (even the main one) or on the sides of the same. In the entombment, the simple burial of the corpse wrapped in a sheet was carried out. The box was used only exceptionally, when it was a person who had acquired a great human value in life, or for the rich or for those who died outside the country and whose body had to be brought back to Fratta, transported on the wagon to horses. The burial in consecrated land was conditional on the fact that the dying person had first confessed and communicated, with the exception of those who had died suddenly. In the latter case it was the priest who ascertained whether the deceased had confessed some time before and, in any case, had always lived as a good Christian. The unconsecrated land was near the church cemeteries. Solidarity Wheat mountain It was commissioned by Don Giuliano Bovicelli di Fratta, a priest in Rome where he held the office of secretary to Cardinal Sacripante. Bovicelli, in the year 1715, donated the sum of one hundred scudi to the brotherhood of San Bernardino, of which he was a brother, with whom "... he wanted and longed for a mountain of wheat to be created in order to buy grain for the poorest population ". The brotherhood immediately bought two hundred wheat "stands" and started this institution. The wheat mountain stored grain for harvest and then gave it free to the poorest during the winter and spring, when it was difficult to find it. After the legal institution of 17191a confraternity began looking for a suitable seat where to arrange both the grain and the administrative office of the mountain. He succeeded only many years later, in 1764, when he bought a small house owned by the company of the Most Holy Sacrament in the central square, called "del Marchese" (Piazza Matteotti). The pawnshop Poor people who needed small loans of money turned to it and brought their little things as collateral, that is, movable goods of all kinds. For this service the municipality requested a sum to be calculated as a percentage. This was truly negligible, that is, much less than what would have been paid by resorting to the loan of the Jews, then present in Fratta, whose interest rates were much higher. The community of Fratta was authorized to manage this institution by the municipality of Perugia, from which it had contracted it out and to which it had to pay a sum. annual. The municipality could therefore manage it on its own but could also subcontract it, as it did in the year 1748 when the Monte was sold under contract to Ubaldo Moretti di Fratta. Free study The community of Fratta could send "two young people to the Episcopal Seminary of Gubbio every year, to remain free there, as long as they have the necessary requisites and are suitable to set out on the Ecclesiastical Way". Assistance to the "exposed" The "exposed" were newborns abandoned at the door of churches or hospitals, sent by the community to the hospital of Santa Maria della Misericordia in Perugia. Here many foundlings die because the nannies cannot be paid. Those who take babies to breastfeed them "... Also have five or six in the chest", so nourishment is scarce and deaths are many. Before 1739 the external nurses received a "dirty" grain mine a year, too little for Cardinal Martino Enrico Caracciolo, apostolic visitor in that year to Perugia, who assigns each six paoli a month, plus a shield, a tantum, after the eighteenth month. These children went around with a tag attached to their neck to indicate the date of baptism and the name. Gifts for spinsters In the eighteenth century some local brotherhoods, including that of Santa Croce which was the richest, bestowed a dowry on a spinster. In this way, girls who had to marry but who could not afford the necessary expenses were helped in this way since 1612. The dowry, one a year, was granted upon written request to spinsters born in the village (such as their parents), attaching a certificate from the parish priest who attested to both the birth, the age and the patronage of these girls. The brotherhood then chose a certain and limited number of girls and subjected them to an examination. The vinciti-ice could have the dowry only if and when he got married. There was also a deadline, which was 35 years; if the girl did not marry by this age, the brotherhood would take back the dowry. Another reason why the dowry was denied was that the girl, before marrying, did not live honestly. The entertainment Theater Already in the seventeenth century an association of theatrical art lovers was operating in Fratta called "Accademia degli Inestabili". In 1746 it had to proceed with its reorganization, which suggests that it was in a strongly negative phase. On the other hand, public and private music teaching was very active. In particular in the oratories, where the youth met for religious representations, with singing and instrumental schools linked to the various religious functions of the feast days. The Fratta theater was located since 1746 in the town hall, in today's Piazza Fortebracci. On the first floor there were some offices and the council meeting room which was given to the "unstoppable academics" for their performances. It had two "lodges" which probably served for municipal councilors, but were open to the public for the theater. You entered via a stone staircase placed outside. In 1770 it was still in the hall on the first floor of the town hall but this room was by now insufficient for the activity of academics. They therefore decided to expand it and asked for two adjacent rooms that served as the office of the commissioner and judge as well as for the passing cops. In 1746 we know that they wanted to reconstitute a theatrical association on a different basis from the old one: perhaps the "unstable academics" had dissolved, in whole or in part, towards the end of the 17th century. In the mid-eighteenth century the members of the "Accademia degli Inestabili" were eleven, from the main families of the town, such as the Fabbri, the Francesconi, the Burelli, but then the number grew and other illustrious personalities took part, such as Dr. Prospero Mariotti, his son Annibale and doctor Giulio Fracassini. The academy had a coat of arms formed by a noble shield where a hand was drawn. He held three gold cords intertwined together that ended with leads like a small tassel and, all around, the motto "Difficile solvitur" (it will hardly melt). Outside the theatrical season (ie outside the carnival), the amateur dramatists of the country acted instead, who were mostly the academics themselves and the members of their families. The plays were performed to train young people in stage disciplines rather than to give entertainment to the population. In the mid-eighteenth century, dramatic companies of a nomadic nature were a rarity and the first came to play in Fratta in 1748. It was the company of Giovanni Gazzola, a professional "histrionist artist" who, after many difficulties in obtaining authorization, was able to delight the Frattegiani with the affected parts of Pulcinella, Brighella and Doctor Belanza. Our theater closed, like everyone else in the Roman kingdom, from 1791 to 1795 by order of Pope Pius IV, due to the political events of the time, centered on the invasion of Italy by the French army. It was then reopened with the works "The guilty woman" and "The corsair of Marseille", where that "corsair" must have been a clear reference to the work of Napoleon, the most interesting character in the political scene of the time. The theater was granted on request for dance parties, elementary school work, occasions in which the best children were rewarded. Sometimes it was then granted for the game of bingo, introduced in Perugino in 1796. In the first months of 1798 the "Viva Maria" movement arose. In mid-February Fratta was invaded by these rioters who did various damages to municipal and private property, tampered with the theater and dispersed the administration documents. Free time In 1730, the "ox hunt", or "fence game", a sort of bullfight between oxen and dogs in a town square, usually San Francesco. In 1760 we have news that hunting was practiced in the months of September and October, the so-called "birding" (with the net). In 1794 the game of the "ball" or "ball" appears in Piazza San Francesco. Sources: - Renato Codovini - “History of Umbertide - Volume VI - 18th century” - Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2001 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2001 (Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli - Walter Rondoni - Amedeo Massetti - Fabio Mariotti). Il modo di vivere, di morire, la solidarietà e gli svaghi Procession of the Madonna - late 1950s. (Corradi photographic archive) The facade of the church of San Francesco The opera singer Domenico Bruni Piazza Umberto I (now Matteotti) in the early 1900s. (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide). In 1700 it was smaller and was called piazza del Marchese. Annibale Mariotti Giuliano Bovicelli AGRICULTURE, TRADE, TRADES AND EDUCATION Agriculture In 1700 the permanent settlement in the countryside was much safer than in previous centuries and the construction of farmhouses was no longer based on the tower-house system, the house with a minimum surface area but developed in height, suitable for housing and also for defense. of the peasant and his household goods. Now the type of house developed on a flat level is adopted, with a greater base, lower height, overall higher airspace. It has a ground floor used for agricultural management and a first floor for the farmer's home. The land could be "arable", "canapinato", "cerquato", "gineprato", "gengato", "working", "olivato", "ortivo", "pergola", "grass", "sodivo", "fucato" "," Vlneat0 "," silvato "," boschivo "(or" buscato "). The "cerquato" land was held in great esteem because the oak was even considered a fruit plant due to the great need for acorns that were used for pigs but, at times, in cases of great famine, they were reduced to flour as an aid to feeding. Human. There was a dominance of the pergola over the vineyard, a fair extension of the olive grove and the presence of the "canapinato" in the places richest in water. The extension of the land was measured in the capacity (rubbia, mina, stara, cup) of seeds necessary to cover the ground. The owners are very few. We find noble families such as Ranieri, Degli Oddi, Bourbon di Sorbello, Florenzi, Antinori, Crescenzi, Zeccadoro who had lands in Fratta but resided elsewhere, for which they did not pay taxes. There were resident families, also very rich: Alberti, Albanesi, Bertanzi, Bruni, Agostini, Burelli, Gnoni, Fracassini, Guardabassi, Magnanini, Paolucci, Petrogalli, Reggiani, Vibi, Cambiotti, Cibo, Mavarelli, Ramaccioni, Montanucci, Falici , Bartoccini. The leases were of two kinds: a temporary type, stipulated for three, six and nine years and the type called "emphyteusis" which usually covered a period of three generations. These were the most used but there were some valid for a single "riculture", that is, for a single crop or a single agricultural year. There are three parties to the dispute, even if only two stipulators, namely the owner of the land and the tenant who makes the peasants work the land, excluded from the negotiation. The owner had to allow the tenant to have the peasant's family members live in the farmhouse; he had to give vines and olive trees to be planted in the year. If he did not provide them, the tenant was released from the "planting" obligation and the owner could not oblige him the following year. The tenant was required to keep the plants found in the delivery inventory, he could send the farmers away at his will and pleasure. It was up to him to pay, in addition to the rent, the duties, the gabelles, the chamber's taxes. He had to leave the sown land as he had found it at his entrance; he had to return the barrels but be careful "that they are of good smell and without any vice, as he receives them". At the end of the rent, the pigs and the large cattle were given back according to the estimate; the sheep and goat cattle were made at the head. The farmer had to sow wheat and fodder with his own seed, prune and undermine young and old trees, plant a certain number of vines and olive trees every year with the system of formoni and that of single holes. Do not cut fruit trees, only lumber that has died from the fire. He had to take part of the land product to the master's house and for this he was paid in kind or in foodstuffs. The must was divided in half. At Easter he had to give a certain quantity of eggs and "pancasciato"; he had to give gifts and obligations in chickens and eggs. In the eighteenth century there was no "colonial pact" specified and imposed by law as will happen later, but only unwritten agreements. Of the products of the fields, half went to the owner (dominical part) and half to the farmer. In the cases of three-way relationships (owner, tenant and farmer) the division took place between tenant and farmer; the master took the rent. The owner was responsible for the costs of pruning and undermining the vines, the formoni and the pits, the fees to the farmer when he was called to give his "assistance" to the harvest work, to sift the wheat and shovel it, to do various jobs of the cellar, when it brought to sell the products to the market, the appraisals and the taming of the cattle, the construction and the accommodation of the rural buildings. They produced cecio, red cecio, hemp, cicerchie, cherries, beans, broad beans, mulberry leaves, opium leaves, figs, cheese, wheat, corn, acorns, lenses, lentils, wool, flax, lupins, honey, hazelnuts, walnuts , barley, olives, panic, pears, peaches, peas, grapes, vetch, vein, wine. The farmer had to pay a tax called "collar" when he used the oxen that belonged to the owner to work the land. The peasant's give and take resulted from the "workers' book". On the hill farms, sheep and goats were kept, but also many pigs. The Commerce The aspect that characterizes the economy is the static nature of values. There is no inflation and the differences in the prices of some commodities are caused by momentary extraordinary factors. Another component is the painfulness of work, of wages stuck on the verge of a tiring survival. The economy is very poor, both at the territorial level (municipality of Fratta) and in the Papal State. Another aspect is the almost total concentration of productive activities such as agriculture, for example, in the hands of a few nobles who also took possession of a certain industrial activity (wool mills). There was also a small artisan industry (iron and figulina [terracotta]), but it was limited by a limited availability of capital, always insufficient as it was available in the family. The large payments were made with "bank coupons", generic receipts issued by banks (the "Monti"). The deeds were stipulated by the notary who certified that the buyer was putting the money on the table. Sellers - Bocci (silkworms): Mavarelli, woman Caterina Igi. - Hemp: Alessio Moriconi. - Calcina: Mariangelo di Paolo, Domenico Stoppa. - Construction material: Giovanni Maria Diamanti, Menco di Natale, Andrea Fanfani, Molinari, Domenico Salvatori, Fortunato Agostini, Ludovico Cristiani. - Fronda dei mori (mulberry trees): Antonio called "il Regnicolo", the "Stinco". - Timber: Andrea Bellagamba, Raffaele Scapicchi, Antonio di Giovan Battista, Paolo di Giorgio, Gio. Tomasso da Monte Castelli, Giuseppe Jotti, - Straw: Girolimo di Rondino. - Hides: Pietro Baldoni is a seller (and collector) of goat skins and "white bassettes". - Stabbio: Donna Carolina Gratini (1712) to the brotherhood of San Bernardino; Costantino di Vincentio, Angelino Mavarelli, Giulio Rovinati. Mattio Massi, Filippo Leonetti, Filippo Carocci. - Wine: they received monetary compensation for each barrel of wine. Santi di Cristoforo (1700), Francesco Franceschini, Federico Palazzari (1701), Pietro Martinelli (1715/1749), Francesco Mercante (1722), Antonio Jotti (1726), Costanza Martinelli (1727/1738), woman Elisabetta Jotti, known as " the Padella "(1733/1735), Bernardino Cantelli (1741), Elisabetta Falcioli (1741/1747), Fabrizio Brugnoli (1749), Donna Francesca d'Andrea (1751), Donna Margherita Massi called" the Margarita "(1756/1759 ), Giovanni del quondam Andrea (1759/1760), woman Virginia Ciangottini (1767), Tommaso and Clemente Ciangottini (1768), Antonio known as "il Regnicolo" (1780), woman Maria Antonia Mercanti (1782/1784). Gambattista Fanfani (1787), Gian Maria Bartolini (1789). Shops and shopkeepers 1702 - Gregorio Molinari: glass. 1706 - Francesco Luminati: wax. 1718 - workshop of "Fabbreccia", in Piazza San Francesco, on the side of the Tiber. 1722/1730 - Sante Mavarelli: bread, lard, lard, wax, fàcole and gunpowder. 1724 - cobbler's shop. There were hammer, pincers, ligiatore, knife, stick. 1732 - Pietro Spaccini: glass, dies for windows (to be placed between the glass). 1732 - Gaspare Martinelli: lead for the dies. 1741/1749 - Domenico Cerbonelli: wax, string, nails, incense. 1745 - Borgo di Sopra, market area, Vasaro Giovan Maria Martinelli. 1745 - Borgo di Sopra, master Antonio Vibi, arquebusier. 1745 - Borgo Inferiore, three blacksmith shops. 1748 - Agostino Bettelli: wax. 1753 - Gaspare Martinelli: lead for glass. 1765 - Ercolano Roni: eggs. 1767 / 1797- Vibi: lace, wax, etc .. 1770 - Silvestro Jlartinelli has a "cossi" shop. 1770/1776 - Domenico Mavarelli: wax, lead for paints, canvas bombage . 1779/1795 - Donino Passalbuoni: shoe shop. 1776 - Burelli: "spetie", wax and shellac. 1781 - Vincenzo Mavarelli: wax. 1788 - Guerrini: wax. 1788 - Ubaldo Perugini: oil. 1791 - Alessio Vioriconi: cloth for sacks. 1792 - Girolamo Ciangottini: wax. 1794 - piazza San Francesco, a potter's shop with an adjoining furnace. 1794 - Piaggiola, shoemaker shop. 1794/1797 - “between the doors”. small square at the south-west bulwark (Tiber), the butchery shop, municipal meat resale. 1795 - 1799 - Vincenzo Mavarelh: balance bills, nails, pins, centaroles, silk buds. Taverns and hotels -Osteria della Corona "with accommodation. It was located in Piazza San Francesco, in front of the church of Santa Croce. It was owned by the Counts of Civitella Ranieri. In 1738, a Perugia cop died there, hit by a harquebus." Osteria della Staffa " , with lodging, in the street of San Giovanni, inside the castle walls.It was probably the property of Count Ranieri.There were also the taverns of Antonia Mercanti, with lodging, of Giuseppe Carocci, of Sebastiano Cesaretti. In 1721 there is "the Osteria di Pier Antonio", managed by a certain Bruscatelli. Next to it stood a "palombaro", the classic peasant house. The villa (hamlet) consisted of only these two or three houses. Nearby was the chapel of the Holy Spirit. "L'osteria della Mita" was owned by the Marquises Florenzi di Reschio, who lived in Perugia. Towards Città di Castello there was "l'osteria di Montalto", on the level of the Tiber, along the consular road from Fratta to Niccone. It belonged to the Counts Degli Oddi of Perugia, also owners of the castle of Montalto. Finally, there was "1'osteria della Nese", on the river of the same name, on the border between Perugia and Fratta. Fairs and markets Fairs were held in the first week of June and took place in the square of the church of Sant'Erasmo, also known as "il Mercatale". Only the cattle for such occasions found place in another location, usually the large municipal lawn located beyond the Tiber bridge. In Civitella Ranieri the fair took place between 20 and 25 July. In Montalto, on May 28th. The post office In the eighteenth century the Upper Tiber Valley was crossed by two services with diligence (two "mail courses", as it was then called). One came from Città di Castello and was directed to Perugia, the other departed from Montone and was also directed to Perugia: they stopped in Fratta to change horses, to pick up the mail and any passengers. These "mail courses" arrived in Fratta early in the morning, first that of Montone, then that of Città di Castello, with a delay that could be half an hour compared to the fixed time. They reached Perugia about four hours later. In addition to the "scheduled" service, there was also a special "course", for urgent community mail, called "lo sped" or "celerifero" (a kind of "priority mail). Provided by a man on horseback who brought "bolzetta" (leather bag) only the parcels of the municipality for which the departure of the diligence could not be expected the following day. Trades Oil mills There was one near the Lazzaro ditch, on the border between the "Mercatale di Sant 'Erasmo" and the area of Santa Maria. He probably also had a millstone. In 1794 it belonged to the Mazzaforti brothers who rented it for four years to Ubaldo Cambiotti. In the area there were oil mills in Cicaleto, Migianella, Monte Acuto ("Molino with its press and vine, in whose stump there are three iron circles, the millstone with its trestle and on an iron stake but with a wooden wedge" ), Racchiusole, San Patrignano. Grain mills In the "villa" of Cicaleto, in the parish of San Giuliano, property of the Camaldolese friars of Montecorona. It was located one kilometer from the Tiber river, south of Fratta and remained active until the early decades of the twentieth century. It had its own dam, the grinding wheel, the "cialandro", the hopper, the iron blades. And the "fulling machine", the mechanism for beating woolen cloths by means of large wooden hammers that were moved by the water. Other grain mills were located in Molino Vitelli, Monte Migiano, Serra "di Partuccio", San Patrignano and the abbey of San Salvatore (inside, it was called "mill of the cloister" and drew water from a ditch). I calcined In Santa Giuliana, owned by Mariangelo di Paolo. He made mortar which he sold the soma to four baiocchi. Another on the coast of Monte Acuto, belonging to the Fracassini family. Furnaces They had one Angelo di Roso and Fortunato Agostini, who in 1751 sold bricks for the facade of Santa Croce. In Carpini and Montalto, of the Degli Oddi of Perugia, owners of the castle of the same name. It was demolished by a flood of the Tiber in 1760. A bit of everything'.. Archibugieri: master Giulio Castellani, master Giuseppe and master Antonio. Gilders: Antonio Gabriotti, in 1717 gives gold to the candlesticks and carteglories of Santa Croce; Giuseppe Ferranti, from Gubbio. Silversmiths: Silvestro Angelini, from Perugia; in 1743 he sold a chalice and a silver paten to the Confraternity of Santa Croce. Bastari: Pietro Profili, Tommaso Mischianti, Giacomo Botti and Fabio Urbani. Bottari and bigonzari: Alessandro Jotti, Angelo Ciangottini, Francesco Puletti. Calzolari: were gathered in the congregation of the art of shoe-making (which had its own chapel in the church of Santa Croce, at the altar of Saints Crispino and Crispiniano, protectors of the category): Pietro di Angelo, Ubaldo Moretti, Carlo Guerrini, Donino Passalboni, Antonio Mariani. Hatters: Passalbuoni, Giuseppe Benedetti from Città di Castello. There was also a shop in Castel Nuovo. Canapari: Giovan Carlo Montanucci. Tanners: Giulio and Panfilio. Designers: Brischi, Giuseppe Notari and Giovan Pietro Gigli. Fabbri: Lorenzo and Pietro Martinelli, Carlo Francesconi, Domenico Paganelli, Raimondo Rotelli, Pier Giovanni Lestini, Francesco d'Agostino, known as "Ferraccio". At the end of the eighteenth century two blacksmith shops were in the small open space at the beginning of the road that leads to the Borgo Inferiore, immediately after the bridge over the Reggia. In 1798 Silvestro Martinelli and Vincenzo Jotti are the "officials" of the art and university of blacksmiths. Carpenters: Carlo Bolisi (1720), Ludovico Franceschini (1724), Alessandro Jotto (1753), Giovan Lorenzo Gigli (1750), Francesco Moscatelli (1745) in Pierantonio, Giuseppe Jotti (1749). Founders: Gregorio Righi, from Perugia, melts and accommodates the bells of Santa Croce in 1717. Fornari: Bartolomeo di Lorenzo, Domenico Lauri, Giovan Battista di Giulio, Bernardino Tassi, Olimpia Tassi. Carvers: Marco Batazzi, Alessandro Igi. Slaughterers: Santino, Andrea, Giuseppe Schiavini; Angelino Mavarelli, Marino Farneti. Magnani: Michele Aragoni (1698/1710). Laborers and porters: Tommaso di Francesco, Santi Paoletti. Giulio di Goro, Domenico Salvatori. Marescalchi: Antonio Mazzanti. Measurers, estimators: Fabrizio Mazzaforti (barrel meter), Lodovico Franceschini (grain meter), Alessandro Jotti (timber estimator), Antonio Brischi (wine meter), Vincenzo Mavarelli (wine estimator). Molinari: Tommaso Mancini, Giuseppe di Antonio. Masons: Giovanni, known as "Miracle", Costanzo di Cesare, Antonio di Giovan Maria, Ventura Bartoccini (master mason), Ercolano Corsini, Domenico Farneti (master mason). Mason's tools were the hammer, the spoon, the hoe for making mortar, the hammer, the lead, the archipendolo, the shovel to scornigate. Organ builders: Carlo Balducci, Pietro Forti, Orazio Fedeli. Pyrotechnicians: 1786, Francesco Natali; 1787, Bernardino Brischi Painters: Antonio Gabriotti, Francesco Leonardi, Ubaldo Vitaliani, Giuseppe Ferranti, Francesco Cocchi, Giuseppe Bertanzi. Pollaroli: Pietro known as "1'Anitraro", Giambattista. Pruners: Antonio called Sciuga, Francesco di Antonio; Francesco Scalseggia. Embroiderers: Colomba Vespucci. Tailors: Guerrini, Crestina Francesconi woman, Francesco Moriconi, Mauritio Pucci, Margherita Massi woman. Stonecutters: Francesco di Vincenzo, Lorenzo Brischi, Francesco known as "Borzicchio", Domenico Mavarelli, "il Riccio". Segatori: Giuseppe Moretti, Tommaso di Pascuccio, Belardino known as "il Regnicolo", Paolo Pieroni, Panfilio di Francesco, Paolo Ercoli. Saddler: Fabio Urbani Stucchi: Giuseppe Notari (1753, works in Santa Croce), Giovanni Cherubini. Weavers: Maria Cristina Francesconi, Aurora Roni, Elisabetta Cantelli woman, Margherita Massi woman. There are no factories, woolen mills and cloth factories. The processing is done in the homes of private citizens as many have looms. Dyer: Gerolamo Martinelli. Vasari: Francesco Fussai (1709), Giammatteo Martinelli (1742), Silvestro Martinelli, Gaetano Martinelli. Painters: Giuseppe Ferranti Carriers and couriers: Paolo Cangelotti, Marino Rotelli, Tommaso di Marco, Andrea di Ercolano, Giovanni known as "Spaterna", Pietro Simone Cicutella. Education In the eighteenth century there was a school where the first elements of reading, writing and arithmetic were taught, held by a clergyman. He was paid by the community with a salary that was, at the beginning of the century, of about twelve, fourteen scudi a year. To these were added three shields from the confraternity of Santa Croce as schoolmaster and another twenty-five that the same corresponded to him "for the chaplaincy", the task of saying masses in the chapel of the brotherhood. The employment contract was stipulated between the municipality and the master before the notary. In case of vacancy, the parents of the children signed a policy with which they agreed to pay a small sum to the municipality, in favor of the teacher. The school was located in the Borgo Inferiore, in the premises of the Confraternity of Santa Croce. At the end of the century, the master took thirty-two scudi a year from the community. In addition to this he received eight scudi from the Confraternity of Santa Croce again for the school and the "chaplaincy", to which were added the sums from other confraternities for various religious or occasional services such as musical performances on the occasion of parties. However, the annual income was sufficient for a decent standard of living. A teacher taught grammar and rhetoric for a salary of seventy scudi a year. At the end of the century this school was located in Castel Nuovo, on the premises of the former monastery of Santa Maria Nuova, purchased by the community of Fratta. In 1700 the schoolmaster was Don Pietro Cardoni, from Nocera. He lived in the two rooms above the Santa Croce hospital that the brotherhood had reserved for him. The latter retained fifteen paoli a year from the salary she paid him for the rent: thirty paoli in all, that is, three scudi. As was customary at the time, the maestro also performed the "music service" for the company of Santa Croce. In early August 1719 Cardoni resigned. Don Matteo Silvestrini took over and the brotherhood also rents the rooms above the hospital to him. In 1725 the teacher is Don Pietro Burli. In the early months of 1730 the school teacher was a certain Fabbri, but in April he was replaced by Don Innocenzo Diamanti, for four years. Then the Abbot Giovan Battista Orlandini and Don Lorenzo Meuccio. From 1741 to 1750 the masters were Don Ubaldo Balducci, Don Gerolamo Passi, Don Francesco Tosoni, Don Gaspare Mazzaforti, Don Lorenzo Pellegrini, Don Modesto Spinetti. From 1750 we find don Arcangelo Mischianti (teacher of sacred theology is fra 'Francesco Maria Calindri, guardian of the convent of San Francesco), don Alessandro Dini born in Urbania, don Matteo Tosciliani, don Paolo Costantini, don Ubaldo Menghini, don Stefano Loretti, don Angelo Mavarelli, don Antonio Giuseppe Gnagneri, don Cristiani, don Giuseppe Angelini, the canon don Paolucci. In 1787 the school teacher was Don Ercolano Mavarelli. He took four scudi a four-month period. He is a canon of the collegiate church of San Giovanni. In 1789, Father Fulgenzio Maria, a minor of the observers of the convent of Santa Maria, born in Città di Castello, was the master. In 1790 there is the canon Pecchioli followed by Don Luca Brami. We then find Don Sebastiano Riccardi and Abbot Paolo Padoni. The teaching of music It could be public and private. The first was entrusted to the chapel masters and these, having graduated in music in some school, were called and paid by the various brotherhoods and religious congregations. Their dependence explains the term "di cappella", as the brotherhoods had their headquarters in a church where they owned a chapel with an altar dedicated to their protector. The major brotherhoods, of Santa Croce and San Bernardino, had their own teacher but he did not take a salary that would guarantee him economic security; for this he also carried out occasional work at other brotherhoods and churches, managing, among other things, to earn enough to live. In addition to public teaching, there was a private one. There was the custom of entrusting a young man, from early adolescence, to a teacher who undertook, for an annual fee, to teach him instrumental music and singing and, at times, also to read and write. The boy, however, had to leave his family and move to the house of the teacher, who became father-master, staying here for the established time, about ten years. All this was agreed through a notarial deed comprising many clauses. Sources: - Renato Codovini - “History of Umbertide - Volume VI - 18th century” - Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2001 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2001 (Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli - Walter Rondoni - Amedeo Massetti - Fabio Mariotti). Illustrations by Adriano Bottaccioli. Harvesting of wheat by hand (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) Peasant family (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) Sul paiaio (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) On the ox cart (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) Calesse (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) 1977. La Fornace (Giuseppe Severi Archive) 1975. Trace of a potter's oven in via Bovicelli (Giuseppe Severi Archive) Glimpse of Santa Croce Agricoltura, Commercio, Mestieri e Istruzione Le chiese minori di Fratta e i proietti La chiesa di Sant'Andrea di Castelvecchio Church of Sant'Andrea di Castelvecchio The ancient temple was located at the height of the current analysis laboratory in the old hospital of Umbertide The church, of very ancient origins dating back to the early twelfth century, stood in the Upper Borgo of Fratta, called Castelvecchio, right on the spot where the old hospital was built in 1870. It had a bell tower with two bells and several altars inside. One of these, dedicated to Santa Barbara, was built in 1735 (1). Despite the long life and the prestige it had held in the hearts of the faithful of Fratta, we know little of its characteristics. We do not know its shape and we are not able to know if it kept works of a certain value within it, which is possible given the long history of the temple. If we lack certain information on its origins and its structure, we have, on the other hand, detailed information on its end which coincided with that of the eighteenth century. The collapse, in fact, began much earlier, in the year 1751, when the parish priest, Archpriest Petrogalli, informed the Bishop of Gubbio that a part of the roof was collapsing and also the wall around the bell tower was about to do the same. The authorization for the "reduction" of the church arrived and as the collapses continued, it was further reduced to become a small chapel. In this capacity it was occasionally officiated for some time and later disappeared as the seat of the services of the cult. The "reduction" works were financed with the proceeds from the sale of the main bell (2) which also made it possible to embellish the altar of the church of San Giovanni Battista, where on 15 December 1752 the painting representing Sant'Andrea, painted by Benedetto Cavallucci of Perugia. Note: 1. See Umberto Pesci, History of Umbertide, Typography R. Fruttini di Gualdo Tadino, year 1932, p. 133 et seq. 2. Archpriest Petrogalli, with the Bishop's permission granted on 10 November 1751, had sold the main bell, weighing 220 pounds, to the Philippine Fathers of Montefalco for 38 scudi. Sources: "Umbertide in the XVIII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide - September 2003 THE MINOR CHURCHES OF FRATTA AND THE PROJECTS The minor churches The church of the Madonna del Moro was located just outside the Borgo Inferiore, in the center of a farm owned by the Savelli family, next to the farmer's house and a well. In 1746 the farm was sold to Bernardino Dell'Uomo with all the annexes and the small chapel followed the fate of the house and the fields. The instead, the small temple of the Madonna del Giglio was located near the Borgo Superiore, in a property of Donna Pellegrini Stella, widow of Giovan Francesco Paolucci. The lady contributed to the maintenance of the chapel with the sum of five scudi a year. On 16 September 1730 she made her will and ordered that, after her death, the heir, who was her nephew, Captain Giovan Tommaso Paolucci, should continue to pay the contribution. In the market area there was a small chapel, also called Chiesina del Boccaiolo , dedicated to the Blessed Virgin. The news comes from very few lines of a notarial deed (1) . The church, which we do not know precisely where it was, was enlarged by Marcantonio Stella who did not have it as a property, but was obliged to maintain it as well as to have one mass said a month and six masses on the 10th. December each year. In front of the church of Sant'Agostino, before entering the Piazza del Mercatale, on the left, stood the Monastery of Santa Maria Nuova with the chapel of Santa Lucia attached to it. When the Monastery was suppressed on July 21, 1787, it continued to be open to worship. It was also called the "church of the blacksmiths" because that corporation had obtained it for use by the Municipality, which in 1787 had become the owner of the entire former monastery. Towards the end of the century, in 1790, it underwent substantial maintenance work for an amount of 140 scudi advanced by Lorenzo Vibi. The intervention suggests that the chapel was still officiated. There is little news about the church of Calatola . It was located in the homonymous farm word, above the hill where the Bertanzi house stands (Villa Pace). The chapel almost certainly belonged to the same family. Church of Sant 'Agostino Shortly before entering Piazza del Mercatale (Piazza Marconi), to the right of whoever descends from Piaggiola, stood the convent of Sant'Agostino and the church of the same name, right in the center of Castelnuovo. The temple was regularly officiated by the Augustinian Fathers who had the responsibility and care of it; it housed several altars, including one dedicated to Sant'Antonio, and communicated with the premises of the convent in the west. Above the ceiling of the church there were two large rooms and on the north side, between the road to Montone and the apse, there was a vegetable garden cultivated by the friars. The church was a thriving center of religious life and faith as long as the Augustinians who were its soul remained there, but when they left Fratta, the church also took second place. The convent, in fact, was suppressed and in 1738 its property, which also included that of the church, passed to the Municipality. The Judiciary of Fratta, in the same year, asked the Bishop of Gubbio for authorization to sell the buildings adjacent to the church. The permission was granted especially since the transfer was destined to remain "in the parish" because the buyer was a priest, Don Silvestro Fanfani, who offered 110 scudi. It was a forced choice since the administrators needed cash to pay the salary of the school teacher, since for several years and after numerous attempts, they had not been able to rent those premises. The church, which showed signs of subsidence in the wall along the road, was the subject of a careful restoration with the construction of a sturdy support spur. Towards the middle of the century, therefore, it was still officiated and was entrusted to the Company of Death. Note: 1) The deed reads: "Remembrance of the faculty given by Mr. Giambattista Bartolelli from Città di Castello to the late Marcantonio Stella of this land to enlarge and expand the church of the Madonna SS.ma di Loreto in the Market. Deed of the notary Michelangelo Cenni di Gubbio , on 15 September 1690, without reserve of patronage ". The projectiles (foundlings) One of the many painful problems of the century, of the previous ones and also of the following one, was the plague of projectiles (or foundlings, or exposed). There were many, more than one can imagine, and in some cases, in addition to the doors of convents, churches and hospitals, where newborns were usually abandoned, revolving drums were also put into operation, communicating with some convent, to to deposit defenseless children, wrapped in poor clothes as best they can. Also in Fratta there was one (1) , near the “scortico”, in the inter portas square that led to the Tiber bridge. It was called "The wheel of the exposed". The painful phenomenon had deep social roots and did not bear the signs of the scarcity of the maternal sense. The mere thought of such a hypothesis would be an offense to feelings and history. The mother was certainly the first person to feel the agony of the dramatic detachment and to swallow drops of daily bitterness at the thought that the fruit of her breast would grow without affection and without caresses. But in a society such as the eighteenth century, in which infant mortality reached very high levels even in the most affluent families, and the darkest poverty gripped a large part of the population, the abandonment of one's creature to a destiny that was hoped to be generous with better assistance, paradoxically it could represent an act of love or, at the very least, an extra hope of survival. History hides, pitiful and discreet, a series of sufferings and dramas that have not touched the palaces of power, the only archives that an ancient and widespread historiographic theory has carefully consulted in its partial research. The Fratta projectiles were taken to Perugia, to the Misericordia hospital, which then sent them to Assisi, where Mons. Caracciolo, since 1739, had created a special hospice. The transport to Perugia, for the weak newborn, already represented a heap of hardships, especially in the winter period, but for the insiders it was a normal practice to be carried out, governed by a series of strict provisions, behaviors and remunerations. (25 baiocchi per trip, for the coachman). Several had to arrive in Perugia if the Prior of that city, on May 14, 1741, sent a recommendation to the Confraternity of Santa Croce which had asked for information on the matter. The letter was long, but we report the most pleasant part, to soften the tints of the drama: "In response from the highly esteemed Loro Loro around the reception and transfer of the Proietti from there to this Hospital of Perugia, there is no difficulty in bringing us those who were born in this Territory of Fratta to be this of the Territory of Perugia, only the diligence remains that they are not from another nearby Territory, or from Città di Castello, or from Gubbio, that these have their Hospitals and there is the order of Monsignor Caracciolo, as they will see to the notification sent to them, as well as being careful that they do not take legitimacy and comply in everything with those orders, to which the due penalties are imposed ". With all the good will it was difficult to establish the provenance and territorial belonging of the projectiles, and if we had some certainty about it, they would no longer be such. Those in charge of this sector did everything they could to entrust them to some local nurse who nursed them in the very first days of life, before making the journey to Perugia, but the death records are pitiless. In 1753 one of them was entrusted to the Briganti family of Polgeto: “Luigi dies, of an uncertain father and mother, ten days old, handed over to Veronica Briganti on January 21st”; "On February 18, 1753 Anna dies, of uncertain father and mother, handed over to Veronica Martinelli to nurse her on February 11"; "On May 9 Maria dies, of uncertain father and mother, handed over to Veronica Martinelli to breastfeed her". And the list goes on, but we prefer to stop here. Just to give an example, in the parish of Sant'Erasmo alone, in 1710, five were collected in front of the church door and six in 1720, to refer only to two years of a religious community that had 600 souls. Note: 1. There was also another one next to the convent of Santa Maria Nuova. The gardener who cultivates the adjacent garden testifies that it was visible until the end of the 1950s. Sources: "Umbertide in the XVIII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide, 2003 PROCUREMENT AND PUBLIC PROPERTIES Procurement Almost all of the taxes were contracted out to a debt collector through a regular competition. The obligation was introduced in 1729 by an Edict of Pope Benedict XIII which remained in force for a large part of the following century. The method used for the award was that of the "virgin candle" described in detail in another volume (1). Some contracts were extraordinary and remained in existence for the duration of the tax, as we have seen for the passage tax; others were fixed because the sector of activity subjected to the tax was permanent, such as that of supplies and some services, and were renewed every three years. They constituted the most reliable and most substantial income for the Municipality. All citizens duly informed by the notice of the announcement posted on the door of the Municipality and by the Balio tubatore could participate in the conduct of the race who, after scraping a few rings of tuba, read the main heads of the announcement through the streets of the castle and in the squares inter portas. In a council meeting of May 27, 1747 the contracts were discussed and thanks to it we were able to know not only which and how many there were, but also the amount that we wanted to obtain. We report them in the same order in which they were exhibited at that meeting: 1. Public Oven Contract 2. Tender for the Land Stamp 3. Procurement of the Carne Stamp 4. Public Slaughterhouse Contract 5. Procurement of the Damage Given 6. Contract of the Salara 7. Oil shop contract 8. Procurement of Measures 9. Procurement of Wood 10. Contract of the Stabbio 11. Procurement of the Foietta 12. Cenciaria contract 13. Tiber Wood Contract. Procurement of the oven The public oven belonged to the Municipality which did not manage it directly, but gave it to contract. In truth, in some short periods of the century, for reasons that escape us, the system of direct management was adopted. We can only exclude that they were of an economic nature, since the average annual gain obtained with self-management was about 40 scudi, while the contract yielded 90. Self-management lost 50 net scudi, to which they were owed add all the management hassles and worries. The contractor, in fact, in addition to the bread making was forced to provide for the purchase of the grain, its grinding; to the wood for the oven, all at his expense, and finally to the bread trade. It was a job that took a lot, especially in an era when there were still no electric ovens, special yeasts and various types of flour already packaged. The frequent change of management of the oven, moreover, indicates that the profit margins were not flattering. In 1710 the contract, always three years, was in the hands of a certain Pietro Antonio Marcellini who had inherited it from Ercolano Fanfani and Giovanni Antonio Agostini. The most lasting management was the one that goes from 1770 to 1781 held by Giovanni Antonio Agostini, perhaps a descendant of the manager we met at the beginning of the century. In the five-year period 1787/1791 the Municipality almost certainly managed it on its own with the results we have illustrated. In the following year the contract was won by Ubaldo Perugini. Towards the end of the century, in 1793, there was an attempt at competition by the Count of Civitella who was determined to open a bakery on the border of his county with the territory of the Municipality of Fratta, right at the point where today Viale Unità d ' Italia intersects with Via Roma, in the place then called Case Nuove. Giuseppe Palchetti had to manage it. The new exercise would have represented a serious blow to the public oven because Civitella did not apply duties to the activities inside its territory. The matter was resolved haphazardly in a meeting between the Count and the First Prior, at the end of which it was decided that things would remain as before. Procurement of the land stamp Even in those days whoever temporarily occupied the public land had to pay a tax to the Municipality. The most typical and recurrent case was that of the itinerant trade. As usual, the Camerlengo did not directly collect the sum and the entire sector was given out on a three-year contract to the highest bidder. In the middle of the century the contract yielded 38 scudi a year. Procurement of the meat and slaughterhouse stamp All the beasts had to be "skinned" at the slaughterhouse. The skins were then left to dry in the sun and the meat, cut into pieces, was subjected to the stamp by the "Bollatore delle Carni". The stamp was a guarantee of safety for the consumer and also of quality among the various types of meat (ox, cow, veal, sheep, mutton, pork, etc.), but above all a tax expedient. The Bollatore was the one who had won the three-year tender and not a veterinarian. Its only role was to withdraw the stamp duties from the butchers and to pay the Municipality an annual fee that was between 30 and 140 scudi per year. The slaughterhouse was also subject to the same regime. This is obviously the public slaughterhouse that the Municipality kept open for calming purposes, while the private butcher had fulfilled his obligation with the payment of the stamp on the meat. The management of the public slaughterhouse was subject to the normal procurement procedure and the winner undertook to pay a fee that averaged around 35 scudi per year (2). In addition to being a contract, the relationship could be configured as a "slaughterhouse rental", but the rules and procedures followed were those of contracts and not those of leases. Since they had to carry out the control function, the prices were agreed with the Municipality. Castrato, for example, had to be sold for 4 baiocchi (twenty quattrini) a pound, but from the first Sunday of Lent until the feast of St. John (24 June) it had to be sold for 21 quattrini a pound. Cow, sheep and goat meat sold for 12 quattrini a pound. The regulation of the contract of 1782 required that during the Christmas holidays all meat had to undergo a reduction, in line with the "social" function that the public slaughterhouse performed. Contract for the damage given and the deposit of the pawns The contractor was responsible for the surveillance and protection of public, movable and immovable property. When they were damaged ("damage given"), his task was to report the person responsible to the Commissioner Judge and to collect the compensation established, if the dispute had not been settled by amicable means. Part of the sum (usually a third) was due to him and the other part was paid into the coffers of the Municipality. It was a type of contract whose revenue was unpredictable and for this reason it was entrusted to the same contractor as the Depositeria dei Pegni, or Monte dei Pegni, as it was more commonly called. Debtors who could not meet their financial obligations often resorted to them, in the absence of the banks, to deposit an object of value and receive a sum in cash. At the set deadline, the depositary withdrew the pledge by paying the amount received with the interest and deposit rights. If this did not happen, as it often did, the pledge remained the property of the contractor who arranged for the sale and withheld the proceeds. The contractor had to have a fair amount of cash to secure the loans and had to be a skilled trader to make the valuation of the assets deposited. The contract paid the Municipality 6 scudi per year approximately. Contract for the salary, oil shop and grocery store Salt was a kind of monopoly in the Papal State and the sales regime was subject to government regulations. The purchase had to take place in the official "Salara", which for the Fratta Community was that of Perugia, or of Fossombrone, Iesi, Fabriano or Ancona, if it did not have one. The amount of the withdrawal was fixed at 36,000 pounds per year, and the local salary was also to serve the municipalities of Preggio, “Castelrigone”, the Badia di Monte Corona, “Pier Antonio” and Pian di Ronzano. For retail outlets, the usual procurement system was used, which in this specific case had a duration of two years, and the "Minister of the Salara", as the contractor was also called (3), had the strict obligation to cover the entire needs of the territory under its jurisdiction, since salt is an indispensable element of very large consumption. With the “Salara”, but in separate tenders, the oil shop and the grocery store were also contracted out. In the first, edible oil was sold and in the second, cured meats, lard and lard, salted meats and cheese. The prices of the products were set by the Defenders and had to be clearly visible on a sign posted in the shop. While we do not know how much the Community earned with the salt contract, the oil shop and the grocery store yielded 20 scudi a year (8 scudi for oil and 12 for other products). Procurement of weight measurements The possibility of weighing quantities of goods over 50 pounds was an exclusive prerogative that belonged to the Nobile Collegio del Cambio of Perugia, which held the monopoly right in this sector. Not being able to exercise it directly, the Noble College contracted it out to the various communities and these, in turn, to a local contractor through the usual tender procedure. "The large steelyard", as the scale was called, was considered a "public weigher" and the receipt issued attested not only the payment of the rights, but also the exact weight of the goods, to be asserted in court in case of disputes. The large steelyard belonged to the Municipality, which had to comply with all the provisions issued by the Collegio del Cambio and the Congregation of the Good Government (CBG) of Perugia. Even private individuals could equip themselves with a similar instrument, which had to be "stamped" by the contractor, that is, subjected to the control and payment of a tax, and was not valid in the event of a dispute, nor could it be lent to others, under penalty of seizure of the "steelyard". Weights under 50 pounds were carried out in all the shops of the time and in private homes, but the scales, in addition to the stamp duty, were subjected to bi-monthly checks. Other contracts Anyone wishing to bring firewood into the village had to pay a tax to the contractor as a "right of entry". The parcels were different in relation to the type of transport that could take place “a some”, that is, on the back of a donkey or mule, or in larger quantities of wagons. Payment in kind was also envisaged with the deposit of a piece of wood next to the entrance door to the castle. Generally the wood came from the cutting of the woods, but there was - also the “del Ponte” one, that is all the trunks that the floods of the Tiber piled up close to the pylons of the bridge. All this material that formed a kind of dam, with a lot of practical sense and foresight, was removed and sold on a systematic basis. Most of the time the contractor was unique, but the " wood of the Bridge " could have a different one from the official one. The streets of the town were haunted by the passage of beasts which, not being angels, deposited their excrements along the way, without much modesty. In an economic system in which nothing was thrown away and everything was recycled, even the “pen” was a useful material. The Municipality contracted out the collection and sale to the highest bidder who, in addition to making a profit, kept the streets of the town clean. The same thing happened with the rags whose collection was contracted out (contract by the cenciaria). The rags then ended up in Fabriano, where a thriving processing industry had existed since then. The pleasure of the "drop" of wine seems to have ancient origins and even goes back to Noah. For the taxman there could not have been a better opportunity. Thus the innkeepers and innkeepers who sold the wine by the minute had to pay the “foietta” tax. Even fishing, in the stretch of the river along the walls, did not escape the tax burden and the fishermen had to pay a kind of "license" to the contractor on duty. These latter contracts did not represent large revenues for the Community. The tax on the fishing license, for example, paid the municipality a shield a year. We do not know about the others, but we are inclined to believe that municipal finances could not be raised with rags, stabbing and wood. Various revenue A few more shields entered the anemic municipal coffers through the leasing of land, of the Shiites, of the houses and shops of public property, but it was very little. The sale of the crushed stone of the Tiber, the foliage of the poplars ( albaroni ), of the willows, of the elms and above all of the morigelsi, planted along the roads and the banks of the waterways, also gave some shields. The breeding of silkworms was widely practiced, even in small quantities in common houses, not to mention the massive production of maggots that were found in the area. The recycled materials of the renovated public properties were also sold, such as bricks, beams, tiles and bent tiles. The Rocca enjoyed direct financing from Perugia of 45 scudi a year, intended for the maintenance costs of the building and the entire complex of the castle walls . There were also chancellery rights at that time and those who needed declarations, certifications or copies of deeds were subjected to the payment of the expected fee. In any case, the proceeds deriving from the various items of income were very often not sufficient to cover the expenses of the Community and recourse to the loan was a constant practice even in those times. As there were no public credit institutions, private individuals were used, which were mostly religious communities. The loan was always guaranteed with the stipulation of a written deed, often with the endorsement of a guarantor and sometimes also with the deposit of a pledge by the guarantor himself. It happened that the Municipality had credits to collect, but they did not constitute an additional income, but the recovery of taxes not paid at the time by the defaulting taxpayer. Public properties In the century in question, the concept of "inventory" did not exist and therefore we do not have a detailed list of municipal property. From the various documents examined, however, it can be deduced that the patrimonial situation of the Municipality was approximately the following: L. Since 1725 there was a community of Monte Acuto with land on the coast of San Giovanni. We do not know for sure what the relationship between the Comunanza and the Municipality of Fratta was, but it is possible that it was a municipal property sold for use to farmers in the area. 2. In 1738 the Municipality became the owner of the church, the building, the gardens and the farm of the former convent of Sant'Agostino. The farm word “ Sant'Agostino ” had an area of 18 mines and three tables; farmhouse, cellar, barn and oven. The rent paid the Municipality 10 scudi a year paid in "two pays", that is, in two half-yearly installments. 3. In 1766 the Municipality owned the "shop of the bridge" which was located in the south-west bastion, that is in the small inter portas square near the bridge over the Tiber. It was rented to Silvestro Somigli with land under the public oven. 4. All the shiites under the castle walls were municipal property and also the environments in which commercial activities of public utility were carried out: oven, salary, flaying. 5. The seat of the municipal residence belonged to the Municipality, namely the Palazzo in the Rocca square and, subsequently, the former Convent of Santa Maria Nuova. 6. A house located in via San Giovanni di Bartolomeo Petrogalli was purchased by the Municipality in 1780. 7. Some registrations of 1798 certify that the following assets are sources of income for the Municipality, and therefore owned by it: • a vegetable garden attached to the municipal house; • a cellar under the municipal house; • a vegetable garden above the castle walls and under the Bruni house; • a vegetable garden in the word Porta Nova; • two pieces of land under the fortress; • two pieces of land at Boccaiolo, under the castle walls; • a shop known as the "old slaughterhouse"; • a large number of mori-mulberry trees on the municipal skies. Note: 1. For the same reason, Montone had to pay 2,500 scudi (Ascani A., Storia di Montone). The news is interesting because it can be deduced that at that time the territory of Fratta was smaller than that of Montone. 2. For the sake of completeness, we report the names of the contractors that result from the records in the Archives: 1774/76 Angelo Mavarelli, 1776 Angelo Nardi from Fiesole, 1779 Gismondo Contadini. 3. In 1745 the contractor was Mattia Degli Arrighi. After him the post was taken on by Bernardino Dell'Uomo. Sources: "Umbertide in the XVIII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide, 2003 Gli appalti e le proprietà pubbliche THE TIBER, THE BRIDGES, THE CASTLE WALLS Work on the area after the bridge The Tiber, silent and lazy, in some circumstances also knew how to be noisy and violent, so much so that, over the course of the century, it caused considerable damage to the banks and the castle walls. The banks along the Montalto area were the hardest hit, in particular the right one where the road to Città di Castello passed. The biggest damage occurred in 1760 when a brick kiln belonging to Count Degli Oddi, then owner of the castle of Montalto, and a long stretch of road were swept away by the current. "The city of Perugia, with the assistance of Mr. Domenico Tickets, factor of the castellano Degli Oddi, made a new road and built a double brush in the place of corrosion ..." But the most dangerous damage occurred to the north and south of the Fratta bridge, right along the castle walls. The river bed then followed a slightly different path, and upstream of the bridge, due to the erosions accumulated over time, the Tiber described a wide loop between the fields, moving away from the primitive route parallel to the road that corresponds to the current one. The current of the waters coming from the north direction rushed through the area of the bridge and threatened to dig an autonomous path, cutting the road and bypassing it on the right bank of the river. In 1758 the erosion reached only fifteen meters from the route of the via tifernate and the risk seemed to materialize with the breakthrough downstream. Fortunately, the phenomenon stopped, otherwise serious troubles would have been produced: the weakened castle defenses, the dry bridge, the compromised weir and large expenses for the adaptation of urban infrastructures to the new route (mills, public wash house, gardens and sewer system ). Therefore, a serious reorganization of the banks was urgent and the first systematic interventions began in 1753. In that year, the Sacred Congregation of the Waters of Perugia sent the engineer Antonio Felice Facci to Val di Chiana, then a marshy area, to carry out no better specified remarks. And since the Fratta was along the route, the technician was also in charge of examining the state of the banks of the Tiber around the castle. On the outward journey he stopped for two days, taking lodging at the Staffa tavern (1) at the expense of the Municipality; on his return trip, on February 17, 1753, he stopped again for three days, always in the same inn and always at the expense of the Municipality. We do not know the report that the engineer presented to the competent Authorities, but something concrete certainly suggested, if at the beginning of 1754 the first expense reports for works of a certain consistency appearing on the right bank of the Tiber, north of the bridge. . The trick used was to reinforce the bank with a palisade of large beams embedded in the ground and connected by thick planks behind which stones and bundles of glass were stowed. The "club" was also ingeniously built to drive the beams into the ground. It consisted of a castle of wooden planks from which a heavy oak trunk was lowered, shod at the edges, which hit the head of the pole. After each stroke the log was hoisted up again by six workers who pulled a sturdy rope wrapped in a pulley and the strokes were repeated until the desired depths were reached. All the timber was supplied by the Camaldolese of Monte Corona. The costs of the works, including technicians' fees, travel and reimbursement of expenses, reached high levels and in 1755 provisional tolls were imposed on every animated being who crossed the bridge. The table of tax levies has come down to us and we are reporting it for information for our readers. Surprisingly, they also paid the people at a rate equivalent to pigs, for reasons of weight and nothing else. People, 3 cash per person per day Beast unloads, cash 6 Charged beast, money 12 Horse-drawn carriage or wagon, baiocchi 4 Pigs, 3 bucks each Sheep, castrated and goats, 2 money each Vaccine, money 6 each In the same year there were important visits. The engineer of the Municipality of Perugia, Pietro Carattoli, the engineer of the Sacred Congregation of Waters, Antonio Felice Facci and a Jesuit, certain Father Ippolito, came to "recognize the state of erosion, draw up the map of the place and check the works". Syrians. The works continued uninterrupted throughout the year and beyond, so much so that on June 22, 1756 another inspection arrived, that of Don Pietro Tassinari. The monsignor left, on 10 July the Tiber organized another ruinous flood which, in addition to damaging the sheltered banks, took away a good quantity of planks stowed in the yard, later recovered in Ponte Felcino. The flood in July made it clear that the defense of the banks alone was not enough to prevent damage and around the sick area the commitment of the administration and technicians for more radical solutions intensified, with surprising timeliness. In March 1758, the engineer of the Municipality of Perugia, Pietro Carattoli, came back to Fratta and drew a new plan of the area in which the construction of an artificial canal was planned to bring the river back to its original layout, parallel to the road, so that close to the city walls it made a bend of 90 ° sufficient to harness the violence of the floods. The works began immediately in May and were almost finished by the end of June (2) . The work gave the desired effect: not only did it lighten the places from the damage of erosion, but the river immediately began to flow in a stable and definitive way in that riverbed which is still its natural bed today. Other floods occurred in 1773 and 1778 which threatened the Tifernate road and the Cistercian mill, but the works carried out considerably limited the damage. The use of manpower was massive and also involved women. Their task was to find the stones to be placed inside the "baskets", a kind of wicker containers, which were used by the workers in charge of sheltering the banks to stabilize the river embankments. The papers tell us that they were 19 and they received six baiocchi a day, almost as much as men. There was also a large group of woodcutters to saw the beams and boards, a team of cable workers to work the hemp and weave the ropes and ribs (sturdy bands of canvas), a handful of men who took care of the poles and these, in all likelihood, they must have been the workers at the poles of the castle of the mace, and a series of other figures of workers and artisans such as carters, masons, shovellers, etc. The most urgent and imposing works for the arrangement of the banks and to avoid damage to the castle were certainly those to the north of the bridge, but the intervention to the south was also necessary and in this sense, since 1752 (3 ), repeated requests were made which had no effect. In 1758, once the work to the north was completed, the pushes began again to fix the stretch of river from the bridge to the Schioppe, the cliff that was then also called "Punta della Genga" (4) . The practice went on very slowly due to evident contrasts between the Municipality, the frontists and the Perugian authorities who had to grant authorization to proceed, as well as an economic contribution. Since 1757 the three frontists - the friars of the convent of San Francesco, the Paolucci family and Count Ranieri di Civitella - had taken steps on their own to stem the banks along their properties. They were even willing to intervene on their own even in the most critical point of the situation, that is, at the mouth of the Palace into the Tiber, with the construction of a masonry "spur" or "guardian". The Municipality, although not very convinced of the solution, agreed because "you don't look a gift horse in the mouth", but Perugia rejected the proposal because it would have worsened the situation. On the contrary, the Sacred Congregation of Waters also contested the works of arrangement of the banks already carried out, inviting the frontists to demolish them. The result was a technical-juridical controversy which lasted for years and which had the sole result of paralyzing every initiative until 1789, when hostilities resumed. This time the experts came forward. The Municipality of Fratta, the city of Perugia and the Camaldolese friars (owners of the land on the right bank of the Tiber) chose Pietro Casimiro Fagliuoli as their expert; the convent of San Francesco, Paolucci and Count Ranieri commissioned the archpriest Don Bartolomeo Borghi, a great expert on the subject. But even the experts did not find an agreement and decided to resort to the arbitration of a well-known professional, a certain Virgilio Bracci, architect and engineer of the Sacred Congregation of the Good Government of Rome, who in those days was in Perugia. The meeting "in spite of the place" took place on 25 October 1789, in the presence of the archpriest Borghi and the abbot Luigi Pacini representing Fagliuoli. After two days of discussions, the dispute ended at the table with the lunch offered by the Camaldolese and a transaction was signed. It was a platonic agreement only because the commitments were never honored. Only two years later, the signed pacts were resumed with the decision to build at the mouth of the Reggia that triangular spur that the wise frontists had already designed in 1757. But when the work began, the Congregation of Waters of Perugia, still allergic to spurs, made it known that it did not intend to participate in the costs as it was due only to the frontists. One thing finally became clear: if the agreed works were to be carried out, the three owners had to bear all the expenses and the engineer Cristoforo Bartoli was promptly sent from Perugia to establish the boundaries of the land and share the shares. The bridges La Fratta was a fortress completely surrounded by water and the bridges were the only means of connection and communication with the surrounding area. Not only that, but since the surrounding countryside is crossed by the Tiber, the Royal Palace and the Carpina, other crossing systems were necessary to join the banks of the waterways and allow greater ease of movement and traffic in the fertile plain that it crossed. the valley. In some cases, considering the costs of a bridge, we relied on the ferry boats, but the Fratta was quite lucky and, in its immediate vicinity, had safe and stable tolls in masonry or wood. The bridge over the Tiber was a masterpiece of engineering, technique and aesthetic taste. It rested on three arches, which constitute the coat of arms of the Municipality of Umbertide and, even after the demolition of the drawbridge of the Porta Saracina, it had not lost its beauty and grandeur. Two sturdy doors guarded its entrances and the small church of Carmelo, located above the central pillar of the valley, invited peace and prayer when the road was all slower. The year of its construction is to be found between 1571 and 1588, at the will of the "Company of the Madonna della Reggia and Madonna del Ponte", entrepreneur of the two aforementioned sites (5) . Another bridge, the one over the Reggia stream in front of the Collegiate Church, played an important role in the town's economy. It connected Montone, the entire plain below and the Borgo Superiore with the center of Fratta and was also open to heavy traffic of animals and wagons. Its structural conditions were precarious because it was all made of wood with the exception of the two masonry heads on which the beams rested. The passage presented some difficulties because the bridge was narrow and without banks and on several occasions the Reggia had the bad taste of giving a few pieces to the Tiber. The spending resolutions for the restoration work were recurring, so much so that on April 4, 1770 the City Council decided to build it from scratch. The work was entrusted to Giovanni Tomassini, a Swiss from Lugano who lived in Gubbio, for a hundred baiocchi. The entrepreneur was known to Fratta because the previous year he had renovated the facade and the interior of the church of San Bernardino to the satisfaction of those who had commissioned the work. The new, wider bridge had sturdy sides and was suitable for carrying greater loads. It offered all the prerequisites of comfort, stability and safety. In the last years of the century the Judiciary of Fratta launched the project for the construction of a second bridge over the Reggia, the one that was to connect the center of the town with the Collegiate Church through a nave of the church of San Giovanni. The bridge will be built in 1807, but the first projects and intervention plans date back to 1794. In the surroundings, then, there were secondary but equally important bridges, such as the bridge over the ditch of Lazzaro and the one over the Fonte Santa. The latter, completely rebuilt in 1799. Further north, on the Montonese road, there was an ancient bridge over the Carpina built since 1294. To these bridges outside the castle must be added those that directly linked the area within the walls with the outside, such as the Piaggiola bridge, which allowed to cross the moat and access the Porta della Campana, and the bridge over the Reggia which allowed access to the Borgo Inferiore (Piazza San Francesco area). The Rocca had a drawbridge that descended over the Reggia and put it in communication with the lawn in front of it. In 1787 it still existed and was used. A note dated 3 September, signed by the Municipal Secretary Giambattista Burelli, stated: “Mr. dr. Giuseppe Paolucci Camerlengo to pay Angelo Gigli paoli four for refurbishment of the drawbridge of the Rocca, which with receipt are forty baiocchi ”. The walls of the Castle The most natural and spontaneous defense system among the ancients was to surround the castle, the village or the city with a robust wall. Sometimes ditches filled with water, palisades or other similar devices were also used in order to curb the impetus of the enemies and immobilize them in front of the obstacle in order to hit them with greater ease and precision from above. The walls therefore were born with the first urban settlements and have developed and strengthened with them, following their historical evolution. On more than one occasion, particularly in large cities, their successive and concentric walls are evident documents of population growth and urban sprawl. The castle of Fratta had only one wall of walls, robust and compact and nature had also endowed it with the natural defense of the water of the Tiber river and the Reggia stream in the area of its confluence with the older brother. Its inhabitants had built an artificial moat in the short stretch free from water, making the castle a fortified islet, with stone edges, among the safest in the area for very long centuries. The maintenance and repair of the city walls was always a meticulous commitment for the inhabitants and administrators of all times, well aware that it was a priority asset, essential for the survival of the community. For the Fratta the part most exposed to the wear and tear of the corrosive pressure of the waters was the stretch along the course of the Tiber. On several occasions it had suffered damage and had recourse to repairs, but the flood of 1736 was particularly devastating. He dragged out 1,600 square feet of walls and four houses that stood on them. The appraisal, immediately prepared for the repair of the damage, established the total amount of expenses at 1,032 scudi. It was a high figure that the local community, alone, could not have met and the Pope was turned to for the granting of an extraordinary contribution. Clement XII declared himself willing to provide 500 scudi on condition that the other 532 provided the inhabitants. And so it was. Having found the money, the reconstruction machine started with the purchase of the necessary material and the preparation of the construction site. The contract for the work fell to Bartolomeo Ferrati of Rome (6) and the direction was entrusted to Cesare Francesconi della Fratta. The excavation of the foundations began on 15 September 1739. Some financing problems arose immediately because at the end of the year the Pope had not yet granted the promised contribution. The Defenders of Fratta approached the representative of the community in Rome, a certain Mariotti, to act as intermediary for the handling of the file. We do not know if the choice was happy, the fact is that Mariotti made it known that "... the Pope was in a very bad state and almost sent to the doctors", taking care to add that if he died it would be more difficult to get the contribution and advised to get busy quickly, as if in the Roman Curia there were no offices in charge of dealing with the commitments undertaken, regardless of the Pope's health. Mariotti certainly did not have those "entrances" that his fellow citizens attributed to him and for which they paid him and he suggested asking others what they had rightly asked of him. It often happens that when you need a favor, the person you are addressing, instead of giving us a hand, submerges us under a heap of thoughtful advice, thankfully free. One thing, however, got it right: Clement XII died on February 16, 1740. A few years later, Mariotti was replaced by Giacomo Guadagni, a more authoritative and introduced Abbot who moved with greater agility in the offices of the Quirinale. The papers do not tell us what happened to the Pope's contribution that certainly arrived, otherwise we would have found traces of increased taxes in subsequent years and also on the reconstructed walls a plaque was affixed with the inscription "Clement XII - Pontiff Maximus - MDCCXXXIX" ( 1739) which testifies to a direct economic intervention by the Pope. The building intervention gave stability and safety to our walls precisely in that stretch where the thrust of the current was greatest, at the beginning of the sudden swerve of about ninety degrees that the Tiber makes before passing under the bridge. The abrupt change of direction makes us guess the nature of the ground below at that point. The castle of Fratta rises on a resistant conglomerate base that forces the Tiber to deviate its course in an almost unnatural way. Its consistency, as well as ensuring stability to the urban center and its walls, protects the buildings and their basements from the infiltration of humidity typical of the most permeable soils. The notarial deeds relating to the sale of properties located along the walls describe in a precise manner their characteristics and the neighboring strip of land. All the houses with the front in Via Diritta, in the rear part, bordered the fence, the municipal skids and the walls. The fence was not attached to the houses, but was separated from them for logistical reasons. Between it and the back of the houses ran a strip of land that formed a street or path. Later, in the west of the castle, the path will become Via delle Petresche and then Via Spunta. The space between the fence and the walls constituted, on the other hand, the "municipal shito", publicly owned which, in the distant past, was used for military defense purposes. At the beginning of the century, however, construction began on this area, reaching as far as the walls. The four houses that the flood of 1736 demolished are clear proof of this. The following graph reconstructs the characteristics of the castle walls. The design was made on the basis of what the notary Filippo Maria Savelli, della Fratta affirms, on 12 March 1768 in his notarial deed relating to the sale of a house. Note: 1. It is the only reference we have about the existence of this inn. In all likelihood it is the one that will be managed by Romitelli in the following century. 2. In a letter dated June 24, 1758 it is said: "... the work of the new cut is carried out almost to an excellent end". 3. Between 1752 and 1758 five reminder letters were written which can be found in the Augusta Library in Perugia among the "papers of Pietro Giacomo Mariotti". 4. The genga is a limestone rock for which the expression is scientifically more correct than others to indicate a cliff. It is used in the report of the engineer Cristoforo Bartoli of 1791 and in a notarial deed of the notary Giovan Battista Burelli, also of 1791. 5. In 1571 the Depositary of the “Company of the Madonna della Reggia (see the book Revenue and Expenses 1565/1571) and of the Madonna del Ponte” paid for some materials taken to accommodate (prepare) the pylon on which the church will have to support. In the year 1588, another recording tells us that a painting already existing in the Majesty which was at the beginning of the bridge is brought to the said Chapel. On that day the Confessor reminds us that the Chapel was not yet finished. In fact, it does not appear even in the drawing by Piccolpasso, dated 1565. 6. The Roman master mason came with a team made up of two masons and two unskilled workers (apprentices). He perceived in all (daily) paoli 14.50 (equivalent to scudi 1.45, i.e. baiocchi 145) divided by him as follows: baj 75 for him, baj 25 for each bricklayer and baj 10 for each boy, for a daily total of 145 baiocchi. Sources: "Umbertide in the XVIII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide - Gesp, 2003 Il Tevere, i ponti, le mura del Castello IL SISTEMA ELETTORALE COMUNALE Al centro della vita democratica del tempo c'era un bussolotto che faceva girare le palle. Di esso abbiamo ampiamente parlato in un altro volume, al quale rimandiamo il lettore per evitare di ripeterci. Qui esporremo solo le procedure tipiche dell'epoca, avvertendo che quanto diremo è il resoconto del rinnovo del Bussolo del 17 luglio 1783: "Rinnovare il Bussolo" era sinonimo di "predisporre la lista virtuale" di coloro che avrebbero dovuto amministrare il pubblico bene per i due anni successivi. Alla fine di ogni biennio esso veniva "rinnovato", inserendo nella cavità delle palle di legno poste al suo interno, un foglietto con i nominativi degli uomini destinati all'incarico. Non si trattava di eleggere solo i Difensori, che duravano in carica quattro mesi, ma anche i Consultori della Sanità, un triumvirato del primo Ceto con incarico biennale; i Sindacatori (Sindaci Revisori), una coppia con incarico annuale; i Terminatori e Stimatori (Quasi sicuramente si trattava di persone esperte nei confini catastali e nelle valutazioni dei beni mobili e immobili. Dopo la metà del secolo lentamente scompaiono), un'altra coppia con incarico biennale; i Portinari, due custodi, uno per la porta sud e l'altro per la porta del Mercato, che restavano in carica due anni; i Sindaci, una coppia con incarico annuale. Per questo motivo le palle, tutte uguali nelle dimensioni, erano contraddistinte da un'etichetta che indicava la categoria dei nomi contenuti: "Difensori, "Sindaci", "Portinari", ecc. per essere individuate al momento del sorteggio. Ma seguiamo da vicino il rinnovo del Bussolo del 17 luglio 1783 per avere un'idea diretta e precisa della procedura adottata. Si doveva, prima di tutto, rinnovare la Magistratura, ossia i Difensori, la carica più importante, che aveva una durata quadrimestrale e gli Imbussolatori avevano perciò a disposizione sei palle, entro ognuna delle quali dovevano inserire il biglietto con una quaterna di nomi. Ogni Ceto o "Sfera" indicava i suoi. Dei quattro, uno doveva appartenere al primo Ceto, ed era di diritto Capo di Magistrato, gli altri tre al secondo. Nella prima votazione furono indicati: Giuseppe Paolucci, Vincenzo Martinelli, Mattia Massi ed Angelo Gigli. Questa quaterna, di cui Paolucci del primo Ceto sarebbe stato il Capo, fu scritta in un foglietto, chiusa dentro la palla contrassegnata con l'etichetta "Difensori" e imbussolata. A questi signori, quattro mesi di governo cittadino da scontare quando sarebbero stati estratti, non li toglieva nessuno. Si passò alla seconda quaterna seguendo la stessa procedura e furono indicati: Angelo Cristiani, Giovan Battista Guerrini, Giovanni Montanucci e Silvestro Martinelli. La terza quaterna dette il seguente esito: Giuseppe Bertanzi, Angelo Ciangottini, Filippo Legnetti e Vincenzo Iotti. Man mano che veniva definita una quaterna, e dopo aver compiuto le operazioni di rito, si imbussolava la palla. A questo punto il Bussolo conteneva già tre palle. La quarta votazione dette il seguente risultato: Giuseppe Cerboncelli, Vittorio Ceccarelli, Pietro Crosti e Maurizio Pucci. La quinta votazione sentenziò: Giovan Battista Burchi, Lorenzo Gigli, Ubaldo Perugini e Pietro Bruni. La sesta e ultima votazione indicò: Giovan Maria Criacci, Gabriele Dell'Uomo, Donino Passalbuoni e Antonio Martinelli. Ora nel Bussolo si trovavano tutte e sei le palle dei Difensori e ogni quadrimestre ne sarebbe stata estratta una che conteneva i quattro componenti della "Giunta" cui spettava la guida del Comune. Si passò alla designazione dei tre Conservatori della Sanità, tutti possidenti appartenenti al primo Ceto, che dovendo restare in carica due anni, come il Bussolo, non vennero imbussolati. Lo stesso criterio fu usato per i tre Terminatori e Stimatori e per i due Portinari. Le due coppie di Sindicatori, con incarico annuale, furono nominate, scritte sul foglietto, chiuse nella palla e imbussolate. A questo punto nel Bussolo c'erano otto palle che diventarono dieci con le due coppie di Sindaci. Le operazioni erano terminate ed il Bussolo, completamente rinnovato, conteneva dieci palle. Al suo interno fu inserito anche il foglio degli "Spicciolati", una lista di riserva, divisa per ceti, da usare nel caso in cui, al momento dell'estrazione della palla, uno dei nomi ivi compresi non fosse più in grado di accettare l'incarico o perché malato o passato a miglior vita. Le elezioni erano finite e per due anni tutti i principali ruoli del governo cittadino erano assicurati dentro le palle. Riflessioni "elettorali" I metodi con cui venivano scelti gli amministratori e gli altri titolari di incarichi importanti nella Fratta del 1700 non sono nemmeno lontani parenti del sistema elettivo attuale. Ci siamo espressi con termini quali "elezione" e "sistema elettorale" solo per usare un linguaggio di uso comune e perciò comprensibile a tutti. Non sarà sfuggito ai nostri lettori che non esiste il minimo accenno alla procedura con cui veniva eletto il Consiglio Comunale Generale. L’accenno non c'è, perché non l'abbiamo trovato. Ma si può ragionevolmente affermare che quel Consiglio fosse l'espressione delle indicazioni assembleari dei due Ceti, riuniti separatamente, come avverrà nel secolo successivo. Non si hanno notizie nemmeno circa la sua durata e il rapporto distributivo dei Consiglieri tra i due Ceti, ma è legittimo sostenere che esso durasse quattro anni e che i membri del secondo Ceto fossero in misura doppia di quelli del primo, come nel secolo successivo. Anche la proporzione tra i Difensori legittima un'ipotesi simile. Del resto in un sistema politico immobile, come quello dello Stato Pontificio, in cui il precedente costituiva prassi duratura per il futuro, non è da escludere che i meccanismi in vigore agli inizi del secolo XIX fossero gli stessi del secolo precedente. L’avvicendamento avveniva quasi certamente con sostituzioni di aliquote quadrimestrali, in modo che al termine della legislatura il Consiglio fosse completamente rinnovato. Pur nei limiti di una rappresentanza ristretta, il sistema era ingegnoso e finalizzato ad assicurare continuità e stabilità all'amministrazione del territorio. Le notizie sugli organi di rappresentanza sono comunque pochissime. Dati i tempi, era infatti superfluo trattare un argomento che si giocavano tra loro solo una ventina di famiglie. Il paragrafo precedente dedica un ampio spazio al resoconto della riunione consiliare del 17 luglio 1783, che si occupò del rinnovo del Bussolo. È una delle rare occasioni in cui il secolo, avaro di notizie politiche, diventa generoso. Prima ancora, i1 20 ottobre del 1743, ci fu un'altra importante riunione consiliare che offre molti spunti di riflessione. Il rinnovo del Bussolo, nella sua disarmante trasparenza e semplicità, dovrebbe aver creato non pochi problemi, litigi laceranti e destabilizzanti ricorsi. Si viveva, insomma, in un clima di incertezze e di sospetti anche perché, in assenza di una normativa precisa, ci si rifaceva alle usanze e alle disposizioni precedenti. Le une e le altre venivano invocate, quando faceva comodo, dai personaggi più abili e interessati. Le cose stavano arrivando ad un punto di non ritorno e nella riunione dell'ottobre 1743, il Consiglio nominò una Commissione paritetica, composta da tre Consiglieri del primo Ceto e da tre del secondo, per elaborare una nuova bozza di Regolamento sul rinnovo del Bussolo e su altri problemi, da sottoporre poi all'approvazione del Consiglio Generale. I poteri conferiti ai Commissari erano ampi e andavano dal ripristino delle prassi "passate", all'adozione di misure nuove da adattarsi "alle circostanze de presenti tempi". La Commissione, presieduta da Filippo Maria Savelli, era composta da Cesare Francesconi, Bartolomeo Petrogalli, Domenico Franceschini, Francesco Guerrini e Carlo Vibi. La bozza di Regolamento, riportata per intero alla fine di questo capitolo, i1 6 dicembre del 1743 era pronta e si presume che fosse sottoposta all'esame del Consiglio Generale nella riunione successiva. I sette capitoli di cui si compone, nel loro stile involuto e tra ardite contorsioni concettuali che fanno invidia a un'odalisca, denunciano molti aspetti del costume del tempo. Senza dubbio, ci sarà stata anche la necessità di maggiore trasparenza e di moralizzazione della vita amministrativa, ma certe sassate impietose, scagliate con troppo disordine, sono sospette e sorprendono non poco: "... perché attesa la scarsezza degli uomini intelligenti e capaci e la molteplicità delle persone meno idonee, ne avviene che il più delle volte fannosi risoluzioni poco profittevoli agli interessi pubblici... ". Possiamo concordare sulla "idoneità", dal momento che non tutti sono portati per la vita politica; meno sull'intelligenza che è una dote di più difficile lettura; quanto alla posposizione del bene pubblico al privato, è un problema di etica politica e non di attitudini o di intelligenza. La furbastria ha un albero genealogico lungo e ramificato ed in questo il `700 ha anticipato i tempi. Senza dire che un giudizio del genere, approvato dal Consiglio comunale, si ritorceva con effetto autolesionistico su se stesso ed in particolare sul primo ceto, costituito al massimo da quattro decine di famiglie e sul secondo che ne contava poche di più. Non sappiamo se quel regolamento si applicò veramente. Il resoconto del rinnovo del Bussolo, riportato nel paragrafo precedente, ad esempio, ne è la violazione palese a distanza di soli quarant'anni dalla sua adozione. In quella circostanza, tutte le indicazioni avvennero per "ballottazione", cioè per votazione consiliare, ed era proprio quello che esso vietava, affidando ad una Commissione ristretta di soli tre imbussolatori la scelta dei nomi, con l'obbligo strano di mantenere la massima segretezza. È chiaro che si sarebbe trattato del segreto di Pulcinella, anche in considerazione del fatto che il mercato delle persone "intelligenti e capaci" disponeva di pochi scampoli di rimanenza. L'introduzione di un accorgimento inutile sta forse a significare che 1'ufficializzazione delle quaterne dei Difensori o degli altri incarichi del biennio, sollecitava attese del turno "amico" o più "arrendevole" o comunque del momento più opportuno per effettuare poco commendevoli manovre. Così, affidandoci alla riservatezza degli Imbussolatori, si salvava la forma ma la sostanza rimaneva immutata, come spesso succede tra gli umani, e l'estrazione sarebbe diventata davvero una tombola. Il Regolamento, inoltre, dava per scontata una prassi che a distanza di due secoli appare poco chiara, quando affermava che i quattro Difensori dovevano essere "uno per Sfera". Nel lessico usato, sembra assodato che il termine "Sfera" sia sinonimo di "Ceto" ed i ceti che godevano del diritto elettorale attivo e passivo erano solamente due. Come mai le "Sfere" diventano quattro? L'unica spiegazione plausibile è riposta nel fatto che mentre la prima sfera era molto ristretta ed omogenea perché l'appartenenza richiedeva il solo requisito del "possesso", la seconda era più eterogenea in quanto agli Artisti appartenevano non solo gli artigiani, ma anche i commercianti e i professionisti (medici, chirurghi, farmacisti, veterinari, avvocati, notai, preti, ecc.). Non si può escludere, pertanto, che all'interno di questo Ceto una prassi condivisa e consolidata stabilisse che i tre Difensori spettanti appartenessero ad ognuna delle tre categorie costituenti la "Sfera". Un'altra constatazione che ci convince della non applicazione del nuovo Regolamento sta nel fatto che il Bussolo avrebbe dovuto contenere 17 palle, invece ne furono inserite solamente 10, e non figurano più alcuni incarichi importanti come quello di Ufficiale della Madonna SS.ma della Reggia. La nomina dei "salariati" aveva procurato molte "turbolenze" a causa delle raccomandazioni, un vezzo dalle lontane radici che qualcuno fa risalire alla nostra Religione che ha codificato il ruolo intermediario dei Santi presso Dio (N.d.R.: Avere qualche Santo in Paradiso) e sotto questo profilo occorre riconoscere che le nostre radici religiose sono lontane e resistenti. Per eliminare il vezzo delle raccomandazioni vengono dettate misure severe quanto inutili e inapplicabili poiché è difficile stabilire il limite tra la raccomandazione e la segnalazione dei titoli di capacità e di merito, richiamate dal Regolamento, se non si precisano i sistemi per documentarli. Tanto per finire ricordiamo che le disposizioni regolamentari stabilirono la possibilità di imbussolare "padre e figlio" e "due fratelli", purché in palle diverse "attesa la suddetta mancanza di persone capaci". Non si può certo dire che quei Signori Consiglieri mancassero di autostima. Del resto basta dare uno sguardo all'elenco dei Difensori per accorgerci che gli intelligenti e i capaci appartenevano solo a un paio di decine di famiglie. Adesso si capisce perché quelli bravi erano tanto pochi! RIUNIONE CONSILIARE DELLA COMUNITÀ PER DECIDERE SUL NUOVO BUSSOLO E CAPITOLATO RELATIVO In Dei Nomine Amen - Die 20 Octobris 1743. Convocatum et celebratum fuit publicum et generale Consilium per illustris Comm(unitatis) Insignis Terrae Fractae Perusiae more solito intimati cum interventu, et assistentia per Ill(ustris) Dom. Francisci Ghezzi Commissarii, in quo quidam Consilio interfuerunt infras(criptii)… Illu. Dom. Joseph de Sabelli Caput Officii Laurentius Martinelli Anselmus Donatuti Petrus Ant. Guerrini Ill. Dom. Philippus de Sabellis Franciscus Guerrini Carolus de Vibis Joseph Andreas Milanesi Dom. Franciscus Francisconi Joseph Matthias Cristiani Joseph Bernardinus de Homine Petrus Joseph Lestini Raimundus Rotelli Bartholomeus Petrogalli Caietanus Molinari Laurentius Gigli Philippus Roni Dominicus Franceschini Constantinus Pignani Augustinus Bettelli Franciscus Passalboni Carolus Ant. Francesconi Dominicus Paganelli ... de Consilio... et notum in eo habent ed illud totum representa ; et pro absen. si qui... promittentes. Et omissis aliis de voluntate reperiuntur infrascripta videlicet. Dom. Dominicus Franceschini in aringo eius med. ... dixit.... Intra. Vedendosi questo nostro Consiglio posto in molta confusione attesi i vicendevoli ricorsi fatti da diverse persone circa la Rinnovazione del Bussolo, numero dei Difensori, ed altre cose appartenenti a questo Consiglio, e non potendo fare a meno che questa Comunità non sia per risentirne gravi pregiudizi da questa discrepanza di voleri, sarei di sentimento pro bono pacis, ed in vantaggio del Pubblico et del Privato, che si eleggessero sei persone delle più capaci e dare a questi la facoltà di accomodare le differenze suddette; col darli anche l'arbitrio di rimettere in pristino molte buone e sagge disposizioni del nostro Statuto e rispettivamente de Signori passati Superiori, concedendoli anche la libertà di accomodare tali procedimenti alle circostanze dei presenti tempi e di fare insomma tutto ciò che li parerà opportuno per bon regolamento di questa Comunità con sottoporre poi alla Sag... questa loro... acciò si degni approvarlo e perché abbia la piena forza e debba essere osservato da tutti ed in tal modo credo che si darà fine alle liti e si rimetteranno gli animi in quiete, come tutti desiderano. Rimettendomi... [seguono due righe in latino]. A chi pare e piace di aprire il suddetto Aringo e di dare alli signori Difensori la facoltà di nominare sei persone tre della prima Sfera, tre della seconda in effetto suddetto, dia la palla bianca in favore, e a chi non piace, la negra in contrario. Tunc distribuitis et re... fuerunt reperta nota albe ri dece et nove, et unum nigrum... Post modum vigere... nominarunt... Cesare de Francescani, Bartholomeus Petrogalli, et Philippus de Sabellis, et Dominicus Franceschini, Franciscus Guerrini et Carolus de Vibis. Iterum de... A chi pare e piace di lor signori di approvare gli uomini nominati come sopra e dargli tutte le facoltà necessarie et opportune come sopra, dia la palla bianca in favore e a chi non piace, la negra in contrario. Tunc distribuitie e recollectis de more suffragia fuerunt reperta vota alba favorabilia viginta…" MODO DI FORMARE IL NUOVO BUSSOLO Capitolo I Primieramente, a tenore delle enunciate facoltà, si determina e stabilisce che essendo già determinata l'estrazione delle Palle degli Officiali di questa Comunità un mese prima che termini l'amministrazione delli Difensori estratti nell'ultima Palla, debba radunarsi il Consiglio nel modo e forma che dirassi in appresso ed ivi il Signor Capo d'Offizio dovrà nominare per primo un bussolatore uno della sua Sfera, il secondo e terzo Difensore un altro per ciascuno della sua Sfera, e dandosi il caso che alcuna delle persone nominate non fossero presenti al Consiglio, dovrà immediatamente mandarsi a chiamare da Donzelli ed in caso di legittimo impedimento dovrà nominarsi altro in suo luogo e, stabiliti che saranno gli imbussolatori, dovranno questi, doppo licenziato il Consiglio, rimanere in Palazzo col Signor Commissario e Segretario per formare il nuovo bussolo, quale dovrà rifarsi perpetuamente per soli due anni, sotto pena di nullità, e dovrà farsi di comune consenso, invocato prima l'aiuto dell'Altissimo e prestato il solito giuramento di prescegliere i più atti ed idonei, rimossa ogni privata passione e di tener segreta l'elezione fatta conforme costumasi e ritenuta convenientemente la facoltà al Capo Imbussolatore di prescegliere i Capi, in caso che il secondo e terzo imbussolatore non volessero convenire col primo e richiedessero che si ballottassero per voti le persone da eleggersi. Il Bussolo poi dovrà contenere sei Palle delli Difensori da durare ciascuna mesi quattro; una Palla delli tre Conservatori della Sanità o Consultori della Comunità da durare tutto il biennio; due Palle degli Officiali della Madonna SS.ma della Reggia, da durare un anno l'una; due Palle delli Sindacatori; altre due delli Stimatori Pubblici; altre due delli Portinari; due delli Sindaci, parimente da durare un anno per ciascuna, conforme si è sempre costumato, col fare anche i nomi de Spicciolati. Capitolo Il Delli Difensori e Conservatori della Sanità Dovranno in ogni palla imbussolarsi quattro Difensori cioè uno per Sfera delle persone più capaci e discrete e che possiedono qualche stabile di proprio, giacché nelle presenti circostanze non puol pienamente adempirsi la mente del nostro Statuto che determina che nessuno possa essere eletto Difensore che non possieda almeno 30 di Scovere, determinandosi ancorché oltre alla possidenza debba essere ancora unita la capacità, ad effetto, che siano ben regolati i pubblici affari, il tutto sotto pena della nullità, a tenore del medesimo Statuto. Si dovrà inoltre formare, come si disse, la Palla delli tre Conservatori della Sanità, o Commissari della Comunità, quali dovranno durare per fin che saranno compite le Palle delli Difensori, e questi dovranno sempre essere della prima Sfera, sotto pena di nullità, e persone non imbussolate se sia possibile in altri Offizi, la incombenza dei quali sarà di intervenire al Consiglio tutte le volte che saranno invitati, e di sopra intendere alla custodia delle porte in tempi di contagi e sospetti, di attendere alla restaurazione delle mura, ponti e fonti con l'assenso però dei Difensori, sotto pena a quelli che ricusassero di comparire al loro Uffizio d'uno scudo per ciascuna volta da applicarsi dal Signor Commissario, non essendo scusati dal legittimo impedimento dichiarandosi inoltre che non potranno gli Imbussolatori sotto la pena suddetta aggiungere alcuna persona al numero dei Consiglieri, né mutarle dalle loro Sfere e gradi ma solo sia lecito agli stessi Imbussolatori l'imbussolarsi per loro in caso di mancanza di persone. Capitolo III Delli Consiglieri particolari delli Difensori Per miglior provedimento degli affari pubblici si determina e stabilisce che ogni Difensore debba avere il suo Consigliere e questi debbano essere quelle persone medesime che sono stati Difensori nella Palla immediatamente antecedente, per essere essi meglio informati dei pubblici interessi e dandosi il caso che nella prima Palla che si estrae finito il Consiglio, uscisse per Difensore alcuno delli Difensori della Palla antecedente, in tal caso anche il suo Consigliere debba proseguire nel suo officio per altri quattro mesi, se pure questo accidente non si dasse in uno dei tre Conservatori della Sanità nel qual caso dovrà surrogarsi dalli Signori Difensori altro nel suo luogo. Il che dovrassi sempre osservare quando per accidente o per mancanza di Soggetti una delle persone fosse imbussolata in Offici contemporaneamente. L’incombenza poi per tutti suddetti Consiglieri sarà di dire il loro parere in tutti li consigli dopo che dal Segretario sarannosi proposti gl'affari da risolversi e non potranno consigliare fuori del luogo destinato e se prima non averanno prestato il solito giuramento de bene et fidate liber consulendo e se non volessero consigliare vi potranno essere forzati sotto pena d'uno scudo d'applicarsi come sopra, restando dopo di loro la facoltà alli Conservatori della Sanità di dire il loro parere approvando il sentimento di Consiglieri secondo le sarà dato dalla coscienza, sempre però prestando il suddetto giuramento, senza di cui non devrassi scrivere il sentimento e consiglio veruno. Capitolo IV Del modo di convocare e celebrare il Consiglio Perché attesa la scarsezza degl'uomini intelligenti e capaci e la molteplicità delle persone meno idonee, ne avviene che il più delle volte fannosi risoluzioni poco profittevoli agl'interessi pubblici, si determina e stabilisce a tenore delli statuti e disposizioni, che in tutte le occorrenze della Comunità debba convocarsi il Consiglio composto di dodici Persone ed inoltre con l'intervento del Signor Commissario, e questi saranno li quattro Difensori, li quattro Consiglieri, li tre Conservatori della Sanità, ed il Camerlengo del Pubblico e questo Consiglio avrà tutte le facoltà di risolvere, determinare, decidere e far tutto ciò che puol fare il Consiglio Generale fuorché in materia di nuove imposizioni, prezzi d'Abbondanza, introduzione di litigi ed altri gravissimi emergenti per i quali dovrassi convocare il Consiglio delle 42 persone, senza intervento del Signor Commissario a solo fine di ben digerire le materie d'importanza da discorrersi nel Generale Consiglio, e tutto ciò a tenore di diverse risoluzioni fatte nei Pubblici Consigli ed approvate dalli Presidi di Perugia fin dal 1620, come si raccoglie da libri dei suddetti Consigli e dallo Statuto rispettivamente a quali si rimanda. Per convocare poi e celebrare validamente il suddetto Consiglio si determina che il giorno avanti debbano per ordine delli Signori Difensori invitarsi dalli Donzelli tutti quelli che dovranno intervenire e dandosi l'accidente che qualcuno fosse legittimamente impedito, li Signori Difensori avranno la facoltà di surrogare un altro della medesima Sfera nel luogo della persona impedita il che parimente dovrà farsi tute le volte che nel Consiglio dovesse trattarsi dell'interesse particolare d'alcuna delle 42 Persone sopra nominate, non volendo che la persona interessata possa in nessun conto intervenire al Consiglio sotto pena di nullità del medesimo a tenore delle suddette statutarie disposizioni. Stabilito poi che debba farsi all'ora determinata il giorno seguente il Consiglio, dovrà la sera innanzi dalli Signori Difensori farsi dar ordine al Campanaro del Pubblico che suoni all'Ave Maria, senz'altro segno, mezz'ora prima dell'ora determinata per il Consiglio si diano dodici tocchi alla Campana del Pubblico, che sarà il segno della convocazione del Consiglio delli 12 lasciando nel solito stile il modo di convocare il Consiglio Generale, come costumasi di presente. In caso poi che le persone che dovranno intervenire al Consiglio delli 12 ricusassero d'intervenirvi all'ora determinata, non avendo legittimo impedimento da approvarsi dal Signor Commissario si determina e stabilisce che debbano essere puniti nella pena di uno scudo di moneta romana da applicarsi dal detto Signor Commissario, nella qual pena parimente incorreranno quelli che non avendo riguardo al luogo e alle persone ardissero discorrere temerariamente profferendo parole ingiuriose contro alcuno dei presenti in Consiglio, qual pena dovrà duplicarsi in caso che l'ingiuria fosse fatta ad alcuno delli Difensori, volendo che si discorra con tutta la modestia e solo degli affari pubblici nel luogo destinato e non altrove, tenuto conto di ogni umano rispetto, conforme ordina il suddetto Statuto al quale si rimanda. Attesa poi la suddetta mancanza di persone capaci si determina e stabilisce a tenore degli ordini ultimamente emanati da Mons. Enriquez Giud. Dep. della Sagra Consulta, che possano imbussolarsi due fratelli, padre e figlio d'una medesima casa, in diverse Palle però, e che questi nel Consiglio delli 12 abbiano unitamente il voto per non diminuire in modo alcuno il numero dei voti che dorassi sempre mantenere integro; determinando che nella ballottazione il partito s'intenda vinto per voti otto favorevoli e non altrimenti. Capitolo V Delli salariati Perché nel elezione di Medico, Chirurgo, Predicatori ed altri salariati sono in questa Comunità varie volte accadute varie turbolenze ed inconvenienti a cagione delle raccomandazioni procurate dai medesimi concorrenti, si determina e stabilisce che non possa essere ammesso alcuno a pubblici uffizi quando voglia impetrarli con loro commendatizie, ma si abbia solo riguardo a requisiti e meriti del concorrente, e perciò ne meno alcuno del Consiglio possa far pratica per unire li voti dovendo ciascuno votare a tenore de dettami della propria coscienza, avendo così altre volte decretato li Signori Superiori con lettere; a quali essi determinandosi in oltre che li salariati, dovendosi riproporre, si faccia due mesi prima che spiri l'anno dal giorno della loro elezione, acciò rimanendo esclusi possa la Commissione provvedersi d'altro soggetto che presti la debita servitù a se stessa ed agli abitanti del luogo. Capitolo VI Della rinnovazione di alcune pene Si stabilisce in oltre, che qualunque persona commettesse fraude in pregiudizio di privativa, che gode questo Pubblico nei suoi proventi, o de i detti loro appaltatori, possa e debba dal Consiglio de i 12, coll'attestato d'un testimonio degno di fede, procedere unitamente col Signor Commissario a privare il suddetto defraudatore di Medico, Chirurgo, Maestro di Scuola e d'ogni grazia e favore che potesse concedere questo luogo e ciò a onore di quanto anno altre volte stabilito li Signori Superiori, qual pena dovrà anche infliggersi contro quelli che senza legittimo impedimento e privi di sufficiente privilegio, vi ricusassero di accettare gl'Uffizi Pubblici, non essendo giusto che riceva benefizi da questa Comunità chi si mostra ingrato in servirla nelle sue occorrenze. Capitolo VII Del acompagno del Magistrato nelle pubbliche funzioni Si determina finalmente che in congiunzione, cioè in occasione, delle solennità dei nostri SS. Avvocati (Santi Protettori del paese), ed altre solite Sagre Funzioni debba sempre portarsi il Magistrato in Corpo a visitare le chiese consuete, ancorché sia sospesa quella ricognizione che era solita darsi in tal congiunzione, cioè occasione, e acciò a tenore del costume sin ora osservato e molto più perché non si manchi di prestare il debbito onore all'Altissimo e nostri SS. Avvocati e Protettori e in tal congiuntura debbano i salariati e Consiglieri necessariamente intervenire all'accompagno del Magistrato, assieme con gl'altri uomini della Comunità con abito e ferraiolo negro e con quella maggior decenza che li sarà permesso, altrimenti potranno essere rigettati indietro e puniti ad arbitrio del Signor Commissario e ciò per maggiore decoro del Pubblico e di tutto il Paese. Quali capitoli come sopra stabiliti approvati che benignamente saranno dalla Sagra Consulta, vogliamo che siano inviolabilmente osservati, né sia lecito ad alcuno il mutarli senza il preventivo assenso della detta Sagra Consulta e del Generale e Particolare Consiglio. In fede li abbiamo sottoscritti di nostro carattere adì 6 dicembre del 1743. Io Filippo Maria Savelli Deputato mano propria Io Cesare Francesconi Deputato ma. pr. Io Bartolomeo Petrogalli Deputato ma. pr . Io Domenico Franceschini Deputato ma. pr . Io Francesco Guerrini Deputato ma. pr. Io Carlo Vibi Deputato ma. pr. [Seguono poi sei righe che si riferiscono alla stesura del documento stilate da un notaio, quasi sicuramente il notaio Burelli, e datate 17 giugno 1794, cioè 51 anni dopo. Esse sono siglate con il timbro "IBBN" che è quello di Burelli (Iohannes Baptista Burelli Notaio)]. FONTI: “Umbertide nel secolo XVIII” di Renato Codovini e Roberto Sciurpa – Comune di Umbertide, 2003 Il sistema elettorale comunale

THE FRACTAL OF THE CINQUECENTO The rules of life in the Fratta of the 16th century Curated by Fabio Mariotti In addition to wrinkles and white hair, the accumulation of birthdays in itself proportionally restricts the feeling of depth of the centuries; if we then realize that the weaknesses of the men of half a millennium ago are substantially the same as today, the norms of the Statutes of the Fratta of 1521 seem to be placed just around the corner left behind us. There is nothing new in plain sight: fears, greed, selfishness, in perennial antagonism with the aspirations of security, justice, equality. And the willingness to turn a blind eye to the former and to the detriment of the latter: every era has its own compromises. Prostitution Although fornication is forbidden by its nature and by divine law, nevertheless the lesser evil is sometimes tolerated in order to avoid the greater one. Therefore we establish and order that in the castle or in the neighboring villages, according to common judgment, a home or refuge is identified for prostitutes who, for a set price, put themselves at the service and give their bodies to the pleasure of young people or others in need. Therefore prostitutes must exercise their service in this place assigned to them or in remote places outside the villages, far from the women's conversation areas, to protect huts and mats so that they cannot be seen. Therefore we establish and order that prostitutes who provide their service in the street, in the square, in the tavern or in other public places be sentenced to 20 soldi: credit can be given to any accuser, assisted by a witness worthy of faith, receiving in this case one third of the sentence. Adultery We establish and order that anyone who attempts to rape any woman, rich or poor, known or unknown, be punished; the penalty is 20 lire if the female is of good family and reputation; it is reduced to 10 lire if it is chat. On the other hand, anyone who actually commits adultery with married women against their will is punished with 25 lire, for each woman and for each time. In the event that the violation is committed - against their will - with spinster women, virgins, unmarried women, nuns or whimsical women, the penalty of 25 lire is added to the penalty established by the Statutes of Perugia: the penalty is halved if the female is consenting. The betrayal If a married man engages in carnal relations with a female in contempt of his woman and, similarly, if a married woman does with a man, in contempt and against the will of her husband, the man or woman will be punished or punished with 10 lire, whoever infringes these rules. In these cases, the testimony of the neighbors constitutes legitimate and sufficient proof. The riots If someone in the castle or in the villages incites or promotes a riot or a fight in order to disturb the quiet of the castle, involving up to 20 people or causing a murder or a beating, he will be subjected to the penalty of 10 lire, without prejudice to the subsequent sentence. by the podestà of Perugia. Anyone who causes disturbances in the council or general assembly, or plots and conspires, will be punished with 10 lire which must be paid immediately without trial before leaving the building. Anyone who provokes a protest or a riot such as to cause a scandal will be punished with 40 soldi. The podestà will have to carry out investigations to identify such wrongdoings, at least once a month; in case of negligence the podestà will have to pay a fine of 100 soldi. The night owls We establish and order that no one should wander around the castle and its surroundings after the third ring of the municipality bell which must be rung by the bell ringer in the evening as soon as the castle clock strikes one hour after dark; time must pass between the strokes to recite a miserere. A penalty of 5 soldi is applied to the bell ringer for every time he does not carry out his task; a penalty of 10 soldi is imposed on anyone who is caught walking around at night without lights. Anyone who has lights or embers lit before leaving the house is exempt from the penalty; also exempt are doctors or pharmacists, bakers who go to order bread, those who bring or withdraw bread from the oven, those who go to look for the midwife and also those who prove that the light has gone out due to the wind or in any case against the his will, or who watches over the fires that the neighbors sometimes light on the street or those who stay cool around the house in the evening. The inns No host or hotelier can house any straggler or rebel or condemned by the Holy Church or by the city of Perugia; may not allow gambling by lending cards, dice or board. The host will have to carry out the serving with the correct and stamped measures. We intend to prohibit hoteliers from accommodating more than 10 men without the authorization of the mayor; in suspicious times no man or woman can be hosted without this authorization, under penalty of 20 soldi. We order that no hotelier lodge an armed guest, unless he has first laid down his arms or refuses to do so; soldiers and officers of the Holy Church and of the city of Perugia who came to the castle by order of the commanders of the same are exempt. The bakers We order that the bakers of the castle must cook the bread brought to their ovens well and according to law, using competence and care. The fee for cooking is set at 2 soldi per bushel of bread; if this remuneration is increased, a penalty of 10 soldi will be imposed each time. If, due to a cooking defect, the bread is bad, the owner of the bread will be compensated. Each oven must be equipped with a chimney that comes out of the roof, to avoid possible fires. Bakers must keep the bread for sale placed in baskets covered with white placemats so that buyers get an appetite and not a stomach upset. Anyone who defrauds the sale will have bread confiscated and assigned, for God's sake, to the poor in the hospital of Santa Croce in Borgo di Sotto. The dead In order for women to behave with due honesty, we order that no female can or should leave the house to cry desperately for any dead, wherever they are, under the penalty of 40 sous. And no female can accompany the dead to the burial, following him weeping and disheveled. And no person, man or woman, is to despair over the grave after the dead have been taken to church and buried and in later times. Anyone who is able to prove such an accusation will receive a third of the sentence, provided they have a trustworthy witness. The corruption To ensure that those in public office have clean hands, we establish and order that no public administrator, in the performance of his function, tries to put any amount of money in his pocket, or behaves with fraud or malice or tries to barter. the benefits granted or forcibly demand or spontaneously receive rewards. Anyone who does not respect these rules will have a penalty equal to four times the amount he has defrauded, traded or illegally earned. Anyone guilty of these crimes will never be able to hold offices again; his crimes must be reported to the public opinion by the auctioneer in all places frequented by the fraudster. The hoarders It is our will to curb the greed and avarice of many people who study with all their ingenuity to accumulate goods (to the displeasure of God and the damage of the neighbor, not satisfied and satisfied with their share) by hoarding wheat and other food to be able to resell when they have increased in value. For this reason we establish and order that no one plots or plots to buy food in this castle and its surroundings and, removing them from common use, causing famine. For each accumulated state a fine of 20 soldi will be applied. Anyone who will allow these hoarders to be unmasked, accusing them, will receive a third part of the sum as a reward. Leprosy In the Old Testament it is written that those infected with leprosy must be segregated from others. So we establish and order that if someone is infected with leprosy the defenders of the castle must inform him or have him informed, with charitable and polite ways, that he is required to move away from the castle and its villages by going to live separated from everyone or in a leper colony. If the leper accepts the invitation, it is better; if, on the other hand, he refuses to leave within an hour, he is advised by the podestà that he must leave the castle within 10 days under the penalty of 5 lire; if he has not left after this deadline, the invitation to leave is renewed within 5 days, under the penalty of 10 lire; if he has not left after this deadline, he is granted another day, under the penalty of 20 lire. If he does not obey, he will have to pay out 20 lire and will be thrown out of the castle door, by popular acclaim. Modesty It is evident that in these modern times honesty has returned to heaven and shame has abandoned even the old ones: in fact, the shameful parts are shown and exposed without respect for anyone, not even for virgins and married women, and with greater insistence by those who have more abundance; and this happens in various places but in particular on the Tiber, in the areas frequented by people. To remedy this filth, we establish and order that those who dare to expose themselves without underwear or other honest cover in the water, swimming at least, to the "stone" or "patollo" along the stretch of Tiber that goes from the Calbi mill to be punished with 5 lire. to the greppo of Cristoforo. Those under the age of 12 and those who jump into the water to save someone who is about to drown are exempt from the sentence. (To facilitate the reading the rules have been reported from the vernacular in the current Italian) Sources: “The rules of life in the Fratta of the '500” are taken from the “Statutes of the Fratta dei Figliuoli di Uberto (Umbertide) of 1521 "(B. Porrozzi, Ed. Pro Loco, Umbertide, 1980). They were published in the Historical Calendar of the Municipality of Umbertide - 1st edition - 1992. All the historic calendars of the Municipality of Umbertide can be found in Pdf format on the institutional websites: www.comune.umbertide.pg.it / www.umbertideturismo.it Le attività economiche La Fratta di Cipriano Piccolpasso Le regole di vita nella Fratta del Cinquecento Le cariche pubbliche Artisti ed opere d'arte Chiese, conventi e il miracolo della Madonna della Regghia I Fanfani di Fratta Gli Statuti della Fraternita di Santa Croce Le regole di vita nella Fratta del Cinquecento La Fratta by Cipriano Piccolpasso Curated by Fabio Mariotti Cipriano Piccolpasso was born in Casteldurante (today's Urbania) in 1524. He began to work as a military architect and was a master of fortifications; from the country of origin it passed to Rimini, Ancona, Fano, Spoleto. Passionate about ceramics, he decided to return to Casteldurante where he distinguished himself as a creator of art majolica and one of the most refined decorators in the sector. Here he opened a factory which soon became famous and which trained numerous workers who later became famous. Author of various works of various kinds, he owes his fame as a writer above all to the treatise “The three books of the potter's art” (1548) in which he illustrates the secrets of the workshop of making ceramics. Here are explained in detail the stages of the production of ceramic products (clay treatment, shaping, firing, glazing, decoration ...), the different construction techniques, the tools used, as well as the different doses of the mixtures and colors. The manuscript is also enriched by autographed plates that report in great detail the decorative types of Durantine widespread in that period (trophies, grotesques, cerquates, ...) and by drawings that illustrate various stages of processing and the fundamental tools of the potter. The treatise, which always remained in Casteldurante first and then in Urbania, became famous starting in 1758, when it was mentioned by Passeri in his book on the history of the majolica of Pesaro and its surroundings. Between 1857 and 1879 it was published at least three times and on 10 January 1861 it was purchased on behalf of the South Kesington Museum (now Victoria and Albert Museum) in London where it still stands today. Piccolpasso died in Casteldurante on 21 November 1579 and was buried in the local church of San Francesco. Cipriano Piccolpasso was for a certain period of time deputy supervisor of the fortresses of Perugia. In this capacity he was sent, in 1565, to visit the state of the fortresses of the castles dependent on that city to ascertain their military potential and then report them. On this occasion he was also at Fratta, he visited the castle walls and the Rocca, making two drawings, one of the perimeter of the walls and a view of the entire castle seen from the south. Piccolpasso came from the Apennines and was almost at the end of the journey, which began in Perugia on April 12 and ended on June 21, 1565. We report his travel notes in which he noted all the steps and the various expenses incurred. Everything is relative to the last week, in which period he was also in Fratta. Piccolpasso reports news on the perimeter of Fratta "La Fratta di Perugia turns rods 138", meaning that the perimeter of the castle walls, measured with the rod used in Perugia (5 meters long), was about seven hundred meters. To make this measurement he used an instrument called "il Bossolo" and also explains how it was used and the inconveniences that can happen if you don't know how to use it. It also gives us information on the distances between Fratta and the neighboring villas and towns Borders of the Fratta of Perugia: Tramontana to the west Città di Castello X miles away, by mile I boundaries; Montone III miles away, for 1/2 mile border; Montalto I miles away, for borders 1/2 miles; Monte Migiano 2 - 1/2 miles away, for borders 1 miles; Monte Castello 3 miles away. Ponente a Mezzogiorno Preggio XII miles away; Castel Rigone far away from Miles XIII. Noon in the Levant Perugia XII miles away; Assisi away XX miles. Levante to Tramontana Gubbio distant XII miles; La Serra and Civitella miles away II. Piccolpasso then goes on to give us the news about Fratta and its inhabitants. The description he gives of the town and its people, compared with that of other cities - even close to us - is among the most beautiful of all. The extremely favorable impression he gave of this town overlooking the Tiber ("like a very clear lake"), with its well-cultivated countryside, with the skilled artisans at work in the shops makes us think with curiosity about the images he saw in this late spring of 1565 and to the life of our ancestors four and a half centuries ago. And, proud of the Frattegiani of the sixteenth century, we are grateful to Cipriano Piccolpasso who was able to describe its fundamental characteristics so well. We faithfully and proudly report his report on Fratta, only by placing it in a more fluent language than the sixteenth-century one he used. “La Fratta has about eighty families. This is a small but nice place where it is very pleasant to stay and has a nice view. It has the Tiber on the west side, like a very clear lake (remember that the dam under the bridge significantly raised the water level), but harmful and of great danger to the place because, if no measures are taken, in a short time, such as he has already started to do, he will take the whole place away (evidently he acted in time if this did not happen!). The men of this country are diligent, solicitous and shrewd because, working their small territory incessantly, they make it bear fruit as an extensive countryside and a very large place. Here we work very well in building arquebuses and auction weapons. The walls, although ancient, are of solid and very sturdy material, but everywhere, above them, there are houses. The fortress is surrounded by large walls and has a tower about one hundred feet high. They have no cattle or pastures. There are no weapons of any kind here (1) " Expenses incurred account - For a dinner in Sassoferrato baiocchi 10 - To those whom I will help to measure baiocchi 30 - For the horse for the Fratta with the boy baiocchi 25 - To dine in Segello and refresh the horse baiocchi 50 - For a dinner at Fratta with the boy and the baiocchi horse 35 - For the horse for Castello baiocchi 30 - For dinner and dinner at Castello baiocchi 20 - For dinner and dinner at Castello baiocchi 20 - To those whom I will help to measure the baiocchi walls 30 - For the horse for the Fratta baiocchi 30 - For dinner and dinner at the Fratta baiocchi 30 - To those who will help me to measure baiocchi 10 - For the horse to Perugia baiocchi 30 - And more made to give to the family of Messer Paulo, said Messer Gherardo soldier of fortress for the 50 (1) Cipriano Piccolpasso - The plants and portraits of the cities and lands of Umbria submitted to the government of Perugia - Ed. Passetto and Petrelli - Spoleto - 1963. Text published on the Historical Calendar of Umbertide 2003 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2003 Map of Fratta by C. Piccolpasso (1565). The three city gates are clearly visible: the "Porta castellana" to the west for C. di Castello; the "Porta senza nome" in today's Piaggiola for Montone and the State of Urbino; the "Porta Romana" at noon for the current Piazza S. Francesco and Perugia. It can be seen that the Fratta was then completely surrounded by the waters of the Tiber and the Reggia stream. Drawing of the Fratta by C. Piccolpasso (1565) Above, view of Casteldurante (today Urbania) by C. Piccolpasso. Below, cover of the book by C. Piccolpasso on the art of the potter (1548) La Fratta di Cipriano Piccolpasso I Fanfani di Fratta Economic activities curated by Fabio Mariotti The weavers There was an intense craft activity in Fratta, which took place inside many houses: the work of looms to weave the cloth (cotton, hemp, linen), of the reticellai and embroiderers in general, aimed at private citizens and to the brotherhoods for their linen needs in the church. From some documents of these lay associations we find for the first time in Fratta a particular way of working fabrics, called "alla moita" (later used up to the whole of the eighteenth century). With this expression "working at the moita" it was meant that the finished product went half to the owner of the hemp, linen, cotton and half to the person who had done the work, as a reward. Payment, of course, could also be made in cash, which was always preferred. Hemp and flax, produced in the Fratta countryside in quantities satisfactory to the needs of the population, were processed in the houses in a purely artisanal way. Hemp (as well as linen), also called "accia", was first unraveled and then "cured". The unraveling consisted of a first, superficial combing with which the upper part called "il capeccio" (it carried flowers and seeds) was removed from the plant, which was not used for weaving. With this first coarse combing, even the smoothest part of the plant was separated, which was then used to package secondary products (bales for wheat, harnesses for transporting weights, etc.). Flax (like hemp) was tied in thirteen-pound bundles. The one that still had the "capeccio" was worth less than the "scapecciaato" one as it had undergone the unraveling. After this operation, the product was put to macerate in a well of water, then a second combing was carried out which gave the best fiber with which the fabric was manufactured for the finest, most valuable and requested cloths (tablecloths, sheets , linen in general). In the registers of the brotherhoods and in the inventories found in the notarial deeds of the municipal archive there is evidence of a rather singular fact: the big bags used in hospitals as mattresses were made with linen, considered precious. Inside they contained straw and dry leaves, the cheapest material that could be found. This gives an idea of the mentality of the time for which it was not at all scrambling to enclose the humblest material in linen. The trade in scythes Large production of sickles in Fratta, in the sixteenth century, both common that were used to harvest wheat ("ad secandum granum"), and of the "necessarium" type, that is used for crops in general (rye, barley, hay). therefore large trade organized by individuals or groups that from April to June of each year (but also in the other months) dealt with this activity. The operations of steel purchase, production, finishing, transport, sale of the finished product were based on the utmost seriousness and correctness between the parties, who always resorted to a notarial deed. The copy of which also served as a transport document during the journey and was shown to the authorities of the places crossed asking for information on the goods (it was the accompaniment of that time). At the beginning of the sixteenth century the most qualified group in the trade of scythes was formed by Pietro Paolo Tempesta together with Simone di Antonio called "il Guercio", Sante di Antonio, Bernardino del fu Renzo, Paolo Bartoli, Bernardino di Iacopo Cortoni known as "Fallature" and Antonio del fu Mattiolo. In April 1511 they bought five thousand scythes, ordering hundreds of pieces from each blacksmith's shop. Among others, the brothers Giovan Battista, Michelangelo and Gabriele, sons of Francesco; Warrior of Matteo Ridolfo Alberti, Vico of mastro Nicola, Giliotto of mastro Filippo and his brothers. Two or three people work in each workshop and when they have to deal with orders for several thousand pieces, they join together, aided by the "art of blacksmiths" corporation which gives them the necessary assistance for the purchase of raw materials. and for sale. Buyers placed orders in April or early May, delivery took place between the 20th and 24th of this month. Rome and the Maremma were the main destinations, present in every contract, but also "Tuscia" (southern Tuscany) and the castle of Sarteano (just south of Chiusi). The buyers always claimed that the scythes were made to perfection (we always find the phrase "ad usum merci et legalis magistris fabrij ferrarij"). They were tied in bunches of one hundred pieces and transported by horses or mules, sometimes owned by the blacksmiths themselves. The payment, by the month of June, was usually completed in Fratta. As in all contracts of the time, a penalty was established for the party who did not fulfill the written obligations. A notarial deed dated 25 April 1524 provided for an original one. The blacksmith Arcangelo Bavaglioni sells three hundred scythes for twenty-three florins, including transport. The buyer, Cecco del fu Carlo, undertakes to pay the price by the month of June with the agreement that, failing that, he should give the blacksmith Arcangelo, as a penalty, a plot of land with the word "Pagini", up to the competition of the amount due. The arquebusiers In addition to the blacksmiths, united in various companies and famous throughout central Italy, who produced among other things thousands of scythes a year to be sold in the Roman countryside and the Maremma, there were also manufacturers of firearms. They can be considered specialized blacksmiths, because they were successful in this job even though they did not have today's machines to turn the various pieces; they did everything by hand and in an extremely precise way. Various documents contain information on the sale in Fratta of both arquebuses, long weapons, shoulder or easel weapons, and the "scppietti", that is, short weapons. There is also news on accessories: the "powder" and the "flasca", which we think were gunpowder and its container. On 21 December 1510 these artisans sold five hundred arquebuses, the value of which was two gold ducats each. The weapons had to be delivered by March of the following year by the arquebusiers Giovanni Folcantoni, Bonaventura Pulicardi and Sebastiano Brelli, all from Fratta. They, considering the holidays, therefore had to produce five or six arquebuses a day which, given the total manual skill of the work, is certainly a remarkable productivity. Such a large commission also makes it clear how these "artillery" works qualified the activity of these masters of art at a regional level. The deed of sale was drawn up by the notary Paolo Martinelli in the castle of Civitella dei Miuletti [?], Where Raniere dei Ranieri, a noble from Perugia, lived. Buyers are Pier Luigi dei Farnensi and ser Michele Pier Ventura, from Lugnano: they undertake to pay half the amount, that is five hundred ducats, upon delivery (March 1511) and the same amount in mid-August (the nobleman Raniere dei Ranieri guarantees the payment). The buyer ser Michele di Pier Ventura gives a security of fifty gold scudi to be calculated as an advance. The sellers say they will be able to deliver a third of the five hundred arquebuses by the end of January and the remaining month by month, until the delivery is completed in March. In a document dated 12 March 1522 we find a "fidem facio" (I trust) granted by Giovanni del fu Fioravanti, a Perugian citizen living in Fratta, to the blacksmith Sebastiano di Gabriele. It is a guarantee that the first offers to the second, before the notary Marino Sponta who draws up the deed, regarding the commitments that he will want to make from any person or association in building arquebuses, "crackles" and any other kind of "artillery". Sebastiano is therefore authorized to make any notarial deed relating to his work, under the guarantee of Giovanni. Another document dated May 10, 1586 concerns the repair of an arquebus which had a "cracked chest". The owner of the weapon is a certain man from the castro di Danciano (Val di Pierle) and the blacksmith repairer is a certain master Angelo who has a workshop in Fratta. It seems that the arquebus was broken in the "war of Siena" (1554-1555). Cipriano Piccolpasso, deputy superintendent of the fortresses of Perugia, also talks about our arquebusiers. He was sent in 1565 to visit the state of the fortresses of that city and was therefore also in Fratta. In his report he writes among other things: "... Here we work very well with archebugi et weapons auction ". But then he adds:" ... There are no weapons of any sort. " and hid our hand? The shopkeepers Francesco di Cristofano He was "Spetiale", that is a seller of spices but also of medicines, almonds, barley, torches for lighting, candles, "turpentine", white spirit and various spices. These shops, in addition to being "spetierie", were also called "aromatic", perhaps because the predominant goods in them were those products that came from the "new world", discovered by Christopher Columbus about forty years earlier. Francesco the apothecary left us several accounting records between 1530 and 1533. Fabrizio He too was an apothecary, who lived towards the end of the century. We find records of it in the years 1595 and 1596, when he sells wax, "facole" and apothecaries for the sick in a hospital in Fratta. Bernardino Cibo He had a grocery store. We have news of it in the years 1515 and 1528. Bano de Cibo In 1538 he had a shop, unspecified. It belonged to the Cibo family, one of the most important in Fratta. Giomolo In 1539 he sold "aguti" (ie nails), wax, oil and more. Perinelli In 1590 it had an "aromataria". Felice Manfredi He ran an "aromataria" in the years from 1590 to 1595. His shop was in via Regale (today's via Cibo). Ruggero Burelli In 1590 it has an "aromataria" and in 1595 we find news of it in a document in the notary Curtio Martinelli. He is the son of Tolomeo Burelli. Orfeo Burelli In 1590 he had an "apoteca", that is, a shop. He is the son of Francesco Burelli and lives in a house he owns. Gasparino Haberdashery. We find it in 1572 In addition, there were other shops in Fratta: two butchers and two ovens. Fairs and markets In the sixteenth century, when a villa or castle in the Perugian territory wanted to set up a trade fair, it had to ask the authorities of Perugia for permission, then pay an annual tax to this city. The villa or castle in turn recovered the money from those who attended the fair. Fratta was an exception. Since the fifteenth century it had been exempted from this obligation by the Pope of the time, so whoever came to its annual fair in the first days of June did not tax. It was called "free fair", it brought a greater influx of merchants, therefore a greater influx of wealth which benefited all citizens. The annual fair was that of Sant'Erasmo and lasted from 1st to 4th June. In 1506 we find a "Brief" by Pope Julius II who reconfirms the exemption from taxes and adds to the "free fair of Fratta" another six days to the four granted in 1444 ("said fair of St. Erasmus may last up to ten of said June"). In 1532 the duration will be increased to seven days. In 1537 the Perugian magistracy removed all the markets that were held in its countryside; he made an exception for Fratta and allowed them to continue on a weekly basis here. This was confirmed by Pope Paul III on November 4, 1537. From April 6, 1541, the tax exemption granted for the fair was also extended to weekly markets. The day was, like today, Wednesday. In 1542 the exemption was reconfirmed by Cardinal Sforza and in 1547 by Cardinal Crispo, Apostolic Legate for Umbria. A huge number of people attended the fair from nearby villas and castles. Many people also came from Tuscany, passing mainly through the Pierle valley and the Niccone valley. At the fair they sold livestock, agricultural products, fabrics, plates, vases and ceramic objects of the potters of Fratta, agricultural tools produced by blacksmiths. There are two places of sale: the municipal lawn (the "meadow below") at the end of the bridge over the Tiber and the Sant'Erasmo market, now Piazza Marconi (the "meadow above"). A huge cattle fair took place in the municipal lawn. In the market of Sant'Erasmo cereals and all other edible kinds were sold, as well as handicraft products. The early June fair continued until the mid-1960s, while our weekly Wednesday market has more than six centuries of history. Drawings by Adriano Bottaccioli published in the 2003 Umbertide Calendar Photo by Fabio Mariotti from the Historical Photographic Archive of the Municipality of Umbertide Sources: "Calendar of Umbertide 2003" - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2003 "Umbertide from the origins to the sixteenth century" - Roberto Sciurpa - Ed. Petruzzi Città di Castello - 2007 Ancient frame. Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli Ancient scythes. Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli Piazza S. Francesco (1930s). In the 16th century it was the seat of the blacksmith shops Ancient weapons. Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli Street vendors in Piazza Mazzini in the early 1900s Via Cavour and Piazza Marconi (1930s). In the '500 Mercatale di Sant'Erasmo Le attività economiche Public offices curated by Fabio Mariotti The authority Authority of the government of Perugia, also called commissioner, was the representative of the Roman state within the community and had some powers that did not directly affect the administration of public affairs. He was always a foreigner, a "foreigner", as they said, that is, not a citizen of the Roman state. He was allowed to bring with him the notary, two servants (they had to have livery), a horse and, of course, his wife and children. In addition to the tasks of representation, which kept the community of Fratta united in Perugia, its "dominant city", he was allowed to remove from the agenda of the council meetings everything that, in his opinion, could harm the interests of the city of Grifo and the ecclesiastical state. The term of office was variable, depending on the contingent reasons of Perugia. Chancellor Notary of power, who followed in the movements, remained in office for the time of his "vicariate". He was involved in the drafting, on his own books, of everything that concerned the work of the authority, both in relation to the communities where they resided, and in relations with Perugia. The chancellor (or ordinary judge) also kept the volume of the "trials" that he and the authority held in the administration of justice. The defenders Authorities of Fratta, they were the highest representatives of the community, they decided on what to do for the positive development of public affairs and the good living of the population: they combined the powers of today's mayor and the municipal council. They brought in the council meetings the topics to be discussed and on which to vote, with the endorsement of power. The defenders were four, they remained in office for four months. Considered "officials" of the community, they were chosen from among the "bookies" of the castle, that is, people who had real estate registered in the "Cadastre". The three above the guard There were three "officers" who supervised the military apparatus of the castle, that is, the safety of all the inhabitants. They remained in office for four months. The four councilors Persons in charge of advising defenders on matters to be discussed in the council. They were also considered "officials" of the community and remained in office for four months. The camorlengo He was considered the "official" with the task of keeping the accounts of the community. He paid the salaries and expenses, collected the income and various annuities. The office of camorlengo (or chamberlain) lasted four months. These were the twelve most important people for the life of the community, summing up in them the civil and military power. They alone were part of the secret council (or of the twelve). Photo by Fabio Mariotti from the Historical Photographic Archive of the Municipality of Umbertide Sources: "Calendar of Umbertide 2003" - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2003 "Umbertide from the origins to the sixteenth century" - Roberto Sciurpa - Ed. Petruzzi Città di Castello - 2007 The town hall in the 1920s The seal of the Defenders of Fratta 1905 - Piazza Umberto I (now Piazza Matteotti) - 1918 Artists and works of art curated by Fabio Mariotti There have been many, and some of great prestige, the artists who have worked in Fratta in this century. Bernardino di Betto (Pinturicchio) In 1502 the observant Franciscan friars of Santa Maria della Pietà ordered a work from the Perugian painter Bernardino di Betto, known as "il Pinturicchio" (1454-1513). The painting was done on the main facade of the church, above the entrance portal, in the shape of a lunette. It is called the "Lunette of motherhood". It represents the Madonna with Child in her arms and two angels on either side. Also in 1502 the Franciscan friars of Santa Maria commissioned a large painting from Pinturicchio, a pupil of Pietro Vannucci from Perugia, which was to represent the "Coronation of the Virgin". Pinturicchio performed the work admirably. The painting was stolen by Napoleon's soldiers in 1809 to be transported to France. This did not happen and the work stopped in Rome. Subsequently the Roman curia proposed to the Franciscan friars of Fratta the purchase of the painting and they sold it to the Vatican for five hundred scudi. It was the favorite painting of Pope John Paul II under which he often received heads of state and illustrious guests. In its place, in the church of Santa Maria di Umbertide, a photographic reproduction of the same size has been placed. Luca Signorelli In the first months of 1516 Luca Signorelli from Cortona came to Fratta to paint the "Deposition from the cross". The painting had been commissioned from him by the Confraternity of Santa Croce. The painting, on wood, was placed on the wall behind the main altar of the original and small church of the same name. It was only in 1612 that the still existing wooden exhibition was built by Pietro Lazzari of Sant'Angelo in Vado. Signorelli painted three predellas below the picture and, as can be seen from the records of the brotherhood, also a "top", that is a "Pietà" in the shape of a lunette that dominated the whole. All traces of the latter have been lost since the end of the sixteenth century. Black Alberti On 11 January 1523 the Conventual Franciscan friars of Fratta (they had the convent in the Borgo Inferiore, now Piazza San Francesco) ordered the sculptor Nero Alberti, of Borgo San Sepolcro, a wooden statue, four feet high, depicting Saint Anthony of Padua. , for their church. Eleven florins paid for the work. The other artists In 1556, the painter Marino da Perugia painted a "Madonna in relief" with angels around for the church of Santa Croce. The work was paid to him for twenty florins, twelve soldi and eight denarii. Also the brotherhood of Santa Croce, in 1557 commissioned the painter Vittorio da Montone to create frescoes depicting Jesus Christ and St. Joseph for the "new chapel" of the church, which had recently been slightly enlarged. He was paid with more than twenty florins. From the registers of the brotherhood of San Bernardino we finally learn that in 1596 master Antonio was commissioned by the brothers to make the design of the main altar of the church. It means that during the second restructuring works, which took place between 1554 and 1555, the high altar had not yet been built, just as the large picture of the "Last Supper" above the altar had not yet been painted, executed in 1602. by Muzio Flori . Photo Fabio Mariotti Sources: "Calendar of Umbertide 2003" - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2003 "Umbertide from the origins to the sixteenth century" - Roberto Sciurpa - Ed. Petruzzi Città di Castello - 2007 Le cariche pubbliche The lunette by Pinturicchio on the facade of the church of Santa Maria della Pietà The entrance portal with the lunette The coronation of the Virgin. On the right, the photographic reproduction in the church of Santa Maria The Deposition from the Cross by Luca Signorelli. On the right in the precious wooden exhibition The San Rocco by Nero Alberti in the Museum of Santa Croce Church of San Bernardino. The last supper of Muzio Flori Artisti ed opere d'arte Church of San Francesco. Wrought iron gates made by the blacksmiths of Fratta Churches, convents and the miracle of the Madonna della Regghia curated by Fabio Mariotti The churches In the 16th century Fratta, with a population of less than five hundred inhabitants, there were more than a dozen churches. Chapel of Santa Maria di Castelvecchio At the bottom of the Piaggiola, it was also known as the church of Santa Maria dei Meriti. It had its own hospital which was joined, in 1411, by the hospital of Santa Croce. Santa Maria della Regghia Octagonal in shape, commissioned in honor of the Madonna del miracolo (1556), it was begun in 1560 and completed at the end of the century (1598) with the original dome then replaced in 1612. An image of the primitive structure is visible in the painting by Bernardino Magi ( 1602), in the church of San Bernardino. Santa Maria della Pietà In the Borgo Superiore, or Castelvecchio, it was officiated by the Franciscan friars of Santa Maria dell'Osservanza who lived in the adjoining convent. It was built in 1481. Sant'Andrea In the Borgo Superiore, we have news of it since the year 1146. It was located on the place where (1860-1870) the old hospital of Umbertide was built. Our Lady of Carmel On the first east pillar of the bridge over the Tiber, enlarged and modified, a small church had been built, dating back to around 1570, because it does not appear in the 1565 drawing by Cipriano Piccolpasso. It was dedicated to the Madonna del Carmelo, whose feast was celebrated on the 15th in August. Sant'Erasmo It is located in the "mercatale", the space where the markets were held (today Piazza Marconi). Currently it is no longer visible because a house has been built there. On the ground floor, however, you can appreciate the structure of an ancient crypt, dating back to the 11th century. The church had many real estate properties, including the adjoining hospital. The first news dates back to 1145. Sant 'Antonio It existed since 1374 and was in the Borgo Superiore. On 27 February 1556 it was visited by the episcopal vicar Don Giuseppe Sperelli who found it "well decorated but damp". In fact it was between the Piaggiola and today's Piazza Marconi, subject to the floods of the Tiber. Holy Cross It did not have today's dimensions, which it assumed from 1632 to 1644. The original church was much smaller and more backward than the one we see today. We have the first news in 1338. It belonged to the brotherhood of the same name. St. Augustine It was annexed to a convent of the order of the hermits of Sant'Agostino. It was built in 1374 at the end of today's Via Leopoldo Grilli (adjacent to the Migliorati pastry shop), so it was often flooded by the Tiber. The friars owned land. Saint Francis Built starting from 1299, it was in the Lower Borgo, next to the small church of Santa Croce. It was annexed to a convent of friars which had received various bequests in the middle of the century. In 1530 the chapel of San Rocco was still missing, to the left of the central nave. San Bernardino Also in the Lower Borgo, it belonged to the Confraternity of the Good Jesus which owned its own hospital adjacent to it. In 1550 the works for the enlargement of the church began (first restructuring). In 1558 the brotherhood built the bell tower. St. John Baptist It is the first church contained within the castle walls. Its construction and that of the bell tower date back to the 12th century. It was consecrated in 1250. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, the brothers of the brotherhood of San Giuseppe or of the Body of Christ built a new chapel in the space next to the church, in a room that had previously been used as a stable. There were also the churches of the Madonna del Moro and the Madonna del Giglio . In the surrounding area there were finally San Bartolomeo in Camporeggiano, San Cristoforo in Civitella, Sant'Angelo and Stefano in Migianella, the church and monastery of Santa Caterina in Preggio, San Paterniano (today's Pierantonio where, at the beginning of the century, c 'was only Pier Antonio's house and tavern), San Giovanni a Serra Partucci. Convents and brotherhoods Monastery of Santa Maria We have news of it already in 1521, from the Statutes of the Fratta. It is a convent for women, probably located in the same place where one was built in 1604 of the nuns in Castel Nuovo, after Piaggiola, on the left, going down towards today's Piazza Marconi. It is also traced in 1555 and 1596. Immediately after the convent there was the door of Santa Maria which opened onto today's square. Fraternity of disciplines of the church of Santa Maria and hospital of Sant'Antonio The first news dates back to 1405. In 1515, "mayor and procurator" of the brotherhood is Giovan Paolo del fu Cristoforo. It has a land with the word "Seripole". The church is that of Santa Maria di Gastelvecchio, which Pesci calls "Pieve di Santa Maria". The brotherhood also has the hospital of Sant'Antonio, which joined that of Santa Maria in the distant 1411. Brotherhood of Santa Croce It has its origins in 1330. Large, historical, brotherhood of Fratta, it operated for several centuries up to the last one. She was the owner of many assets and engaged in a vast religious and welfare activity. Deeply engraved in the social reality of the country. Capuchin friars Before 1580 they lived, for rent, in two rooms owned by the brotherhood of San Bernardino. They worked in the various hospitals of Fratta. In the second half of the sixteenth century the brotherhood of Santa Croce hosted them in its houses, in today's Via Soli. Cistercians and Camaldolese in Montecorona The abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, located in the valley, near the Tiber (today's Badia) was built in 1008 by the Camaldolese and inhabited by them until 1234. They also have the small church of San Savino, halfway up the coast of Mount Corona where , in 1190, the saint died. In 1234 Pope Gregory IX transferred them to the Cistercian fathers, who lived there until 1524, the year in which Pope Clement VII gave everything back to the Camaldolese who kept it until around 1860. In 1532 the Camaldolese built the great hermitage on the top of Mount Corona, where their hermits went to live. Observant Franciscan Friars Minor of Santa Maria They lived in the convent of Santa Maria della Pietà since 1481. They also officiated at the church of Sant'Erasmo, providing for the adjoining hospital. Hermits of Sant'Agostino They were in the convent annexed to the church of the same name, at the bottom of the Piaggiola, going down on the right. In 1517 they bought a house owned by the church of Sant'Erasmo, located in the upper district of Fratta, in the town square (today's piazza della Rocca). They had land bordering the word "Le breccie", in the territory of Fratta. In 1597 Fra Gabriele da Polgeto was prior and they owned a field at Petrella, in the word "Campo della nut". Brotherhood of the Good Jesus He owned the church of San Bernardino and the adjoining hospital. In 1587 he signed a contract with the painter Mutio Flori, from Fratta, for a picture to be placed above the main altar ("The Last Supper", still visible today) and in 1588 he built the bell tower of the church. The seat was in the premises adjacent to the church, therefore it was also called the Confraternity of San Bernardino. Brotherhood of Saint Joseph or of the Body of Christ The seat was in the church of San Giovanni Battista, within the castle walls. Brotherhood of Sant'Antonio or della Buona Morte Its church was that of the nuns of Santa Maria Nuova. In 1750 it will be transferred to Sant'Agostino. Convent of San Francesco It was in the Borgo Inferiore, annexed to the church. The conventual Franciscan friars, called zoccolanti, lived there. On February 12, 1516 the general chapter of the friars meets. The custodian and procurator of the convent is friar Angelo di Giovanni, a professor of sacred theology. Other friars are Giuliano, Cipriano di Bartolomeo, Pierfrancesco da Montalcino, Pacifico di Piergiovanni della Fratta, Francesco di Giovanni Ursini. The convent owns a farm in the Rio. The miracle of the Madonna della Regghia The story aroused the explosion of devotion that led to the construction of the great and superb Madonna della Regghia, the Collegiata. We are in the year 1556, on the 14th of September. At Fratta there are many churches, but also several "Maestà" (aedicules with a sacred image) and as many chapels. One of these was located on the public road, on land owned by Francesco Graziani, a nobleman from Perugia, less than twenty meters from the current Collegiate Church (where the former Zampa building now Casi is). This can be deduced from a constructive anomaly in the elements that support the architrave of the west door with respect to those of the north door. The stone columns are placed on bases that each have two oblique sides with respect to the main wall, as if they want to indicate a direction, closely linked to the project. How many times have we walked past it without noticing it? An ideal connection between the existing chapel and the large new building under construction; a set of affection, devotion, gratitude that the people felt towards that image painted inside. The image of the Madonna, hence the "church of the Blessed and Glorious Virgin Mary", near the castle walls of Fratta, called by the people "Madonna della Regghia", from the name of the stream that flowed not far away. On the morning of September 14, a seven-year-old girl, daughter of Orlandino Vibi, born with a serious malformation in a leg that did not allow her to walk without support, was praying in front of the image, when "it is said that this spoke to him" and immediately "she found herself free and healthy and walked frankly." It was the clamor aroused by the event that prompted the bishop of Gubbio to make a pastoral visit to Fratta for two days, Wednesday 7 and Thursday 8 October 1556, appointing his vicar Don Cesare Sperelli to do it. The extraordinary event led the civil and religious community to build a large church in honor of the Madonna, depicted on the small altar of this shrine. A competition of alms and bequests began, so much so that a special metal box had to be built. The construction plans were prepared (authors of the original design were Galeazzo Alessi and Giulio Danti); the Graziani of Perugia ceded the land and in 1560 work began. When they were completed at the end of the century, the painting was transported, together with the wall block on which it was frescoed, to the temple erected to welcome it and placed behind a glass case above the main altar. And today, after so many years, the sacred image of the Madonna is still the object of a special cult on the part of the people of Umbria. Photo by Fabio Mariotti from the Historical Photographic Archive of the Municipality of Umbertide and from the Archive of Giuseppe Severi Sources: "Calendar of Umbertide 2003" - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2003 "Umbertide from the origins to the sixteenth century" - Roberto Sciurpa - Ed. Petruzzi Città di Castello - 2007 S. Maria della Regghia (Collegiata) 100 years ago 1900. S. Maria della Pietà 1976. Church of the Madonna del Giglio Piaggiola today. On the right the building that in ancient times it housed the Monastery of S. Maria and later that of Castel Nuovo The convent of S. Maria in 1977 and today, after the last restoration The abbey of San Salvatore in Montecorona 1980s. Hermitage of Montecorona 1978. Church of the Madonna del Moro 1930s. Church and convent of San Francesco The cloister of San Francesco The image of the Madonna around which it was built the impressive temple The Carmelite church in an ancient painting The church of Sant'Erasmo in a 1910 drawing The Piaggiola. On the left stood the convent of S. Agostino 1915. The facades of Santa Croce and San Francesco 1890. The bell tower of San Giovanni Battista 1910. The church of San Bernardino Chiese, conventi e il miracolo della Madonna della Regghia The Fanfani of Fratta The Fanfani di Fratta, curiously often nicknamed the "Corto" and the "Migno", have been present in our territory for about 300 years, then suddenly there is no trace of this surname in Umbertide. curated by Fabio Mariotti Information taken entirely from the research of the local historian Renato Codovini in the civil and ecclesiastical archives of the ancient Fratta from which the presence of the Fanfani family has been documented from the mid-sixteenth to the mid-nineteenth century. The first news about the Fanfani di Fratta dates back to 1548. It is initially a family of peasants who worked on a Petrella farm, owned by the Confraternity of Santa Croce. In civil and ecclesiastical documents of the time, they are often cited with the nickname of "Corto" and also of "Migno", as if they were people of short stature. In the book of entries and exits of the Confraternity of Santa Croce, year 1548, there is this entry: "And more than many he hauti in the account of the Fanfani for trimming the beam and the ribs ... (it is a Fanfani who lends himself to transport, with the treggia, some wooden beams that probably were used for the house of the Petrella farm; for this work he had 28 baiocchi). From documents of the notary Angelo Tei of 1568 it appears that the "short of the Fanfani" (so generically identified) was a rather quarrelsome type, called into question by several people to whom he caused damage. From these acts it appears that the Fanfani, having to carry pigs or sheep and goats from one place to another, instead of walking along the various farm roads, had the habit, to make it first, to cross the fields of others, even if sown. This caused some damage to the owner of the land who had nothing else to do but sue the "Corto" before the Judge of Fratta. From a civil act of 1607 it appears instead that the Bishop of Gubbio rents a land located along the Carpina to a certain Sante di Tommaso Fanfani who is in partnership with Gerolamo Pisanelli. Rent for three years at 435 scudi a year to be paid the first half on the Feast of St. John the Baptist and the second on December 25th (a sort of Christmas present). From a civil act of 1662 we learn that this Giovanni Maria Fanfani was appointed by the Community of Fratta to make a count on the relationship between flour and the production of bread in the public oven. The Fanfani in question is defined as a "recognized Professor". For the record, the count shows that the flour that comes out of the mill is made up of the following parts: pure flour (51.05%), sembola (33.34%), farinello (6.24%), Tritello (6 , 24%), bait (3.12%). From an ecclesiastical act of 1676 it appears that Bartolomeo Fanfani is Prior of the Confraternity of Santa Croce together with Francesco Burelli and Ippolito Petrogalli. In 1761 Tommaso Fanfani applied to the Church of Santa Croce to be named Spedaliere, a request however not accepted and the assignment was assigned, on May 3, to a certain Giuseppe Padovani. From a civil act of 1767 it appears instead that Alessandro Fanfani is a municipal damsel, whose task was to carry out the orders of the other employees: to clean the building, to ring the public bell for council meetings, for school or for parties. For this he takes a shield of salary every four months, which was the lowest salary, paid monthly with 25 baiocchi. In 1790 Alessandro Fanfani, after 23 years, is still a municipal boy (even then promotions were not within everyone's reach. Perhaps "our Fanfani" did not have enough "Saints in Paradise" and a "White Whale" (1) behind"). From a civil act of 1808 we know that on September 6, during the fence competition (ox against dogs) the scaffolding built in Piazza San Francesco fell. On this occasion, Sante Fanfani, a 54-year-old shoemaker, was questioned about the event. The last official news we have about the Fanfani di Fratta dates back to 1841, when Nicola Fanfani is Prior of the Confraternity of Sant'Antonio da Padova. Since then there has been no news of the Fanfani and this surname is no longer present in Umbertide. Perhaps the Fanfani moved to nearby Tuscany, perhaps to Pieve Santo Stefano, forgetting their ancient Umbrian origins. The most famous was certainly Amintore, a leading exponent of the Christian Democrats from the 1950s to the 1980s (2). Note: 1. " White whale " was the nickname of the Christian Democrats 2. Amintore Fanfani (Pieve Santo Stefano, 6 February 1908 - Rome, 20 November 1999) was an Italian politician, economist, historian and academic. He was president of the Senate three times and five times president of the Council of Ministers between 1954 and 1987 when, at the age of 79 and 6 months, he became the oldest head of the government of the Italian Republic, twice secretary of the Christian Democrats and also party president, Minister of Foreign Affairs, interior and budget and economic planning. - The images of the documents are by Renato Codovini, taken directly from the article by Umbertide Cronache. - Renato Codovini's photo is by Fabio Mariotti - The photo of Amintore Fanfani is taken from the Internet (Wikipedia) Sources: “History of Umbertide - from the century. VIII to the century. XIX "by Renato Codovini (unpublished manuscript) Article by Fabio Mariotti published in “Umbertide Cronache” n.2 - 1995 The Umbertidese historian Renato Codovini GLI STATUTI DELLA FRATERNITA DI SANTA CROCE Dal libro “Statuti e ordini della Fraternita di Santa Croce in Fratta (Umbertide) dal 1567 al 1741” – a cura di Bruno Porrozzi Premessa Allo stato attuale delle conoscenze non siamo in grado di affermare con sicurezza la data precisa di fondazione a Fratta di una confraternita laica di Santa Croce (o di altro nome), ma certamente non dovremmo essere tanto lontani dal vero se ne facciamo risalire le origini al tempo di San Pier Damiani (morto nel 1072), di San Francesco (1182-1226) promotore dei Penitenti, fondatore dei Frati minori. Dopo San Francesco, il pio laico Raniero (o Rainerio) Fasani, propagatore della disciplina pubblica nel territorio perugino e oltre, nel 1260 predicava la necessità di far penitenza, di espiare pubblicamente i peccati rievocando la passione di Cristo, partecipando alle sofferenze di Gesù flagellandosi a sangue. Può essere verosimile che a Fratta, nella seconda metà del XIII secolo, fossero presenti gruppi di penitenti e disciplinati che, riuniti nelle parrocchie, praticavano esercizi penitenziali non quotidianamente, in maniera incruenta, indossando sempre (penitenti) o in certe circostanze (disciplinati) un abito speciale. Con il passare del tempo, dopo il 1260, i confratelli, organizzati in fraternite locali, scelsero una divisa, una uniforme che, per lo più, consisteva in una tunica bianca, rossa o di altro colore, con o senza scapolare e mantello; tali divise venivano conservate, in genere, negli armadi della sede della confraternita ed indossate per andare in processione o durante le riunioni. Le confraternite laiche, secondo quanto affermano il Mavarelli e altri studiosi, avrebbero avuto origine dall'ordinarsi e dal raccogliersi nelle parrocchie delle folle di disciplinati, dopo il 1258-1260, attenuato il primitivo entusiasmo che li aveva portati "fuori dei casali, dei presbiteri, dei tuguri, dei palazzi, per andare processionalmente per le strade e per le piazze e di paese in paese percuotendosi con fruste di cuoio (scope) fino a sangue, implorando con gemiti e lacrime la divina misericordia" (FRANCESCO MAVARELLI, Notizie storiche e laudi della Compagnia di disciplinati di S. Maria Nuova S. Croce nella Terra di Fratta (Umbertide), Stab. Tipografico Tiberino, 1899, pp. 6, 7). Sul finire del XIII o all'inizio del XIV secolo doveva essere attiva a Fratta la Compagnia dei Flagellanti, come attesta un privilegio, concesso dal vescovo di Gubbio, Pietro di Rosso Gabrielli, che reca la data del 1337; il privilegio prevede la concessione di quaranta giorni di indulgenza a chi darà “aiuti per condurre a termine la fabbrica iniziata dell'ospedale” (Cfr. F. Mavarelli, Op. cit., pp. 6, 7). Per carenza di documentazione sicura, non si può dire che dalla Confraternita dei Flagellanti si passò a quella di Santa Maria Nuova e a quella di Santa Croce; di certo c'è che negli Statuti del 1567 che si presentano, si afferma che verso il 1360 “considerando alcuni huomini da bene della Fratta contado di Perugia, come nella detta Terra non si trovava una Compagnia che attendesse alle opere di charità, come nelli altri luoghi si trova, mossi et ispirati dallo Spirito Sancto, si risolvemo unitamente a fondare una sancta fraternita et compagnia sotto il nome prima di Santa Maria nova e di poi sotto il nome et invocazione della S.ma Croce di Cristo..”. A Fratta, come in molti altri luoghi, le confraternite chiesero aiuto ai francescani o ai domenicani per aver in uso una sala per le riunioni e come sede sociale, un cappellano per celebrare i riti religiosi nella chiesa del convento e come assistente spirituale; è questo un momento importante per la vita delle confraternite, per l'istituzione che viene riconosciuta e le vengono accordate delle indulgenze. Numerosi sono gli esempi di confraternite che ebbero l'opportunità di possedere una propria sede, un oratorio, un centro amministrativo, un hospitalis per i pellegrini e poveri malati. La Confraternita di Santa Croce a Fratta ebbe proprietà immobiliari. una chiesa, un ospedale e propri statuti che lasciavano “entro certi limiti” i confratelli liberi di “poter mutare, aggiugnere o dichiarare più et manco li sopradetti capitoli ogni volta che parerà o piacerà alla stessa Fraternita in tutto o per tutto”...; nel 1612 gli statuti del 1567 vengono “aggiornati”, per il buon governo della Compagnia, dal vescovo eugubino monsignor Andrea Sorbolongo e confermati poi dal successore monsignor Alessandro del Monte nel 1622, sempre in occasione della visita pastorale, con decreti del vescovo Sostegno Maria Cavalli nel 1730 e nel 1741. L'indipendenza della confraternita laica dall'autorità religiosa era comunque sicuramente parziale, poiché soggetta al controllo del vescovo che emanava decreti ed esaminava lo statuto sociale con riserva di approvare o apportare modifiche, quasi sempre in occasione delle visite pastorali. Introduzione Il manoscritto originale si compone di due parti ben distinte: la prima di quattro pagine di carta con poche scritte esplicative (1-4), sedici pagine bianche, sempre su carta (5-20), due fogli bianchi (21-24) in pergamena, ventiquattro pagine scritte su pergamena con i più antichi (1567) capitoli degli statuti e ordinazioni della Confraternita (25-48); la seconda parte, su carta, di trentaquattro pagine scritte, con i capitoli degli statuti del 1612 e i successivi ordini (49-80). Concludono il manoscritto otto pagine bianche di carta. Il tutto, nel formato quindici per ventidue centimetri, rilegato in cuoio marrone scuro, redatto in un volgare quasi sempre sufficientemente chiaro e regolare. Le pagine in pergamena non risultano numerate, quelle su carta, dopo l'indice, sono numerate con cifre arabe da mano coeva. La legatura, assegnabile al XVII secolo, è formata da due fogli di cartone ricoperti in pelle, come si è detto, con quattro borchie (oggi scomparse) sulla prima e quarta di copertina. A Fratta, nel tempo, operarono diverse confraternite; le più attive furono quelle di Santa Croce e di San Bernardino, ancor oggi presenti nella realtà umbertidese. Il lavoro di ricerca storica su queste confraternite e su altre rimane ancora tutto da fare, utilizzando la documentazione reperibile negli archivi pubblici e privati in notevole quantità. La pubblicazione dei presenti statuti vuol essere un contributo, uno stimolo all'apertura di un nuovo "cantiere" per la ricerca storica locale, un cantiere interessante, sicuramente significativo se si tiene presente che le confraternite non furono solamente un centro di spiritualità, ma anche una struttura di notevole importanza sociale, politica, economica e culturale nella realtà di Fratta nei secoli XVI-XIX; qualcuno dovrebbe scriverne la storia. In fiduciosa attesa, con la speranza che venga raccolto l'invito, i consiglieri dell'Associazione Pro-loco hanno il piacere di offrire ai propri concittadini i rarissimi, forse unici, documenti che seguono in copia anastatica con "traduzione", ritenendo che leggerli significa, oltre tutto, cercare di capire la nostra storia, le nostre radici, le nostre tradizioni, le origini della solidarietà della quale oggi tanto si parla. A1 termine del lavoro, oltre a chi ha contribuito alla stampa del volume, è doveroso esprimere un sentimento di gratitudine alla dottoressa Silvana Tomassoni , al signor Mario Gasperini , all'architetto Maurizio Pucci , tutti della Soprintendenza ai Beni A.A.A. S. di Perugia, al dottor Stefano Felicetti , archivista e ricercatore, per i preziosi suggerimenti. Capitoli e regole della Compagnia della Croce del castello della Fratta - diocesi di Gubbio - Contado di Perugia Prologo Tutta la vita cristiana e la sua perfezione non è altro che amare, con il cuore e con le opere, nostro Signore Dio, il prossimo nostro, come dicono il medesimo nostro Salvatore nel Vangelo: "Amerai il tuo Dio con tutto il cuore e con tutte le tue forze e il prossimo tuo come te stesso", e il suo diletto discepolo San Giovanni evangelista: "Quello che non ama suo fratello che vede, come può amare Dio che non vede"? Pertanto, alcuni uomini dabbene della Fratta contado di Perugia, considerando come nella detta terra non si trovava una compagnia che si dedicasse alle opere di carità, come avviene in altri luoghi, mossi e ispirati dallo Spirito Santo, decisero concordemente di fondare una santa confraternita e compagnia con il nome, prima di Santa Maria nuova, poi sotto il nome e l'implorazione della Santissima Croce di Cristo, il quale sulla Croce ha dimostrato la maggior carità che mai si è dimostrata verso i poveri peccatori, affinché, anche loro, memori del sacrificio del Cristo, fossero incitati con cristiana carità a compiere le sette opere di misericordia a beneficio dei poveri, secondo le forze che Dio avrebbe concesso loro. Tale confraternita è stata fondata anticamente nella terra di Fratta, duecento anni fa circa, niente di meno, e ai nostri giorni è "alquanto rifreddata", così, sentendosene la mancanza, come si verifica con le cose buone che hanno bisogno di essere riproposte e migliorate, i fratelli sopra citati, desiderando ricostituire la detta confraternita in forma migliore, dedicandola a Dio e alla sua gloriosa madre vergine Maria, riuniti in assemblea generale l'anno del Signore 1566, il giorno della presentazione della Madonna [21 novembre] all'unanimità deliberarono di mandare a Roma, come loro procuratore generale, Gabriello di Bastiano Angelini di Fratta, il quale avesse "piena authorità" di assumere informazioni sugli ordini, capitoli e statuti di qualche confraternita di Roma e di unire a questa la nostra confraternita, che ne imiterà ed osserverà le regole "perpetuamente" ad onore di Dio, della sua santissima Madre e ad aiuto dei poveri della Terra di Fratta. Dunque, avendo il sopracitato Gabriello "ritrovato in Roma la Compagnia della charità" conforme allo spirito della confraternita di Fratta e considerato favorevolmente l'insieme degli ordini della Confraternita della Carità, tenuto conto del prestigio e delle raccomandazioni di questa ed in particolare del consiglio di molti uomini dabbene, specialmente del Reverendo Padre fra' Paulino da Lucca, maestro in sacra Teologia dell'ordine di San Domenico, unita la detta fraternita di Santa Croce alla Compagnia della carità, come risulta da atto pubblico, ne riportò i capitoli infrascritti che si devono osservare da tutti i fratelli "con obbligo non di peccato alcuno", ma di effettuare la penitenza che verrà loro imposta, oppure di essere cancellati dall'elenco dei confratelli. La Confraternita, infine, riunita in assemblea generale potrà deliberare ciò che sembrerà più opportuno e necessario, "secondo li tempi, purchè non si manchi della osservanza, et sustantia di detti capitoli" e, nel più breve tempo possibile, si proceda di bene in meglio, come speriamo, sorretti dalla misericordia di Dio. E poiché prima siamo obbligati ad amare Dio e a cercare la salvezza della nostra anima, poi quella del prossimo, così, prima riporteremo i capitoli che affronteranno "il modo di vivere delli fratelli", poi i capitoli e il modo "circa 1'exercitare le sette opere di misericordia inverso delli proximi". Dunque, ricevano i fratelli questo santissimo dono di Dio, ringraziando sua Maestà [il Signore, il papa, o ...?] e, con grande fervore, si rinnovino al ben fare, come se oggi, di nuovo, fosse fondata questa Santissima Compagnia al nome della Santissima Croce di nostro Signore e della sua Santissima Madre, benedicendo sempre quelli "in saecula saeculorum, amen" [nei secoli dei secoli, così sia]. Capitolo primo Del modo di associare i fratelli di questa Compagnia Quando qualcuno chiederà di far parte della nostra fraternita, la proposta deve essere fatta dal Priore; l'associazione avverrà con voto segreto, con le palline bianche e nere, e dopo che il candidato avrà ottenuto i tre quarti dei voti, altrimenti non sia accettato. Un giorno di festa, poi, riunita tutta la Confraternita, il Priore dirà alcune parole sui presenti capitoli e, chiamato colui che vuole entrare a far parte della Confraternita, lo vestirà della veste della Compagnia, gli darà una candela in mano, mentre i confratelli canteranno l'inno "Veni creator spiritus" o qualche altra orazione; e così sarà inscritto tra i fratelli della Compagnia. Non venga associato alcuno che sia di cattiva fama o che abbia compiuto qualche azione scandalosa o che giochi a carte o che abbia inimicizia o che conduca una vita disonesta o sia un cattivo cristiano. E se qualcuno della Compagnia cascasse in simili vizi o che fosse disobbediente al Priore o che non osservasse i capitoli o non prendesse parte alle processioni o all'ufficio, quando si dirà, dopo essere stato ammonito dal Priore a nome della Compagnia due o tre volte e non volendosi ravvedere, sia espulso immediatamente dalla Compagnia. E affinché nessuno possa invocare ignoranza il Priore convochi una volta al mese tutti i fratelli e, in presenza di tutti, legga i presenti capitoli. Capitolo secondo Degli ufficiali della Compagnia Tutti gli ufficiali della Compagnia si eleggeranno con le palline nere e bianche su nominativi di persone idonee proposti dal Priore; il primo candidato che raggiungerà i tre quarti dei voti verrà nominato ufficiale. Per primo si eleggerà un Priore che resterà in carica per sempre, se, per gravi motivi di grande importanza, la Compagnia non delibererà di eleggerne un altro. Ogni anno, il giorno di Santa Croce, si eleggerà un Sottopriore, il quale farà tanto quanto vorrà il Priore, verrà altresì eletto un Depositario, che, per inventario annoterà e renderà conto, ogni anno, di ogni cosa, né potrà dare né spendere, sia pure un quattrino, senza espressa autorizzazione del Priore; in caso contrario sarà controllato e pagherà del suo. Verranno poi eletti due Sagrestani, ovvero custodi della chiesa, che si dedicheranno a tutte le adunate, feste, processioni, secondo gli ordini del Priore. Infine, si eleggerà uno Spedaliere che stia nell'ospedale a ricevere i pellegrini; se non si comporterà bene il Priore potrà toglierlo dal posto e, con il consenso della Compagnia, metterne un altro. Il Priore potrà distribuire ai poveri e ad altri bisognosi tutti i beni della Compagnia, tenendo però buon conto con il Depositario di ogni cosa, ma non potrà alienare niente, né assumere un cappellano perpetuo, né dare un salario senza l'autorizzazione della Compagnia. Il Priore potrà comandare tutti i fratelli, i quali gli saranno sempre obbedienti nelle cose possibili, ragionevoli e che riguardano l'osservanza dei capitoli e del vivere cristiano, dell'ufficio divino, e nei bisogni e uffici che lui ordinerà; non ci sia alcuno che ardisca ribellarsi e disubbidire, altrimenti sarà cacciato dal Priore dall'Associazione con il consenso della Fraternita. Capitolo terzo Dell'ufficio divino La sera della vigilia di tutte le feste, i fratelli converranno alla loro chiesa a dire il Mattutino della Madonna, la mattina a dire Prima [al sorgere del sole], Terza, Sesta e Nona e, dopo pranzo, a dire Vespro e Compièta; quelli che non sapessero leggere diranno la Corona o il Santo Rosario della Madonna e quelli che, per qualche motivo legittimo, talvolta, non potranno essere presenti mandino o facciano scusa al Priore. Questo medesimo ufficio si dirà tutti i venerdì di Quaresima, e ciascuno dei fratelli sarà obbligato, oltre l'ufficio sopraddetto, a dire ogni giorno cinque Pater noster e cinque Ave Maria a riverenza della Santa Croce e della gloriosa Madre di Dio. Ognuno ancora, potendo, farà di tutto per udire la Messa ogni mattina, per andare alle prediche, per confessarsi una volta al mese, non mancando però mai di confessarsi oltre la Pasqua di resurrezione, alla Pasqua dello Spirito Santo, per Santa Croce di maggio, per la presentazione della Madonna e per il Natale. Tutti imparino, oltre il Pater noster e 1'Ave Maria, ancora il Credo, la Salve Regina e i dieci comandamenti; sarà compito del Priore far controllare simili cose pubblicamente in chiesa durante la festa, affinché chi non le sa le impari. Dopo il giorno di Tutti i Santi si celebri un anniversario per i benefattori della Compagnia, e un altro ancora per i fratelli di detta Compagnia e per i morti sepolti nella loro chiesa. Si faccia ancora la disciplina tutti i venerdì di Quaresima e nelle vigilie comandate. E nei tre giorni della settimana santa si facciano quelle cerimonie che sono riportate sul libro della Compagnia, come si fa negli altri luoghi. Il giorno della Purificazione il Priore farà benedire le candele e, dopo pranzo ne darà una per uno ai fratelli della Compagnia; farà ancora celebrare solennemente tre feste l'anno con il solito ufficio e processione, alle quali feste converranno tutti i fratelli e cioè a Santa Croce di maggio e di settembre e alla Presentazione della Vergine Maria. Capitolo quarto Delle processioni Ogni domenica e ogni venerdì di Quaresima tutti i fratelli andranno a processione devotamente e così i tre giorni di Pasqua di resurrezione e di Pasqua rosata, i tre giorni di Rogazione, il giorno dell'Ascensione, del Corpus Domini, San Bernardino, San Giuseppe, Santa Croce, Sant'Antonio, la Presentazione, la Visitazione e tutte le altre volte nelle quali la Compagnia sarà invitata; chi può si compri la cappa da per sé e a chi non può sia provvista dalla Compagnia e vada cantando o dicendo qualche cosa devota; nessuno ardisca parlare per la strada e chi non sa cantare dica la corona e faccia orazione per tutti. Così in chiesa, nel vestirsi e nello spogliarsi, non si faccia rumore, ma tutti in silenzio e con ordine stiano devotamente, e quando sono alla Messa non parlino, ma stiano in orazione, o leggano o dicano qualche devozione con i due ginocchi in terra e discosti dall'altare con riverenza, mostrando esser presenti al loro Signore. Il medesimo faranno in coro, quando si dirà l'ufficio. E nessuno se ne vada senza licenza del Priore o del Sottopriore. Capitolo quinto Dell'ufficio dello Spedaliere Le sette opere di misericordia sono quelle delle quali, nel giorno del giudizio universale, dobbiamo rendere ragione davanti al tribunale di Dio, per le quali saremo premiati o condannati. Fra queste opere una delle principali è il dedicarsi agli ospedali e ricevere poveri forestieri. Perciò sarà compito dello Spedaliere, quando viene qualche povero secolare o religioso per alloggiare, riceverlo nell'ospedale e subito darne notizia al Priore o Sottopriore, affinché, con loro ordine, sia provvisto di quanto sarà di bisogno per una sera o più, secondo le necessità; e se verrà alcuno che è infermo sarà obbligo del Priore farlo portare o a Città di Castello o a Perugia negli ospedali grandi, secondo il beneplacito dell'infermo; e accadendo che qualcuno muoia nell'ospedale, si provveda ogni cosa circa lo spirituale e il temporale, in vita e in morte, come se fosse un fratello della nostra Compagnia, ricordandosi di fare al prossimo quello che vorremmo fosse fatto a noi stessi. E poiché quello dello Spedaliere è il principale ufficio di questa Compagnia, pertanto, oltre gli altri ufficiali, si userà grandissima diligenza (come anticamente i nostri maggiori hanno fatto e fanno tutti gli ospedali bene ordinati negli altri luoghi) di eleggere ogni anno uno dei fratelli della Compagnia idoneo a questo incarico, da bene, capace, caritativo e sollecito, il quale abbia sempre un compagno coadiutore per tutte le necessità; se sarà necessario la Compagnia potrà deliberare di dare loro un salario giusto e ragionevole affinché non si manchi per alcun motivo a quest'opera tanto degna, la quale è il fondamento di questa nostra Fraternita. Lo Spedaliere, dunque, vigilerà che nell'ospedale non si giochi, non si faccia alcuna cosa disonesta né che sia in disonore di Dio in alcun modo e, se vi sono infermi, che siano somministrati loro tutti i sacramenti della chiesa, e che le donne stiano separate dagli uomini. Lo Spedaliere tenga netto e pulito l'ospedale, i letti provvisti e i poveri forestieri, sani o infermi, siano ricevuti con carità e trattati bene in tutte le cose loro necessarie, pensando che non riceve solamente un povero, ma Cristo Gesù e faccia a loro tutto quello che vorrebbe fosse fatto a sè quando si ritrovasse in simili bisogni. Capitolo sesto Del seppellire i morti Quando ci sarà qualche povero che non ha chi lo seppellisca, il Priore provveda due o tre persone o più secondo il bisogno dei fratelli della Compagnia, le quali lo seppelliscano e facciano tutto quello che sarà necessario a simile opera pia; la confraternita lo porti alla sepoltura e così si faccia per tutti gli altri morti, uomini e donne poveri o ricchi che siano, non essendoci altri che si interessano a questa opera pia. Il Priore potrà dare ordini a quattro fratelli per volta al mese o, come a lui sembrerà più opportuno, a persone più adatte, caritative e sollecite in tale necessità. Il Priore provveda ancora a ricordare i turni di attività e faccia in maniera tale che nessuno muoia senza sacramenti e che nessuno sia abbandonato, né da vivo né da morto, finchè non sarà seppellito. Il Priore provvederà a far lavare i morti, a farli vestire, accompagnare, portare e seppellire; in tutte le cose si faccia quanto richiede la carità e l'abitudine dei buoni cristiani. E tutto questo che si è detto si farà con più diligenza nei confronti dei fratelli della Confraternita quando saranno infermi e poi dopo la morte; verranno vestiti della veste della Fraternita e, con quella sola, senza altri ornamenti della bara, siano portati in chiesa e così sepolti. Tutti i fratelli, quando si seppellisce uno di loro, saranno presenti, leggendo tutti quei salmi o altre devozioni che sono nel libro della Compagnia. I fratelli diranno per il morto, più presto che sia possibile, una volta la Corona, ovvero il Rosario della vergine Maria, mentre il Priore, il giorno medesimo ovvero il seguente se sarà possibile farà dire nella chiesa della Compagnia una messa per l'anima del fratello morto, alla quale messa tutti i confratelli della Compagnia sono tenuti ad essere presenti. Il sagrestano darà in mano a tutti una candela per uno da accendere mentre si dice la messa fino alla fine. Capitolo settimo Del modo di distribuire le elemosine ai poveri Poiché i beni di questa Compagnia sono stati lasciati dai nostri antichi per beneficio dei poveri e non per altro, così il Priore abbia cura che le entrate della Compagnia siano spese esclusivamente per i poveri e per i bisogni della chiesa e dell'ospedale, che non si facciano pranzi solenni né altri pranzi di alcun tipo in alcun luogo. Il Priore vigili affinché non si faccia alcuna elemosina a coloro che non sono poveri e che non hanno bisogno, ma solo a quei poveri che chiederanno l'elemosina, ai quali si dia tutto quello di cui necessitano "in sanità et in infirmità" come pane, vino, medicine, denari e simili e altre cose necessarie; e altrettanto ancora si farà per quelli che sono poveri vergognosi, i quali si vergognano di chiedere. Se poi qualcuno fosse in difficoltà economiche per maritare le sue figlie zitelle, sia aiutato secondo il bisogno e ad arbitrio del Priore. E nei tempi di carestia la Confraternita sia tenuta a distribuire una mina di grano ai poveri nella chiesa della Compagnia ogni venerdì, cominciando il primo venerdì di Quaresima fino al venerdì avanti San Pietro, cioè per circa quattro mesi. Il Priore provveda affinché la Compagnia abbia questi libri: prima il libro che si chiama "Campione", nel quale verranno registrati tutti i beni della Compagnia, mobili e immobili, con le loro misure e confini, chi li tiene e in che modo; il secondo libro riporterà le entrate e le uscite "minutamente" di tutto quello che si spenderà durante l'anno, e ogni anno, dopo la festa di Santa Croce di maggio, si renda conto di ogni cosa in presenza dei sindaci in modo tale però che tali conti siano rivisti e saldati entro e non oltre il mese di maggio e si possa consegnare l'inventario al nuovo depositario. Il terzo libro conterrà tutti i contratti e le scritture importanti della Compagnia e tutti i ricordi di quelle cose che accadranno, meritevoli di essere conosciuti da quelli che verranno, massimamente i presenti capitoli e gli ufficiali che si eleggeranno di anno in anno, gli ordini e i decreti che si faranno dalla Compagnia nel tempo; tutti questi libri saranno conservati dal Priore e da nessun altro. Capitolo ottavo Del correttore, predicatore e cappellano della Compagnia Poiché in tutte le buone opere i secolari hanno bisogno di essere indirizzati e aiutati dai sacerdoti e affinché la Confraternita possa essere governata meglio massimamente nel ben vivere, nel buon costume e nella osservanza dei presenti capitoli, il Priore, con il consenso della Compagnia eleggerà, secondo il costume delle altre compagnie, un sacerdote religioso osservante di buona vita e che voglia attendere, aiutare, consigliare e correggere i fratelli in tutte le cose necessarie al buono stato della Compagnia, al quale sacerdote il Priore con tutti i fratelli, renderà onore e obbedienza e riferirà tutte le iniziative importanti e necessarie; senza il suo consiglio non si ordinerà o cambierà alcuna cosa, in particolare nei confronti dell'osservanza dei seguenti capitoli. Se non sarà possibile avere un sacerdote residente alla Fratta, se ne eleggerà uno che stia a Perugia, ovvero a Città di Castello come meglio sembrerà, mettendolo al corrente delle necessità della Confraternita, invitandolo spesso a venire alla Fratta per insegnare, coordinare tutte quelle cose che saranno indispensabili per lo sviluppo della Fraternita. Il Priore e la Compagnia siano obbligati ad eleggere ogni anno, per predicare tutto l'Avvento fino alla festa dell'Epifania, un religioso osservante dell'ordine di San Domenico o di San Francesco e spendere in simile opera quello che sarà necessario per il predicatore. Se il convento della Fratta non avrà tale predicatore, come non hanno adesso i frati di San Domenico e i frati dei cappuccini, la Compagnia dovrà provvedere l'alloggio il vitto e le altre cose necessarie. Poiché però la Compagnia ha bisogno di continuo aiuto, di esortazioni, messe, confessioni, comunioni e altri simili esercizi cristiani, il Priore dovrà cercare diligentemente, trovare (se però sarà possibile) ed eleggere con consenso della Compagnia e con un salario conveniente, un sacerdote come cappellano della Fraternita e della chiesa, il quale sia uomo di buon esempio, adatto all'opera che dovrà svolgere, e che voglia abbracciare con tutto il cuore questa santa opera, a lode di Dio, utilità comune della Confraternita e di tutti gli uomini e donne della nostra terra. Finis Ed io, Alessandro Marocilli , pubblico notaio, inscritto nell'archivio della curia e segretario dell'Arciconfraternita della Carità di Roma, tutti i sopraddetti capitoli letti e visti, deputato per R. O. da parte dell'Arciconfraternita nel segno della conferma degli stessi capitoli secondo le lettere patenti e la bolla di unione della suddetta Confraternita della Fratta con la predetta Arciconfraternita sotto la data e millesimo infrascritti ho sottoscritto su ordine demandato il giorno 18 del mese di febbraio 1567. Così è, Alessandro Marocilli Come sopra, etcetera. Addì 9 di maggio 1567 Si dichiara per il presente capitolo come i soprascritti capitoli non obbligano, sotto pena di scomunica o di peccato o altra pena o pregiudizio, i fratelli della Compagnia, ma che loro sono liberi di poter mutare, aggiungere o togliere i sopraddetti capitoli ogni volta che sembrerà opportuno o piacerà alla detta Fraternita in tutto e per tutto come del resto è contenuto nella bolla dell'unione fatta il 18 di febbraio 1567. E così io F. Paulino, in presenza della Compagnia, dopo richiesta e consenso di tutti, il giorno sopra scritto ho dichiarato e capitolato per levare via ogni scrupolo dalle menti delle persone. Lode a Dio e alla Santissima Croce. Gli Statuti della Fraternita di Santa Croce GLI STATUTI DELLA FRATERNITA DI SANTA CROCE AGGIORNATI AL 1622 Statuti e ordini per il buon governo della Compagnia di Santa Croce della terra della Fratta fatti da Monsignor Rever.mo Andrea Sorbolongo, vescovo di Gubbio, nella visita dell'anno 1612 e confermati da Monsignor Rever.mo Dal Monte, suo degnissimo successore, Quem Deus etcetera. Capitolo primo Del numero degli ufficiali della Compagnia Essendo necessario per il buon governo di questa Confraternita che vi siano ufficiali con le opere dei quali e col dividere tra loro gli incarichi venga ad essere amministrata e governata con buoni ordini, ordiniamo che ci siano gli infrascritti ufficiali e cioè due Priori, un Camerlengo ovvero Depositario, due Sindaci o Revisori, due Priori dell'ospedale, un Segretario e quattro Sacrestani da durare un anno nell'ufficio; dell'elezione e ufficio degli ufficiali si dirà nei seguenti capitoli. Capitolo secondo Della qualità degli ufficiali Per eliminare alcuni inconvenienti che si possono verificare nelle elezioni degli ufficiali, si ordina che nella Confraternita ci sia un elenco pubblico dei fratelli della Compagnia, nel quale siano riportati e annotati solo quelli che dichiareranno di voler essere di detta Compagnia e vestire l'abito di questa e non di altre di detta terra, dal quale elenco di fratelli così descritti si prenderanno persone adatte per gli uffici della Compagnia, permettendo però che quelli che sono soliti vestire sacchi di altre Compagnie, ancorché siano da lungo tempo anche di questa, nella quale non siano soliti vestire, possano godere gli altri privilegi e grazie spirituali che godono gli altri Confratelli. Non può essere ufficiale chi è scomunicato e bollato di infamia pubblica o che non è comunicato a Pasqua. Similmente è inabile agli uffici chi fosse debitore o creditore o interessato con la Compagnia o che fosse in lite con essa per qualsivoglia causa. Non potranno essere ufficiali nel medesimo tempo padre e figlio, due fratelli, anche zio e nipote. Non possa essere Priore, Camerlengo, Sindaco chi non arriva a venti anni; prima che si effettui qualsiasi elezione, il Segretario legga il presente e il seguente capitolo. Capitolo terzo Del modo di eleggere gli insaccolatori e gli ufficiali Per adattarsi all'uso inveterato di questa Compagnia di eleggere i suoi ufficiali per mezzo di insaccolatori, ordiniamo che nel secondo giorno di Pasqua di Resurrezione dell'anno che si dovrà rifare il sacco dei nuovi ufficiali, in una pubblica assemblea, i Priori, il Camerlengo e i Sindaci eleggeranno sei persone discrete tra i fratelli della Compagnia, dal quale numero si estrarranno tre persone, le quali dovranno rifare il sacco per tre anni; nel fare ciò si procederà in questa maniera: la domenica dell'ottava di Pasqua i tre insaccolatori si riuniranno segretamente in chiesa, ove, recitate le solite preghiere, fatto giuramento di operare con carità e senza tornaconto personale, eleggeranno i nuovi ufficiali o "a voce" o "per voti segreti"; se ci "fosse discrepanza", diversità di vedute, "si metterà la sorte". Il tutto dovrà essere verbalizzato dal Segretario, che parteciperà a tutte le operazioni "senza voto decisivo". Lo stesso Segretario, finita la votazione, rinchiuderà segretamente le schede degli ufficiali eletti per ciascun anno in tre palle di cera, sigillate in un'altra palla simile alle tre, ma più grande, inserendovi un foglio ove saranno annotati tutti gli ufficiali di ciascuno dei tre anni, affinché, verificandosi qualche inconveniente (frode, dubbio o altro) si possa immediatamente confrontare con quanto scritto sul foglio e superare ogni difficoltà o controversia. Si avverte che i tre elettori suddetti "sono privi di voce passiva", cioè non possono essere eletti "per li tre anni futuri" all'ufficio del priorato e camerlengato. Il segretario e i tre elettori dovranno tenere segreti i risultati elettorali [fino al tre di maggio, festa di Santa Croce]. Capitolo quarto Del modo e tempo di dare l'ufficio ai nuovi ufficiali Ogni anno, nel giorno della festa di Santa Croce al 3 di maggio, nella assemblea generale si estrarrà una palla dei nuovi ufficiali il cui contenuto verrà reso pubblico dal Segretario. Quelli che saranno eletti a qualche ufficio andranno avanti all'altare maggiore da dove, pregando Iddio che doni loro la grazia di amministrare bene il detto ufficio e, fatto un cenno dai Priori anziani, se ne ritorneranno; al tornare dei quali, tutti gli ufficiali vecchi si alzeranno in piedi e se ne andranno dal loro posto facendovi sedere i nuovi ufficiali e si consegneranno le chiavi, i libri e il sigillo. Poi il Priore presente più anziano esorterà i nuovi ufficiali a mantenere le opere pie che si fanno dalla Confraternita, pregandoli a conservarne i beni e le robe con ogni loro potere e scusandosi con gli ufficiali passati delle loro negligenze, domanderanno perdono a Dio. Poi si dirà il Te Deum e Deus innocentiae restitutor, e fatto ciò, non essendovi altro da dire, si stabiliranno le ore della giornata nelle quali consegnare le robe, riscontrare gli inventari e rendere i conti in conformità di quanto si dirà nel capitolo settimo. Capitolo quinto Dell'ufficio dei Priori Vogliamo che i Priori siano capi e guida della Compagnia, ai quali ciascuno debba portare rispetto ed essere obbediente nelle cose che riguardano la Compagnia, siano governatori e amministratori di tutti i luoghi e delle robe della Compagnia, procurino che i beni e le robe di essa siano fedelmente amministrate e distribuite in conformità degli obblighi e delle antiche istituzioni della Compagnia affinchè non vengano defraudate le intenzioni e le disposizioni dei benefattori, provvedendo che gli stabili non si usurpino né si alienino. I Priori, all'inizio del loro mandato, siano obbligati ad intervenire ai controlli degli inventari, che si faranno tra gli ufficiali vecchi e nuovi, e ad assistere con i Sindaci alla resa dei conti, avvertendo di non ingerirsi in cosa alcuna prima che siano stati resi i conti dagli ufficiali passati. Procurino, prima che finisca il loro ufficio, di far riscuotere tutti i crediti, pagare tutti i debiti, fare saldo con tutti per non lasciare confusione ai nuovi successori, forse con danno della Compagnia. I Priori siano obbligati, insieme con il Camerlengo, almeno una volta durante il loro ufficio a visitare tutti i beni stabili della Compagnia, faranno convocare tutte le assemblee sia generali sia segrete e assistervi. Provvedano poi affinché nei tempi dovuti siano soddisfatti tutti gli obblighi e carichi della Compagnia. Non possano di loro propria autorità spendere più di uno scudo in cose che non siano ordinarie e solite. Ordineranno tutti i mandati dei pagamenti e spese ordinarie e straordinarie, sottoscrivendoli e timbrandoli col sigillo della Compagnia. Uno di essi dovrà sottoscrivere le lettere missive che occorreranno durante il giorno, in questo modo (I Priori) e l'altro vi metterà il sigillo, il quale dovrà stare in mano di uno solo; il medesimo procedimento potrà essere osservato nel sottoscrivere i mandati. I Priori procurino che si mettano a libro dei ricordi tutte le memorie di atti pubblici e altre scritture pertinenti alla Compagnia, insomma facciano in modo che tutti gli ufficiali e i ministri compiano diligentemente i loro doveri. Terranno una chiave del granaio e della cantina e l'altra il Camerlengo, né la daranno ad alcuno senza andarvi e ritrovarsi presenti, non perché crediamo che il Camerlengo non sia fedele e sincero, ma per togliere via i sospetti e le mormorazioni; per la stessa ragione, fatta la raccolta e finita la vendemmia, si aggiungeranno nell'inventario fatto all'inizio dell'ufficio, tutto il grano, le altre robe raccolte e anche il mosto alla presenza dei Sindaci revisori. Non possano per alcuna via ricevere denari di entrate ordinarie e straordinarie e, finito il loro ufficio si sottopongano al controllo dei sindaci in conformità del capitolo settimo. Procurino di essere più amati che temuti dagli ufficiali e, soprattutto, essendo i primi dei luoghi e degli onori, siano i primi ad osservare i presenti capitoli e, con le opere e il loro esempio, siano specchi, esempio di bene operare per tutti gli altri. Capitolo sesto Dell'ufficio del Camerlengo o Depositario Non ricercandosi minor diligenza nell'eleggere il Camerlengo della Compagnia di quella che si ricerca nel nominare i Priori, avendo egli in mano tutte le robe ed entrate dalle quali dipendono tutte le opere lodevoli che si fanno nella Compagnia, si avvertono gli insaccolatori di eleggere a tale ufficio persona idonea e non sospetta. Il Camerlengo, benché abbia facoltà di spendere per le piccole e consuete cose senza il consenso dei Priori, tuttavia non potrà pagare né spendere denari per qualsiasi causa da tre giulii in su senza il detto mandato, non dovendosi altrimenti ritenere buono dai Sindaci nel rendere i conti; alla fine di ciascun mese farà fare il riepilogo di tutte le spese minute occorse, e delle spese che farà per vigore di qualsiasi mandato, debba farne fare ricevuta a tergo. Userà diligenza nello scrivere nel suo registro, annotando e specificando il nome da chi sono date o prese le robe, il peso, la misura, il numero, il prezzo e il giorno. All'inizio del suo ufficio dovrà prendere in carico ogni cosa per inventario alla presenza dei Priori e dei Sindaci, aggiungendo nel registro, sempre alla presenza dei sopraddetti, il raccolto del grano, del mosto e delle altre cose. Dovrà tenere una chiave del grano, del vino e delle altre robe, mentre l'altra la terrà il Priore, il che si è ordinato solo per rimuovere i sospetti e le mormorazioni; non darà a nessuno la detta chiave senza ritrovarsi presente. Il Camerlengo dovrà ugualmente tenere una chiave delle cassette delle elemosine e l'altra il Priore. Sarà suo dovere riscuotere tutti i lasciti, crediti e altri denari della Compagnia, avvertendo di non lasciare indietro alcun debito o credito per non lasciare confusione ai nuovi ufficiali, forse con danno della chiesa [sic]. In mano sua dovranno pervenire tutti i denari che non si dovranno spendere se non per sua mano; non farà distrazione delle robe ed entrate della Compagnia per convertirle in denari senza la partecipazione dei Priori; finito il tempo dell'incarico consegnerà i suoi libri e l'inventario ai nuovi Sindaci alla presenza dei vecchi e nuovi Priori e si renderanno i conti conformemente al seguente capitolo. Capitolo settimo Dell'ufficio dei Sindaci Benché speriamo che ogni fratello, al quale toccherà qualche ufficio, debba fare il suo dovere diligentemente e con fedeltà, tuttavia, perché a ciascuno è noto quanto siano importanti il giudizio e l'esame degli ufficiali passati, affinché le opere di ognuno siano manifeste e la Compagnia sia servita concretamente, si ordina che i Sindaci che saranno votati nella palla dei nuovi ufficiali, con l'assistenza del vicario foraneo, debbano rendere i conti dell'amministrazione degli ufficiali passati che avranno maneggiato robe e denari della Compagnia; questo sia fatto rapidamente per sommi capi, vedendo solo la realtà del fatto; senza esprimere giudizi si faccia detto controllo entro il termine di dieci giorni, dando assicurazione scritta che verrà consegnata al Segretario affinché la legga in una assemblea generale; resa pubblica, verrà registrata dal Segretario nel registro dei decreti di detta Compagnia. I Sindaci procurino che i nuovi ufficiali piglino l'ufficio col fare l'inventario, dove si specifichi la qualità e quantità delle cose o robe che a quelli si consegneranno e altre circostanze necessarie con la presenza loro, al quale inventario faranno aggiungere, come di sopra tutte le entrate che a suo tempo si ricaveranno dai beni stabili della Compagnia, come grano, vino e biade. Terranno una chiave dell'armario cioè il primo Sindaco una e l'altra il primo Priore. Conformemente a quanto si dirà nel capitolo XIIII, i Sindaci concorreranno ad eleggere gli insaccolatori, conformemente al capitolo XI, interverranno alla assemblea segreta. Sarà cura particolare dei Sindaci "visitare" spesso i beni stabili della Compagnia e procurare che siano ben coltivati e, al possibile, bonificati. Capitolo ottavo Dei Priori dell'ospedale e loro ufficio Sarà carico dei deputati a questo ufficio il sopraintendere al governo dell'ospedale dei poveri e all'ospizio dei padri cappuccini col provvedere quel tanto che farà di bisogno per il servizio di detto ospizio, e di tutte le spese faranno fare mandato, facendolo sottoscrivere come di sopra, da pagarsi per mano del depositario, avvertendo di non comprare robe alle osterie, con maggior spesa della Compagnia, perché non dovrà considerarsi buona l'alterazione dei prezzi. Avvertiranno ancora di non servirsi delle stanze fuori dell'uso convenevole e anche loro siano obbligati a fare tutti gli altri esercizi soliti, dichiarando che nei presenti statuti, facendosi menzione dei Priori, non s'intendono questi dell'ospedale, se non sono specificatamente nominati tali. Capitolo nono Del Segretario e suo ufficio Affinché, tanto dei decreti e risoluzioni che si faranno nelle assemblee, quanto degli infrascritti statuti e di altre scritture pertinenti alla Compagnia, ci sia chi tenga conto del tutto, ordiniamo che ci sia un Segretario il quale dovrà sempre assistere a tutte le riunioni e annotare distintamente tutto quello che si tratterà. Scriverà ancora tutte le lettere missive che occorrono alla giornata, facendole sottoscrivere e sigillare e di quelle terrà copia. Terrà anche conto delle altre lettere che si riceveranno, "facendone filza" [ordinandole], per poterle a suo tempo porre nell'archivio. Noterà in un registro tutti i fratelli e sorelle della Compagnia per ordine alfabetico e se in alcune di dette riunioni il Segretario non fosse presente, qualche altro, su incarico dei Priori, scriverà in un foglio quello che occorrerà, da darsi poi in mano al Segretario affinchè lo riporti sul suo registro; interverrà al momento della resa dei conti e, occorrendo, scriverà gli inventari e altre scritture per la Compagnia. Capitolo decimo Dei Sagrestani e loro ufficio Sarà cura dei sagrestani che la chiesa, l'altare, l'oratorio e tutte le altre robe della sagrestia siano sempre pulite e monde. I sagrestani dovranno assistere la domenica e tutte le feste, alle messe che si celebreranno nella chiesa della Compagnia; saranno diligenti nel far osservare gli obblighi che ha la Compagnia in quanto a messe, funerali e simili e, a questo effetto, dovranno tenere una tabella affissa nella sagrestia, sarà loro cura addobbare con decenza la chiesa nelle feste solite della Compagnia e, per tale effetto, riceveranno dal Camerlengo in denari quel tanto che dai Priori sarà giudicato sufficiente per la spesa di detto apparato, avvertendoli che andrà a loro conto ogni spesa superflua che facessero di loro iniziativa. I Priori avvertiranno ancora detti Sagrestani di non fare, nei giorni di festa "spese straordinarie e indecenti in mangiamenti e refezioni", non dovendole accettare per buone nei conti; se vorranno fare qualche cosa a loro proprie spese sia fatta ancora con ogni temperanza e senza scandalo. I sagrestani renderanno fedele conto ai Priori dei denari e delle elemosine che entrano nella sagrestia ed i Priori dovranno condiscendere ai giusti desideri loro quando facessero istanza, se di dette elemosine e avanzi fatti per loro intervento se ne facesse qualche ornamento per la chiesa o sagrestia durante il loro ufficio. Terranno ancora conto della cera che entrerà nella sagrestia per funerali e altre occasioni. Riceveranno e renderanno per inventario alla presenza dei Priori le robe pertinenti alla sagrestia. Capitolo undicesimo Dell'assemblea segreta Essendo necessario, per la speditezza degli affari della Compagnia, riunirsi spesse volte insieme, e perché sarebbe molto difficile, per ogni circostanza che durante la giornata si presenta, riunire tutti i fratelli, perciò si ordina che una volta al mese, e più o meno secondo che parrà ai Priori, si faccia una riunione segreta, alla quale dovranno intervenire i due Priori, il Camerlengo, i Sindaci, il Segretario e, possibilmente i due Priori vecchi dell'anno precedente, i quali tutti vogliamo che rappresentino la Congregazione [l'Assemblea] segreta, nella quale si possano trattare tutti gli argomenti necessari, proponendo i Priori e rispondendo successivamente gli altri puntualmente; se nel trattare vi sarà controversia, si metterà a votazione e non si potrà prendere decisione in detta riunione se non sono presenti almeno un Priore e cinque altri deputati. Non si possa discutere il problema o prendere una decisione finché non sarà uscito fuori quello (ancorché difficile) che avesse proposto qualche cosa tanto per interesse suo quanto dei suoi sino al terzo grado incluso. La stessa regola si osservi nell'assemblea generale. Detta assemblea segreta avrà facoltà di permettere qualche spesa insolita, però utile per la Compagnia, fino alla somma di tre scudi; alla medesima riunione segreta spetterà di nominare ufficiali nei luoghi che saranno restati vacanti per qualsivoglia accidente, i quali ufficiali saranno nello stesso grado, dignità e ordine che erano quelli insaccolati. Tutto quello che da detta assemblea segreta sarà decretato sia valido come se fosse fatto dall'assemblea generale, ad eccezione però dei casi riservati a detta assemblea generale. Capitolo dodicesimo Della assemblea generale Siccome nella Confraternita tutti i fratelli sono uguali, così la partecipazione ai suoi affari deve essere comune e, presentandosi problemi gravi, si devono risolvere e determinare con il consenso comune; perciò ordiniamo che, oltre la riunione segreta, si devono convocare e riunire tutti i fratelli, tutte quelle volte che ai Priori sembrerà accorgimento utile, in assemblea generale, la quale abbia facoltà di trattare, decidere e risolvere tutti i problemi occorrenti alla Compagnia, proponendo i Priori e rispondendo gli altri puntualmente, dichiarando (per evitare la confusione e il danno della Compagnia) che siano privi di voce attiva e passiva quelli che parleranno quando non tocca loro per ordine in detta assemblea senza avere ottenuto il permesso da uno dei due Priori; questa condizione privatamente duri solamente durante il consiglio o assemblea di quel giorno. Intesi i pareri dei diversi deputati, si metteranno ai voti quelli più "laudabili", e quello che sarà più favorevole rispetto ai voti ottenuti si intenderà approvato. Risolti i problemi e fatti i decreti si rendano pubblici dal segretario con voce intelliggibile; il medesimo si farà nelle riunioni segrete, alle quali assemblee non assisterà alcuno che non sia della Compagnia o che vesta di altre Compagnie e che si presenti armato. Prima che abbiano inizio le riunioni, sia generali sia segrete, si dovrà recitare "Veni Sante Spiritus", come nell'ufficio della Beata Vergine; finita la riunione si reciteranno le preghiere "Post congregatione" come nel medesimo luogo è notato. Capitolo tredicesimo Del modo di mettere i partiti [ai voti] Tutte le votazioni che si andranno a proporre nelle assemblee si devono effettuare per voti segreti, in tutte le riunioni sia generali che segrete e non si intendano valide se i voti non sono più della metà dei fratelli presenti riuniti atti a dare il voto e se non sono i due terzi dei voti favorevoli, come è stato usato sempre in questa Compagnia. Dovendo predisporre per la votazione, si ponga il bossolo davanti ai Priori, dove ordinatamente ciascuno andrà a dare il suo voto; nessuno possa dare voto se non ha almeno quindici anni finiti. Si aprirà poi dal segretario il bossolo davanti a Priori, pubblicamente, e si pubblicheranno e mostreranno i voti a tutta l'assemblea. Capitolo quattordicesimo Del modo di accettare i fratelli Per evitare l'associazione di uomini di cattiva fama e vita scandalosa, al che facilmente da principio si provvede e, successivamente, con difficoltà si rimedia, onde spesse volte succedono scandali e discordie, ordiniamo che, volendo qualcuno entrare a far parte della Compagnia, debba presentare un memoriale ai Priori, i quali, nella prima assemblea generale lo proporranno a votazione ed essendo accettato gli si darà avviso, affinché possa provvedere la veste, o sacco, che farà benedire da qualche sacerdote; sarà poi vestito dal proprio Priore con le solite cerimonie e ammonizioni e allora, non prima, sarà scritto dal segretario nel registro dei fratelli e posto nella tavola pubblica, avvertendolo che per l'avvenire non verranno ammessi nella Compagnia quelli che sono soliti vestire il sacco o la veste di altre compagnie dello stesso luogo. Capitolo quindicesimo Del modo di cancellare i fratelli Occorrendo cancellare qualcuno dei fratelli della Compagnia per qualche giusta causa, questo tale si faccia chiamare davanti ai Priori per sentire se ha qualche legittima difesa; dopo che sarà ascoltato, o non comparendo, il segretario nell'assemblea generale, a nome dei Priori, esporrà la causa. L'assemblea giudicherà a voti segreti e, se il caso proposto meriterà tale punizione, il nome di questo tale si scriverà in un bollettino che verrà stracciato dal Priore; il segretario lo cancellerà nello stesso tempo dal registro e farà nota dei fratelli, in modo tale che se ne faccia perpetua memoria, senza possibilità di essere mai più riammesso. Capitolo sedicesimo Dell'archivio o armario Per conservare i libri e le altre scritture pertinenti alla Compagnia, ove sarà anche l'inventario di detti registri, l'originale dell'inventario delle robe che si consegnano annualmente agli ufficiali, con il quale si confronteranno gli inventari particolari di qualsiasi ufficio, si ordina che vi sia un armario o cassa, dove si conservino tutti i registri, contratti, memorie e altre scritture riguardanti la Compagnia. Il primo Priore terrà una chiave di detto armario o cassa, l'altra la terrà il primo Sindaco. Capitolo diciassettesimo Che non si alienino i beni della Compagnia Desiderando provvedere nei confronti di chi posponesse l'utilità della Compagnia al proprio particolare interesse, stabiliamo che i beni stabili non si possano locare per più di tre anni, e questo con il consenso dell'assemblea generale, né si possano locare a persone, le quali abbiano casa, possessi e altri beni vicini a quelli della Compagnia, affinché non siano usurpati in tutto o in parte e i confini non si sconvolgano. Similmente non si possa locare, vendere o alienare o in qualsiasi modo concedere beni stabili o altre cose ai Priori, al Camerlengo o ad altri ufficiali della Compagnia, né ai loro parenti durante il loro ufficio. Le alienazioni in vita, terze generazioni o perpetue non siano permesse se non quando riguardassero cose dannose, sterili e in caso di grandissima necessità e di evidente utilità della Compagnia, né questo si deliberi senza il consenso dell'assemblea generale, oltre all'approvazione che se ne dovrà ottenere da Monsignor Reverendissimo Vescovo, quando si effettuerà tale alienazione sia fatta a spese del compratore come quando occorresse il sì di qualunque genere. Capitolo diciottesimo Dei prestiti delle robe Poiché prestare le robe della Compagnia è causa di smarrimenti, molte volte per negligenza, oppure di guasti per poca attenzione, con non poco danno di essa, ordiniamo che nessuno possa in qualsiasi modo prestare beni mobili di qualsiasi genere, di proprietà della Compagnia, senza un documento sottoscritto almeno da uno dei Priori, e prestandosi qualche cosa si faccia notare nel registro ciò che è stato prestato e a chi; e quando la riporterà si cancelli. In caso contrario, se le cose prestate perissero o si deteriorassero notevolmente siano a carico di chi le presta. Capitolo diciannovesimo Delle donne che entreranno nella Compagnia Per dare possibilità alle donne che lo vorranno di entrare a far parte della Compagnia ordiniamo che i sagrestani e altri ufficiali che saranno "pro tempore" piglino in nota il nome di quella donna che vorrà entrare nella Compagnia e lo presentino ad uno dei Priori affinché se ne possa prendere debita informazione; dopo aver assunto informazioni e averle trovate idonee, almeno un Priore sottoscriverà quel bollettino, il quale sarà consegnato al segretario affinché lo trascriva nel libro grosso dei fratelli e sorelle della Compagnia delle quali ogni anno gli insaccolatori ne eleggeranno quattro, le quali, con il titolo di Priore, saranno capo e guida di tutte le altre sorelle della Compagnia. Capitolo ventesimo Delle qualità e costumi dei fratelli e sorelle della Compagnia Per ammonire ed avvertire i fratelli e le sorelle di questa Compagnia di incamminarsi ed esercitarsi per la via delle virtù e dei buoni costumi, ci possiamo servire delle ammonizioni ed esortazioni che fa San Paolo nel capitolo quarto delle Epistole che scrive ai Filippesi, ove, dopo molte altre esortazioni vi aggiunge questa: "De cetero, fratres, quaecumque sunt vera, quaecumque onesta, quaecumque sancta, quaecumque amabilia, quaecumque honestae famae, si qua virtus, si qua laus disciplinae, haec cogitate". [Del resto, fratelli, tutto ciò che è vero, tutto ciò che è onesto, tutto ciò che è santo, tutto quello che è amabile, tutto ciò che è rinomato, tutto ciò che è virtuoso e merita lode, sia oggetto del vostro pensiero]. Dovendo riportare da tutto ciò un frutto particolare, questo non sarà altro che quello che lo stesso San Paolo aggiunge: "Deus pacis erit vobiscum". [il Dio della pace sarà con voi] . Se questo riguarda tutti i cristiani, molto di più deve riguardare quelli che, oltre all'obbligo universale della legge cristiana, scegliendo quasi una vita più severa in questa Compagnia, si sono spontaneamente obbligati alle opere di pietà e devozione; per questo vogliamo, dunque, che i fratelli e le sorelle della Compagnia, prima di ogni altra cosa osservino tutti i comandamenti di Dio e della Chiesa, ascoltino ogni giorno la Messa o almeno visitino il Santissimo Sacramento, frequentino i Sacramenti della Confessione e della Comunione, se non una volta al mese, almeno nelle feste principali del Signore e della Madonna, e in particolare per la festa di Santa Croce di maggio e della Madonna di novembre, feste principali della Compagnia, nella propria chiesa tutti insieme. Si esercitino nelle opere di pietà e di misericordia con tutti e in particolare con quelli della Compagnia, soccorrendo i bisognosi, visitando gli infermi di essa, seppellendo i morti, per i quali dovranno far celebrare un ufficio tanto per i fratelli quanto per le sorelle della Compagnia dopo la morte di ciascuno, e fare una particolare orazione per essi. Abbiano qualche devozione particolare e siano riverenti e obbedienti ai superiori, siano solleciti alla frequenza della Compagnia nelle attività e processioni pubbliche, alle quali intervengano sempre con l'abito della Compagnia e con quella modestia pietà e devozione che sono dovute a tale abito, sempre con la faccia coperta e senza cappello in testa. Abbiano sempre davanti agli occhi l'onore e il timore di Dio, perché con tali mezzi verranno ad essere più disposti a conseguire le grazie, e privilegi e le indulgenze concessi a questa Compagnia in conformità di quanto è contenuto più espressamente nelle bolle dell'aggregazione, con l'avvertenza di non lasciare vestire il sacco né di intervenire ad alcune attività a quelli che non sono iscritti alla Compagnia, se non per necessità o convenienza e in questi casi con il permesso degli stessi Priori della Compagnia. Tutti i sopraddetti singoli capitoli, intimati dal Mandatario dell'assemblea generale e quella riunita, furono letti ad alta ed intelliggibile voce da me cancelliere infrascritto, e di nuovo furono accettati ed approvati per voto segreto, nessuno intimamente contrario e il decreto dovrà essere osservato inviolabilmente, riservati il consenso e l'approvazione dell'Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Signore Alessandro del Monte vescovo eugubino per grazia di Dio e della Sede Apostolica dal giorno 23 ottobre 1622. In fede, scrissi e sottoscrissi di mia propria mano Paolo Cibo notaio e cancelliere I capitoli sopraddetti confermati ed approvati dal vescovo eugubino. Capitoli sopra le doti da vincolarsi per le zitelle Per eliminare molti abusi e dare qualche forma al costituire, al distribuire le doti per elemosina alle zitelle e apportare maggior utile ai poveri, onore e decoro alla Compagnia, si stabilisce e determina che per l'avvenire l'assemblea generale pubblica possa vincolare e assegnare una dote o due al più l'anno, secondo che lo consentiranno le entrate e i bisogni della Compagnia, e non più; e ciascuna delle dette doti possa ammontare alla somma di venticinque fiorini e questi non superare. Parimente si ordina e stabilisce che non si possano proporre per tale effetto se non zitelle povere onorate, di buoni costumi, residenti nella Terra di Fratta o nei suoi borghi, e che dei parenti di quelle almeno il padre sia nativo del detto luogo. Nello sborsare le dette doti se ne debba fare atto pubblico per mano del cancelliere della Compagnia, e si debbano dare con patto o condizione, purchè, per tutto il tempo che, e fino a quando avrà conservato una vita casta ed onesta; e anche con patto che, morendo la donna senza figlioli legittimi e naturali, la dote consegnatale debba ritornare ed essere restituita alla Compagnia nel modo migliore, senza la detrazione del terzo o di altro; e a questo effetto si farà mettere in beni stabili la detta dote, o dare sicurtà idonea di restituirla nei sopraddetti casi, non altrimenti. Si determina ancora che le sopraddette doti non si possano assegnare se non nei giorni delle feste principali della Compagnia cioè nella festività di Santa Croce il 3 di maggio, e nella festività della Presentazione della Madonna il 21 di novembre, una però per ciascuna festa, nel caso che piacesse assegnarne una o due, come si è detto di sopra, e nell'assegnarle si leggeranno i memoriali di ciascuna zitella da proporre all'assemblea pubblica e per ciascuna si metterà la decisione a voto segreto e quella che avrà più voti favorevoli si intenderà assegnata, avendo avuto però più dei due terzi dei voti favorevoli, in modo conforme alle disposizioni della Compagnia; e se eventualmente due o più zitelle riportassero un numero uguale di voti, si scriveranno i nomi in due o più schede "conformi" e da quelle si estrarrà a sorte, intendendo per assegnata quella che verrà estratta, dichiarando che i sopraddetti capitoli, tutti e ciascuno di essi in tutto e per tutto si debbano osservare "inviolabilmente" e contravvenendovi, in tutto o in parte sia nullo e di nessuna importanza ogni atto e la dote si consideri non assegnata, né si debba rimborsare la somma a chi la pagasse. Tutti i sopraddetti singoli capitoli, intimati dal Mandatario dell'assemblea generale, e quella riunita, furono letti ad alta ed intelliggibile voce da me cancelliere infrascritto, e furono accettati ed approvati con voto segreto, nessuno intimamente contrario, e il decreto dovrà essere inviolabilmente osservato, riservati il consenso e l'approvazione dell'illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Signore Alessandro del Monte, vescovo eugubino per grazia di Dio e della Sede Apostolica, dal giorno 23 ottobre 1622. Paolo Cibo notaio e cancelliere I Capitoli sopraddetti confermati ed approvati dal Vescovo eugubino Decreto del 16 giugno 1730 Decreto dell'Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Signore Sostegno Maria Cavalli vescovo eugubino, emanato il 16 giugno 1730 in occasione della Sacra visita a questa chiesa della venerabile Confraternita di Santa Croce, e trascritto tra gli altri decreti. Ordiniamo che in futuro nessun fratello eletto della medesima società possa prendere il sacco o la veste e indossarli se non per mano del Priore che amministra al momento, fatti salvi i riti e le cerimonie prescritte nei capitoli della Società e inoltre [ordiniamo] che nessun confratello possa essere accolto, eletto o ammesso oltre il numero di quaranta confratelli, altrimenti l'elezione o l'ammissione sia, in ambedue i casi, nulla immediatamente. Pietro Nalducci segretario Decreto del 6 giugno 1741 L'Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Signore Sostegno Maria Cavalli vescovo eugubino, in occasione della sacra visita effettuata nella chiesa di Santa Croce di questa Terra di Fratta, essendo il suo animo mosso da giusta causa, derogando in quella parte del capitolo XIV ordinò che in futuro la Confraternita non accolga nuovi confratelli se non mediante il consiglio segreto. Così è il 6 giugno 1741. Fratta, in occasione della sacra visita, come sopra Firmato S. M. Cavalli (aggiunta postuma) C. Leandro de Bonfatti Cancelliere vescovile generale

Penetola. Not all the dead die. by Giovanni Bottaccioli Here we present the entire small research book that Giovanni Bottaccioli, recently passed away, several years ago, he realized about the massacre of Penetola. Put in writing the voices and memories of the unfortunate protagonists of the story, giving everyone the opportunity to know them. Thanks to the availability of her daughters, Elvira and Giovanna, we present her entire work, which can also be downloaded or browsed in .pdf below, recommended for smartphones or for those who want to keep it (click from smartphone on the image below, scroll it on tablet and pc). Photo by Fabio Mariotti. PENETULA NOT ALL DEAD DIE by Giovanni Bottaccioli LE ALTRE VITTIME QUELLA PRIMAVERA DEL 1944 IL RACCONTO DI BRUNO IL RACCONTO DI DINA IL RICORDO DI ANNA QUEL 28 GIUGNO ALL'ALBA LE VITTIME DA ORMINDO UN ALTRO GIORNO GRIDA DISPERATE DI UNA DONNA AS FOREWORD If on 27 April 1997 I had not gone, together with some companions and friends, to the ceremony for the deposition of a crown at the monument to the martyrs of "Penetola", I believe that I would never have written these few pages on that distant and tragic episode that occurred on June 28, 1944, a few days after the liberation of our municipal territory. One of the many that took place in Italy in that period which, even if distant in time, should have remained well engraved in the memory of all, and especially in that of those who were direct or indirect witnesses. The delegation, despite the public posters and the invitations made to the population by the Anti-Fascist Committee and the Municipal Administration, included the Mayor Celestino Sonaglia, the maestro Raffaele Mancini representing the Anti-Fascist Committee, Alberto Mancini, partisan and silver medalist of the Resistance, Alfredo Ciarabelli of the PCI, Ferdinando Bruschi, President of the young volunteers from Umberto I joined the "Cremona" division, with some veterans of the Liberation War, I who write representing the Giunta Municipal and very few other citizens, no more than fifteen people in all, including Giuseppe Ivorio, one of the survivors of the massacre. You will wonder why a crown was placed in memory of the martyrs of "Penetola" on 21 April and not on 28 June, the anniversary of the massacre carried out by the Nazi-Fascists. The explanation is simple: a few days ago the Nazi war criminal Gen. Kappler, sentenced to life imprisonment, had escaped from the infirmary of the Regina Coeli prison in Rome, where he was hospitalized because of an incurable disease. massacre of the Fosse Ardeatine: where 335 "political prisoners" were brutally slaughtered, taken from the Roman prisons in retaliation for a partisan action against the Nazi occupation troops. That sensational escape, incredible for its daring aspects, had a great repercussion in the country, especially in the conscience of the citizens most sensitive to the defense of the democratic institutions born of the Resistance; with that "flight" was seriously offended, not only the memory of the fallen of the Resistance, but the conscience of all those who, with their tribute of struggles and blood, had contributed to the redemption of the Nation from the abyss of war, from the abyss of the barbarism into which Fascism had led it. This was the motivation that had led me together with the other citizens, representatives of the democratic and anti-fascist forces to lay the crowns at the memorial stone placed in memory of the martyrs of "Penetola". Cippo which is located about one kilometer from the hamlet of Niccone, on the left side of the road that leads to Lake Trasimeno and a few hundred meters from the house where the horrendous Nazi massacre was consummated; and erected a few years ago by the municipal administration on the proposal of the Anti-Fascist Committee of Umbertide. While I was witnessing the deposition of the crown, I wondered how it was possible that atrocious events like this and how those that occurred in so many other parts of Italy with thousands of innocent deaths could be forgotten in such a short time, when still many survivors carry them on. The tremendous signs are flesh and memory. From this bitter observation for those who believe that only from the knowledge and memory of our past can the awareness of the defense and development of the values of freedom and democracy arise, the decision to write to remind the forgetful , but above all to young people who do not know what the years of fascism were, and especially that them of the war and the Nazi occupation of our country. I will say, as far as it is possible to reconstruct what happened in those sad days of June 1944, in that small part of the territory that goes from Niccone in Spedalicchio, with particular attention to the “Penetola” massacre in which twelve of our fellow citizens found the horrible death, guilty only of having been there. I will tell, albeit summarily, of other sad episodes that occurred a few days before that terrible 28 June. Episodes that I consider useful and necessary to tell to highlight a broader picture and highlight the climate of fear that we lived in that period, when for some days the shots of the cannons of the now nearby allied troops reached our ears. For the drafting of these few pages I also used the testimonies of some protagonists; they are: Anna Nanni, Bruno Montanucci, Lenin Sonaglia known as Luigi or Nino and finally Mrs. Dina Orsini ved. Ivory, escaped the massacre. THAT SPRING OF 1944 The Nazis, called after the armistice of 8 September 1943 by the fascists of the Italian Social Republic to keep up the shaky regime of terror they established in the country, occupy the national territory. war, the bombing actions by the allied aviation begin. Umbertide was bombed on April 25, 1944 and 74 fellow citizens died under the rubble. Many victims could have been spared if the "republican" authorities of the time had given the air alarm signal through the sound of the sirens that had been set up and that that day did not I was living at that time in the hamlet of Niccone and I was able to see, so I can tell with certainty, that the allied planes, before dropping the deadly bombs, flew for a few minutes over the town and over the targets, which were the two bridges over the Tiber river, that of the road and that of the railway, which then connected Arezzo with Fossato di Vico. Numerous turns over the inhabited area were made by airplanes, perhaps precisely to give the inhabitants the opportunity to get away from the area. The alarm was not sounded, no one moved, so the massacre took place. In this regard, I remember, because we have always talked about it in the family, that that morning, despite my father's insistence, I refused to go to Umbertide by bicycle. Only when the planes that had dropped their death bombs left, did I get on my bike and went to Umbertide. The sight that presented itself to the eyes was tremendous. At the end of via Cibo, the course, mountains of rubble, among these I recognized some willing people who lent help, Antonio Taticchi, a well-known anti-fascist who had a barber's workshop right on the corner of the Vibi palace and Romitelli, the tinsmith, and others who were looking for to extract the bodies of those who were trapped and begging for help. Other mountains of rubble were on via Petrogalli and even there the survivors were desperately looking for their loved ones. Through via Cibo I reached Piazza Matteotti and the spectacle seemed even more terrifying. Some unrecognizable bodies had been composed on the ground, others seriously injured were complaining. Frightened, I went in search of the families of my two aunts who lived there and when I knew for sure that they had not been aged, I took the road and returned to Niccone. In the afternoon there was a new bombardment again by allied aircraft, but this time it caused few victims, perhaps because, contrary to what happened previously, the planes dropped the bombs starting the dive from the Romeggio area and not from Civitella Ranieri as it had happened in the morning. Even the hamlet of Niccone, being at the crossroads between the state road and the road that, along the valley of the Niccone stream, leads towards Lake Trasimeno and from this into the Valdichiana, in Tuscany, could be included among the military objectives. for the two bridges over the river and therefore be subject to bombing actions that the Allies systematically operated, trying to hinder the retreat of the German troops. retreat that had begun after the allied landing in Anzio. The possibility of undergoing aerial bombardments and the fact that large groups of German soldiers had already taken possession of some houses in Niccone and the surrounding areas, advised most of the families of the small hamlet looking for a temporary and safer accommodation in the open countryside near the houses inhabited by the numerous sharecroppers scattered throughout the territory There were thousands, perhaps millions of families in Italy who at that time found accommodation and food with our "peasants", even if this term was and still is used by many people in a derogatory sense. But I believe that their great willingness, costing great sacrifices, to host all those who from the centers, even minor ones, tried to escape the fury of the war, was the greatest demonstration of their generosity, their altruism and their goodness. And this negative attitude towards land workers has been persistent for a long time and perhaps still is. Their great availability was demonstrated, in fact, not only by housing entire families but also by giving them more than enough to feed themselves. who gave us concrete help. I want to thank once again, sure to interpret the desire of many other "citizens", all the farmers in the area and especially the family of Pio Fornaci, known as the "Fornacino", for the great and disinterested hospitality granted to my family. Sometimes I wonder how many of us would be available, should it become necessary for unfortunate necessity, to give to the few remaining farmers or to others in need, part of our houses, our beds, our tables. As I have already said, also my father, a craftsman, who practiced as a barber. he had started looking for an accommodation and found it just beyond the hamlet of Molino Vitelli, at the home of “Fornacino”. The farm was owned of the Boncompagni family, owner of large agricultural estates. My father, my mother and my younger sister had moved into this new “home”, a single room of about twenty square meters which at the time represented a “palace”; I joined them later. At that time I was a soldier assigned to the infantry battalion at the "Biordo Michelotti" barracks in Perugia. I deserted by escaping from the military hospital of Santa Giuliana in Perugia, where I was hospitalized for tests after a 15-day convalescence leave; I did not intend for any reason to serve the Nazi-fascists of the RSI .. I was denounced for desertion. By bicycle I returned to Niccone, found the house empty and learned that my parents were displaced. I got back on my bicycle and looking from one side and the other of the road that crossed the whole hamlet, I noticed many German soldiers who had occupied some houses. Pedaling at a good pace, be careful not to run into some roadblock. I came near the house of the "Fornacino". I am not describing the joy of my parents in seeing me appear at the end of the road that leads from the main road to the farmhouse. This joy was partly mitigated by concern for what might have happened due to my desertion. It was known of the frequent roundups that fascists and Nazis undertook in search of those who either had not presented themselves to the call of the RSI or had deserted the weapons. And it was precisely the constant concern for the roundups that had made me take the decision to build, in the middle of a forest, not far from home, a "den", a refuge that could hardly be discovered, so much had been on my part, the care in camouflaging it with the surrounding environment. Fortunately, only once did I successfully use it to escape a roundup by the Republican National Guard. According to what I later learned, that roundup concerned precisely the search for deserters or reluctant to the continuous calls to arms that Nazis and Fascists posted on the walls and which now also concerned sixteen-year-olds! QUELLA PRIMAVERA DEL 1944 DESPERATE CRYING OF A WOMAN I remember perfectly that Sunday morning of June 26, 1944, when around ten I heard in the distance the cries of a woman coming from the fields that lead from the "Fornacino" house towards the Dogana, a place where she lived with other families, that of Trinari, on the right side of the large curve near Spedalicchio. They were the excruciating screams of a woman who, running through the fields of wheat already ripe enough and close to harvest, urged the men to immediately move away to the houses and flee to the woods to hide, because German soldiers in war gear were shooting all those who found. in the fields and in their homes. It was Ersilia Epi resident in Montecastelli, who had gone to visit her daughter displaced by the Trinari family or in the vicinity and who claimed to have witnessed the capture, by German soldiers, of the men of the area then locked up in a tobacco dryer; he feared they might be shot. f The woman, no longer young, always ran past the house and, without stopping for a moment, repeated, as a kind of begging, that terrible warning: "'Flee men, flee men !!" I was speechless, looked my mother in the face, also terrified by those screams, and without a moment's hesitation walked away across the fields; I tried to take shelter behind the vegetation of the rows of vines already thick enough with the leaves of the new shoots. I had a goal in mind: to reach the home of the Sonaglia family, a sharecropper who lived above the hamlet of Niccone. Owner of the farm, voc. "S. Maria ”, was the IFI company of Montecorona. The two brothers Sonaglia, Eusebio and Dante, with their respective wives and children lived there together with their father Benedetto. It was one of the largest farms on the whole Montecorona farm. I remember that in threshing time, which lasted a few days, the siren, as well as sounding at the beginning and end of the threshing or when the meal was announced, also sounded when 100 quintals of wheat had been reached. For many years I remember that this siren sounded even three times, to the great joy of those who, after their efforts, saw their sweats partially rewarded. In fact, at the Sonaglia home, my father had for the convenience of displaced customers, moved the barber shop, or rather, he was a "walking" barber, so as to be able to maintain relationships with people now scattered a little everywhere and at the same time send on with his earnings, the "wheelbarrow" that was very hard to push. As I ran along the rows of fields in the shelter of the vegetation and quickly moved away from the area, I mulled over what could have happened to my mother and my sister, then 11, who I had left alone at home. With this thought fixed in my mind, every now and then I slowed down and thought if perhaps it was not the case to go back; but the warning of the woman "run away men" sounded insistently in the ears. Accompanied by these thoughts, I continued with an ever faster pace, to go towards the Sonaglia house; I wanted to reach my father as soon as possible. The journey that I knew well and that in other circumstances had seemed short to me, seemed to never end at this juncture. As soon as I reached the Sonaglia house I looked for my father and I immediately told him with my heart in my mouth what had happened, the reason why I had left my mother and my sister at home. He was very shaken and worried and told me to stay around because he would find out as soon as possible what was really happening. We parted with the promise that in a few hours we would meet again to decide if and how to return to the “Fornacino's house”. As I walked away, I noticed my father's strong concern for what I had told him. He was also worried about my brother Attilio, who had fled from the barracks in Orvieto where he was in the military, who just that morning went to Romeggio to visit some friends. Being a deserter himself, he had to be warned of the imminent danger and not to return home. My father, during the great war of 1915/18, had been a prisoner of the Germans and knew, from direct experience, what degree of aberrant treatment the Germans were capable of inflicting on all those who tried to thwart their plans. I thought to myself of how much pain war brings and I was disgusted that I too was the cause, albeit involuntary, of the pains that tormented my parents in those days. My father's prudence was worth nothing: now we were all, and not just us, at the mercy of an enemy who had no scruples or pity. Speaking of my father, I like to remember that it was he, thanks to his experience as a prisoner of the Germans, who advised the Sonaglia family, since the winter of 1943, to dig a hole under the floor of the hut, a pit of about two meters of depth, adequately large, to hide, before the passage of the front, some food supplies and the little linen of the wedding trousseau, kept in the famous "trunk" which, at that time, almost all women, married or about to marry they had. I and my cousins Sonaglia did the excavation of that underground compartment: Elvio, Pietro and Luigi, known as Nino, whose real and first name is Lenin, a name that today, but above all then, in 1922, had an irresistible charm. When Eusebius, Lenin's father, went to the Civil State to "mark" him, register him, no one objected and in the birth register of the year 1922 the child was registered with the name of Lenin. On the other hand, those who objected and did not accept that the newborn was given this name, was the parish priest of the parish of Montemigiano, Don Pericle, despite the insistence and grievances of his father, refused to mark him with that name and entered him in the parish register with Luigi's name. The child thus had two names for several years, that of Lenin for the State and that of Louis for the Church. Later, when Eusebio went to the Civil Status of the Municipality to have the birth certificate of his son to enroll him in the vocational training school, the clerk, reading that "name" on the card, was stunned, but could not fail to issue the certificate. The headmaster of the school did not behave in this way, refusing to register him with that name. For this reason Lenin risked not being able to attend school. The father, who did not intend to have his son interrupt his studies, went to the Court of Perugia and asked to change his son's name. The Court issued a sentence, duly transcribed in the birth book of the Municipality of Umbertide, in which it is declared that from that day the name Lenin was "written and must be understood" as Luigi. Evidently the fascist power also considered an 11-year-old boy with the name Lenin, as an enemy, a "subversive". From the Sonaglia home I reached the one of the Pinzaglia family in a few minutes. It is the farmhouse that was then owned by the Boncompagni estate (Fontesegale) and which is located upstream of the Niccone school. In this farmhouse many young people who resisted the calls to arms of the Nazis and Fascists found hiding places. Being eighteen or twenty at the time and living with what little membership guaranteed was difficult. For what was given to us we thanked with the only coin we could dispose of: every now and then we lent a hand in the work in the fields. Another heartfelt thanks. In that house, also in consideration of the good relations existing for a long time, I had always found an excellent welcome. Since the winter of 1943/44, many of us young people from Niccone who had not responded to the enrollment ordered by the German and Fascist tenders, found great help and understanding with this family. often in the company of rats, in order to escape “possible roundups by the Nazi-fascists. Among those young people I remember with emotion Ezio Forni, a giant about two meters high, whom he will later find together with his brother Edoardo, called Piri, aged sixteen, and his father Canzio, one of the many and good stonecutters of Niccone, horrible death in the massacre of "Penetola". Those who know the peasant world, especially of that time, know that when there are certain jobs to be carried out such as harvesting, sowing, forage, tobacco, grapes, they cannot be postponed to the next day, risking, for a hailstorm or otherwise, of losing the harvest and that, Sunday or a holiday, it is necessary to work on time. For this reason, that Sunday in the fields they worked, where it was possible, to harvest the wheat; now near the end of June it was tradition that for the feast of St. Peter it had to be the harvest completed. The Pinzaglia family had also started this work and I contributed by tying the "grigne" of wheat. When the sun went down I returned to the Sonaglia family, where my father was waiting for me, who in the meantime had inquired: according to what was said, it seemed that everything had returned to "normalcy". Together we resumed, very carefully, the way back from the “Fornacino”. Although my father had a bicycle at his disposal, we retraced together the same path that I had taken in the morning, through the farm roads, leaving the "main road" which could have reserved for us the meeting with some patrol of German soldiers or with the sentries who they had been placed to guard the various bridges and bridges that had been mined for some time by German soldiers close to retreat. Passing through the Arcaleni and Pinzagli houses, always part of the Boncompagni property, we came to the Sassetti family and here we found several people, especially young people, who like me had moved away from the "Trinari" area, and were afraid to make the decision whether to return or less with their families or maybe stay for just one night "out of the area threatened by German soldiers. My father decided to go home, also because my mother would have been alarmed if at nightfall she hadn't seen any of us return. A he told me to stay around and the next morning we would meet again to bring me new news. We were about to leave when two people arrived whose names I do not remember, who informed us about what had happened in the morning at the "Trinari" house. German soldiers, encamped in the area, began, under the threat of weapons, to kidnap all the men found nearby and, after having locked them up in the drying room of the abacco, kidnapped two young women who, always under the threat of weapons, were raped in turns. When Epi saw that the German soldiers were closing the men in the drying room, she thought that they wanted to take these men to Germany, or pass them by arms, and for this reason she immediately took care to go from house to house to warn of the danger. The story filled us with anguish and terror, I thought of my mother and my sister who were left alone at home; those soldiers could have used the same violence against them as well. I left my father telling him that if necessary, he would find me at the house of the Ormindo family, a dear and very good man who was a "cellarman" at the Boncompagni estate, in the large "farm" of Fontesegale, where I too had worked for some time as aide to the Mistruzzi factor. The farm is located between the hamlets of Cioccolanti and that of Montecastelli. GRIDA DISPERATE DI UNA DONNA FROM NOW ANOTHER DAY Rather short in stature, red hair and a friendly face full of freckles. He worked as a "cellarman" together with Lucchetti, and I must say with excellent results if the wine from that farm was considered one of the best in the area. I challenge many of the wines of today in comparison with that wine from Fontesegale. I also had the opportunity to appreciate Ormindo for his high sense of attachment to work: in any weather, even in the coldest months, he never lacked despite the fact that he lived about three kilometers from the farm, a distance that he always covered astride the "pants'" . I spent the night sleeping in the hut near Ormindo's house and the house inhabited by the Biagini family, known as “Beppetto”, in the company of other young people whose names I don't remember all of. Among these certainly the Alboni brothers, Gianni and Vittorio. Bruno Montanucci and others. The following morning, Monday 27 June, the harvest was resumed from Pinzaglia and. I remember perfectly, it was harvested in the fields near the house inhabited by the Morelli family, known as “Bichio” owned by the parish of Montemigiano. Around 11 we noticed two armed German soldiers, one of them with a wicker basket; they walked towards Ormindo's house. The soldier with the basket also wore a cook's "zinarola". I remember his teeth that I could see between his lips and that about half was made of steel teeth. Certain details are never forgotten. The harvest continued and I helped to tie the "grigne" of wheat. Suddenly Vittorio, the brother of Giovanni Alboni, a brave fighter of the “Cremona” division, who lost a leg in a fight in the Alfonsine area (Ravenna), arrived running out of breath and bleached in the face. Vittorio at that time must have been fifteen, he begged us to immediately find a pump to inflate the tire of a bicycle taken by the two Germans we had seen shortly before. If I don't take the pump to the Germans immediately, he told us, Bruno runs the risk of being killed. He did not even finish uttering the sentence that a gunshot was heard, coming from the very area from which Vittorio had arrived. Immediately the thought went to Bruno and we all assumed that the Germans had killed him. In no time at all, some on one side, some on the other, we all ran off to hide. The fright and fear were so great that I entered the first door I found; led to the stable of "Beppetto", I lay down in the "crib" in the midst of the snouts of some oxen. trying to cover myself with straw and hay so that, in the event of a check by the two Germans, everything would be normal. After a few minutes, I heard in the distance voices of men and women interrupted every now and then by a few words of incomprehensible German. When these people got close, I plucked up my courage and went out of hiding. joining the group. The two Germans, who were talking to each other, gave me the impression that they were half-smiling and this attitude made the situation less dramatic. What exactly happened? Why and by whom had the shot been fired? The two soldiers, arrived at Ormindo's house, asked his wife for a little fresh vegetables; the woman replied that she did not have any, neither in the house nor in the garden and to make sure she invited the two soldiers to follow her to the nearby garden. Once on the spot the two soldiers saw leaning against the hedge that delimited the perimeter of the garden, a bicycle and took possession of it. One of them got on the bike, but got off immediately as the tires were completely flat. For this reason they asked Bruno, who was nearby, for a pump to inflate, threatening him, if he did not immediately proceed, to shoot him. This was the background that led Vittorio to look for a pump from us. When the two Germans returned to the garden, with the bike next to them, together with Ormindo's wife, the latter, to lower the tension that had been created, went into the house and went out with a flask of wine to offer it to the Germans. They, perhaps fearing a trap, before drinking it made everyone present taste a little and then gulped down all the contents. DA ORMINDO UN ALTRO GIORNO BRUNO'S STORY “I too, like many young people of 1925, was a“ deserter ”as I fled from the“ Biordo Michelotti ”barracks in Perugia, which at that time was in Corso Cavour. To "escape" I had jumped an outer wall of the barracks that overlooked a small ring road and which had a height of five to six meters, but at that moment it seemed much lower. After an infinity of adventures and fears from Perugia to Umbertide, I managed to get to my house which was located above the town of Niccone, owned by the Gnomi family. Since the house, not far from the national road, was easy prey for the retreating German troops, protagonists of real cattle raids and anything else that happened to them, we decided in the family to remove the animals, in particular the oxen, in open countryside, as far as possible from the communication route. I moved with the cows near the Pinzaglia, Morelli and Biagini families, to the word "Simoncelli". I was guarding my livestock, or rather mine and that of the owner, who grazed near the houses, when two German soldiers, I learned later, who were staying in my house in Niccone, suddenly emerged from the vegetation, forced me, under the threat of weapons, to follow them. One of the soldiers had with him a bicycle that he leaned against a plant and, having removed the rifle from his shoulder, bullet in the barrel, with a very scrambled Italian, he asked me if I had a pump to inflate the tires that were on the ground. The other soldier had continued to walk and was no more than twenty meters ahead of us. To the strange request of the soldier I replied hoping to make him understand that I did not know anything, neither about the bicycle nor the pump. To my negative answer, the German raised his rifle and fired. The bullet passed within inches of my head. The other soldier, unaware of what had happened behind him, when he heard the blow he gave his legs up, stopping only when the "comrade" ', with words incomprehensible to me, managed to make him understand that the blow had started from his He went back and as soon as he reached us, he engaged the bayonet, put the bullet in the barrel, pointed the rifle at my body, telling me to keep my arms raised, and began to shout that there were partisans. "Be partisans" he kept saying , without the other soldier, the one who had shot, saying anything. I thought I was being killed. I was in that situation close to death, when Ida di Pinzaglia passed by, unseen by the Germans. glance, he accelerated his passing until he disappeared in the middle of the vegetation. I later learned that Ida, meeting some people, had already narrated my death and great was the surprise she felt when, a short time later, she saw me wandering around safe and sound in the vicinity of guard de "my" cattle. In fact, the two Germans, perhaps tired of threatening me, had let me go and headed towards the house of Biagini and “Ormindo”. I would like to add another detail to Bruno's story. When the soldiers, even after Ormindo's wife had offered wine, kept repeating that the partisans had fired, I looked for the shell of the bullet near the area where the shot was fired; I found it and showed it to the soldier; he laughed and kept repeating "here partisans, we will return", "here partisans, we will return". All this happened around eleven in the morning. The two soldiers left, taking their bicycles with them, albeit with flat tires: they were always ready to raid anything, even of little value. So much so that a few days earlier, on a Sunday afternoon, always in pairs and armed to the teeth, they came to my house from the “Fornacino” and opened all drawers and small drawers in search of some valuable object. This time they were satisfied with a few bars of soap and a few handkerchiefs. Convinced that the threats pronounced in the morning would not be followed up, we remained to discuss for a few minutes and then, tired of the work of the harvest and still gripped by fear, some on one side, some on another we went to eat, making an appointment for the afternoon in a hut near the home of the Biagini family. I had lunch with the Pinzaglia family. Around two in the afternoon we found ourselves in the hut. There were many of us, all from seventeen to twenty-four, young men and women, who instead of taking a nap to rest preferred to spend a few hours together talking a bit of everything; the main topic was always war. We talked for some time and then some, overcome by fatigue, forgetting what had happened in the morning, fell soundly asleep. Two or three others and I stayed awake continuing to talk about our problems, in a low tone of voice, so as not to disturb the rest. About twenty minutes passed. our conversation and the sleep of the others were abruptly interrupted by the din of the door suddenly opened and slammed against the parapet. Not seeing anyone, we thought of a sudden gust of wind. Not even the time to assess whether it was really the wind that opened the door with such violence that we saw the barrels of two rifles held by the two Germans in the morning emerge. Suddenly the threats uttered by the two came to mind; fear and fright made us utterly mute. One of the soldiers, shouting like a maniac "raus-raus", with the barrel of his gun forced us to leave the hut. When we were all outside, still with their guns pointed at, they grouped us together. While one checked the group, the other put the rifle back on his shoulder and began questioning us one at a time. The first to be called and brought a few meters from the others was me. The German, with words pronounced in a crippled Italian, with the help of gestures, asked if I was the owner of the bicycle they had taken away in the morning; he called her "mascine"; she also asked why she had not been provided with the pump to inflate the tires. I was desperately trying to make him understand that I didn't know anything about what had happened in the morning, that I wasn't the owner of the "mascine" and didn't even know who he was. As I tried to make myself understood, I pointed out my dirty and scratched arms and said that I was at the harvesting work and that I didn't know anything about that damned bicycle. I kept repeating over and over, “io arbait, io arbait”. But he didn't want to understand and angrily repeated that I was the master of the “mascine”; suddenly he took the rifle off his shoulder, and put the bullet in the barrel, pointed it in my stomach, continuing to scream. I believe that no pen can describe the terror that pervades a person threatened in that way. Feeling the gun barrel loaded and ready to shoot at you is hallucinating; it is no longer even possible to speak; incomprehensible words are pronounced, without any meaning, only stammering. I don't remember how many minutes, or maybe seconds, I remained in that situation, when the other soldier, with a slightly hinted smile of pity, turned towards the ward and shouted "kaput, kaput". Terrible word that millions of men, women and children, ordinary people and without guilt, millions of innocent people had heard before they died: "kaput - kaput". This horrible word had the effect that can give a resounding slap to the unconscious: that is, I bring myself back to the harsh reality. I regained my courage and went back to explaining to the "inquisitor" that, not being the owner of the bicycle, I could not have the pump and that they would let me go. The German insisted "kaput-kaput". I cannot say how long that strange and incomprehensible "interview" lasted. Finally the soldier, having removed the rifle from my belly, took a few steps towards his dormitory and approached the group of my companions who remained waiting for "their turn" who had followed the whole scene with fear. As soon as the soldier who had threatened me turned his back to go towards the others, with a sudden jerk I rolled down a steep "crag" and managed to disappear from his sight. For a few minutes I hid among the bushes at the bottom of the slope, my heart wanting to come out of my throat, straining my ear to try to hear a few words. After another few minutes, not hearing any noise, I went out of the hedge and in small steps, trying not to get noticed, I went away for the fields, hidden behind the rows of vines in the direction of the Sonaglia house. When I reached her, I told those who had seen me arrive overwhelmed by fear, what had happened. I was recounting the facts when we heard in the distance, again from the direction of the Biagini family, the terrible screams of a woman calling for help. From the tone of our voice we immediately realized that something serious was happening. A few minutes passed and everything seemed to calm down. Slowly I recovered from the fright at what had happened to me and walked back towards the Biagini house. I asked the people present what had happened. They told me that the two German soldiers, always the same, continued the interrogation of my other comrades. Then they moved away in the direction of Montemigiano which is a couple of kilometers from the house. The two soldiers passed in front of a little hut. far from the farmhouse of "Beppetto". A family of Niccone, also displaced, had found hospitality in the hut. A girl who was fifteen at the time was part of this family. When the Germans saw her, perhaps believing her to be alone, they rushed on her trying to rape her. Of this disgusting episode, which fortunately ended without serious consequences, I bear the direct testimony of one of the women who lived the hallucinating experience and who still today, almost forty years after the event, finds in talking to me the same dismay, the same emotions. and the same terror. It is Mrs. Anna, who remembers as follows: IL RACCONTO DI BRUNO THE MEMORY OF ANNA ......... "I had been married for about four years and my husband had been brought by the Germans to Germany as a prisoner of war after the events of September 8. I lived in Montecastelli but, due to the war, I was displaced together with my family who lived in Niccone, in a farmhouse in the parish of Bastia Creti and precisely in the place called “Mansala” not far from the hamlet of Spedalicchio, in the valley of the Niccone stream. That morning of Monday 27 June I returned to the Montecastelli house to take some objects and also to realize how the situation was in that area. Through the paths of the fields and woods, trying to avoid running into German or fascist troops. I came near a group of houses called “Simoncelli”, where the Biagini, called “Beppetto” and Ormindo families lived, not far from the parish house of Montemigiano. I knew that there were displaced families of Niccone with whom I was a friend; I decided to pay a little visit to feel how they were doing. One of these two families with whom I was on excellent terms had found refuge in a hut attached to the house of the colonist Biagini. A girl who at that time was fifteen years old was part of this family and, finding her at home, she stopped me talking. She told me she was alone because her parents were working in the fields helping the farmers. We sat down and started to tell about our life as displaced people. After a few minutes we heard noises around the hut. We got up to realize what was happening. We did not even get to the door when we saw the rifles held by the two German soldiers. Immediately one of them, pressing the rifle to my ribs. he threw me out of the hut and the other pounced on the girl, trying to throw her to the ground. The girl began to scream with all her breath in her throat, trying to defend herself with all her might from the German. Hearing cries for help coming from inside the hut, I too began to scream to get the attention of those who were in the neighboring houses; several came out and rushed towards me who was still screaming. When the soldiers realized that the situation was not turning, despite the weapons. in their favor, they fled in the direction of Montemigiano. thus leaving the girl free who, for the narrow escape, began to cry with joy. After some time, while we were still commenting on what had happened, we heard shots coming from Montemigiano. These shots alarmed us a lot because we feared that something serious might have happened. Then we learned that the shots were aimed at animals that the Germans wanted to kill to eat. I stayed for a few hours in the company of that girl and those who had helped us. I could not say exactly how much time passed, I only remember that someone again pointed out to us the two German soldiers who had passed a few hours earlier. At this sight I had a premonition: “just see what time he is going they take with me that I called for help. As I ruminated these words in my mind, I saw the two soldiers approaching. Then with small steps, walking backwards so as to always look them in the face, in order to understand their intentions, I tried to reach the colonist's house in order to enter and then close the door. One of the soldiers stopped and, loading his rifle, suddenly turned to the others who in the meantime were watching the scene, threatening them to stay still otherwise he would have fired. I remember well the one who had a "zinarola" over his trousers, perhaps he was a kitchen attendant, accelerated his pace and came even closer. When he was near he invited me to go with him into the garden. At my clear refusal he began to push me towards the cellar of the settler which was under the kitchen, in a basement. This too was used as a dormitory so as soon as the German saw a "net" he pushed me back badly and I could not help but fall on it. I started screaming for help, trying to free myself. Seeing my resistance and always holding my wrists, he began to violently stamp my feet with his boots, causing excruciating pain and small wounds that began to bleed. Nevertheless, I tried to resist with all my strength. Suddenly a woman appeared, no longer young, whom I immediately recognized as Angela Pinzaglia, the milkmaid who every day, morning and evening, brought milk to the inhabitants of the hamlet of Niccone. He was holding it in his hand a large falcinello and, bringing it close to the German's throat, forced him to leave me. The German, taken aback by the threat of Angela, took the rifle off his shoulder, with a quick gesture put the bullet in the barrel and facing the woman threatened her with the terrible word "kaput". Hearing this word. now sadly known to all, I hugged Angela and shouted “mom, mom. save me, ”I fainted. Later when I came to my senses I learned that one of the two soldiers had fired a rifle shot in the direction of the people present and that the bullet had passed so close to Bruno Pacieri that it had taken his cap off his head. Then the two soldiers, given the situation that had arisen, in the meantime other people had gathered who under threat of making them pay dearly, they had not gone without first pronouncing threats in German against everyone. Every now and then I, upset, would start screaming and fainting again. They laid me down on the bed for a while and when the sun began to set some willing. Bruno Pacieri, Renato Romeggini, Luigi and Nino Sonaglia with others accompanied me to Montemigiano. When I arrived and passed in front of the parish church that was open, I went into crisis again and, with desperate tears, I entered, thanking Our Lady for the narrow escape. I was terribly frightened that the parish priest, Don Pericle Tirimagni, realizing my situation, did not allow me to take the road back to the house where I was displaced, five or six kilometers away from Montemigiano. and hosted me in the house until the following morning parish church. "All these events took place on Monday 27 June 1944. In the evening, tired and exhausted from what had happened during the day, I went to sleep with many other friends and peers in the hut from which the German soldiers had forced us in the early afternoon, under the threat of weapons, to get out. IL RICORDO DI ANNA THAT JUNE 28 AT DAWN It was not yet dawn when suddenly some of us were awakened by sharp shots from firearms, occasionally bursts and even louder detonations. The exhaustion was so great that not everyone who slept with us heard these shots. Instead Bruno Montanucci, probably more accustomed than others to fatigue and the loss of a few hours of sleep, got up immediately, went out of the hut to realize what on earth was happening trying to see where the shots were coming from. Almost immediately he went back into the hut and woke up those who slept; he said that the house of "Bendino" in the word "Penetola", where the Ivorio and Luchetti families lived, was in flames. We all got up and went to see. The scene that was not completely visible at the first light of dawn had a terrifying aspect. In the meantime we continued to hear the fire of the weapons incessantly and we, terrified, wondered what on earth was happening; we tried not to think about the worst. From time to time we seemed to glimpse, through the smoke and the glare of the flames that flared up more and more, shadows walking around the house. As the daylight increased, the picture that appeared to our eyes took ever more precise contours, making the scene even more terrible. The fire was inside and outside the house. What happened? And why all those shots? Of partisan and guerrilla actions, not even talking about it. No training, neither organized nor in embryo, was operating in that area. The closest partisan formations operated in the Pietralunga area and in the Trasimeno area, which is also very far from us. We noticed that the cattle were in the fields around the house. The sight of cows, sheep, pigs grazing freely in the fields, instead of reassuring me increased our worries. If those shots weren't aimed at cattle, who had the Germans fired? And why had they set the house on fire? The idea that those shots, those volleys, could be aimed at men, did not even cross my mind. Not only mine, but not even that of those who were with me. We all refused to think that this level of barbarism could be reached for no reason. Then there appeared on the path that from the colonist's house leads, over a small bridge over the Niccone stream, towards the road to Mercatale and Cortona, eighteen armed German soldiers with backpacks on their shoulders that appeared swollen. They walked in single file and sang. Suddenly an isolated allied aircraft appeared in the sky, coming from the south. It was one of those small reconnaissance planes called "storks" for their resemblance to the well-wishing birds. The soldiers crouched down the slope that skirted the path, resuming the march as soon as the plane got lost behind the hills that looked towards Lake Trasimeno. We began to move away from the area, always looking at the German soldiers that we will lose sight of when they entered the middle of the vegetation that is along the banks of the Niccone stream. We went up the hill slowly, before returning to our houses, looking back to try to know the truth about what happened. Speaking of free cattle we all made a consideration, which unfortunately proved to be wrong. If the cattle were. free, even the people could only be free! Proceeding with caution, we passed near some peasant houses and Some of my friends separated from the group. Four or five of us remained to reach the Mazzoli house, a farmhouse also owned by the Boncompagni family, where other Niccone families had found hospitality. From time to time we met someone who asked us for news. When we arrived not far from the Mazzoli house, someone, perhaps Mario Tacconi, I don't remember well, briefly informed us about what had really happened. Terrible news. The shooting had caused several deaths. They were certainly all members of the Forni and Nencioni families. The fate of the other members of the colonial families was unknown. I didn't stay even a second longer to get other details that, taken by fright, I started running towards the Fornacino house where my family were. It was a breathless race, with my heart in my throat, with tears in my eyes. To the fright, to the pain, to the effort, there was added the thought for the fate of my parents. I wondered if the German soldiers, who had certainly passed on the way back near the house where we were displaced, had repeated the monstrous crime. What would I find of my family? Would I have found them alive? This thought, with the passage of time, became a nightmare and caused me more harm than physical effort; I kept running home; when I got close and my father, who in the distance had noticed me running in an unusual way, came to meet me. Only when he saw me did he have the feeling that something terrible had happened. I hugged him and asked him how the others were doing. What I felt knowing everyone was fine, I can't describe. I burst into tears of joy at knowing them all alive, and of pain for what had happened to Penetola. I told in a few words, stammering and crying what had happened. They too, although further away, had seen columns of smoke coming from that direction. They had not been able to explain why. They were thinking of a fire in the forest or other brushwood. Now he knew. He tried to cheer me up, but could hardly find words. Knowing the brutality of war and knowing what the Germans were made of, it was now necessary to be constantly on the alert and with eyes wide open to prevent, if possible, other episodes. Now another reason anguished us. In the house where we were displaced, Nello Migliorati's family had also found hospitality; whose wife Annetta was the sister of Erminia, one of the women murdered together with their daughters. How were we going to do it, where were we going to get the courage to tell her what had happened? I was certainly not in a position to tell him. It was my father's turn; with a half lie he said that there had been a shooting and that there had been very serious injuries. Nello had to immediately reach the locality "Penetola" where his relatives were displaced. I later learned that the sight that appeared in the eyes of the first who came was terrible. Women, men and children, even at an early age, lay on the ground, scattered all over the place. Some were even burned in different parts of the body so much so that the willing rescuers, to take them to the cemetery, had problems loading them into the farm cart. In truth of what I affirm, I say that Guido Medici, a fighter in the great war. several times sent to the assault with the bayonet and accustomed to the brutality of war, he kept a handkerchief over his eyes for several days. Like an automaton he wandered around the house where he was evacuated, with his head in his hands trying to forget the terrifying scene that had impressed itself in his eyes and mind. Also on this episode I have collected the testimony of Bruno who, contrary to what I had done, had always remained in the area to guard "his" cattle. .......... "A few hours after the shooting - so Bruno says - when the Germans had resumed their way back to Spedalicchio for a few minutes, from where the soldiers responsible for the massacre had arrived, continuously following looking at the surrounding area, I saw a man, who I later learned was Domenico, known as Menco, a relative of many murdered, running away from the house holding his hands on his face and shouting in despair. With the other locals, I Marcucci. the Sassofrasso, known as the "Mosconi". and the Angeloni, called the "Bistoni", went to meet him. In the midst of the cries of pain he told us what he had seen and begged us to take a chariot to take the dead to the cemetery. Some went to Penetola's house, I with the others went back to take the cart. I did not go to load the dead and awaited the return of the sad load together with the custodian of the cemetery who was the “Vecchio del Moro”, Giorgi. They arrived with the tragic load which consisted of six bodies. They were those of Forni Canzio with their sons Ezio and Edoardo and of Nenciohi, Ferruccio with his wife Milena, and Eugenia, Ferruccio's sister. Describing the scene is difficult. Even today, after almost forty years, it is not "possible" for me to speak without a magone who takes me by the throat. Eugenia and Milena's mother-in-law, Conforto, known as "Sostegno", another son of Erminia and brother of Ferruccio and Eugenia and the four teenagers of the Ivorio and Luchetti families. relatives and acquaintances ..... With my memories and testimonies told, could I consider the chapter of the "Penetola" massacre closed? Or was it necessary to also have the testimony of some survivor of the massacre? eyewitnesses what happened in that distant 1944? What right did I have to ask for the umpteenth time to tell that tragedy? Was it right to renew the pain and despair of the victims' families? or reflected on these questions. If these pages were to be the testimony of those tragic events, it was also not only right but essential that they be described and told by those who had been direct witnesses and victims of them. So I asked the person who suffered more than the others if he was willing to recall the terrible story. This person is Mrs. Dina Avorio, one of the few survivors still alive, who lost three children in the tragedy and who still bears the irreversible signs of that terrible tragedy in her flesh and spirit. QUEL 28 GIUGNO ALL'ALBA THE STORY OF DINA “At that time we were sharecroppers of the Montalto estate owned by the Gnoni family and we lived in the farmhouse called the word“ Penetola ”. We too, like thousands of other peasant families, did not shirk the moral duty of giving help to their fellow man and therefore, despite being a fairly large family, twelve people, we agreed to give a roof to those who asked for it: war and the front began to be felt very close. The families that we welcomed and to which we willingly gave a "accommodation" were that of my brother-in-law Capecci with his wife and a six-year-old son, that of Nencioni, made up of Ferruccio, his wife Milena, his daughter Giovanna, his mother Erminia; that of Fomi Canzio with his wife Rosa and children Ugo, Ezio, Edoardo known as “Piri”. Our family was made up of twelve people and precisely: me, my husband Mario and the children Renato of 14, Antonio of 11, Carlo of 8, Maria of 6 and Giuseppe of 4, my brother-in-law Luchetti Avellino with his wife Rosalinda and children Remo, Guido and Vittorio; another brother-in-law, Fernando, was in the military and therefore did not have our terrible experience. We had settled down like this: we, the Capecci family and Ferruccio with their wife and one of their daughters, Giovanna, were settled in the house as best they could. The Forni family and the remaining members of the Nencioni family, Erminia, Eufemia and Conforto were housed in the tobacco drying room, about thirty meters from home. Life went by in a "normal" way and we were all waiting for the allied troops, whose artillery shots we could distinctly hear over the hill towards Perugia, would arrive to take us away from the nightmare of Nazi-Fascist domination and war on the front line. A few days before that terrible 28th June 1944, Canzio's wife, Rosa and his son Ugo, left “Penetola” and found accommodation with the Domenichini family (known as Giancamillo), towards the locality of S. Anna. This was because Rosa had been seized by a strong fright due to the bombing actions of the allied aviation which gave no respite to the German troops now retreating towards the north. Our house was located about three hundred meters from the "Niccone road" which leads to Lake Trasimeno. At the point where you leave the road to reach our house, there is a small bridge that had been mined by the German troops. A few soldiers were employed as sentry on the bridge to whom one of my sons, Antonio, brought fresh milk from our cows every morning. The relations of all of us with the soldiers on guard at the bridge had always been very good, if not downright cordial to the point that one of these soldiers used to deal with me. when he called me and when I met him, the nickname "mami". In short, not a disagreement, never a gesture of intolerance, nothing that could arouse suspicion or anything else. At one o'clock on June 28th we were immersed in sleep, when we heard loud knocks on the door of the house on an external balcony which was accessed by a flight of steps. Not even the time to go and open it when a violent push opened it all wide with great noise. My husband Mario, who in the meantime had got out of bed, found himself in front of four soldiers in "German uniform" and with the insignia of the "SS" units. To my husband's question about what they wanted and the reason for that sudden visit, one of the four, "in perfect Italian", told him that outside the house there were other soldiers who wanted fresh water to drink. My husband went down the stairs, accompanied the soldiers who were out to the well not far from the house and after a while he returned. In the meantime, almost all those who slept in the house had gathered around the four soldiers, who were talking among themselves, without deigning us to look or to say a sentence. We asked the reason for that "visit" late at night, but no one answered. After some time one of them, not the one who had asked for water, told us that we were "partisans". It said: “banditen. banditen ". Then he added that they had been ordered to shoot us. Shoot us! For what reason? What had we done? To our protests of innocence they responded with mockery and kept repeating "all die, all die," banditen, banditen. "In the meantime, accompanied by the German soldiers who had remained outside, all the other people who slept in the tobacco drying that, under the threat of weapons, they had been forced to follow them. Terror was painted on everyone's faces. We kept asking for explanations, asking why we were sentenced to death, begging us not to do it because we were all innocent. Nothing we had committed. not a gesture, not a word that could have "offended the Germanic honor", but they continued with the usual phrase "all die, banditen." We again begged for our salvation or at least that of the children. charge small creatures because they deserved death? Nothing to do: not even the children were to be spared. We ALL had to die !!! we could no longer communicate even with each other! A "German" soldier arrived, one of those who had remained outside and forced us all to enter a single environment. Occasionally some other family members who had remained in other rooms would arrive. In the end we counted: we were 24 people. Before locking ourselves in this unique environment, we were literally stripped of all our possessions, even the most insignificant. Those who slept outside had suffered the same fate. They had been plundered of all their belongings before being led into the house. Once again, before all the soldiers left, we begged for safety. at least for children. Nothing, they didn't even answer. where some soldiers were on guard, we saw other soldiers accumulating hay in the adjoining rooms. The soldiers were constantly going outside and returning with large armfuls of hay which they systematically deposited in the rooms. Why did the soldiers pile up all that hay? Did they intend to use it as bedding to spend the night and maybe shoot them in the morning? We pondered this fact when acrid smoke and dense began to invade our room. The smoky air was unbreathable. We tried to escape in other environments, but the fire had already flared up and we were pushed back by the flames and the smoke.No one will ever understand what we felt in those moments, not even I would know exactly what happened.In that atmosphere of terror, I remember that one of the first to find death was my son Renato, who, wanting to understand what was happening outside, cautiously approached the window and, always staying behind the glass, looked out. A flash, an immense flame and a tremendous roar hit us. When I recovered from my daze, I looked towards the window and saw my son lying on the ground with a horribly mutilated arm and other wounds to his face. I approached to bring him help but he, perhaps aware of his imminent death, said to me “Mom, it's over, don't think about me anymore, think about my brothers. Try to escape from this hell ”. These were his last words. Death had come through a bomb that one of the soldiers stationed outside the house, had thrown against the window after having glimpsed the face of my poor boy. Those who had saved themselves from the explosion of the first bomb, left the room trying to take shelter in other rooms not yet reached by the flames. My husband and I were petrified by pain, close to our Renato, when another flash and another detonation tore through the room still saturated with the acrid smoke of the previous explosion. The "beast" had thrown another deadly device through the window, now torn up by the first bomb. I felt terrible wounds all over my body. I began to bleed in several parts, but I always remained conscious. I approached my husband looking for help, but he too was injured by the shrapnel of the deadly device, in the side and in the leg. Despite the injuries and the pain that was beginning to be felt, I tried desperately to be useful to my children. I had one, the youngest, 4-year-old Giuseppe who with his 6-year-old sister had escaped the massacre. Because of the smoke that impregnated the environment, Giuseppe fainted from time to time and I had to shake him so that he could resume "living". Always in the grip of terror we continued desperately to seek refuge in the environments still spared by the fire. I remember that in order to remove the flames we used vinegar that was in a "keg". We soaked the clothes in vinegar and then threw it against the door and the walls of the room that had overheated. We were thus able to extinguish some tongues of fire that licked the doors, opening a passage for us. The shots and volleys of automatic weapons continued to come from outside. I still have before my eyes the figure of Conforto who, with a knife in his hand, wandered from one environment to another trying to do something to get out of that pit of hell. In fact, with the strength of desperation, he had managed to break some tiles on the floor of a room that was above the sheep shed. Little by little he had managed to make a hole in the floor such as to allow, always with difficulty, the passage of a person. From this hole he had his sister Eufemia descend first, then his niece Giovanna. He then returned to our room and begged his mother, who was close to me, to go downstairs too. Erminia was reluctant to go down, but when Conforto told her that Eufemia and Giovanna had already got out, she followed her son and went down to the stable too. Comfort came down last. Later, when the tragedy was over; Erminia, Conforto and her mother, all three were found murdered by bursts of machine guns. Giovanna, on the other hand, was found with a slight wound in the shoulder, at the height of the neck, hidden under a cart in the farmyard. At one point I realized that three of my children, the older ones, were no longer in the room with us. I immediately went in search of them in those environments where it was possible to go. Nothing. Had they tried to escape the tragedy? But where had they gone from to go outside, if the main door that led to the stairs leading out was still burning? They had alighted from some window "? No one had seen them! Outside, there were still shots at times, albeit with less intensity. It was becoming more and more day and from the window we could see the surrounding hills and woods. Where were my three children? What were they? Had it happened? For some minutes we had not heard the gunshots anymore. I remained in the room for a few more minutes: the silence had become total. The soldiers had gone away? Not hearing any noise, I took myself to the window that faced the house of "Bendinello", a neighboring settler, who lived with the Bendini and Bioli families. Slowly I opened the window, but without looking around. a hill, four people looking towards our house. In one of these I recognized the owner of the farm, Gnoni Gio Batta. Always hidden inside, I tried with desperate feats of the hand to recall their and let him know we needed help. But they didn't see me, also because of the smoke still rising from the house. A few more minutes passed; we stayed in the house, we didn't risk going out. Besides, where could we get out if the front door was still burning? After a while my sister-in-law's husband, Capecci, managed to enter our room and took us to another room facing south. From the window of this room, with some sheets tied like a rope, he had made his wife, son and other people come out into the open. But of my children, nothing. Slowly I, my husband and others were lowered too. As soon as we hit the ground, without even standing up, we rolled up the slope like so many "empty cans". The terror, the pain of the wounds were nothing compared to the anguish of not knowing where my children had gone. Slowly, still on all fours, we entered the surrounding vegetation. The Ovens tried to escape from a window that was to the east of the house. Under the window was the enclosure attached to the pig barn. And it is precisely inside the “bregno” of the pigs that the lifeless body of Edoardo (known as Piri) was found, almost as if he were sitting on the ground. Those of the father Canzio and of the other son Ezio were a few meters away from the pig stall, slaughtered with machine gun shots. Ferruccio and his wife Milena were found near the main door of the house, almost on the balcony overlooking the outside. They had tried to escape the tragedy on that side but, seen, they too had been prey to the "beasts" lurking and shot down with machine guns. I don't know how long we spent in this situation. After a while we saw some German soldiers, accompanied by people in civilian clothes, coming towards us. What to do? Run away again? To go where? From their gestures it seemed to us that they wanted to tell us not to fear. But despite this, my brother-in-law Avellino didn't want to wait and in no time at all, he started running and disappearing into the thicket of the nearby wood. As the soldiers approached, they tried to make us understand that they had come to help the wounded and, if necessary, take us to the hospital. In fact, my husband and I, who had more need and urgency to be treated, were loaded onto a military van. They would take us to the Città di Castello hospital. During the journey, about 20 kilometers, we heard the soldiers talking among themselves and every now and then they uttered the words "partisans" "banditen". When we arrived near Città di Castello, through the provincial road of Trestina and we were over the bridge over the Tiber, we seemed to understand that the soldiers were willing to throw us down. In fact they stopped. Then they left again and they crossed the bridge. After crossing the bridge, finding no indications from the hospital, they took us back with the vehicle that was moving at a walking pace. And they always repeating “partisans, banditen”. An old woman appeared to whom the soldiers asked for information from the hospital, which because of the war had been transferred to the seminary in the center of the city. The old woman understood the word hospital and perhaps thinking she could not sufficiently explain the path and also given our condition, the wounds were bleeding profusely, she got on the vehicle and accompanied us to the hospital. The soldiers unloaded us badly by handing us over to the first service person they encountered. In handing over to us they repeated the usual words "partisans, banditen". Hearing these words, even the stretcher bearers who had arrived in the meantime remained undecided on what to do and almost did not intend to hospitalize us. After some explanations they understood the situation and gave us the first attention. On the other hand, the attitude of the hospital staff was also understandable as there was the death penalty for those who had assisted the partisans. During this whole ordeal my mind was always turned to my children. What happened to them? Had they managed to escape the tragedy? So why was no one giving me news? It was a constant torture. The next day or after “a few days, I don't remember, we received a visit from some German soldiers, including some officers. They wanted information and clarification on what had happened and if there had been any serious actions by any of us unleash violent retaliation. They listened to us and before leaving they said that the transport of the bodies to the cemetery had been authorized. I looked at my husband and we immediately understood that the tragedy had not spared our creatures. In fact, Renato, Antonio and Carlo had not escaped. A few days passed and the German soldiers returned to question us again, and again they made us tell the facts of that terrible night. We understood that there was no trace of those who had somehow received "offense" or of those who had authorized the retaliation in the German area command. Mystery. Our hospital stay lasted for about a month and when the wounds "of the flesh" began to heal, we were discharged and brought back to our remaining loved ones who, in the meantime, had moved to a farmhouse further upstream than ours, which had been destroyed. from the fire and the wickedness of "men". IL RACCONTO DI DINA THE OTHER VICTIMS For many years I lived with those poor victims in the same hamlet; I lived in the same building with the Forni family and therefore, knowing them well enough, I would like ... for what emerges from distant memories, to talk about them recalling some facts. Of the Forni family, who was closest to me, Canzio was the head of the family, Rosa his second wife and their children Ugo. Ezio and Edoardo (called Piri). As I have already mentioned, Canzio was part of that large group of Niccone stonecutters, for whom it is necessary to say a few words as their work was required and very important. In fact, most of the stonecutters of the municipality and neighboring municipalities were concentrated in the hamlet of Niccone. I list them according to my memories: Giuseppe Medici and his son Orlando (Guido), Menotti Nencioni, the Testerini brothers (Dante, Primo, Secondo), Canzio Fomi and Ferruccio Nencioni (victims of Penetola), Magino Faloci, Antonio Nanni, Carlo Mattioni , According to Magrini and, the only living ones, Marino Baccellini and Duilio Truffelli; the latter is the rebuilder of the Rocca fountain, which was rebuilt in 1978 by the municipal administration. Their specialty was the processing of “sandstone” or serena stone which they extracted mainly from the “Giappichini” quarries near Molino Vitelli, “Fariale”, near Mita and from Monte Acuto. This type of stone was used for pavement of sidewalks, for gutters, fireplaces, columns and doorposts, stairs, window sills. Some important works of these stonecutters are the facade of the parish church of Niccone, the external columns of the Collegiate church, the door of the town hall and some chapels of the various cemeteries scattered throughout the territory. The martyrdom of Canzio and his sons Ezio and Edoardo, according to reliable rumors of those who were in the house of "Penetola", can thus be reconstructed. Despite the guard that some soldiers kept at the windows, it seems that Ezio found a way to throw himself outdoors, followed by his father Canzio and his brother Edoardo. From the way the corpses of Ezio and his father were found, it seems that Ezio had managed to throw himself out of that hell and take a few steps in the direction of "life". Knowing that his father had jumped out shortly after, not seeing him, he turned back. Instead his father, seen by the Germans, had been mowed down by a burst of machine guns. Ezio saw him and stooped to help him; at that moment the Germans came out and he too was killed and fell face down on his father's body. From Ezio's position, the conviction arises that the facts have had this development. Edoardo was found by the rescuers, sitting on the ground with his back leaning against the wall surrounding the pig barn, as if he were sleeping. Perhaps he too had managed to climb out of the window, but not to escape the lurking "criminals". Ferruccio was also a stone worker and a passionate hunter; who does not remember his hunting tales? They were so precise in all the smallest details that when he told them he made us relive the scenes, the sensations, as if we had been present on the hunt. Ferruccio's mother, Erminia », his wife Milena, his sister Eufemia and his brother Conforto (called Sostegno), all met a horrible death in the tragic night. I have a vivid memory of Conforto (known as Sostegno), as together, he as a private owner, I as an intern, we met at the middle school license exam (Avviamento) and together we prepared for the exams. He worked in Milan at the tram company of the Lombard metropolis and since he wanted to progress in his career, he had returned to his native country to take his secondary school diploma. In Milan he would then undertake evening courses for working students and would have liked to graduate from high school. He was thirty-six at the time of his death, not married not because he lacked opportunities, but he said that before getting married he wanted to secure a better position. Eufemia, she too was not married, had always dedicated herself together with her mother Erminia and her sister Virginia (the only survivor of the tragedy because she was displaced elsewhere with her family) to manage Niccone's grocery store. Milena, Ferruccio's wife, was a talented and sought-after dressmaker for women. The two daughters, Gaetana and Giovanna, who were 13 and 5 years old respectively, were saved from the tragedy that struck the Nencioni family. Gaetana was displaced elsewhere with her maternal grandmother Settimia; Giovanna, finding herself in the place of the massacre, luckily managed to take refuge under a farm cart. The soldiers raged against her too, firing a few rifle shots that luckily failed. All this happened on June 28, 1944. After a few days, while I was walking through the surrounding countryside and precisely near the house of the colonist Ciubini, a sharecropper of the Boncompagni, I saw a black soldier approaching, holding a can, which looked like a mess tin; with a crippled Italian, with the help of his hand, he asked for fresh milk to drink. It was the clear sign that the nightmare was about to end and, now free from the fear of being "taken" by the fascists and the Germans, I ran like a colt not yet tamed, towards the house of "Fornacino" bringing the news to everyone. The next morning the bulk of the allied troops had already established, a few hundred meters south of the “Fornacino” house, a line of fire, which for a few days shelled northwards where the German troops had withdrawn. LE ALTRE VITTIME THE VICTIMS Penetola di Niccone (Umbertide), June 28, 1944 IVORY Antonio - 11 years IVORY Carlo - 8 years IVORY Renato - 14 years FERRINI Milena in Nencioni - 41 years OVENS Canzio - 58 years FORNI Ezio - 21 years OVENS Edoardo - 16 years LUCHETTI Guido - 18 years NENCIONI Conforto - 36 years NENCIONI Eufemia - 44 years NENCIONI Ferruccio - 46 years RENZINI Erminia in Nencioni - 68 years LE VITTIME Photo: Giovanni, known as Gianni Bottaccioli. Photos, like the whole work, granted by the daughters Elvira and Giovanna. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

THE COAT OF ARMS OF THE MUNICIPALITY OF UMBERTIDE Reflections by Roberto Sciurpa The coat of arms of the municipality of Umbertide dates back to 1189 when the Fratta was subjected to Perugia and changed its original coat of arms (the lily). Guerrini describes it in detail (1) and it is worth reporting its description because over the years it has undergone not marginal adaptations and some interesting details have even disappeared. “... This was composed of the figure of a bridge over running water and in a red field. The bridge has three arches and in the middle of their lights there are initial letters FOV which mean Fracta oppidum Uberti and which therefore by solemn vow of public calamity were converted into Fracta oppidum Virginis. Above the three pillars there are three towers, with the Virgin Patroness of the Castle dominating in the middle; and to the right the Grifo, which indicates the dependence on Perugia; on the left the emblem of the Apostolic Chamber which signifies the high dominion of the Pontiff. And finally an ornate crown encloses the shield all around where we can read these words: Defensores Populi et insignis Comunitatis Terrae Fractae ”. The italics are by Guerrini who wants to highlight the essential characteristics of the coat of arms. The interpretative doubt is linked to the letter "V" which is found in the light of the arch and which for some means "Uberti" and for others "Virginis" (according to Guerrini both would be right). As it is easy to guess, the two sides, at least in the past, were conditioned by logic. belonging (clerical or anti-clerical), but today that both the iconoclastic wave of the Enlightenment and the acrimonious antipapalian resentment linked to the events of the Risorgimento has faded, it is possible to express a serene and detached judgment on the matter. Indeed, a thorough reflection could lead. at least according to my point of view, to reconstruct the truth also on another interesting detail linked to local history, as I will say later. But let's proceed in order: 1. In the space of a few decades at Fratta there were two important events: the opening to worship of the Church of Santa Maria della Reggia and the Tuscan siege of the troops of the Grand Duke. The first (last years of the 16th century) marked a fundamental stage in the faith and customs of the people. The monumental temple that housed the miraculous image of the Madonna, so dear to the piety of the faithful, had finally been completed. From that moment, thanks also to the majestic visibility of her house, the Madonna became the point of reference for all the people. The old patrons (S. Andrea and S. Erasmo) still venerated and loved, slowly faded into the background because the ancient castle was increasingly entrusted to the patronage of the Virgin. In November 1643, in fact, during the siege of the Tuscan troops, the inhabitants overwhelmed by fear gathered in the church of San Giovanni inside the city walls, to implore the Madonna for salvation. It was not a question of winning or losing a battle, but of surviving or dying in the rubble and flames of a fortress that would surely have been razed to the ground, according to the military custom of the time. The people of Fratta, on that occasion, entrusted themselves to the Virgin and not to the secular patrons. A lot of water mixed with sleet fell; the Tiber swelled, discouraging any attempt to ford; the siege was lifted without firing a cannon shot; the Tuscans left and there was talk of a "miracle", giving rise to the conviction of the miracle granted by the Madonna to a castle which thus became oppidum Virginis. And the image of the Madonna inserted above the central tower of the coat of arms, now disappeared with the other surrounding details, seems to reinforce the belief that FOV meant Fracta oppidum Virginis at least from this period onwards. At each centenary anniversary, the "miracle" was commemorated with great solemnity by popular piety. This event consists of the "solemn vote for public calamity" of which Guerrini speaks and which makes Giulio Briziarelli so doubtful that he wonders what the miraculous event had been. (2) 2. I believe that Umbertide is one of the few cities, if not the only one, that has left the ancient Protectors, considered everywhere sacred and untouchable because they are linked to the faith and traditions of one people, to entrust itself to the protection of another, although of higher rank such as the Virgin. And that detail I mentioned in the introduction is also linked to this fact. This is the canvas placed in the church of San Bernardino. Certainly the official accreditation that sees reproduced the image of St. Anthony in adoration, as indicated in some photographic publications relating to the city and in tourist brochures, is incorrect. The symbolism of sacred iconography is an important key to understanding and must be kept in the utmost consideration. The character represented is a martyr because the angel shows a palm which is the symbol of martyrdom (St. Anthony is not a martyr). Furthermore, the person represented is also a bishop, as evidenced by the presence of the miter and the crosier. The abbots are comparable to the office of bishop, but in the pictorial works they are represented with their typical habit and not with the solemn vestments of the bishop's office. The presence of the angel is emblematic. It is true that in sacred iconography the figure of the angel is very widespread, but in the specific case it is said that in the life of St. Erasmus the legend speaks of the recurring role of an angel who accompanied the holy bishop to Syria, then to Dalmatia. , finally to Formia and to martyrdom. If the legend is combined with the reproduced subjects, the Immaculate Conception and the castle of Fratta, it can reasonably be assumed that that saint character had something to do with the small village and that he was even the protector who entrusted his protégés to the superior protection. of the Virgin. The canvas, therefore, could represent the "miracle" of 1643 and "The consignment" of the city to the Madonna by Sant'Erasmo. Popular tradition (3) has always indicated in the painting the memory of the prodigy. hypothesis was founded, the canvas should date back to around 1644 and it could be observed that the dome of the church of Santa Maria della Reggia was no longer there at the time. It is true, but it is a secondary detail, in my opinion, because the completion works of the dome, begun around 1621, were not yet completed. Perhaps the temple was covered by wooden scaffolding and the upper part of the church was incomplete, aesthetically uninteresting and indefinite so it was preferred to reproduce it with its characteristics originals. 3. During 1862, the Mayor of the time had appointed a commission to study the change of the name of the city. A measure to this effect was suggested by a dispatch from the government commissioner at the request of the Ministry of the Interior to avoid confusion caused by the numerous toponyms bearing the name of Fratta. "The commission was composed of the municipal secretary Dr. Ruggero Burelli, the chief engineer of the Municipality of Genesio Perugini, who was completing the history of Fratta left incomplete by the canonical uncle Antonio Guerrini who died in 1845, and by the lawyer Costantino Magi Spinetti. The report presented to the Mayor closed by suggesting a range of four possible names and advocated that of Umberta or Umbertide because it is more closely linked to the memory of its alleged founders descendants of Uberto Ranieri. "Fracta filiorum Uberti is always called even in the ancient Perugian statutes", mentioned a passage in the report. It is worth noting that it does not state that Uberto or Umberto is also the name indicated by the letter "V" contained in the coat of arms (FOV) in order to reinforce the indication suggested in favor of the choice of Umberta or Umbertide by the City Council. It would seem evident that in the conviction of the three commissioners that "V" did not refer to any of the Ranieri, but meant something of different. 4. In Lauri's Latin, the ancient and correct expression of the Perugian statutes “Fracta filiorum Uberti” becomes “Fracta insigne Ubertinorum oppidum”, with a very strange philological contamination. In this regard, it is useful to recall the sharp judgment that Luigi Bonazzi gives of the cited author: “With Bonciario we generally returned to Latin vomit. The fellow disciple, Baldassarre Ansidei, prefect of the Vatican library, and the scholar Giambattista Lauri, both placed between one century and the next, continued to latin with fury, especially Lauri, on the same themes as the fellow citizen rhetorician, one until 1614 , the other up to 1629 ... " (4) . Uberto Ranieri's descendants are called by Lauri "Umbertini" as if the sons of Pietro, Giovanni or Giacomo could be called "Pietrini, Giovannini or Giacobini". Such a license is completely foreign to the Latin language, as indeed to the Italian one, which at most could have tolerated Ranierorum and never Ubertinorum. But the Latins and the Latinists have always prefixed gens to noble names, therefore gens Claudia, gens Cornelia, gens Fabia, and, if anything. "gens Raniera" would have been the correct expression. Bonazzi's judgment on Lauri's "Latin with furore" seems completely founded. It seems very strange, therefore, that the letter "V" stands for "Uberti" because this does not correspond to the historical truth as the founders were his sons (Ugo, Ingilberto and Benedetto) and even more strange that it stands for “Ubertinorum” due to philological incompatibility. I agree with what Guerrini affirms, towards whom I have respect and admiration for the seriousness and scruple, unrelated to some of his critics, with whom he has treated the history of the Land of Fratta. Personally, however, on the basis of the considerations set out in n. 4, I have serious doubts that 'Y' could mean "Uberti", even before 1643. That letter could, in fact, refer to Ugolino who ceded the Fratta to Perugia on February 12, 1189 or to the much better known Ugo, king of Italy, from which the Ranieri descended. It seems strange that history is entrusted with the name of Uberto who had the sole merit of having given birth to the person who rebuilt the castle destroyed by the Goths. One of Uberto's sons, an important element not to be underestimated , was called just Ugo as the most famous ancestor (the grandfather). Note: (1) See History of the Land of Fratta now Umbertide, Tipografia Tiberina, 1883, page 174. (2) See Umbertide and Umbertidesi in history, Unione Arti Grafiche, Città di Castello, 1959, page 247. (3) Testimony of the Bishop of Gubbio, Monsignor Pietro Bottaccioli. (4) Luigi Bonazzi, History of Perugia, Vol. 11, p. 251, Union of Graphic Arts, Città di Castello. 1960. Sources: “A FREE MAN - Roberto Sciurpa, a passionate civil commitment” - by Federico Sciurpa - Petruzzi publisher, Città di Castello, June 2012 Roberto Sciurpa tells the story of Umbertide to school pupils The Municipality of Umbertide Enlargement of the coat of arms of Umbertide located to the right of the access door Unknown author. The Madonna and Sant'Erasmo. Roberto Sciurpa and Petruzz i, in 2007, during the press of the last volume of the history of Umbertide. The cover of the book that his son Federico dedicated to his father Roberto The royal decree of 29.3.1863 authorizing the name change The poster communicating the name change from Fratta to Umbertide

The Gregorian Cadastre The Gregorian Cadastre is a general geometric particle land registry of the Papal State: started by Pius VII in 1816, after the Napoleonic experience, it is defined in this way because it was completed by Gregory XVI in 1835. In 1816 Pius VII established the Congregation of Land Registers: the central body that was to establish uniform rules and procedures for the estimation of rural and urban funds. In the Papal State there was no uniform measure and it was decided to use the metric system introduced by the French system rather than the more complex “Roman rubbio”, made up of 3703 square architectural pipes. On the site of the "Imago" project that carried out the digitization of the Gregorian Cadastre it is specified "The linear measure adopted was therefore the census barrel corresponding to the meter and divided into 10 palms (dm), equal to 100 ounces (cm) or 1000 minutes ( mm). For the surfaces, the square of 10 boards (corresponding to the hectare, i.e. 10,000 m2), the board of 1000 square pipes (equal to 1000 m2) and the square pipe (1 m2) were adopted, in turn divided into palms , square ounces and minutes. Compared to the French period, the names changed but not the substance. " In addition to the rural funds, the mapping ("Map") of urban centers usually built at a scale of 1: 2000 assumes considerable importance, together with these two further copies on a reduced scale at 1: 4000 or 1: 8000 (the " Mappette "), with the original scale reproduction of the "block" or inhabited centers, placed in the margin or attached. The cadastral parcels were depicted in the "Map" ed identified by a number assigned to it within a unique numerical progression for each map. This was then described in the land registry or brogliardo, which also indicated the name of the owner. These are the pages web del with the Gregorian Cadastre and the "brogliardo" with the territory of the city of Umbertide after the Napoleonic age. Clicking here opens the page of the Gregorian Cadastre of the State Archives of Rome, at this point choose the "box" Perugia ", highlighted in the image in red, and then click on" Fratta "... so you can do it in analogous way for Pietralunga, Montone etc; alternatively click directly on the image below in this way the "Fratta" viewer of the "imago" project will open immediately, which has digitized the parts with the main towns and cities of the Gregorian Cadastre. To see the "brogliardo" with the number of the parcel visible on the map of the Gregorian Cadastre with the names of the respective ones owners and some property description items just click here to see the relative "brogliardo " always of the Cadastre of the "Ecclesiastical State". The Gregorian cadastre arrived considerably late, almost a century, compared to the census experiences of a large part of Italy. The move to this new tool hides a political struggle between the forces they wanted control of wealth and property information. The land registry, says Renato Zangheri, in his " Cadastre and ownership of the land ", is " an irreplaceable tool for ascertaining the status of the" ownership "of the land, which for many centuries was the fundamental means of production, the source of wealth and the main basis of power .... It is a rich and treacherous tool that must be used with caution but can provide abundant results. In Italy it is usually more refined, expressive and complicated than elsewhere. "Its structuring hides heated struggles over how to own land and pay taxes. In the rest of Italy, one of the targets among the owners of the property was the related property. to ecclesiastical institutions. Here, in the Papal State, the problem was different and less urgent because the Church held power as well as property. Il Brogliardo della Comunità di Fratta (l’odierna Umbertide), datato 10 agosto 1818, costituisce una testimonianza d'archivio di eccezionale valore per la comprensione della modernizzazione amministrativa dello Stato Pontificio e la situazione economica, sociale e architettonica del nostro paese. Questo sotto è il testo presente della pagina finale che suggella il documento e ci riporta i ruoli di coloro che lo hanno redatto: “Fratta l’ 10 agosto 1818 Ingegnere Giovanni Gambini Geometra censuario Ingegnere Gaspare Bertolli aiutante Agostino Cambiotti assistente Comunitativo Romualdo Agostini per Agostino Faloci indicatore illetterato, Comunità della Fratta lì 8 settembre 1818” “Immagine n. 3: Particolare delle pagine finali Brogliardo di Fratta in Progetto Imago dell’Archivio di Stato di Roma: https://imagoarchiviodistatoroma.cultura.gov.it/Gregoriano/sfoglia_brogliardi.php?Path=Gregoriano/Brogliardi/Perugia/062&r=001.jp2&lar=2560&alt=1440 Il cosiddetto Brogliardo di Fratta si colloca nel cuore della stagione dei rilievi sul campo avviati per superare i limiti dei vecchi sistemi descrittivi. Questo documento, oggi conservato fisicamente presso l'Archivio di Stato di Perugia, ma digitalizzato con il progetto “Imago”, certifica la conclusione delle operazioni di rilievo l’8 settembre 1818. Rilievi che saranno utilizzati per il Catasto geometrico Particellare definito “Gregoriano”. Nel Frontespizio del nostro Brogliardo possiamo vedere l’organizzazione dello Stato Pontificio stesso: “Stato Ecclesiastico, Provincia dell’Umbria, Delegazione di Perugia, Governo e Comunità di Fratta”. L'operazione a Fratta fu condotta da una squadra tecnica la cui struttura rifletteva la nuova professionalizzazione dei quadri statali: Giovanni Gambini: Ingegnere Geometra censuario, la cui attività di "campagna" lo qualifica, secondo i criteri del 1817, come “Ingegnere ordinario”, ruolo che analizzeremo successivamente. Gaspare Bertolli: aiutante Ingegnere. Agostino Cambiotti: Assistente "Comunitativo" (ossia appartenente alla Comunità… di Fratta), probabilmente incaricato del raccordo operativo tra la squadra e la comunità locale. “Romualdo Agostini per Agostino Faloci”: Faloci è indicato come "illetterato". La specificazione della non alfabetizzazione (“illetterato”) si riferisce forse alla non conoscenza del latino o, se quel “per” indica “al posto di” riferito ad una possibile firma negli atti relativi al Brogliardo, allora si deve intendere che Faloci non sapesse scrivere. Possiamo ipotizzare che Agostini e Faloci agissero come ponte tra la realtà del territorio e la prova documentale. A queste persone dobbiamo le informazioni che resero possibile il catasto di Fratta. In questo apparato burocratico dello Stato Pontificio, il Brogliardo fungeva da anello di congiunzione essenziale. Esso operava come registro descrittivo intermedio: raccoglieva in ordine progressivo i numeri di mappa associati alle particelle, permettendo di unire il dato grafico (la mappa) al dato amministrativo e fiscale (proprietari, colture e rendite), ponendo le basi la rappresentazione geometrica del Catasto Gregoriano che possiamo considerare finito nel 1835. Dal 1816 la “Congregazione del Censo" era l’Istituzione che gestiva le procedure fiscali e di rappresentazione del Territorio. L'Ingegnere Censuario emerse in questo periodo come figura centrale della riforma. Questa gerarchia tecnica, suddivisa tra Ispettori, Ingegneri in capo provinciali e Ingegneri ordinari , era una diretta eredità del modello francese del “Bureau des Ponts et Chaussées”, ovvero “l’Ufficio dei Ponti e delle Strade” introdotto durante l'occupazione napoleonica e mantenuto dalla Restaurazione per la sua indiscutibile efficienza nella gestione del territorio. L'organo propulsore di questa imponente operazione fu la Congregazione del Censo (o del Censimento), istituita da Pio VII nel 1801. A livello periferico, per il distretto di Fratta, le operazioni erano coordinate dalla Cancelleria del Censo di Perugia. I documenti di tale ufficio, fondamentali per la ricostruzione storica del territorio umbro, sono oggi conservati presso l'Archivio di Stato di Perugia. Le informazioni del Brogliardo, ad esempio, relative alla Chiesa della Madonna della Reggia ne Catasto Gregoriano ci permettono di sapere che con “S” è rappresentata la “Collegiata”, l’edificio nella particella n. 634 è la casa del sagrestano, edifici appartenenti tutti e due alla “Sagrestia della Collegiata di San Giovanni Battista di Fratta”. Sempre della medesima proprietà troviamo la parte di terra lungo il torrente Reggia denominato n. 632, mantenuto a “ripa cespugliosa mista”. Con i numeri n. 630 e 631, troviamo “orto” e “fondamenta di casa”, questa volta il proprietario risulta essere “Laziarini Vincenzo già di Andrea”. Sources: - Renato Zangheri, Cadastre and land ownership. Small Einaudi Library. Turin 1980. - Imago II project, 1997-2000, of the State Archives of Rome: http://www.cflr.beniculturali.it/Gregoriano/mappe.php?fbclid=IwAR3SPsbhE0yDSOzPk5MrT3LVf77oKvYwwqFhUhZzDbdA4DHi4DWrz-9JHdA Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com Renato Zangheri " (the Land Registry) ... it was very often a sign of contradiction, the terrain of political and class clashes "

THE HISTORY OF THE RIUNITI THEATER curated by Fabio Mariotti From the book "Project Recovery and Restoration of the Teatro dei Riuniti di Umbertide" The history of the Teatro dei Riuniti di Umbertide is linked not only to the theater as a building, but also to a literary and theatrical academy that existed in the city since the 16th century. For this reason we will report here parallel news regarding both topics. It must be said immediately that all the documentation produced by the Academy, to which certain "Books of academic acts" certainly belonged, has been lost; most of the news we have comes from the Municipal Archives of Umbertide, from an unpublished typescript by Renato Codovini on the history of Umbertide and from the memories of some citizens. Among the papers in the Municipal Archive there is a manuscript by a certain Filippo Natali (born in Umbertide in 1837, he was municipal secretary in Gualdo Todino where he died in 1922 (1), entitled: "News on the theater of Fratta (Umbertide) and on 'annexed academy of the Riuniti' and dated November 1883 which passes on valuable information to us. From it we know of an "investigation dated 7 March 1615 by deed of the Frattense notary Benedetto Santi" concerning our Academy (2). This is the oldest document we have (apart from an act of constitution, but not the first, of the Academy, dated 1614). The deed was drawn up in the presence of eight members of the "Congregation of the Unstable" (3) and of three people who asked to be part of it, to whom permission was granted "having done on their persons and virtues the colloquio et addunanza according to the style of the said Congregation ". At this date the Academy of the Inestables - as it was called until 1746 - already had its own statute and the prospect of "augmenting the said Congregation, so that with the people who are in it, and will enter it for the future, can make progress in virtuous acts as is appropriate ... ". At that time the Academies represented a very free place of exchange, and also rare in a culturally impoverished society. Unofficial poetic productions flourished in them such as satire, dithyrambic and didactic poetry and more generally the Theater; but they were also deputed to the education of the nobility who exercised their qualities here to govern. They had a strong local character which was rarely surpassed and in the long run the quantity of their products came at the expense of quality. Gradually the stage actions became the main purpose of the academic meetings so that the need arose to have a place to gather suitable for performances. We then moved from simple rooms to small theaters that were first used only by the members of the Academy, thus reflecting all their needs, then they became public places and the Academies themselves in most cases were the "managers". In Umbertide we know that, before the current theater rebuilt in 1808 in the place where it was the ancient one, the seat of the Academy was a room located on the first floor of a building owned by the Municipality, which was accessed by an external stone staircase. In the same building there were the Commissioner's house - of which the room itself was part -, the Archive on the ground floor, the public chancellery and the prison. Unfortunately we have no news on the activity of the Academy until 1746, but we can assume that it had been decreasing to resume only shortly before this date. In fact, again from Natali, which reports a note found at the beginning of the "First Book of Academic Acts", we learn "how they wanted to rebuild the association in 1746, asking not only the use but also the ownership of the theater from the Municipality , ... ". It was also decided to draw up the statute of the Academy (4) "establishing that the Academy should aim at honest and useful entertainment through acting, which consisted of a determined number of people chosen from the civil class who had to pay an annual fee "; arrangements were made for an "Academic Prince", a Depositary and a Secretary in charge of drafting the academic documents to be elected annually. Also on this date, the name of the Academy was finally changed from “Inestabili” to “Riuniti”, probably precisely to establish the desire for change. At that time the members of the Academy were eleven and among them were the most prominent characters of the town: Prospero and Annibale Mariotti (according to Lupattelli the latter was born in Umbertide and not in Perugia, Giulio Cesare Fracassini, the famous castrato Domenico Bruni who sang in the major theaters of Europe (5), Francesco Guardabassi, and some members of the most important families of Umbertide: Ranieri and Bourbon di Sorbello. The new academics Riuniti chose as their emblem the representation of a hand holding three gold cords tied together , and alongside the motto "Difficile solvitur." Regarding the theatrical activity, the Prince was required to stage one or more comedies during the carnival period with interludes of music and sometimes even dance, while in the other seasons the amateur dramatists of the 'Accademia performed in minor representations. From this period we have received the text of two "three-voice interludes": "The slave for love" and "Don Falc one ”,“ to be recited in the Fratta theater ”and published in 1772 (Figs. 1-2); most likely they were sung by the then fourteen year old Domenico Bruni. Finally, there is a sonnet by A. Mariotti from 1788, again for the theater of Fratta (6) (Fig. 3). A curious news also refers to this period we report from Natali: “By way of curiosity and to show how much religious spirit crept into the bosom of the young people who then did delighted in acting, we will notice how in 1754, on 1 February the Theater Academy, on the demand of amateur dramatics, grants them a free performance, in order to use the proceeds for to support the souls in Purgatory! Those were the times! How much unlike our incredulous young men! But to put a little of water on this boiling fervor, let the bigots know that the Academy in granting the permit, expressing itself as follows: “As long as do not pass in example such a protension! ". In 1748, for the first time, with a certain embarrassment of academics, once tour company of such "Giovanni Gazzola, histrion" asked to to be able to use the Teatro dei Riuniti. On the occasion they brought in scene the characters of Pulcinella, Balanzone and Brighella. From a list of performances held in the theater from 1759 to 1795 and reported by Natali (7), we mention two famous works: the drama of Metastasio "La clemenza di Tito" given in 1759 (the first takes place in 1741) and Voltaire's "Mohammed" given in 1787 (the first dates back to 1742). It was only in 1783 that the Municipality, having heard the opinion of the Sacra Consulta, granted "for perpetual use of the Accademia de 'Riuniti .... the house where its theater is, ... which house consists of a room which is the theater, and its stalls, and two adjoining rooms to said hall. "(8). From 1791 to 1798 Pius VI for security reasons forbade all events in which people could gather and therefore closed all the theaters of the Papal State. This of course was also the fate of Umbertide's theater. Moreover, as soon as it reopened, it was semi-destroyed on the occasion of a clash between the Pope's troops and a group of rioters from Arezzo who came to support the insurgents of the Tiberina valley, so that it remained closed for another four years, until 1802, when it suffered a first restoration. But at that time a much more important project for the construction of a real theater was already beginning to take shape. It should also be said that years followed in which the town planning of Fratta underwent many changes and innovations including the arrangement of the square, the clock tower, the bridge over the Royal Palace, etc. Also in 1802 the Academy decided to occupy the three rooms on the ground floor under the theater, and bought the timber for the rebuilding of the roof of the building. In 1805 it was decided to entrust Giovanni Cerrini (9) with the project for the construction of the new theater: this included three orders of 13 boxes each, the stalls, a large stage with adjoining dressing rooms and two rooms for the Academy (10 ). However, in order to reach the number of boxes and the measures established by Cerrini (11), it was necessary that the Municipality also granted a "scio" (passage) that ran between the walls and the building (12) in exchange for which the 'Accademia undertook to maintain the walls. To get an idea of the greatness of Fratta at that time, just think that in 1826 it had two parishes and 1300 inhabitants, while 8630 were the inhabitants of the whole territory of Umbertide in 1812 (unfortunately we only have these data, which in any case are indicative ). Between 1810 and 1812 the pictorial decorations were made by the Perugian Giovanni Monotti (13) and by Faina, the same that we see today brought to light and restored by the Guerri e Polidori firm. These are two bands of decoration along the second and third tier of boxes in which the heads of famous dramatic actors are depicted framed by laurel wreaths and interspersed with swans. The ceiling of the stalls was decorated with a painting, also by Faina, representing Talia, muse of comedy (14); today it no longer exists as the ceiling was first repainted and then completely redone. In 1810, Faina also painted the curtain with the story of “Alcide at the crossroads” which, according to those who remember him, was very beautiful. Unfortunately it has been lost in recent years. A letter preserved in the Municipal Archives (15) and written between 1822 and 1823 by the "heads of the families of artists" of Umbertide was addressed to the Apostolic Delegate of Perugia to intercede with the Academicians and the Municipality to finish the decoration of the theater and especially the scenarios, so as to finally make the theater accessible. From the tone of this letter it would seem that the Academicians delayed the completion of the works to not allow ordinary people to enter, however other documents testify that already since 1811 there were performances in the theater. According to Natali, who in this case entrusts himself to the memory of the elderly, the new theater was inaugurated in 1813 or 1814 with Mozart's Don Giovanni; if this were true - and it seems difficult to us - it must have been a truly exceptional performance, given that the same work was given for the first time in Italy in 1811 in Bergamo and Rome, then in 1812 in Naples and in 1814 in Milan (16) . But even before the inauguration the new theater had hosted the Mosso company which from mid-November 1811 to mid-January 1812 had represented 17 works in prose, including Voltaire and Goldoni (17). The staging of two works by a local historian and professor of rhetoric dates back to 1815: Don Antonio Guerrini (18): “The salt columns” and “ll Pizzarro”. In the same year Domenico Bruni held concerts in the churches of Umbertide. In 1823 the company directed by Luigi Salsilli arrived and staged 34 performances. In 1825 the impresario Gasparo Zannini applied to represent a show with ten dancers in the theater, and asked the Gonfaloniere for a hefty sum as compensation; but the latter, unable to grant it to him, offered him the income from the third-rate boxes and the coffee box office. The following year, however, the Gonfaloniere did not grant the theater to Filippo Troiani's "Compagnia d'opera in musica", composed of a prima donna and two buffi, citing the lack of interest of his fellow citizens for that kind of entertainment as a reason. In this century, in addition to evenings of prose and music, the theater was used for performances by comedians, acrobats and mimes, raffles were organized and dances were given. In 1857, after 45 years, they wanted to renew the pictorial decoration of the theater; the work was entrusted to a painter from Assisi, Augusto Malatesta. To evaluate the realization, we hear the opinion of Natali: "the theater as it was painted by Monotti and Faina, if it could not be said to be splendid, and well decorated, was moreover better than what we see today, reduced to such a poor state in 1857 , certainly self-styled painter Augusto Malatesta of Assisi who made up for the lack of talent with the recommendations of the friars and with the protection of the president of the time, and while I covered the vault of the stalls with a layer of lime, which also in the center contained a painting of some value, on which Talia, muse of comedy was painted, replaced some tracery worthy of appearing in a bedroom and four figures of an impossible anatomy, and of such daring and bizarre movements, as to make us wonder how they can also be painted up there 'plaster. It is true that the heavy swans, the grave crowns and the most grave medallions that framed the busts of great dramatic actors were removed from the bands of the boxes; but what was substituted for that painting I will not say beautiful but less baroque? A coat of white lead was given, which was called marble for derision, small wooden frames were stuck around the windowsills, badly, and a frieze was painted with a faded blue that clashes with the paintings (we will call them so) of the vault and with the heavy plinth featuring a marble, or rather colored cobblestone, neither described nor known by any geologist while above the pillars that separate the boxes he applied three leaves that look like as many butterflies of an unknown fauna. " In the photo of 1916 shown here (fig. 7) the decorations of Malatesta targeted by Natali are probably reproduced, while those we see today are the oldest ones by Monotti and Faina. In the nineteenth century he was director of the theater for 30 years, the distinguished Perugian historian Luigi Bonazzi, who was also an appreciated dramatic actor. If until 1867 the offer of music was small, between 1868 and 1881 several musical works were represented: in 1871 "La Traviata" by Giuseppe Verdi (18 years after the first Venetian), brought by one of the most famous entrepreneurs of the moment, Vincenzo Paoli of Florence, who undertook 12 performances, from 10 November to 10 December, with part of his orchestra and the entire company. In 1881 "La Sonnambula" by Vincenzo Bellini was on the bill. However, to stage these works, the theater always ended up going at a loss. For this reason, in 1886 there was a long discussion before deciding to raise the annual quota of the Academicians to 200 lire. A curious news is transmitted to us by the resolutions of the council of 1869. In fact, it was decided to illuminate the theater "with stearic wax" only for the evening of 6 June, "on the occasion of the statute party", the date on which great celebrations were organized in Thicket; on the other hand, the theater was generally gas-lit. From 1887 to 1890 the theater was closed to carry out works deemed necessary following the provisions on safety in theaters. In 1897 a new regulation came out and the commission in charge of inspecting Umbertide's theater established that it could hold a maximum of 450 people: 200 in the stalls, 200 in the boxes, 50 on the stage. He ordered the opening of two more doors to the outside and a fire extinguishing system with water outlets. The non-compliance of the theater with the new regulations, however, did not prevent the continuation of the activity until 1906, when it was again closed due to an injunction by the Public Security office. In 1910, 271 citizens signed a petition to urge the reopening of the theater, but we know that only in 1913 the restorations were completed. In the same year, a new statute of the Accademia dei Riuniti was drawn up in which it is reiterated that: "The headquarters of the Academy is in the same theater of the Riuniti, which it owns" (article 2), and that "The Society is made up of all the co-owners of the boxes ... "(article 5). In the years of Fascism, the theater was also called "only after-work cinema" because films were shown there, as well as the representation of operettas and plays by school pupils. But what most people remember are the parties and dances that took place there. This was how we arranged: we had the buffet come from a bar (in the theater there was not one until the sixties); for the lighting each carried one or two acetylene lamps which rested on the sills of the boxes; the audience was freed from the chairs and, to warm up, a demijohn was placed on the stage with a tap that allowed them to draw wine from the orchestra pit where at that point nothing was missing ... It was at this time that the internal structure of the theater was modified. In the years preceding the 1940s, this cinema destination was somehow made official in the new name of the Society and the Theater: “Teacine”. In the sixties, the Teacine, practically little more than accessible, was taken over by a company that restructured it as best as possible, enlarging the stage and reopening it to the public. Due to these changes, the acoustics of the hall worsened and the curtain of the Faina was lost. Despite the deterioration of the wall structure, however, the Accademia dei Riuniti has resumed its activity for 25 years and today is made up of a company of thirty amateurs, aged 15 to 60, which brings its varied repertoire to national reviews and participates in exchanges with other European nations. Not only that, but Umbertide has also become the site of an amateur theater festival, “Teatro in Umbria”, which after five years of life is now of international level. All this, at the conclusion of these pages of history, confirms the existence of a tradition and an interest in the theater that is alive and felt in the city which justify the restoration of the building and hope for an appropriate use of it. PHOTO GALLERY Note: 1) Filippo Natali, from Umberto I, attended the faculty of law in Perugia and enlisted in the retinue of Garibaldi. He wrote: an unpublished story of Umbertide, “Excursion around Lake Trasimeno”, “History of the Free State of Cospaia” and various things about Gualdo T. (dc: G. Briziarelli, 1959). The manuscript on the theater is found in the Municipal Archives of Umbertide, b.383, Various objects. 2) Umbertide Municipal Archive, Notarial Fund, protocol 482. 3) This kind of appellations were given to the Academies to underline their particular character ... 4) This statute underwent some changes in 1769 and again, under the influence of the new ideas propagated by the French Revolution, in 1808. 5) Domenico Bruni, 1758-1821. He was in Petersburg for three years at the court of Empress Catherine, then in Saxony, Poland, England and France. In 1797 he returned to Umbertide to take care of music schools. In his city he held public offices: Moire and Gonfaloniere. (from Don A. Guerrini, 1883). 6) These texts are kept at the Augusta Municipal Library in Perugia. 7) In 1759 "La clemenza di Tito"; in 1754 "The old disappointed" and "Demetrio"; in 1765 "Pulcinella power"; in 1768 "La letterata"; in 1769 "Sirce"; in 1770 "The punished miser"; in 1774 "Pulcinella fake gambler"; in 1776 "Pulcinella with the three wives" and "La finta malata"; in 1778 "The wife, despair of the husband and the guardian"; in 1783 "The Madonna ..."; in 1787 "La grotta delle mummie" and "Il Moometto" by Voltaire; in 1795 "The corsair in Marseille" and "The guilty woman". Almost all of these theatrical compositions were staged with interludes of music for four or more voices and often with dance. (see Natali manuscript). 8) Umbertide Municipal Archive, notary Vittorio Paolucci, prot. 862. 9) We know of Giovanni Cerrini that in Umbertide he also made the bridge over the Palace (designed in 1804 and finished in 1814), a project for a bell tower above the tower of the fortress and various other works. 10) Umbertide Municipal Archive, notary Tommaso Paolucci, prot. 923/4. 11) Cerrini had "compared them with the width of the boxes of the theater recently built in the land of Panicale". 12) In this regard, it should be remembered that the two buffered arches, but left in view by the current restoration, located under the stage on two walls that form a 90 degree angle, created a passage in the corner of the building that allowed the continuation of the " scito ”mentioned above (even the building adjacent to the theater, originally, did not reach up to the wall). 13) Giovanni Cerrini and Giovanni Monotti attended the Academy of Fine Arts in Perugia together and in 1791, as a drawing exam in the class of Prof. Baldassarre Orsini, they presented a project for a choir chapel in the Cathedral of Perugia with which they obtained the first prize. 14) The muse Talia is generally represented with a cartouche, a viola or other instrument and from the seventeenth century. even with a mask. 15) Umbertide Municipal Archive, b.28. 16) The following performances were: in Turin in 1815, in Florence and Bologna in 1817, in Parma in 1821, etc. 17) Here is the list of those works reported in Codovini's manuscript: November 14, 1811: The knight of honor, by Mr. Avelloni. 16 said: La Semiramide, by Mr. Voltaire, translated by Mr. Cesarotti. 17 said: The madman for love, unpublished. 17 said: Carlotta and Werter, by Mr. Sagrasti. 19 said: The Diogenes, by Mr. Chiari. 20 said: The Geneva of Scotland, tragedy of Mr. Miller, 21 said: Clementina and Dalmanzi, of Mr. Avelloni. 23 said: Justice reaches underground, an unprecedented drama. 24 said; The mirror of obstinacy, unprecedented. 25 said: The jealousies of Agapito and Silvestro, of Mr. Giraud. 26 said: The fraternal reconciliation, by Mr. Zozebue. 27 said: The Persian bride, by Mr. Goldoni. 28 said: repetition of "fraternal reconciliation". 30 said: Replica of Voltaire's “Semiramide”. December 1st: La Zaira, by Mr. Voltaire. 3 said: S. Francesco al campo di Corrodine, unpublished. 4 said: (illegible), by Mr. D'Armand. 8 said: The banquet of Baldassarre, by Mr. Dirghieri. 10 said: The conversion of St. Margaret of Cortona, unpublished. 11 said: replica of the aforementioned. 18) Don A. Guerrini (1780-1845) was a distinguished scholar, professor of rhetoric in Umbertide, he wrote "History of the land of Fratta" published, unfinished, after his death, in 1883. (See the biography that makes it Antonio Mezzanotte as an introduction to the aforementioned book). From the book "Project Recovery and Restoration of the Teatro dei Riuniti di Umbertide" - Publishing theme, 1990 - The history of the Teatro dei Riuniti, edited by Flavia di Serego Alighieri BIBLIOGRAPHY - Don A. Guerrini, History of the land of Fratta from its origin to the year 1845, Città di Castello, tip. Tiberina, 1883. - G. Brizziarelli, Umbertide and umbertidesi in history, Città di Castello, 1959. R. Sabatini, Umbrian theaters, Perugia, 1981. - B. Porrozzi, Umbertide and its territory, Città di Castello, sd. Theaters, entertainment venues and academies in Montepulciano and Valdichiana, Exhibition catalog, Montepulciano, 1984. SOURCES - Municipal Archive of Umbertide - Renato Codovini, History of Umbertide - sec. XIX, unpublished typescript. LA DOCUMENTAZIONE RELATIVA ALL’ACQUISTO DEI LOCALI DEL TEATRO DA PARTE DELL’ACCADEMIA DEI SIGNORI RIUNITI Si tratta di documenti che abbracciano il periodo che va dal 1783 al 1788 e sono interessanti, oltre che per l’oggetto in discussione, anche per conoscere la lingua italiana che si usava allora per le trascrizioni notarili. Si può pure notare che, a livello ecclesiastico, veniva usato ancora il latino. Riunione del 24 gennaio 1783 In nomine Dei amen. Anno Domini millesimo septingentesimo octuagesimo tertio [1783] die vero vigesimo quarto januarii [24 gennaio]... Personalmente costituiti avanti di me notaio i testimoni infrascritti gli Ill.mi signori Domenico Gioacchino del fu signor Mariano Savelli al presente Governatore di Otricoli per la Sagra Consulta, il sig. dott. Bonaventura del fu dott. Giambattista Spinetti, il signor dott. Giuseppe del fu signor Giantommaso capitano Paolucci, il dott. Giuseppe figlio del signor dott. Benedetto Bertanzi, il tenente Filippo del fu sig. Ruggero Burelli, il sig. Giambattista del fu sig. dott. Fabrizio Mazzaforti per il signor Paolo suo fratello, il signor Giambattista del fu signor Ludovico Criacci, e i signori Domenico del quondam [fu] signor Sante Cerboncelli e il signor Stefano del quondam signor Carlo Vibi per il signor dott. Lorenzo suo fratello, individui dell'Accademia dei Riuniti di questa Terra della Fratta da me tutti cogniti, i quali a fine di avere da questa Comunità l'uso perpetuo della sala ove sta il teatro e le stanze annesse per esercitare la gioventù in decorose rappresentazioni ed onesti divertimenti e così mantenere sempre più l'unione di tutto il paese specialmente ed in ogni modo migliore, tutti li suddetti signori ed il suddetto Giuseppe Bertanzi colla rinunzia al beneficio della patria potestà e alla L. I.2... Tit... Cod... quod cum eo, ed a tute le altre leggi, statuti e privilegi a favore dei figli di famiglia disponenti mediante il suo giuramento toccate le scritture delle quali specialmente ed in ogni [è una formula di giuramento], promettono, convengono si obbligano di pagare e sborsare la somma e quantità di uno scudo per cadauno all'anno per lo spazio di anni sei da oggi prossimi, e come siegue fenire entro il mese di gennaio incominciando dal mese presente perfinché saranno compiti li predetti anni sei ed in caso di ritardato pagamento, a contumacia li medesimi signori Accademici acconsentono di essere convenuti giuridicamente dal corpo delli Accademici colla spedizione del mandato esecutivo con la semplice intimazione avanti qualunque giudice, con questo patto però, che detto annuo pagamento non debba convertirsi in altr'uso, se non che nel formare un capitale fruttifero stabile e siguro, il di cui annuo fruttato debba impiegarsi in mantenimento e rifacimento della casa ov'è il teatro, stanze, e ditta, scale ed altro che occorrerà e ciò in vigore degli ordini della Sagra Congregazione del Buon Governo, ad effetto di ottenere la cessione, che si farà dalla Comunità a questa nostra Accademia dell'uso perpetuo di detta fabbrica per l'effetto suddetto. E promettono li detti signori Accademici di fare un tal annuo pagamento per questo primo anno in mani del signor Stefano Vibi esattore eletto dalla Congregazione oggi venuta di detta Accademia, dal quale dovrà poi consegnarsi la somma esatta in mano del signor Domenico Cerboncelli Depositario della suddetta Accademia ad effetto di farne il rinvestimento annuo accenato, e negli anni susseguenti in mano dell'altro esattore che verrà eletto, e così di anno in anno col peso sempre di farli pervenire in mano di detto signor Cerboncelli, il quale radunato che avrà una somma sufficiente dovrà avere il peso di rinvestirla coll'intelligenza sempre però della suddetta Accademia in uno o più investimenti siguri secondo le somme che esigerà di mano in mano, a secondo le occasioni che si presenteranno sigure e fruttifere, ed il fruttato di questi rinvestimenti debba esigersi ogn'anno dal detto signor Cerboncelli Depositario, detto sopra eletto, senza che gli altri signori Accademici o Principe pro tempore abbia avere il pensiero di fare simili riscossioni e questi frutti debbono impiegarsi in risarcimento delle case come sopra da cedersi all'Accademia, né convertirsi in altr'uso senza licenza della medesima, ed in caso in qualch'anno non abbisognassero tali risarcimenti per il mantenimento della casa suddetta, si debbano riservare per altre occasioni di detti risarcimenti. E promettono li suddetti signori Accademici, come sopra presenti, il presente obbligo sempre attendere ed osservare colle suddette condizioni, mai contro di esse fare, dire o venire, anzi farvi acconsentire ogni o qualunque persona e che a loro è lecito di farla volendo essere sempre tenuti alla perpetua oservanza [sic] del medesimo colle suddette condizioni non solo in questo ma anche in ogni modo migliore. [Notaio Vittorio Paolucci. Archivio Notarile Umbertide. Registro n. 866]. Contratto di cessione della sala del teatro In Dei nomine amen. Anno Domini millesimo septingentesimo octuagesimo terbio [1783] - In prima die vero prima mensis februarii [1 febbraio]... Personalmente costituiti avanti di me notaro e testimoni infrascritti l'Eccellentissimo Signor Dottore Giuseppe figlio della beata memoria del Signor Capitano Giantommaso Paolucci e li Signori Vittorio del quondam [fu] Bernardino Ceccarelli, Filippo del quondam Giambattista Legnetti anche in nome di Pietro del quondam Benedetto Crosti tutti di questa Terra della Fratta a me cogniti pubblici rappresentanti della Comunità di questa Terra li quali facendo l'atto infrascritto in virtù della risoluzione del pubblico generale Consiglio celebrato sotto il dì 9 maggio 1780, copia di cui a me diedero per inscriverla col presente istromento, del tenore alla quale, ed in vigore delle facoltà riportate a seconda del medesimo Consiglio della Sagra Congregazione del Buon Governo e della Sagra Consulta, che si giustifica colle lettere di Monsignore Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Governatore di Perugia in data del 27 giugno e 29 aprile dell'anno 1780, che parimente a me diedero per allegarle nel presente strumento, del tenore che in vece e nome di detta Comunità danno, cedono e concedono per uso perpetuo dell'Accademia de' Riuniti di detta Terra alli signori Accademici di essa e per la medesima all'eccellentissimo signor dottore Gioacchino Maria della beata memoria del signor Mariano Savelli governatore al presente della Terra d'Otricoli parimente a me cognito deputato da essa a questo atto nell'adunanza tenuta il dì 24 gennaro scorso copia della quale parimente a me diedero ad effetto d'inserirla nel presente istromento per detta Accademia e Signori Riuniti assieme con me notaio stipulante ed accettante in favore l'uso perpetuo della casa ov'è il pubblico teatro, alla quale si sale con scala di pietra al di fuori, posta in questa Terra della Fratta nella Piazza del Grano di questa Comunità, ove è la Rocca, conforme davanti la detta Piazza, da un lato la casa del signor Pensa e Padri Minori Conventuali di San Francesco di questa medesima Terra, e dagli altri lati le mura castellane, e di sotto la pubblica Cancelleria, l'Archivio e Carceri, qual casa consiste in una sala, ove è il teatro e la platea del medesimo e due camere contigue a detta sala con tutti i suoi scioiti, annessi, connessi, membri, adiacenze, pertinenze, ponendolo, costituendolo, dandogli... E questa cessione fanno detù Signori pubblici rappresentanti perché asseriscono e confessano aver fatto acquisto della casa degli eredi Petrogalli di detta Terra per il preciso fine ed effetto dell'abitazione del signor Commissario pro tempore per cui servirà la casa ceduta a uso de' Cancellieri, Sbirri e Balivo come appare per rogito del signor dottore Filippo Maria Savelli notaio di questa Terra il dì 8 gennaio 1780, al quale [si rinvia], con li seguenti patti, capitoli e condizioni, cioè: 1. che li Signori Accademici pro tempore siano tenuti mantenere detta casa di tutti li necessari risarcimenti, senza che la Comunità suddetta abbia avervi alcun pensiero, conforme detto signor deputato in vece e nome di essa Accademia promette di fare a tenore del detto gentile Consiglio, ed approva [il suddetto], per il quale oggetto di mantenimento obbliga ed ipoteca il rinvestimento che hanno promesso di fare li detti Signori Accademici per rogito mio il dì 24 gennaio di detto anno, volendo e dichiarando che il fondo o rinvestimento da farsi come sopra di scudi sessanta dalli detti Signori Accademici delli loro proprii denari resti perpetuamente obbligato per detto mantenimento di casa, quale dovrà farsi colli frutti che decorreranno del detto rinvestimento, senza che il capitale e frutti di esso possano convertirsi in altr'uso, e non altrimenti. 2. che in caso si dissolvesse quest'adunanza di Riuniti, la Comunità suddetta possa e debba rientrare al possesso ed uso della casa come sopra descritto con tutti i suoi risarcimenti, bonificazioni e che il rinvestimento da farsi per fondo di detto mantenimento resti vincolato ed ogni casa delli suddetti Signori Accademici possa ritirare quella somma che avrà sborsata per sommare il suddetto capitale colli suoi frutti, in caso non fossero stati impiegati. E siccome la Comunità cede all'Accademia il solo dominio utile di detta casa, benché perpetuo, conviene per patto espresso, quale detto signor deputato intende, vuole e dichiara che si abbia per espresso nel principio, mezzo e fine del presente istromento, altrimenti non sarebbe venuto al presente contratto: che dandosi qualche caso fortuito d'incendio, terremoto o altro sinistro accadente (che Iddio non voglia) 1'Accademia suddetta non sia tenuta ad alcun risarcimento, sul riflesso che la Comunità si riserva il dominio diretto e non altrimenti, perché così. 3. che sia leccito [sic] alli Signori Accademici pro tempore di ampliare la platea, fare aggiunta, mutare ingresso, fare li cassini e tutto altro che stimeranno opportuno per l'esercizio delle loro accademie e recite di commedie e come a loro più piacerà e parerà per maggiore ornamento, comodo e decoro del luogo pubblico. E finalmente che la chiave di detta casa debba tenersi dal Principe o Presidente pro tempore di detta Accademia. Dichiarando detti signori pubblici rappresentanti debba restare in perpetuo l'uso della casa Petrogalli, come sopra comprata per il signor Commissario, Cancellieri e Sbirri e Balivo e la casa e di lei uso, ove è il detto teatro, debba ancor questa restare in perpetuo per l'Accademia suddetta dei Riuniti, senza che mai possa ritogliersi, promettendo di sempre e perpetuamente mantenerla nel libero, quieto e pacifico posesso [sic] ed uso di essa, né a ciò mai contro dire o venire per qualunque capo, causa o motivo, volendo esser sempre tenuti in nome della loro Comunità ch'a perpetua osservanza del presente contratto non solo in questo, ma anche in ogni altro modo migliore. [Notaio Vittorio Paolucci. Archivio Notarile Umbertide. Registro n. 866.] Lettera di Giampietro Pensa Giampietro Pensa da Città di Castello [omissis] l'espone avere una casa nella Terra della Fratta per la metà ed indivisa con questi Reverendi Padri Conventuali di San Francesco posta nella Piazza frumentaria, presso davanti la detta piazza, di dietro li sciolti delle muraglie castellane, da uno il palazzo del pubblico, casa ereditaria del Fracassini, ora de' Signori conti Ranieri di Perugia rifermata in ultimo luogo al detto oratore in terza generazione il dì 8 novembre 1741 per rogito del fu Maurizio Savelli notaro di detta Terra e descritta al libro livellare di detta sua mensa a carta 59; e siccome desidero vendere la metà della medesima casa per indivisa, come sopra, stimata dai periti communi in somma di scudi 15, supplica pertanto l'oratore Vostra Illustrissima [...] per la licenza di poter vendere detta casa per il suddetto prezzo ..... Nulla osta rilasciato dalla Diocesi Nulla osta del Vescovo di Gubbio relativo alla compra-vendita della casa del Pansa adiacente al teatro. Attentis narratis servato dominis favore nostrae mensae episcopalis et sine prejudicio habentium meliora et potiora jura quater oratori petitam licentiam vendendi medietatem domus, de qua in precibus, concedimus atque impartimus ita tamen ut emptor intra debitum tempus precies nobis porrigat ad effectum conseguendi debitam investituram, et non intelligatur illatum illum praejudicium [...] exigendi canones decursos et non solutos. Incipiendi datum Eugubii ex Cancelleria Episcopale hac die prima mensis septembris 1785. Episcupus Eugubino Franciscus Lusieri LVD. Cancelliere Episcopale. Stima della casa dei frati Noi Maestri muratori [Bruni e Porrini] di questa Terra della Fratta, essendo stati richiesti, Mastro Pietro Bruni ad istanza dell'illustrissimo signor Domenico Cerboncelli come Depositario degli Accademici del teatro di questa Terra della Fratta, e Mastro Francesco Porrini ad istanza dei Padri Minori Conventuali di questa medesima Terra per vedere, considerare, stimare e riferire il giusto prezzo e valore di una casa che in comune si gode da terra fino al tetto dalli suddetti Padri Conventuali e dalla suddetta Accademia del teatro posta in questa Terra nella Piazza della Rocca che confina da Levante le mura castellane mediante lo steccato, O [occidente] la Piazza della Rocca et eredi Fracassini, S [sud] il teatro salvi etc. composta di tre piani e stalla a pianterreno, il prezzo della qual casa, libera da ogni defalco, la giudichiamo secondo la nostra perizia e coscienza avendo minutamente considerato ascendere a scudi sessanta moneta romana di paoli dieci per scudo e per essere tutto ciò alla verità conforme sarà il presente foglio sottoscritto e rispettivamente segnato col segno della Santa Croce da noi infrascritti. In fede questo dì 26 febbraio 1787 nella Terra della Fratta. [Notaio Giovan Battista Burelli. Archivio Notarile Umbertide. Registro 885 c. 30]. Richiesta dei frati al Vescovo Illustrissimo e reverendissimo Monsignore, il Guardiano e Religiosi Minori Conventuali di San Francesco della Terra della Fratta umilmente rappresentano a Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima come, fra gli altri stabili al loro Convento appartenenti, tengono una casa in detta Terra situata nella Piazza della Rocca compatronale ed indivisa con l'Accademia del teatro di detto luogo del valore di scudi sessanta moneta romana, trenta dei quali appartenenti e di ragione al loro Convento e gli altri trenta a detta Accademia; come anche ritengono un pezzo d'orto del valore di scudi quattro romana moneta, e siccome sì dell'uno che dell'altro ne ritraggono al presente poco e quasi niente d'utile, supplicano pertanto Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima volergli accordare il permesso di poter vendere detti stabili ascendenti al valore di scudi trentaquattro, come dalle perizie giurate e qui annesse, obbligandosi di depositare il denaro nel loro errario [sic] per rinvestirlo poi in miglior fondo. Che della grazia..... [Notaio Giovanni Battista Burelli. Archivio Notarile Umbertide. Registro 885 c. 29 ]. Contratto di compravendita tra i frati e gli accademici In Dei nomine amen.Die vigesima septima junii anno... [27 giugno 1788] Presenti e personalmente costituiti alla presenza mia e dei testimoni infrascritti li Reverendissimi Padri Francesco Antonio Celestini guardiano, Filippo Maria Magnanini e Felice Antonio Angelucci sacerdoti e religiosi di famiglia del venerabile convento de' Minori Conventuali di San Francesco di questa Terra della Fratta e quello intieramente rappresentando, tutti a me cogniti, i quali inerendo alla risoluzione del loro Capitolo congregato fin dal dì 21 maggio 1787, al quale di loro spontanea volontà ed in ogni altro modo migliore, in vigore della licenza e facoltà ottenuta dall'Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Monsignor Vescovo di Gubbio, come dal suo rescritto in data 4 marzo 1788 che a me fu dato originale per inserirlo nel presente istromento, al quale danno, cedono e vendono all'Accademia del Teatro dei Riuniti di questa Terra, e per essa al [...] signor Don Nicolò del quondam signor Pietro Antonio Guardabassi membro della medesima qui presente a me cognito, a tale effetto dall'Accademia medesima deputato e per essa insieme con me notaio accettante e stipulante. La metà indivisa d'una casa, che detto convento godeva in comune coll'Accademia suddetta posta in questa Terra nella Piazza della Rocca, confinante nella parte posteriore le muraglie castellane mediante lo steccato; davanti la Piazza suddetta, da un lato le case degli eredi Fracassini e dall'altro il teatro suddetto salvi, composta di tre piani e stalla a pian terreno, con tutti i suoi scioiti, membri e pertinenze, ad avere, tenere e possedere con tutte e singole ragioni al detto convento competenti, ponendola e costituendola e fintantoché [omissis - formule varie] per il prezzo di scudi trenta moneta romana a tenore del foglio di perizia… [Notaio Giovanni Battista Burelli. Archivio Notarile Umbertide. Registro n. 885 c. 27]. Fonti: “Umbertide nel Secolo XVIII” di Renato Codovini e Roberto Sciurpa – Comune di Umbertide – Gesp, 2003

REPORT OF MAYOR GIUSEPPE MIGLIORATI IN 1944 on the general situation of the Municipality which he sent to the Prefect of Perugia on 19 September 1944 with a letter bearing the Protocol number 999. It is of the utmost importance because it allows us to know the disastrous state in which the entire territory of the Municipality was immediately after the Liberation. Appointed on 15.8.1944 (1) Mayor of this Municipality by the Governor of the Allied Military Command, I fulfill the duty to submit to the EV this report on the general situation of the Municipality determined after the aerial bombardments suffered by this city, the withdrawal of the troops Germans and the consequent liberation by the allied troops. I state that the situation of the Municipality, as will be demonstrated below, is one of the most critical and consequently I am interested in the EV to be pleased to resolve, in the best way, what is possible. I begin with the municipal offices. MUNICIPAL OFFICES The municipal offices, immediately after the bombing of 25 April in which 88 (2) people were killed and 20 wounded, were transported to the countryside and precisely in the word Brecce. Here they remained until 12 June, until the German troops ordered a subsequent move, which was carried out by transporting what was possible to save from the devastation of the German troops themselves, in the locality of Fontanelle and precisely in the Rinaldi house. After the war operations, all the employees abandoned the offices, the deeds and the furnishings they had been given. The German troops therefore carried out even better the removal of all that they considered useful and the destruction of all that their vandalism advised. From a summary investigation in the process of greater investigations, it is removed or destroyed: 1. The ten typewriters and the calculator supplied to the offices. Now the municipality has no typewriter of its own. 2. The complete furnishings of the Mayor's Cabinet, the Secretary and other offices. 3. The technical tools of the Technical Office. 4. All prints, stationery, etc. supplied to the Offices. 5. Many documents of the Secretariat including all municipal regulations, tariffs, some volume of contract, etc. 6. Almost all the documents of the Bursar. 7. The following acts of the Civil Status: • Much of the personal data (family statuses and personal data sheets); • Migration practices defined relating to the years from 1937 to 1941; • Various procedures defined and being defined relating to the current year; • Files of marriage, birth and death certificates; • The register of list of the poor with the relative file; • Monthly statistics on the natural and migratory movement of the population; • The register of collection of civil status rights, secretariat and urgency; • 24 wooden boxes with automatic closing for the conservation of family statuses; • Lists of the military conscription of the classes from 1913 to 1920. 8. All the existing material in the warehouses, consisting of wood of various kinds and species, pipes for aqueducts, water meters, wheelbarrows, shovels, picks, etc. for a significant value. 9. Two "Beretta" 7.65 caliber automatic pistols supplied with the guards. 10. Motterl rifles also supplied to the guards. 11. The sum of Lire 10,000 located in part at the Treasury Office (approximately Lire 2,500), partly at the Police Office and Lire 5,000 at the milk shop. Much has been done in order to restore the offices to full efficiency, but much more needs to be done. It is necessary to equip them with the essential furniture, for which reason a contribution of at least 500,000 lire is requested from this Prefecture, with which they can buy the essential typewriters, a calculator, the tools for the Technical Office, the furniture for the decor of one room at least. Many deficiencies were found in the internal functioning of the Offices. Among the main notes, the failure to review municipal taxes annually, the failure to collect the fee for drinking water granted to individuals, the regular and complete collection of the amount of the niches and cemetery areas, the failure to stipulate contracts for concessions the aforementioned, the failure to recover the hospitals by the wealthy, the total failure to collect the assets, the neglect in requesting the repayment of the sums advanced on behalf of the State, etc., shortcomings to which he attributes the disastrous financial situation of the Municipality and which currently it is summed up by a cash deficit of over 2,000,000. I have already made provisions for the elimination of these serious drawbacks. Of course, the resolution of the same is subject to the needs of the reconstruction service based on the healthiest principles of almost all services. STAFF A first purge of staff was carried out and 16 elements were suspended among employees, salaried workers and health workers. The seats have been replaced with temporary staff, new to the services to which they have been entrusted. However, after the first period of adjustment, now almost everyone is doing quite well in the tasks entrusted to them. However, I would add that the purge has not finished and that investigations are being undertaken for other elements to ascertain their responsibilities. HOUSES The damage caused to civilian buildings by air raids and war actions are significant. A survey carried out shows that about 50 per cent of the homes have been destroyed or reduced to a condition to be demolished. Two hundred and fifty families were damaged and 900 people left homeless. To regulate the return of the population to the capital, which after the air raids had spread a little everywhere, I set up a special office and a special commission that oversees the relevant services. Despite all the provisions adopted by the Municipality such as those of placing at least two people per room and requisitioning all possible premises, not excluding the placement of families with other families (as many as 2,000 people are currently accommodated in this way, as many as 250 people are now homeless and still provisionally placed in the countryside, in barns, huts and similar premises. Twenty-five percent of homes inhabited and crammed by people need roof repairs before the winter season and window and window repairs. Such a situation cannot last long and this is also to avoid the occurrence of any epidemic diseases. It is therefore necessary to address the resolution of the important problem for which I take the liberty of proposing: 1. to promote, favor and encourage the private initiative of the reconstruction of the destroyed houses, under the control of the Civil Engineers who will have to establish the amount of the damages suffered and which will have to be reimbursed by the State; 2. that the following materials be assigned to this Municipality: a) at least 200,000 tiles; b) a suitable quantity of cement and other binders; c) at least 5,000 square meters of glass; d) timber for reinforcements and fixtures; e) that the necessary investigations to establish which buildings must be demolished and which can be restored are ordered to the Civil Engineering Office. SUPPORT Assistance was very neglected. In fact, only at the beginning of September it was possible to order the continuation of the displacement subsidy which had been suspended since 15 June 1944. However, all services are now being normalized. However, it is necessary that an assignment of clothing, clothing, footwear, blankets, sheets, mattresses, etc. be made. to be distributed to the victims and who cannot be left in such conditions in the approaching winter. POWER SUPPLY Apart from the ration of bread and pasta, given in grain, this population had only 100 grams of sugar per person and 150 grams of salt. Contrary to what was practiced for the other municipalities, this population was not distributed the ration of pig fats for the entire year. These greases were in fact removed by the German troops from the local warehouses of the Municipality where they were still stored. In consideration of this, the population of this Municipality, which following the bombings and the looting of the German troops has seen all the minimum stocks that any provident family could have had destroyed and removed, is in a state of real hardship. The EV is therefore interested in order for the distribution of the following genres to be urgently arranged in favor of this population: • oil (he hasn't had any since January); • pig fat (has not had any more since March); • sugar; • salt; • pasta as a replacement for the flour it has been receiving in wheat for a few months. Furthermore, given that the Municipality has no means of transport, it is necessary that a vehicle be assigned to transport the rationed goods. Cade acconcio that you are speaking here of an initiative taken by the Municipality for the sale of rationed and quoted goods, an initiative that was imposed following the destruction of many shops in the capital and the failure to reopen the others by the owners, who are proving of complete absenteeism. A Bottegone Comunale del Popolo has been established on which the distribution of rationed products, milk is made, which by the Municipality itself is collected from the collection centers where the various producers meet, and what else it is possible to have, to search on the site. This Bottegone will continue to function until normal commercial activity is resumed, unless the opportunity to transform it into a consumer cooperative appears. The Bottegone is currently managed by the members of the Board: Rometti Aspromonte for the technical-commercial part and Cerrini Tramaglino for the accounting part, who have taken care of its organization and operation. Bottegone himself does not affect the municipal budget in any way. MILLS Currently, given the lack of electricity, the grain is milled by means of the eleven mills operated partly by hydraulic power and partly by internal combustion engines. To ensure the functioning of the important service, however, it is necessary to ensure regular refueling. PUBLIC HEALTH Many cases of typhus have occurred and many are still ongoing among the population of this municipality. It is necessary for the EV to be assigned suitable medicines and disinfectants to prevent and fight such diseases. Two of the five doctors are in possession of a permit to circulate; however, it is necessary that the Municipality be made a monthly allocation of petrol to be allocated for this use. ROADS A total of 16 bridges were destroyed by the German troops. The damages suffered for those on municipal roads exceed 5,000,000 lire. Practices have begun for the construction of a voluntary consortium between the interested parties for the construction of footbridges to replace said bridges, in order to ensure in some way the restoration of the viability. The financing of the expenditure, while waiting for the State to do so, will be done by the interested parties through the Municipality. AQUEDUCTS In addition to the aqueduct of the capital, those in the hamlets of Pierantonio, Preggio, Niccone, Cioccolanti, Santa Giuliana and Palazzetto Nese were also damaged, for the repair and efficiency of which is expected to cost around 400,000 lire. PUBLIC BUILDINGS Almost all public buildings have suffered significant damage. These buildings are: Town Hall damages suffered approximately 200,000 lire Center school buildings damages suffered approximately 225,000 lire Rural school buildings damage suffered about lire 80,000 Start-up building damages suffered approximately 225,000 lire Kindergarten damage suffered about lire 45,000 Municipal warehouses damage suffered about lire 35,000 Slaughterhouse damage suffered about lire 28,000 Washhouse damage suffered about lire 30,000 Public latrines damage suffered about lire 21,000 Public hospital damages suffered approximately 100,000 lire Unable to work hospitalizations damage suffered about lire 30,000 Total 1,019,000 lire For the removal of the rubble of the streets and squares of the capital, for the reactivation of the aqueducts, for the clearing of the rubble from the bridges, from the riverbeds, an estimate was compiled by the Technical Office which rises to 1,141,000 lire. This estimate has already been sent to the Civil Engineering Office for approval and to give the authorization to continue the work and the assurance that the same Office will reimburse the expenses that this Municipality will sustain for this reason. UNEMPLOYMENT It is essential that the Civil Engineers assign the aforementioned sum not only for the execution of the urgent and deferrable works for the recovery, albeit minimal, of the normality of the Municipality, also to eliminate the unemployment that is currently relevant. No less than three hundred workers and over fifty employees of different categories (potters, railway workers, etc.) are unemployed. As for the materials necessary for the aforementioned works, since there are two brick kilns in the Municipality, this could ensure the needs if they are assigned the necessary fuel, which is being partially provided with the help of the Allied Military Governor. In order to guarantee the supply of the indispensable materials, this Municipality blocked all the production of the aforementioned two furnaces. The materials themselves are assigned to the owners of buildings following the division of the Technical Office, which in advance checks the requests one by one. I therefore strongly interest the EV because it wants to arrange for the Civil Engineers to assign the requested sum of 1,141,000 lire to the Municipality. PUBLIC SERVICES Currently no public service works. Only the postal service works partially. This Municipality is proceeding so that it can have the premises necessary for the disengagement of the services, but it is not easy to solve the problem given that the Umbrian Central Management, the only owner of suitable premises, puts forward many reasons not to sell them. The electric light doesn't work either. The Unione Esercizi Elettrici has been assured that in a month it will be able to reactivate the supply of electricity to a limited extent and in turn. SCHOOLS Almost all the furniture of the schools, both elementary and secondary, has been removed and destroyed. In order for them to resume their activities, it is necessary that the Municipality be assigned a suitable sum that cannot be less than 1,000,000 lire. It is also essential that all schools be reopened. In this regard, given the serious housing situation and therefore in consideration of the housing difficulties of the teachers who are not resident here, the opportunity arises that professors and teachers resident in this municipality are in charge of teaching, who, both in terms of number and by capacity, they are able to ensure smooth operation. AGRICULTURE The harvest of wheat, maize and secondary products was good and there was no significant damage from the war events. The wine, although promising very well, has recently been very damaged by iodine and therefore will be scarce and of poor quality. The olive harvest, on the other hand, promises very well. The placing of the grain in storage was very satisfactory. Over 30,000 quintals are already piled up. It is essential that provision is made for the assignment of carbon sulphide in order to prevent both the stored grain and that stored in their warehouses by the producers from going bad. It is also essential, given the approach of the sowing season, that both nitrogen fertilizers and fungicides are assigned. It is also necessary that it be arranged for the concession of electricity for oil mills in consideration of the approaching period of processing. CONCLUSION I conclude this report by insisting on the following essential points: 1. that at least the sum of 500,000 lire is assigned for the arrangement and reorganization of the Offices; 2. that the sum of 1,141,000 necessary for the removal of the rubble be assigned; 3. that the sum of 1,000,000 lire be assigned for the construction of school furnishings; 4. that the building materials are assigned: • 200,000 tiles; • cement and binding materials; • timber for reinforcement and window frames; • at least sqm. 5,000 glasses; 5. that fuel be assigned for the grain mills, brick kilns and municipal health services; 6. that carbide and oil are assigned for lighting; 7. that fats and oil are assigned for the population. I trust in the interest of the EV and I am sure that with this valid help I will be able to do some good to this population so tried by the pains of war. MAYOR G. Improve Note: 1. There is an inaccuracy in the date. The post of mayor was formally assumed on 3 September. Perhaps Migliorati refers to the interview with the Allied Military Governor who communicated the purpose of the appointment and which may have occurred on August 15, 1944. 2. Here, too, Migliorati runs into an easily explainable inaccuracy. The dead were 70, but another 14 people had fled the country without reporting it and it was feared that they were buried under the rubble still to be cleared. Sources: "Umbertide in the XX Century 1900 - 1946" by Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide, Gesp - January 2006 THE CITY AFTER LIBERATION 1944 - 1952 Rendiconto Giunta 1946 - 1952 Relazione del Sindaco Giuseppe Migliorati nel 1944 Relazione del Sindaco Giuseppe Migliorati nel 1944 Rendiconto Giunta 1946 - 1952 RELATION SOCIAL-COMMUNIST MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION ON THE ACTIVITY CARRIED OUT FROM 1946 TO 1952 curated by Fabio Mariotti We feel the duty to give an account to the population of the activity carried out in our municipality in the period from the elections of 1946 to today. We do not want to judge our work, since it is not up to us to judge; however, we feel we have the right to affirm that we have made an effort to do everything in our power to meet the needs of citizens and to honestly fulfill the mandate they have entrusted to us. PUBLIC WORKS In order to be able to judge our work serenely, it is first of all necessary to recall the disastrous conditions in which we found our country due to the war: the capital, in particular, was reduced to a heap of rubble, so it was dedicated to it. more attention than to fractions. The transitory period of municipal administration, which took place under the aegis of the Allied Military Government and controlled by the latter with the Mayors of the then Liberation Committee, made it possible to begin the reorganization of the administrative offices as soon as possible. Citizens suffered severely from the hardships caused by the war. Almost all the families lacked the essentials: house, food, medicines, electricity, water, household goods, etc. Everything had been destroyed by bombing or removed by the retreating Germans. The city was littered with rubble; traffic was difficult due to the numerous road works that had been destroyed (as many as 27 bridges had been destroyed in our municipality). The lack of housing considerably aggravated the tragic situation of the moment: half of Umbertide's houses were destroyed or seriously damaged. It was an imperative duty of the municipal administration to face all these problems; and faithful to our general program, set out during the electoral campaign, we promptly set them out for a solution. Priority was given to the sanitation and welfare problem, having all the rubble removed; which, in addition to removing the sad vision of the ruins, averted the danger of spreading infectious diseases; Supplementary rations of bread, meat, wine, firewood were distributed. The prompt reactivation of the aqueducts both in the center and in the hamlets was provided. The schools, despite the damage suffered, were repaired and returned to their important function. Only the perimeter walls remained of our hospital; in a short time it was put back into efficiency and thus it was possible to meet those who needed hospital care. Today our hospital has very modern equipment, and it would have perfected its systems again if the Prefecture, without any reason, had not sent a Commissioner to manage the institution. The rapid rehabilitation of the hospital is due to the intelligent activity of its President, comrade Rometti Aspromonte and of the Board of Directors who dedicated so much diligence and passion to this humanitarian work, always supported in their work by the municipal administration and by the esteem of the entire population. The war had completely destroyed the Umbertide-Terni railway and the Fossato-Arezzo railway. Following our concern it was possible to reactivate the Terni-Umbertide section and the reconstruction of its warehouse-workshop in Umbertide. This work could be carried out with the help of the Minister of Transport Hon. Ferrari of the PCI and the Communist and Socialist Deputies of the district, who met in Umbertide at our invitation, to give instructions to the managers of the Mediterranea. The serious problem of the workforce has been tackled by overcoming all our budget possibilities many times, but the scourge of unemployment persists and certainly cannot be resolved with local interventions. This problem will find its complete solution only when it is possible for a truly democratic government to come to power which dedicates its national wealth to works of peace and which translates into action what is enshrined in the constitution. The workforce employed by the Municipality has always been significant and has had a strong impact on the budget. The severe shortage of housing that existed before the war, aggravated by the destruction, raised the urgent problem of building reconstruction and the Administration directed all energy to this. Sixty residential neighborhoods have already been built and occupied (public housing and homes for the victims) and ten neighborhoods have been built by INA-Casa; public housing is now being built in Preggio for 10,000,000 Lire. With all this we are still a long way off to be able to say that all citizens have a modest home. Dozens of families still live in attics, woodsheds, and in places that offend human dignity. The main cause of this was the ministerial provision which suppressed the Prefectural Housing Commissioner; This suppression has led to this inequality: the owners of buildings occupy fifteen rooms in four or five people, while large families live in unhealthy and unsafe hovels (this is certainly not Christian charity!) The streets in the center of Umbertide have been reactivated and asphalted. The damage of the war and the neglect of the past administrations had reduced the eighteenth-century Palazzo del Comune in bad conditions. This Administration has provided for the repair of all the rooms and on the first floor has particularly taken care of the restoration of the frescoed vaults, with a total cost of L. 1,520,000. The work must be continued, as it is a building that due to its style deserves to be preserved and restored to its primitive beauty. The restoration work on the façade has already been contracted for 1,500,000 Lire. The avenues have been enriched with hundreds of ornamental plants; a small garden has also been arranged in Largo Antonio Gramsci, as well as another in a corner of Piazza Mazzini. A small park was built between the council houses and those of the victims; another park was built in Largo Vittorio Veneto. The post office building has been rebuilt and enlarged, which will soon give back to the public a very modern post office. In the space behind the post office building, the reconstruction of old huts was prevented, giving air and sun to buildings that did not have them and creating the vast Piazza 25 Aprile. In addition to the paving of via Petrogalli, works for the pavement with asphalt tiles of the pavements of Via Garibaldi for L. 3,000,000 have already been contracted out. In the streets of our territory they have been 26 bridges rebuilt. It was in Ascagnano rebuilt the footbridge over the Tiber and it is proceeded at the same time to the arrangement of the road that leads to Palazzetto Nese. A stretch of road from Serra was also built Partucci in Campaola. Every possible cure has been dedicated to school problems, element indispensable for creating a better tomorrow. All the buildings have been restored municipally owned school, it was partly renewed the teaching material and furniture; 250 new ones are now under construction desks and 20 professorships in the amount of L. 2,000,000. Not being able to deal with means financial problems of the City the serious problem of school building, we asked insistently the intervention of the state. Three projects to build school buildings in Civitella, Niccone and Montecastelli are al Ministry of Public Works for a total cost of L. 28,000,000. They are complete in each their part and approved in technical and administrative terms; for over two years, however, they have been piled up and forgotten, because unfortunately at this moment the Christian Democratic regime has to satisfy other customers and therefore cannot satisfy the needs of the municipalities governed by popular administrations. A project for a school building site for the construction of the Pian di Nese-Racchiusole road has been at the Ministry of Labor for several years; despite our pressure on the Ministry and the Prefecture, the funding has not yet been granted. The local population insistently claims it as an area devoid of any trace of road; in the winter season it is really a problem to move from the houses scattered in that area. There are still fractions without light. The Municipality has expanded and built plants in Cioccolanti and Montecastelli; a new plant was built in the hamlets of Buzzacchero and Pian d'Assino, for an amount of L. 1,800,000; the lighting in the capital and in the hamlets was improved for a cost of L. 1,000,000. The possibility of giving electric light to the areas of San Benedetto, Petrella, Ospedalicchio, Mita and Banchetti is being studied. Substantial repairs were made to the Cemeteries of Racchiusole, Santa Giuliana, Polgeto, San Bartolomeo, Migianella, San Paolo, Comunaglia, Verna, Leoncini, with a total cost of L. 4,500,000. Modern public urinals have been installed in the center and in the hamlets. New sewers were built in the capital, in Preggio and in Niccone. The lower butcher's shop has been completely transformed according to hygiene requirements; now the restoration works of the municipal slaughterhouse are in progress; for these two works an expense of L. 1,000,000 is required. Taking into account the serious conditions in which many farmhouses are found, especially in the high hills, a municipal commission has been set up for the application of the health law, art. 223 of 27 July 1934, which forces the owners to carry out the necessary repairs: n. 69 farmhouses; the related practices are in progress, with the result that some owners have already had to carry out the required work. The problem of greatest concern is that of aqueducts, also because our area is very poor in second-layer water to feed them. To improve the existing plants in Cioccolanti, Preggio, Montecastelli and in the provincial capital, Lire 2,600,000 was spent, but more remains to be done, especially in the capital. For this reason, after having carried out all the necessary technical and bureaucratic procedures, last year the survey was carried out for the research of underground waters; the outcome was negative due to insufficient means available (Lire 1,000,000 was used). In our opinion it is necessary to insist on drilling, and this is also the suggestion of the technicians in the field of hydraulics, hoping to find sufficient water for the needs of the population, and then get to the financing of the work. However, at present to make up for this deficiency wells and cisterns have been built, subsidiary works that have reduced the serious shortage of water that has worried citizens for over 30 years in the peak months. The sewer system is linked to the problem of the aqueduct; those already existing have been built with antiquated and unsanitary criteria; in the summer they constitute a serious danger to public health. The problem is urgent and must be addressed with an adequate financial plan. The construction of a well-equipped sports field and a theater capable of satisfying the increased needs of the population also remains to be tackled. SUPPORT Assistance has never been neglected within the maximum limits allowed by the budget, especially with regard to hospital admissions for needy citizens, the distribution of medicines, school meals, marine and mountain colonies. But what the Municipality can do in today's society is very little in the face of the real problem of assistance and the great need of most. The state has the duty to provide for the complete solution of the problem, but a bourgeois government will never be able to allocate billions for relief works. The Municipality spent 11 million Lire on assistance to the poor in the financial year 1951 alone. FINANCIAL PROBLEM The current tax system still regulated by the local finance law of 1931 is now outdated by the times, does not allow the Municipalities any autonomy in this matter and is not suitable for ensuring the indispensable means for the financing of institutional services; moreover, it unjustly distributes the tax burden. The needs of the times, made more acute by the backwardness found in all the most elementary collective services, therefore make it extremely difficult for the municipal administrations to carry out their tasks. These difficulties are noted to a greater extent in the administrations run by Social Communists because they, as far as possible, try to relieve the workers from the tax burden, however they reduce budget revenues, since with the system in place, it is difficult for them to find an adequate counterpart by increasing the taxes to the employer class as appropriate, which by resorting to the GPA escapes its duty towards the community. This state of affairs also forced our Administration to have to apply taxes, albeit to the most limited extent, even to the working class, while its intention was substantially the opposite. On the other hand, in order to ensure a minimum of administrative functioning and to resolve, even partially, the serious problems arising from the war and described above, the municipal administration in the current state of affairs cannot dispose of other resources. State funding is almost nil, all engaged in rearmament. We have always granted municipal employees all increases in allowances to the maximum extent permitted by law. The staff of permanent staff has been expanded. ADMINISTRATION AND POLITICAL LIFE This Administration has not failed to give, within the limits of the right, its support to the initiatives taken by the various city organizations in defense of peace and workers' rights. However, this was not to the satisfaction of the higher Authorities, inspired by an antisocial and intolerant mentality, and the Mayor suffered the consequences: he was repeatedly suspended from office and reported to the Judicial Authority for having authorized the posting of posters in the who criticized the work of the Government, for having spoken in a public rally in favor of peace against the threat of war deriving from the well-known adhesion of our Government to the Atlantic Pact. Some might argue that those provisions were just, since the Mayor must be concerned exclusively with administrative problems; but such an objection appears naive if we consider that administrative problems are always closely linked to political problems, that the inhabitants of a city are not abstract numerical entities, but men animated by demands and needs, moved by hopes and ideals. The problems of the municipal administration are closely linked to the struggles that its citizens wage throughout the country for their emancipation. We could not remain insensitive to the events taking place in Italy and in the world; we knew that by fighting against the war, at the same time we were fighting so that the millions allocated for weapons were again converted into civilian expenses, for our homes, for our aqueduct, for our hospital, for our schools, for our streets. When we fought for peace we felt the duty to do so; in memory of the dead of the sad bombings of 1944, worried about the future of the entire citizenry. THE COUNCIL MINORITY Our work as administrators has lacked the contribution of the Christian Democratic minority, which has deserted almost all the meetings of the Council. It, while remaining in the opposition, could have benefited the country if it had limited itself to a serene criticism and had at least supported us in asking for the intervention of its government friends to finance the public works of greatest interest. When, after the liberation, our representatives also sat in the government, Umbertide was able to quickly carry out public works for several hundreds of millions (2 bridges, railway, warehouse-workshop, public houses, etc.). Since the leftist parties have been expelled from the government, the latter has given priority to the expenses of rearmament and has become deaf to the requests of the populations who want to see at least their most urgent problems solved (the construction of school buildings and the school sites for the construction of rural roads has been waiting for funding from the Ministries for years). Leaving the Administration of the Municipality, due to the expiry of the mandate received, we express our gratitude to the employees, to the Bodies, Associations and individuals who have given us their precious collaboration, we thank the working people who have supported us in our efforts, we wish the Directors who will be elected, to be able to continue our work even more profitably for the good of our country. To this end, we make votes so that the future Municipal Administration can carry out its work with the help of a better Government, which instead of hindering the initiatives of the Municipality through the Prefectural Bodies, understands their needs and gives its concrete support to meet them. . We wish peace and freedom to the hard-working population of our municipality for an ever better tomorrow. and social justice. P. THE MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION A. BELLAROSA - Mayor A. RENZINI - V. Mayor C. PALAZZETTI - Councilor G. RONDONI - " B. BOLDRINI - " M. BELARDINELLI - “Suppl. A. ROSSETTI " Part of the Palazzo delle Poste and via Petrogalli (destroyed by the war) Casa Borgarelli (from Piazza XXV Aprile, demolished by the air raid Building reconstruction in via Andreani (homes for the victims) The back of the Palazzo delle Poste

1915 - ELECTRICITY ARRIVES IN UMBERTIDE From candle to light bulb by Amedeo Massetti and Mario Tosti By the light of a flame In the nineteenth century, going around at night in Fratta was not at all easy, especially when there was no moon. Our ancestors took care to establish the rules in the Statute of Fratta. "We establish and order that no person should go to the castle at night from after the third sign of the bell rang by the town crier, to one hour after sunset for the time in which a miserere is recited, under penalty of 10 soldi per each person and each time. Those who bring lights or embers lit in the vicinity of the house or shop are excluded from the penalty; or doctors or others who brought medicines for the sick or who went to look for the midwife; or even the bakers or whoever brought or brought back the bread from the oven; or for other legitimate causes approved by the podestà. Anyone found by the podestà or by the secret guards with the light or the ember that has gone out against their will, by the wind or other accident, is also excluded from the penalty, provided they are under oath. " Since it was not very convenient for everyone to take their torch for a walk, after a few centuries it was agreed to install fixed night lamps in the most popular places in the historic center of Fratta. Only four or five oil lamps illuminated the darkness of the alleys in the early nineteenth century, as scrupulous and attentive guardians who watched the intimacy of the family and covered the profiles of the houses with soft and suffused light. But they too quickly went out and the faint lights of the few icons, embedded in the walls, which the piety of the faithful lit up every now and then, remained on. In the year 1845, the Frattisan nights were lit by only seven oil lamps. One of them, that of the Piazza dell'Orologio, was larger than the others, with a "more modern" crystal tube; it made more light and consumed more oil. According to the lighting man, it required more work than all the others put together ... The halo of faint light cast by the flames should have created a serene and romantic atmosphere. The maintenance work was less romantic, since the Contractor had to "prepare the street lamps, turn them on and dim them by climbing them by means of a ladder which, being contrary to sound police laws, was a burden to the Contractor himself ... All for 62 scudi a year. " At the end of the century there were 28 street lamps, but the town had also grown and the brightness remained very dim. They remained lit all night only on days of celebration or danger; at the first light of dawn, the man in charge of the street lamps made the rounds to turn them off in order to save the oil, which was at his expense. The arrival of electricity With Perugia, Sansepolcro and Città di Castello rejoicing in the light of the bulbs for some years, Umbertide could not afford to remain in the dark. We began to talk about this need in 1912: the soul of the initiative was Francesco Andreani , a lawyer of great value, elected mayor of Umbertide after the elections of 30 January 1910, which determined an epochal turning point in the Municipality. A preliminary study had been made, probably inspired by the 39 oil lamps currently in existence: perhaps due to the concern about the costs of the new light source, an attempt was made not to take a step longer than the leg, assuming the installation of 35 lamps. . Walking along the way, the appetite increased: the originally planned lamps increased to triple, as shown by the session of the City Council of 24 July 1912, which represented the first formal act towards the goal of electric lighting. Therefore the entire fee charged to the Municipality swelled to £ 4,000, considered by the administrators to be not too burdensome, compared to the great benefits for the country. After three years of ups and downs, on 21 December 1915, with the First World War in progress, the Società Anonima Elettricità Umbra brought electricity to Umbertide. The price of electricity for private individuals was that charged in the city of Perugia by the Concessionaire itself: 60 cents per kWh, when the average hourly earnings of a worker was 25 cents. In the end, 104 light points were called to illuminate the nights of our grandparents and great-grandparents. If, at first, the new form of energy was greeted with amazement and excitement, the shortcomings of the revolutionary service soon cooled the enthusiasm, which turned everywhere into lively protests from the public and the irony of the press. Even the people of Umbria unleashed strong complaints, so that on 9 August 1916 the mayor was forced to take a pen and paper to beat his fists on the manager's table, with almost poetic tones: "It has been noted, and the public expresses complaints, that some time the switching on of the public lighting is carried out in the evening when darkness is advanced and it is switched off before the light of dawn is manifested. Although the expression of the contract regarding the switch-on and switch-off times is a bit vague, please, however, SV Ill. to arrange that this expression is not interpreted in a strictly unilateral way by the employees of the Company but with a criterion of fair breadth. Trusting, thank you and respect. ". The Company, after a week, replied hastily that the hours were the same for all the other municipalities, including that of Perugia, and that no one had complained. However, he left a crack open, proposing a meeting with the Director. And the Mayor had to take the bait, to no avail. Electricity in every home In 1931 the Società Anonima Elettricità Umbra was absorbed by UNES, which took over the service in Umbertide, with the cabin operator Armando Settembre, helped by Romeo Guasticchi and Mariano Manuali. With the growing possibilities offered by electricity, the City developed the capabilities to build and operate new plants. In this task the engineer Egino Villarini played a fundamental role. In fact, for having been part, as secretary, of the National Liberation Committee, he was well known and appreciated in the Municipality; therefore it was natural that in the first years of the postwar period his collaboration was requested and obtained. The opportunity arose when the then manager of the maintenance sector, Mario Tacconi, asked him to examine some estimates for the modernization of the public lighting systems in Via Roma and Via Garibaldi. It was immediately evident how exaggerated the prices were; therefore it would have been much more advantageous to carry out the work economically, with the means and staff of the institution, avoiding tenders. Since then a collaboration relationship was born that would last until the end of the century and beyond. The engineer, having made the calculations, took care of the procurement of materials, obtaining favorable prices thanks to the contacts he already had with suppliers. But to make the connections, a collaborator was needed to take care of the manual work. The choice fell on Giuseppe Tarragoni, a former tailor, then employed in the Municipality of Umbertide as a roadster. From that moment the couple became inseparable. Arranged via Roma and via Garibaldi, via Cibo, via Soli, piazza Marconi, part of the historic center and more were also modernized. Giuseppe learned quickly and well, coming to be hired as an electrician. Electricity accelerated the transition from the old to the new: the symbol of the transition can be well represented by the electric pumps that the engineer Villarini mounted on the treks of a landowner, together with the wooden cabins for the electrical panels, so as to be able to make the shuttles from one point of the Tiber to the other to irrigate the fields. The collaboration of engineer Villarini with the Municipality, which lasted more than thirty years, ended with the lifting of the waters in Monte Acuto. Reached the maximum peak, the time has come for a well-deserved rest. CAINO, the ferryman from oil lamps to electric lights Giuseppe Bettoni, known as Caino , was a knife grinder. To round off he had accepted the task of the Municipality to turn the street lamps on and off. In order to carry out his function, early in the morning Cain wandered through the streets and, either because of that mocking spirit that animated him, or because he did not feel completely alone, he loved to call his acquaintances who lived in the streets where he passed. So he shouted: "Gigia! Stay in bed that nengue!" or "People, alzative 'ché there' l sole" , even if it was not true. In short, he was a precursor of the meteorological service, but with surprise. With the arrival of electricity, the role of dispenser of light by means of a lever, allowed him to gain undying notoriety in the village. In fact, when the light went out, at the same time everyone's thoughts went to him, the only one able to do the miracle: fiat lux! A few minutes of darkness were enough for the common plea to be intoned inside every house: "Cain, the light will burn!" . And if the time was prolonged, the comments spread from window to window: “What is Cain doing tonight! He is sleeping?" , "It is up to you to see, that if he plays with Martina (his wife)!" . The frequent miracle of the defeated darkness, thanks to his intervention on the main switch placed on the external wall of the Town Hall in Via Grilli, had made him deserve a popular refrain that imagined him wandering among the stars of the firmament competing with his street lamps to lighten the night: “I see the moon / I see the stars / I see Cain / making pancakes” . 'THE CUCCO Raffaele Bracalenti, known only as ' l Cucco , was built between the forge and the anvil in the dark cave of the municipal workshop in Via Soli. Particularly devoted to autarchy, perhaps due to unconscious plagiarism suffered during the dictatorship, he had even built, refusing to buy it in the shop, an umbrella with a metal hat shaped like a hammer and fixed at the top to a water pipe from three quarters of an inch. And woe to anyone who thought it uncomfortable! But what does a blacksmith have to do with electricity? The truth is that Cucco had a particular passion for light bulbs, especially for burned out ones, which he considered a precious brass mine, at zero kilometers. To exploit it, he had set up a rigorous procedure, based on a brass pact with the maintenance worker: do not throw away the broken bulbs, but return them to the workshop, an essential condition for having as many new ones in exchange. It is not known what happened to the glass; but inevitably each butt of the old lamps ended up in a basket which, having reached the optimal batch for casting, was emptied into the crucible above the forge. The molten mass was poured into a plaster mold in order to cool in the form of a tube, from which Raffaele, after a day's work, produced a tap for the water of the public fountains. Two birds with one stone: cremator of light bulbs and manufacturer of taps! ZUMBOLA The collection of bills could not fail to be entrusted to Gino Sonaglia, known as Zumbola , who had all the ideal requirements. In fact, with his resume as a collector of rabbit and lamb skins, he knew all the heads of families in the suburbs and in the countryside; with the people of the capital, being a friend of everyone, he knew their stories and residences; moreover, there was no dance party missing, a precious opportunity to get to know the youth. In 1953, UNES jumped at his candidacy as the ideal public relation. To the knowledge of the clientele and the ability to take it by the side of the hair, he added the natural gift of a smiling gaze, reinforced by an intriguing mustache: avant-garde of a jovial and expansive character that captured friendship. Zumbola was the best way to lightly face the thankless task of asking for money for something you don't eat, like light, even from those who didn't have a penny. Gino returned the trust with the utmost commitment. The collection procedure began in the family, where his wife Elvira and their children Luciana and Zumbolino jr fanned the bills on the kitchen table, to group them in order of street, hamlet, country words. With the bag on his shoulder, Gino tackled the tour, every month for companies, every two for families. To take the debtors with caution, preparing them for bloodletting, he did not ring the bell or the knocker of the door, but announced himself from a distance with his powerful voice, interspersed with whistles that broke the eardrums, singing their name with cheerful metrics. From the "Calendar of Umbertide 2015" Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2015 Concept and editorial project: Adriano Bottaccioli ; Texts: Adriano Bottaccioli , Mario Tosti , Amedeo Massetti , Fabio Mariotti. The texts on this page are excerpts from the book: "From the candle to the light bulb" by Amedeo Massetti and Mario Tosti, Local Publishing Group - Digital Editor srl - Umbertide (Pg), also containing ideas taken from the book "Umbertide in the nineteenth century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Gesp Editrice, Città di Castello, 2001.

GENERALE ALBERTO BRIGANTI UN PIONIERE DELL’AVIAZIONE GENERAL ALBERTO BRIGANTI AN AVIATION PIONEER curated by Fabio Mariotti by Alvaro Gragnoli The Frecce Tricolori for the 100th anniversary of the General August 31, 1996. The roar of the engines of the PAN MB339s, Aerobatic Team Nazionale Frecce Tricolori, is felt throughout Umbertide making the windows tremble houses. It forces citizens to roll their eyes to admire those planes so low, with the tricolor painted under the wings and on the fuselage, that in an instant disappear from sight. But after a few minutes here they appear again leaving a long trail of white, red and green smoke, and waving its wings in greeting up to disappear in the distance. Enthusiasm and surprise mix because not everyone knows that in the council chamber municipal, with a simple ceremony, wishes are being given to the general of the Alberto Briganti Air Force. He has just turned one hundred and the Frecce Tricolori they came to pay homage to the soldier and the man who had so much importance in the history of national aviation. But the Air Force Band also wanted to be present on this unrepeatable occasion and, in the evening, held a very popular concert at the Teatro del Parco Ranieri. The birth in Umbertide in 1896 If Umbertide has given valuable pilots, some of which are highly decorated (1), and if many young people continue to enlist in aviation, it is also due to the story of Briganti. Which curiously begins as a sailor. Born in Umbertide on December 22, 1896, he was orphaned by his mother at the age of two and was raised by his grandmother, who managed to get him to study until he graduated from secondary school. Perhaps we would have had one more teacher or accountant, and one less general if, during the holidays of the year of middle school, two Umbertidesi had not returned to the city and they would push him to the choice of life. One is long-time captain Armando Bettoni, who is he will thrill with stories about his life as a sailor, and the other is Count Balilla Grilli, director of the “Vittorio Emanuele” marine college in Livorno, who invites him to enroll in his school. And the young Alberto leaves for Livorno, where in 1915 he will obtain his nautical diploma and, at the beginning of 1916, having not yet called up the draft of 1896, he embarks on the steamship “Assiria”. He begins to navigate between the various ports of the Tyrrhenian Sea, but as soon as the course for additional officer cadets at the Naval Academy is announced, he applies and is ranked eleventh out of 120 participants. From the Navy to the Aviation It is during the exams that the admiral commanding the school informs them that the Navy needs airmen and invites them to apply. Sixteen of them decide in this sense and so the young Alberto who, his comment, "I went to the Nautical Institute without having seen the sea and without knowing how to swim, I went to aviation without ever having seen an airplane up close" (2), is envoy at the Flight School of Taranto, where he follows the course held by ten. of ship Mario Calderara, Italian pilot's license n.1 and pupil of Wilbur Wright. In May 1917 he obtained the seaplane pilot license and was assigned to the Venice office. We are in the middle of the war and the bombing and reconnaissance actions carried out at the controls of an L3 aircraft built by Macchi are daily. The objectives are mainly the port of Pula, the base of the navy Austrian, and the area around the Piave river. It is in the course of one of these actions that he is injured the thigh while still managing to return to the base even with the plane riddled with shots. In the Great War he was decorated with two medals bronze for the following reasons: “Bold seaplane pilot, after having strafed at low altitude stalking of enemy machine gunners, although wounded, seen his squadron leader descend into the swamp, he lingered on the spot until he made sure it was rescue from another seaplane and, despite the suffering, he then brought the aircraft back to the departure station demonstrating great fortitude. Basso Piave December 16, 1917 ". "Seaplane pilot was performing numerous bombings […] in enemy territory demonstrating always zeal and in various critical circumstances, admirable courage and calm. Upper Adriatic July-December 1918 "(3). The end of the war found him in Ancona from where he was transferred in May 1919, at the headquarters in Fiume. There he lives with D'Annunzio the whole dramatic history of that city. Returning to civilian life, he founds an airline, which however has a short life troubled. He then presents himself to the competition announced by the Regia Marina for officers in SPE, he brilliantly overtakes it and is embarked on the battleship “Vittorio Emanuele ”with the rank of lieutenant. But it is clear that his fate it is not facing the sea because, when it was founded in October 1923 the Air Force as an independent body, the decision to change the uniform of the Navy with that of the Air Force is taken without any second thoughts. “I had to choose my fate. I had been an aviator for five years […] I was slipped twice into the sea, I had been wounded in the air, faced storms and grazed death many times, but I had never had a moment of perplexity for having chosen to be a pilot " . (A. Briganti. "Op. Quoted) Thus he met Italo Balbo who had been entrusted with the task of organizing the new weapon, became his instructor for the pilot's license on seaplanes and in 1927 he was his flight assistant. In this new role she organizes and participates in various air cruises in the Mediterranean and in Europe. The one that sees him most committed at an organizational level and in which he should have participated as a driver, is the Atlantic crossing on the Savoia-Marchetti S.55A seaplanes from Rome to Brazil, which made Balbo and the Italian Air Force famous all over the world. But comes the appointment as aide-de-camp to the King, to which he cannot say no and must necessarily renounce. He will leave this post in 1933 to take command of the seaplane base of Orbetello. In this capacity, when his subject, the pilot lieutenant Roberto Federici asks him to be a witness at his wedding willingly accepts. The bride is a certain Claretta Petacci, who sadly ended her life alongside the Duce in Dongo. In 1936, at the age of forty, he was promoted to general. Duke Amedeo d'Aosta, commander of the first air division L'Aquila, communicates this to him. From that moment on, he would have been employed by him, having managed "to snatch him from Italo Balbo who wanted him with him" (4). He will remain with the duke for a little less than two years when, after a short period in the ministry as head of the training and operations department of the General Staff, he is assigned to Tripoli as commander of the Libyan Air Force. He thus returned to the employ of Balbo, who at that moment was the Governor of the Italian colony. In 1938 he was at his side in Germany in the meeting he had with Goering and Hitler, and with him he remained in Libya until the end of May 1940, when he was assigned to command the Milan Air Zone. On June 10, Italy also enters the war. On the 28th of the same month Italo Balbo will be shot down by our anti-aircraft in the skies of Tobruch (5). Thus closes a cycle of Briganti's life that had been full of satisfaction and interest. War, imprisonment and escape In March 1943, after spending about a year as commander-in-chief of the Navy Aviation (Italy was preparing an aircraft carrier, "L'Aquila", which was damaged by British bombing and the project was abandoned), destined for the command of the Air Force of the Aegean based in Rhodes. Here is the 8th of September and when the Germans invite all the military Italians to enlist in their army, the gen. Briganti refuses and sends a letter to the German command, of which we report a passage: “Today the King of Italy has ordered the suspension of hostilities towards the Anglo-American armed forces. Having taken an oath of loyalty to the King, the Departments of the Aegean Air Force feel the obligation to obey his orders and therefore declare, through me, to refrain from hostile acts both against the Anglo-Americans and against the Germanic troops: not therefore they can enlist in any army other than the Italian one ”. The consequence of this letter is the arrest and the transfer to Lager 64 / Z of Schokken in Poland, where he arrives after a long transfer first by plane and then by train. Lager 64 / Z is a camp intended for senior officers and the life of the prisoners takes place in an acceptable way if compared to other camps, albeit with many privations. Several times the commander of the camp invites the officers to enlist in the army of the Republic of Salò, but they only accept General Biseo, who was Mussolini's personal pilot, and a few others. Thus we arrive at January 20, 1945 when, to escape the advance of the Russian army, the Germans begin the transfer from the camp. It is a very hard march on frozen snow, with the temperature even dropping to 20 degrees below zero, but after five days of suffering, during a stop in the village of Rosko, near the city of Wielen, then the border with Germany, comes the opportunity to escape. It is a local farmer, a certain Domina, who proposes it to the prisoners to whom he is distributing milk and bread, telling them that he would help them. What to do? Go ahead and face the SS who see them as traitors or take risks with the Soviet soldiers instead? The gen. Briganti, the gen. Francesco Arena and ten. with the. of the air force Carlo Unia decide to try. Helped by the farmer who hides them from the sight of the guards, they slip into the door of a house. The column of prisoners passes in front of their hiding place and when it has disappeared in the distance, the three fugitives, accompanied by the Pole, head towards his home. Here they are refreshed and can finally sleep in shelter and warmth. Three days after the escape, on the evening of January 28, Domina and ten. with the. Unia have been out for a while to listen to a clandestine radio, when the door opens violently and two Soviet soldiers appear. Domina's sister tries to explain that the two are Italian prisoners who escaped from the Germans, but the two Soviets, shouting "Italianski, fascisti", violently push her away and they push Briganti and Arena out of the door threatening them with rifles. In the courtyard, while one of them keeps his rifle pointed, the other searches them and appropriates the little they have. The gen. Arena addresses Briganti with the words "here they kill us like dogs", to which Briganti replies: "Dear Arena, we thought we had guessed, but we were wrong". He does not hear the shot, but only a violent blow to the head that makes him fall to the ground unconscious. He will find out only several days later but, when he is lifeless on the ground, the soldier fires a second shot at him which wounds him in the neck. When he wakes up, he tries to understand what happened and only realizes the wound in his left ear that has torn part of the scalp. He sheds a lot of blood and can't stand, but he's alive, even if the pain in the head is excruciating. Look for gen. Arena and sees it a stone's throw from him poured in his blood. He did not have the same luck (6). With much suffering he drags himself home, the blow to the ear has upset the sense of balance and only with great pain does he manage to enter. All fours approaches the bed and, sitting on the ground, leans on it exhausted. A little later he hears one patter outside the door and thinks it is Unia and Domina returning. He calls them, but sees the two Soviet soldiers from just before entering. Then he lets himself slide to the ground, his right hand under his head, hoping that they think he is dead. It is not so. One shot and the bullet hits the thumb and touches the head. He closes his eyes thinking that this time he will not have the same luck and when he feels a contact in his chest, he thinks it is the barrel of the gun for the last shot. But it is the soldier's hand that tears off the insignia of his uniform and then he goes away. The next morning Domina, together with col. Unia finds him lying on the bed, with the blood he has crossed the pillow and spilled onto the floor. He gives him first aid but only after a fortnight does he partially regain his sense of balance and can be transported to the hospital in Scharnikow about twenty kilometers away. It is here that he discovers that there are two head injuries that, however, are fortunately healing. The wound on the thumb is infected, the finger is very sore and swollen to the point that it needs to be cut. There are no surgical instruments and a sharpener disinfected by the flame of a lighter is used. In the absence of medicines, the wound is treated in an "artisanal" way, with the methods used by local farmers; the effects are still very effective and it will heal perfectly, while it will take several months to recover the balance. Meanwhile, the situation is slowly, albeit chaotically, normalizing and the Soviets organize the grouping of ex-prisoners of the Germans, Italians and allies, for repatriation. The lack of means, the interrupted lines and the resulting chaos will make the return journey long and difficult, albeit alleviated by the availability and help of the populations of the various countries crossed. The first days of September 1945 Alberto Briganti is in Ukraine from where he finally manages to continue with a certain regularity through half of Europe and to reach Italy. On 5 October 1945 he reunites with his family. The two head wounds, now healed, are the silent testimony of how much luck has helped him. The postwar period After the hostilities, we proceed with the reorganization of the Ministry of Aeronautics. Chief of Staff is appointed gen. of air squad Mario Ajmone-Cat, who wants the gen. Brigands in the commission charged with studying the new system. For the laws on the matter, Briganti is submitted to the judgment of the 1st degree commission for the purge of military personnel, accused of "having carried out undoubted fascist political activity by participating in action squads". But he was acquitted "for not having given manifestations of serious bias and having already for many years detached himself from the fascist ideology and abstained from further and specific political activities". In August 1946 he was appointed Deputy Chief of Staff to replace gen. Ajmone-Cat, sent to Paris for peace negotiations. In a speech to the Chamber, the Hon. Cingolani, Minister of the Air Force, to silence concerns that there were generals with fascist and monarchist backgrounds at the top, declares: "If these officers, who yesterday were monarchists in good faith, in good faith today they accept to serve the Republic, and it is the case of the new Chief of Staff (Briganti, ed.), there is no reason not to believe that faith and that word "(7). In the six months that he held the post, Briganti managed to establish excellent personal relationships with his American allies, which gave him the opportunity to reconstitute a first military aviation unit using aircraft decommissioned by the allies. At the same time, he obtained the authorization to set up a civil aviation company. Thus was born the LAI (Italian Airlines) associated with the US TWA, immediately followed by another company, Alitalia, associated with British Airways. Subsequently, the two companies will merge into one, with the name Alitalia. In the years 1948-1949 Briganti was secretary general of the Air Force and in this capacity he was responsible for the design of the new Rome airport, which became necessary because that of Ciampino, due to the increased commercial traffic, is becoming insufficient. The choice falls on the Fiumicino area. Briganti presents a project that, at the Paris Air Show in 1949, collects the admiration of all experts; they call it "the most rational airport in the world". But in 1951, when he was general manager of Civil Aviation, he was unable to oppose a series of changes that would completely upset the project and lead to what is now the “Leonardo da Vinci” airport. Briganti will also hold the positions of president of the superior council of the Air Force and president of the superior council of the Armed Forces. He retired in 1954, having reached the age limit, with the rank of "four-star air squad general". At the time of his leave, the then President of the Republic Giovanni Gronchi, addressed this letter to the general: Dear General, when you leave the permanent service for having reached the age limit, I am pleased to send you the expression of gratitude that the Country and the Air Force owe you for what you have done for both as Navy and Air Force Officer. Bold pilot in peace and war, Commander of large mobilized air units, heroic defender of the island of Rhodes on 8 September 1943, reorganizer of the Italian military and civil Air Force as Chief of Staff and Secretary General of the Air Force, President of the Superior Council of the Armed Forces; these are the brilliant stages of your service, which make you a high example of soldier, organizer and leader. The firmness and pride of mind demonstrated during the internment in Poland, which left marks in His spirit and in His body still visible today, add a note of moral value which, together with the daring and high sense of duty, make it for the Air Force and for the country well worthy of esteem and memory. Please, dear General, my best wishes and many cordial greetings. Giovanni Gronchi. Rome June 16, 1955 (8). Among the many Italian and foreign decorations of which gen. Briganti was awarded the very high honor of "Knight of the Grand Cross of the Military Order of Italy", with the following motivation: "General Officer of high military qualities [...] Commander of the Air Force of the Aegean, at the time of the armistice he kept an exemplary demeanor as a man and as a Commander, personally following and pointing out to his employees the way of honor and duty. Aegean 1943 "(9). The monument at the Umbertide cemetery Briganti died in Rome on 2 July 1997 and was buried in the cemetery of "his" Umbertide. The story could end here, but we want to tell one last episode, indicative of how hard it is to die a mentality anchored in a distant past. In the early 2000s, the Umbertide Airmen Association, led by the colonel pilot Giuseppe Cozzari (silver medal and war cross for military valor), who with gen. Briganti collaborated after the war, he would like to honor with a monument the fellow citizen who gave so much prestige to his hometown. All the associates, but in particular the col. Cozzari and Marshal Muzio Venti , will work body and soul to achieve the target. The task of designing it is entrusted to Adriano Bottaccioli , painter, graphic, historical, much appreciated not only in Umbertide. The local Lions supports the initiative providing all possible help, including financial. The Cassa foundations also contribute di Risparmio di Perugia and Città di Castello. The municipal administration, to which it comes requested a space for the placement of the monument, he prevaricates for a long time until he gives his own decided "no". The reasons, even if not explicitly stated, seem obvious: yes it can honor those who have had a fascist past, albeit subordinated to a high sense of State, even if he acquired considerable merit in the activities to which he was called by Italian republic. We forget that in the much warmer years immediately after the war, with a very different spirit, a municipal administration of the same political color, had even organized the funeral - it was later learned that it was fake because the body was not been found again - to honor the driver Fausto Fornaci, who fell fighting for the Italian Social Republic. Meanwhile the years pass, the col. Cozzari and Marshal Venti and the stalemate does not seem to be unblocked. Finally, in 2008, a compromise was proposed: the monument could have its place inside the city cemetery. If, as Foscolo says, "the strong soul ignites the urn of the strong for excellent things", this is certainly not the ideal place, far from the gaze of anyone. But no alternatives are allowed. The solution is accepted, obtorto collo, and the monument is placed in the area of the new cemetery. A wonderful example to our dear departed ones. NOTE: 1. as Fausto Fornaci (Altotiberine Pages n.50), Gen. EMPucci (2 silver medals and War Cross at VM, Gen. A. Contini (3 silver medals at VM). two wars, there were 18 silver medals in the VM, 4 war crosses, 6 bronze medals, numerous commendations. (Luciana Ranieri Honorati. "The Umbrians in the history of flight" - Perugia 1984 - San Paolo di Tivoli. ) 2. A. Briganti, “Beyond the clouds the serene” Nuovo Studio Tecna - Rome - 2nd ed. Sept. 1994 3. Luciana Ranieri Honorati "The Umbrians in the history of flight - Perugia 1984‐ 4. Duke Amedeo d'Aosta defined Briganti's military and professional qualities in this way: “The complex of his moral skills, his culture and serenity of character, make it easy for him to work as an educator. Employees immediately feel confident in him and carry out their duties with keen enthusiasm. A very skilled pilot, he demonstrates in navigation that he possesses uncommon qualities for safety, expertise and in-depth knowledge of all the most modern systems. Excellent bombing pilot with 20/20. Excellent general of the Air Bombardment Brigade. May 1937 ". (Lucia R.Honorati. Op. Cited) 5. The next day an RAF plane parachuted a laurel wreath on the Italian field with the following note: "The British air forces express their sincere regret for the death of Marshal Balbo, a great leader and a valiant aviator who fate posed in the adverse field ". Today the body of Italo Balbo rests among those of the Atlantic flyers in a sector of the Orbetello cemetery reserved for them. 6. He will be buried in the small cemetery of the town and the grave will always be cared for by some inhabitants, until his return to Italy about fifteen years later. (A. Briganti. Op. Cited) 7. A. Briganti. Op. Cited 8. A. Briganti. Op. Cited 9. Luciana Ranieri Honorati. (Op cited) The photos, and the quotations in italics of the text, are taken from the book " Beyond the clouds the serene " by A. Briganti, and from the internet. The photos of the ceremonies are by Fabio Mariotti. Sources: Alberto Briganti “ Beyond the clouds, the serene ” 2nd edition ‐ September 1994 - Nuovo Studio Tecna ‐ Rome Luciana Ranieri Honorati. “ The Umbrians in the history of flight ” - Perugia 1984 - San Paolo di Tivoli printing press. This essay was published in nr. 53 - 2014 by Pagine Altotiberine published by the "Historical Association of the Upper Tiber Valley" on p. 127 It has also been published on the website “umbertideturismo.it” - Municipality of Umbertide The Frecce Tricolori above the Collegiate Church The religious ceremony in the Collegiate Church On the right, the General accompanied by Marshal Muzio Venti The Macchi L3 plane 1955. The General with the mayor Faloci after his leave The cover of the autobiographical book The Lt. Col. Pilot dr. Giuseppe Cozzari The project of the monument by Adriano Bottaccioli The monument at the Umbertide cemetery (Photo by Alvaro Gragnoli) The monument during the inauguration The deposition of a crown by the military authorities

The historic calendars of Umbertide Adriano Bottaccioli, the creator of the Umbertide Calendar and author of the illustrations and of the editorial and graphic project of all editions In the photo alongside, from left: Fabio Mariotti, Adriano Bottaccioli, Mario Tosti and Amedeo Massetti. Below, from left: Walter Rondoni, Fabio Mariotti, Adriano Cerboni, Amedeo Massetti and Mario Tosti with the cover of the second edition of the Calendar. The idea of an Umbertidese lunarium could only arise from the brain (and heart) of an emigrant-commuter fellow citizen, due to that particular sensitivity towards his own land that the distance develops; but Adriano Bottaccioli did not just pull the stone and hide his hand, as many "thinkers" too often do, but sharpened his formidable pencil and intellect to give his intuition a body full of warmth and collective intimacy . An editorial staff was set up around Adriano made up of Mario Tosti , Amedeo Massetti and Fabio Mariotti to whom Walter Rondoni was added who guaranteed quality and continuity of work and to whom other collaborators were then added year by year because good ideas, fortunately, are still contagious and many have been ready to have fun lending a hand, with the enthusiasm of rediscovering themselves part of a community, which comes from the same memories and moves towards the same goals and expectations. The Calendar, on its first release, aroused great surprise and huge success among the citizens, especially among the people of Umbria residents in other cities and abroad (to which was promptly sent): and they began to get enthusiastic letters from the City every where. All copies were snapped up (many requests they came even from nearby cities) and it was necessary prepare a second reissue. This convinced the municipal administration to continue the initiative, considered a important tool to strengthen even more the identity and values of the community and in the same time to fix historical and cultural aspects that otherwise they would have risked getting lost. 1992 calendar Read the calendar 1993 Calendar Laws the calendar 1994 calendar Read the calendar 1992 . The first edition of the Umbertide Calendar has the role of a lunario - almanac, presenting all the aspects of our cultural traditions: from the dialect to the idioms; from proverbs, to games, to nursery rhymes, to popular chants; from the typical dishes of our peasant civilization, to the nicknames that were once given to all the members of our small community. 1993 . The second edition the research on popular traditions and local linguistic aspects continued, but also the "ancient crafts" were included and "portraits" of Umbertidese characters were added who, for their originality and sympathy, had left their mark on the collective memory and were remembered by all with love. There were also memories of nice village events or famous jokes that occurred several decades ago, but still remembered by many. 1994 . The 1994 Calendar, continuing on the traditional mainstay, examined above all the events of the Second World War in Umbertide, with particular regard to the tragic aerial bombardment of April 25, which marked the fiftieth anniversary. 1995 calendar Read the calendar 1996 Calendar Read the calendar 1997 Calendar Read the calendar 1995. The following year, 1995, saw a calendar dedicated to the "great trades" that have characterized the life of the city from 1900 onwards; the most important, those that have interested and continue to interest generations of Umbertidesi and those who have disappeared or risk disappearing in the name of a modernity that too often tramples on traditions and cancels creativity. 1996 . In 1996 the research on popular traditions was extended to twelve municipalities of Altotiberini, Umbria and Tuscany (Anghiari, Citerna, Città di Castello, Lisciano Niccone, Monterchi, Monte S. Maria Tiberina, Montone, Pietralunga, Pieve S. Stefano, San Giustino, Sansepolcro , Umbertide). The Calendar of the Upper Tiber Valley was born, distributed in many copies by the publisher Cerboni of Città di Castello. 1997 . The 1997 Calendar was dedicated to the rediscovery of the ancient districts of Umbertide, with the trades, games and characters that animated the alleys and squares of the time. Ramiro, Giovanni, Bigo Bago, Pàrise, Silvio de Santa Maria, L'Andella and Federico, 'The accountant Martinelli, Checco de Camillo, Peppe de la Fascìna, L'Ottavia, L'Alba de Budidò, Tomassino. 1998 calendar Read the calendar 1999 calendar Read the calendar 2000 calendar Read the calendar 1998 . 1998 was the turn of the historical associations of Umbertide which formed the soul of the city and involved thousands of people in their recreational, social, cultural and sporting activities. 1999 . Since 1999 the main theme of the Calendar has shifted towards historical research on Umbertide, based on the very rich material collected in decades of passionate research by Renato Codovini . The monuments and the most ancient defensive works of the past have begun to be examined in depth, often providing unpublished information, such as those on the "Saracina" tower at the beginning of the bridge, on the Collegiate Church, on the castle walls, on the door of San Francesco, on the great fourteenth-century dam on the Tiber. Numerous news also on the hamlets of Umbertide, such as Preggio, Pierantonio, Montecastelli. On the left, Renato Codovini 2000 . The nineteenth century was the main theme of the end of the millennium calendar. The nineteenth-century Fratta, albeit with the necessary brevity, has been examined in all its aspects: public safety, the administration of the Municipality, traffic and communications, agriculture, associations and institutions, music, theater and leisure, industrial activities, commerce, health, public education, the postal service, transport, the population. An unprecedented slice of life that has fascinated many people. Elementary and middle schools have adopted it as a news source for historical research on our recent past. 2001 Calendar Read the calendar Calendar 2002 Read the calendar Calendar 2003 Read the calendar 2001 . In 2001 the Calendar celebrated its tenth anniversary with a special edition that carried all those of its predecessors on its cover. The main topic was the eighteenth-century Fratta. Map of the siege of Fratta during the "War of the Grand Duke" Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli 2002 . Always continuing on the historical trend, we arrived at the 2002 calendar, which dealt with Fratta in the seventeenth century, providing information of great interest on the life of our small fortified city in the seventeenth century. The famous “blacksmiths of Fratta” appeared there, the potters with their precious ceramics. The way to live, to dress, to have fun was described. The school, the music, the theater, the "hotels". The life and poems of Filippo Alberti, a famous poet and man of letters from Fratta, a friend of Torquato Tasso. Numerous curiosities. It contained the names of the families of the seventeenth century and their events. Finally, an accurate and exciting exposition of the "War of the Grand Duke" which hit Fratta in the autumn of 1643. The siege of the Tuscan army, the fortifications, the defense of the walls, the great flood of the Tiber. Until the general exultation for the narrow escape. 2003 . No less interesting was the 2003 edition, with the presentation of the laborious life of the Fratta of the sixteenth century. The first “photograph” left by Cipriano Piccolpasso in 1565 was published there, reproduced for the first time from the original - kept in the National Central Library of Rome - with the digital system. The quality of the enlarged image provided details that had not been possible to observe with previous photographic reproductions; many details of the castle and of the lower village emerged, with very interesting aspects of the architectural structure, of the military fortifications, of the productive activities of Fratta. Really exciting. Calendar 2004 Read the calendar 2005 calendar Read the calendar 2006 Calendar Read the calendar 2004 . The 2004 Calendar provided surprising information on the 15th century Fratta. The stay of Pico della Mirandola in our small village, chosen as the ideal place to write the "manifesto of the Renaissance"; the presence of a prestigious Jewish community; the many important figures of national importance who were born here, such as the illustrious jurist Giovanni Pachino and the pontifical archiatrist Andrea Cibo. News always drawn from the precious research of Renato Codovini . 2005 . After popular traditions, dialect, ancient crafts and historical research, a new phase has opened with 2005. This year's Calendar has in fact opened the line of images more important to everyone, than real family albums. A photographic story of the families of Umbria in the most significant moments of life. Edition that has achieved extraordinary success for the sense of intimacy and the high evocative value that it is successful to create. 2006 . The 2006 Calendar also continued in the vein of family images. The most important images for everyone, real family albums. A photographic story of the families of Umbria in the most significant moments of life. Edition that has replicated the success of that of the previous year, always for the sense of intimacy and the high evocative value it created. 2007 Calendar Read the calendar Calendar 2008 Read the calendar Calendar 2009 Read the calendar 2007 . This edition concludes the section dedicated to the images of the families of Umberto in the most significant moments of life. Three editions that have met with great success success for the sense of intimacy and the high evocative value that they managed to create, also involving citizens in the search for often forgotten photos. 2008 . The 2008 Calendar was instead dedicated to the knowledge and enhancement of important works of art in our Municipality. On each page of the month it was one of the great works that are part of the artistic heritage of the city and the territory. Signorelli , Pomarancio , Pinturicchio , Nero Alberti , Corrado Cagli , Ernesto Freguglia : the great artists who have left traces of their work in Umbertide. The graphic design in which the work was carried out is also splendid. 2009 . In 2009, however, the Calendar guided the visit to the Town Hall, formerly the luxurious residence of the Bourbon Marquis of Sorbello, which has been the seat of the local administration offices since 1841. A detailed illustration of this historic building, the heart of public life in Umbertide, of all its architectural features, and its notable artistic merits. In addition to the description of the "noble" floor - seat of the halls of the Mayor, the Council and the Executive - full of sculptures and frescoes, also detailed images and maps to improve knowledge of all the offices that provide services to citizens every day. Calendar 2010 Laws the calendar 2011 Calendar Read the calendar 2012 Calendar Read the calendar 2010. The 2010 edition completely changed the subject, turning attention to the world of work, to the vast productive world of our territory. Shops and workshops, factories and farms, construction sites, schools, hospitals, shops. Ingenious and creative craftsmen who qualify our productive world, competent and passionate entrepreneurs who face sacrifices and risks for their own company. It was surprising to discover the very high technological level of some companies and that certain products for brands of national importance, such as Fiat. Maserati and Ferrari are manufactured in Umbertide. 2011 . The 2011 Calendar was dedicated to the Tiber, to which the life of our city has always been linked. The story of Fratta on the river, a secure military defense and bringer of floods and destruction; the characteristic figures, the washerwomen, the fishermen, the "renaioli", the "bracelets", the carters. The characters who lived in symbiosis with the river, the fishing systems, the fluvial flora and fauna, the cuisine of the Tiber. Finally, the historical events on the Tiber, from the siege of the Tuscan army in 1643 to the aerial bombardment of 1944 which aimed at the destruction of the bridge. Fantastic illustrations: a highly evocative calendar. 2012 . The 2012 edition celebrated the twentieth anniversary of the calendar, with a special issue that retraced the history of the Umbertian lunar year by year, with an exciting ride back in time. We spent more than seven thousand days and 175 thousand hours together. Beautiful and less beautiful days, marked by joys but also by disappointments, successes and failures. Almost a lifetime, and we did it by discovering and rediscovering the history of Fratta, both the big and the small one, made up of many stories, anecdotes, characters who have left their mark on the community. 2013 Calendar Read the calendar 2014 Calendar Read the calendar 2015 Calendar Read the calendar 2013 . This edition was entirely dedicated to CUISINE , in particular the local one, with columns related to the theme of food: the recipe of the month, smells, spices, good herbs, mushrooms and truffles, the professions of food, magnà alla frattegiana, ristulzini 'ntorno al foco, food anthology. A particularly appetizing calendar in which the inspiration and competence of Adriano Bottaccioli were exalted. 2014 . The main theme of the 2014 edition is the Fratta of the nineteenth century which relives every year in the historical re-enactment in costume for the squares, streets and alleys of the historic center. The inns and taverns, the festive air, the shows and events, as people lived then, portraits from the 1800s, 150 years as a Umbertidesi. This edition was dedicated to Amedeo Massetti and Peppe Cecchetti who left us, the first a backbone of the Calendar since birth, the second great collaborator with his photographic art. 2015 . Umbertide between '800 and' 900: The 100 years of the Tiberis, the arrival of electricity in the city, the story of Zelmirina Agnolucci, the Rometti family and ceramic art, the Central Apennine Railway and the Umbrian Central, Leoncillo, the minimal anthology of writings on Umbertide . These are the topics covered. 2016 Calendar Read the calendar 2016 . It is the 25th edition and it is also the last one signed by Adriano Bottaccioli and his editorial staff. An exciting cycle closes with a calendar addressed, as a sign of homage and thanks, to the UMBERTIDESI IN THE WORLD . The history, the memories, the characters, the images of the many people from Umberto who went to seek their fortune all over the world, where they proved to be "... diligent, ingenious, solicitous and avid ..." as they were already defined, in the mid-16th century, by Cipriano Piccolpasso. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com