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Storia, memoria ed identità Umbertide. Il sito si propone di divulgare la storia, la cultura e la memoria di coloro che hanno abitato ad Umbertide (Pg) per contribuire alla costruzione di una identità culturale comune nel rispetto dei principi Costituzionali. Questa divulgazione è e resterà senza sc HISTORY AND MEMORY UMBERTIDE Virtual place of memory and identity in motion Who we are We are a group of history lovers and scholars who want to create a space for the transmission of documents, memories and traditions of our city. The aim is the development of a shared identity that is inclusive of those who lived and those who live in Umbertide. The cultural and economic aspects, together with the Second World War, over time they have shaped the city, with its architectural elements and its spaces, but also the rural territory which for centuries has maintained its characteristic of scattered "settlement" and polyculture. For about 70 years, the scenario has been rapidly evolving. We are convinced that knowing the past, or who we were, will help understand how the life of the population will be structured, that is who we will be. Knowing allows you to have "new eyes" to see ... and think. Approfondisci la "memoria" ad ottanta anni di distanza dal bombardamento del 1944... Visita "OTTANT'ANNI" la sezione dedicata al progetto pensato da Mario Tosti con UNITRE di Umbertide, CENTRO SOCIO-CULTURALE S. FRANCESCO, UMBERTIDESTORIA e con il Patrocinio del COMUNE DI UMBERTIDE. Il racconto del passaggio del fronte durante la seconda guerra mondiale ad Umbertide, per riattivare la memoria, riflettere e non dimenticare. Progetto nato in collaborazione con il Dipartimento di Filosofia, Scienze umane e Storia della scuola secondaria superiore “Campus da Vinci” di Umbertide, in funzione della trasmissione e crescita della memoria tra le giovani generazioni, che ha visto già diversi incontri con le classe terze dell’a.s. 2023-24. Azioni che hanno portato alla ricerca e sistemazione delle informazioni poi diventate libro e pagine web. OTTANT'ANNI Il 1944 In questa sezione il progetto "Ottantani" per il ricordo della tragedia che colpì la nostra città il 25 aprile 1944. Tragedia che si lega in modo più vasto al territorio dell'alta Umbria per il periodo del passaggio del fronte nel 1944. Un progetto che ha permesso la pubblicazione di un libro cartaceo e ora la versione digitale, nata per far crescere la memoria in maniera collettiva. Un progetto a cura di Mario Tosti, Unitre di Umbertide, Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertidestoria, con il Patrocinio del Comune di Umbertide; con la collaborazione di Pietro Taverniti, Massimo Pascolini, Sergio Bargelli, Corrado Baldoni, Francesco Deplanu, Sergio Magrini Alunno, Antonio Renzini, Luca Silvioni, Romano Vibi. Gennaio La situazione al 31 dicembre del 1943... Aprile APRILE 1944 - L’ Umbria ed Umbertide nel mirino degli aerei inglesi... Luglio Luglio... distruzione e liberazione... Ottobre 1° ottobre: è morto Fabio Fornaci combattendo con la RSI... Febbraio 4 febbraio: Nuovo bando di arruolamento. La RSI ordina la chiamata alle armi per le classi 1922/1923/1924... ... Maggio 1° maggio. Dovrebbe essere la festa dei lavoratori, ma non si festeggia niente... Agosto Agosto... Le condizioni a Umbertide migliorano nettamente... Novembre 2 novembre . Gli americani hanno sferrato un attacco aereo su Tokio... Marzo Umbertide, già sconvolta dalla guerra civile, sta per trovarsi nel cratere del fronte del fuoco che avanza... Giugno 4 giugno: Liberazione di Roma... passaggio del fronte in altotevere... Settembre 2 settembre: nomina del nuovo Sindaco... Dicembre 1° dicembre: Morti umbertidesi: Piccioloni, artigliere, soldato della RSI... Febbraio Marzo OTTANT'ANNI Il 1945 Continuiamo a raccontare, mese per mese, i piccoli fatti locali (ma coraggiosi e lungimiranti) che hanno caratterizzato il 1945, anno drammatico ed al tempo stesso esaltante, dopo la catastrofe della guerra in casa. Per superare le difficoltà è necessario rivitalizzare la forza con cui la comunità è riuscita, allora, a rinascere e prosperare in ottant’anni di pace. Gennaio Dopo il 6 luglio 1944, quando gli Alleati sono entrati a Umbertide, il nostro territorio passa formalmente dalla Repubblica Sociale Italiana (RSI), regime collaborazionista con la Germania nazista, al Regno d’Italia (cosiddetto Regno del Sud)... Il 6 febbraio, Fausto Fornaci cade nel cielo di Thiene. Allontanatosi un po’ dalla sua formazione, è circondato da caccia americani. Dopo aver abbattuto uno degli avversari, viene attaccato da tutte le parti... Aprile Il 24 aprile il sindaco Renato Ramaccioni comunica che, per ragioni di studio e di famiglia, dovrà assentarsi dalla sede per circa 20 giorni. Sentito il parere favorevole del locale Comitato di Liberazione e della Giunta comunale... Luglio Il sindaco Astorre Bellarosa, con la sua Giunta, non perde tempo per dare un forte segnale politico con l’intitolazione della Piazza a Giacomo Matteotti, simbolo dell’opposizione al fascismo... Maggio Dopo le dimissioni del sindaco Ramaccioni, si insedia la nuova Giunta, formata in gran parte da comunisti e socialisti: Astorre Bellarosa (il nuovo sindaco)... Agosto La Giunta comunale, con il sindaco falegname e il vicesindaco meccanico, ha la sensibilità di perseguire l’apertura di un liceo scientifico, seppure in presenza di scuole senza vetri, distrutti dalle onde d’urto delle bombe, e senza sedie per gli insegnanti.... Il 3 marzo muore Rino Pucci del “Gruppo di combattimento Cremona”. Giuseppe Rosati, rimasto gravemente ferito, spira il 5 marzo all'ospedale canadese di Ravenna. Con essi cade anche la loro mascotte, un ragazzo di 15 anni, Giuseppe Battiglia di Roma, colpito alla testa, il cranio svuotato... Giugno L’urgenza di affrontare le condizioni disastrose, lasciate dalla guerra, non impedisce di impostare la soluzione del problema della ricostruzione... Scopri le nostre pagine dinamiche Ogni pagina è un percorso, un grande contenitore dinamico, anche con decide di approfondimenti, sempre in possibile crescita perché la ricerca non deve avere una fine. Ogni pagina è un piccolo "sito" specifico all'interno di "Umbertidestoria". Pagine strutturate in modo da facilitare la navigabilità e quindi la fruizione. La Fratta di Carta Prima della progressiva standardizzazione della cartografia tra '700 ed '800 si sono prodotte rappresentazioni del territorio e di città mosse da diverse esigenze... Memoria e Tradizioni La sezione delle nostre tradizioni e della memoria da preservare, curata da Sergio Magrini Alunno... Ricordi umbertidesi Nuova pagina del sito nella quale intendiamo dare spazio a tutti coloro che vorranno condividere con noi i loro ricordi e i personaggi caratteristici nella Umbertide di una volta anche con documenti e foto d’epoca... Montecorona Sabbianiani Estratti a cura di Giuliano Sabbiniani sulla storia, vita e produzione della Tenuta di Montecorona dal suo libro “Montecorona – la Tenuta e la sua gente”, Gruppo editoriale locale, Digital Editor srl, Umbertide - 2021"... Video di Storia e Territorio Raccolta di pagine con video si luoghi storici architettonici e particolari fonti storiche della storia e del territorio di Umbertide... Fratta del Quattrocento Prima pagina dinamica che raccoglie i vari aspetti del sito su uno specifico periodo storico: il XV secolo dell'antica Fratta... Le storie di Pascolini Prima pagina dinamica che raccoglie i vari contributi con ricerche di archivio di Massimo Pascolini... .... o visita le nostre pagine tematiche di raccordo... ... o scopri le nostre pagine tematiche tradizionali , strutturate come raccordo degli articoli singoli, a volte ancora da sistemare, da dove puoi accedere a specifici approfondimenti.. Nel tempo sostituiremo le pagine tradizionali con quelle dinamiche... "work in progress"! STORIA vai alla pagina STORIA PER TEMI vai alla pagina MEMORIA vai alla pagina TRADIZIONI vai alla pagina ARRIVI E PARTENZE vai alla pagina CALENDARI vai alla pagina TESI DI LAUREA vai alla pagina ALBUM vai alla pagina The information from the birth of the first residential agglomerations to the first archive news, The rapid time of political changes from the Middle Ages to the history of the twentieth century, the architectural remains, our monuments and works of art, the slow pace of changes in the territory that have come to define our landscape, the structuring of traditions, family memory ... all this defines the identity of a place and of the people who live there. Please help us to remember by sending photos (with date and place if possible), reporting errors on our texts, suggesting improvements or writing your memoirs, possibly with historical and contemporary sources, to build a vision of our future. Those who choose to send us images can choose to do overwrite, with the "water mark" technique, your "name and surname" or "family archive ..." on your photos, this to prevent the images from being used once on the web beyond the cultural purposes that we aim. For the same reason we have applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark over the historical photos of Umbertide which have been on the web for some time and in various private archives; in this way we try to avoid that further disclosure on our part favors purposes that are not consonant with our intentions. We come out publicly with parts that are incomplete and to be improved. Ours is an ongoing project that needed to be shared in order to grow. For now, thank you ... Adil, Adriano, Alberto, Alessandro, Alessandro C., Andrea Levi, Anna, Anna Maria, Brunella, Diego, Dritan, Fabio, Federico, Francesco, Giovanna, Giovanni, Giulio, Imperia, Isotta, Mario, Miriam, Loredana, Kalida, Paola, Silvia, Simona, Tiziana, Valentina RV, Valentina P. and all those who have sent us photos or supported. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com EH Carr "Change is certain. Progress is not "

Serra Partucci 24 GIUGNO 1944 LE VITTIME / THE VICTIMS Natale Centovalli, anni 30; Domenico Černic, anni 26; Bruno Ciribilli, anni 20; Giuseppe Radicchi, anni 17; Mario Radicchi anni 24. Il massacro di Serra Partucci - voce di Paola Avorio 00:00 / 02:37 The massacre of Serra Partucci - voice by Paola Avorio 00:00 / 03:06 24 GIUGNO 1944 Allineati lungo il muro dietro il cippo che ricorda la strage, il 24 giugno del 1944 sono stati fucilati cinque giovani. Il giorno precedente un giovane contadino della zona, approfittando del prevedibile imminente arrivo degli alleati da Perugia, liberata tre giorni prima, aveva sparato ad un soldato tedesco, ferendolo ad un piede, per appropriarsi della sua motocicletta Per rappresaglia, una quindicina di soldati SS hanno rastrellato le vittime alle prime luci dell’alba, in modo da sorprenderle nel sonno. Nel casolare dei Radicchi, a mezza costa della collina, hanno prelevato i figli di Santino, Mario di 24 anni e Giuseppe di 17. Hanno proseguito verso questo luogo, Vocabolo Lago, dove abitavano i Centovalli. In casa erano tutti svegli, pronti per andare a mietere il grano in un campo vicino. I militari sono entrati. Hanno chiesto pane e lardo. Dopo essersi rifocillati hanno fatto uscire Natale, 30 anni, ed il fratello Quinto, 24. Per rispettare la regola di 5 condannati a morte per un tedesco ferito, mancava la quinta vittima. Hanno deciso di andarlo a prendere nella chiesa di San Giovanni, in cima alla collina, che era gremita da fedeli per la ricorrenza di San Giovanni Battista, festa patronale a Serra Partucci. Hanno scelto Domenico Černic, 26 anni, un ragazzone sloveno, forse perché si era messo in evidenza parlando bene il tedesco Al ritorno dalla chiesa, il quinto prigioniero è stato fatto accostare agli altri quattro. Fra di loro, Quinto era senza una mano, che aveva perso in un trinciaforaggi. Domenico ha fatto notare ai tedeschi che in quelle condizioni mai avrebbe potuto sparare. È stato individuato come quinto condannato Bruno Ciribilli, vent’anni, che stava passando per caso. I cinque innocenti sono stati fatti allineare lungo il muro. Senza proferire parola, l’ufficiale ha fatto un cenno rapido con il braccio. Sono partite raffiche di mitra. Dopo qualche attimo, cinque colpi hanno dato il colpo di grazia, ristabilendo il silenzio. Senza indugio, il manipolo dei soldati si è dileguato rapidamente, quasi di corsa. Missione compiuta! 24 June 1944 Lined up along the wall behind the memorial stone commemorating the massacre, five young people were shot on 24th June 1944. Three days earlier the allied troops had arrived in Perugia and On the 23rd, a young farmer from the area, taking advantage of the imminent arrival of the allies from Perugia shot a German soldier, wounding him in the foot, in order to steal his motorcycle In retaliation, the same night about fifteen SS soldiers rounded up the victims at first light, so as to catch them sleeping . In the Radicchi farmhouse, halfway up the hill, they picked up Santino's sons, Mario, 24, and Giuseppe, 17. They continued towards Vocabolo Lago, where the Centovallis lived. Everyone in the house was awake, ready to go and harvest wheat in a nearby field. The soldiers entered. They asked for bread and lard. After having refreshed themselves, they brought out Natale, 30 years old, and his brother Quinto, 24. To comply with the rule of 5 sentenced to death for a wounded German, the fifth victim was missing. They decided to pick a victim in the church of San Giovanni, at the top of the hill, which was full of people because of San Giovanni Battista Celebrations, the patronal feast in Serra Partucci. They chose Domenico Černic, 26 years old, a big Slovenian boy, perhaps because he had stood out by speaking German well Upon returning from church, the fifth prisoner was brought alongside the other four. Among them, Quinto was without a hand, which he had lost in a fodder shredder. Domenico pointed out to the Germans that he would never have been able to shoot in those conditions. Bruno Ciribilli, twenty years old, who was occasionally passing by was identified as the fifth convict. The five innocents were lined up along the wall. Without saying a word, the officer quickly waved his arm. Machine gun fire began. After a few moments, five shots delivered the final blow, re-establishing silence. Without hesitation, the handful of soldiers quickly disappeared, almost running. Mission accomplished! Testo tratto da: Mario Tosti, Cinque cipressi, Digital editor, 2014. Voce di Paola Avorio Immagine di sfondo: opera di Antonio Renzini: "L'eccidio di Serra Partucci" Un progetto a cura di Mario Tosti, Unitre di Umbertide, il Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertidestoria, con il Patrocinio del Comune di Umbertide; con la collaborazione di Pietro Taverniti, Massimo Pascolini, Sergio Bargelli, Corrado Baldoni, Francesco Deplanu, Sergio Magrini Alunno, Antonio Renzini, Luca Silvioni, Romano Vibi. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com EH Carr "Change is certain. Progress is not "

Piano del Nese Nella zona pianeggiante lungo il corso del Torrente Nese vi fu una larga diffusione degli abitati sparsi; le costruzioni si dispongono principalmente lungo il letto del Torrente Nese, anche se in nuclei ristretti e posti a breve distanza tra loro. Immagine 1: Abitati sparsi lungo la sponda sinistra del torrente Nese in aggetto rispetto alla pianura. Si hanno, però, scarsissime notizie che non favoriscono la ricostruzione delle vicende che hanno riguardato questi nuclei abitativi indicati come “Pian di Nese”, contrastando così con un territorio piuttosto singolare, sia dal punto di vista geografico, sia per le vicende storiche che hanno interessato tale settore del contado perugino, soggetto a invasioni e incursioni. La struttura visibile Oggi molte di queste strutture sono state abbandonate o trasformate in edifici rurali, ma in origine avevano una struttura disposta in modo tale da definire volontariamente una organizzazione difensiva: grandi basamenti a volte provvisti di contrafforti aggettanti; la parte abitata dal nucleo familiare saldamente eretta a pianta regolare quadrilatera; poche aperture o fessure in prossimità della base. Questi caratteri erano peculiari delle strutture rurali fortificate, largamente diffuse nella anche campagna umbertidese durante tutto il XII-XIII secolo. In effetti, nel tessuto insediativo castrense di cui faceva parte anche Piano del Nese si hanno molti esempi di abitati con un corpo a torre. Le vecchie case-torri medievali durante la diffusione della mezzadria diventarono il punto di riferimento, quando possibile della nuova tipologia di sfruttamento indiretto della proprietà agricola diventando il punto di riferimento fisico, di fianco o intorno al quale altre strutture venivano aggiunte. L’antica tipologia perde così, pian piano, la sua originale funzione di difesa a favore di quella economico-produttiva. Tra i centri abitati o singole case presenti, Piano del Nese si rivela come un tipico complesso di insediamenti con caratteri di abitato sparso, diffuso in una stessa area, molto simile agli impianti riconducibili a villae e delimitato nel versante a sud solo dallo scorrimento del Torrente Nese, che oggi coincide, in parte, con il confine territoriale del Comune di Perugia. L’abitato sparso indicato come Piano del Nese, si sviluppa in collina tra due corsi d’acqua minori e l’importante strada provinciale che conduce dall’antica Fratta verso i centri del Trasimeno o a Perugia. Immagine 2: Abitato sparso denominato oggi “Pian di Nese” con casa-torre medievale e piccola chiesa, non visibile nell’inquadratura, lungo la sponda sinistra del torrente Nese in aggetto rispetto alla pianura. Rispetto ad altri siti presenti nel territorio ha oggi assunto minore rilievo, ma la presenza di questo insediamento era certamente importante va connessa all’esistenza dell’antico Castrum Preitinum un tempo probabilmente vicino, ora non più individuabile ma punto di forza del settore estremo del contado verso Perugia. A presidio del tratto torrentizio che scorre in prossimità della località Piano del Nese si può individuare la presenza dell’edificio fortificato identificato come torre di Santa Giuliana, alla quale è unita la chiesa omonima, posizionato a metà strada da Pian di Nese e la confluenza del torrente nel Tevere, di poco a sud del Castello di Santa Giuliana. Il complesso è posto qui come struttura a dominio della zona ad ovest pianeggiante. Stime catastali danno notizie della presenza di una chiesa, non riportata però nelle Rationes Decimarum, proprio in località Piano del Nese: l’ente risulta allibrato nel XIV secolo tra quelli appartenenti al contado di porta Sant’Angelo ed è intitolato a San Pietro de Anese. Il Grohmann ricorda a tale proposito che la chiesa di S. Pietro era iscritta per 5 libre e dipendente dal monastero di S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto. La Storia Conosciuta Anche se abbiamo ben poche notizie riguardanti il territorio, è ipotizzabile che tale settore fosse coinvolto nelle vicende storiche e politiche che colpirono anche castra e villae circostanti, quali Bisciaro, Racchiusole, Valenzino, Santa Giuliana e Castrum Preitinum; in ogni caso, questi avvenimenti rappresentavano il riflesso di ciò che accadeva a Perugia, i cui esiti dimostravano un assorbimento positivo o negativo (ovvero il rifiuto) dei fenomeni che riguardavano questi centri. Immagine 3:nella carta si può notare il simbolo del ponte sul torrente e la presenza del simbolo di edifici; caseggiato che, suggestivamente, si “sovrappone” alla posizione dell’ex Osteria di Pian di Nese esistente. Particolare della "“DESCRITTIONE DEL TERRITORIO DI PERVGIA AVGVSTA ET DEI LUOGHI CIRCONVICINI DEL P M EGNATIO DANTI DA PERUGIA MATEMATICO DELLO STUDIO DI BOLOG.A”", 1577. da Source gallica.bnf.fr - Bibliothèque nationale de France (BNF) . I caratteri minimamente autonomi che interessarono Piano del Nese derivarono dalla volontà della comunità ivi residente di sostenere e mantenere i rapporti con il resto degli abitanti circostanti, dotandosi per questo di valide infrastrutture, ottenute grazie alle concessioni del Consiglio dei priori: la realizzazione di un ponte sul Torrente Nese, probabilmente nella zona che oggi nelle carte è indicata con il toponimo Ponte Nese o comunque in sua prossimità, tende a sottolineare il rilievo goduto dal luogo e, dunque, dalla sua comunità, nel corso del tempo e in epoca risalente, permettendo anche di rilevare il ruolo ben definito di questo settore comitatino come snodo commerciale e supporto economico per la zona: agevole era, infatti, il collegamento fluviale con il Torrente Càina che scorre poco più a sud, e la vicinanza dell’abitato con l’articolata viabilità stradale. Immagine 4: l’ex Osteria e stazione di posta di Pian di Nese. Fotografie: Francesco Deplanu Carta: Carta corografica di Perugia del 1577, di Ignazio Danti, incisa da Mario Cartaro a Roma nel 1580 da Source gallica.bnf.fr / Bibliothèque nationale de France.

The Tiber and the water mills (edited by Francesco Deplanu) The Tiber was the primary route of connection and supply, it has characterized the history of the populations who lived in this area, essentially leaving the Etruscans to its right and the Umbrians to the left. But above all it defined the identity of the residential agglomerations in the plain: the symbol of our country shows, in fact, the three-arched bridge over it. Coat of arms of the municipality - Year 1870 - Municipal Archive (from the web) In ancient times it was "navigable" for commercial and therefore cultural exchanges; in different ways, with the help of pack animals to bring the current up to the boats or with small boats to allow the passage from one then bank. On the Tiber, Dr. Cencaioli writes in her ...: "it was the navigable way for commercial and cultural exchanges between the various cities from antiquity, in the Middle Ages and up to the last century, used for the transport of minerals, wood, food and of building material. The traf fi c was well organized and special offices were set up for the control of the waters. "..." The discovery of structures and materials and the toponyms along the Tiber allowed the recognition of some places as landing points: we remember for Umbria, Umbertide , loc. Barca, Perugia - Ponte Valleceppi, Perugia - Ponte S. Giovanni, Torgiano ". Octagonal construction at the "Petrelle". In the Petrelle area Luana Cencaioli, in " Umbertide, the Tiber and the territory", work presented within the "study day" organized by Prof.ssa Scortecci Donatella in 2012, speculates that the construction in octagonal plan about 3 meters high and built in mixed work with stones and bricks may be older than the post-classical age to which it seems to refer. It could have been used as a service room for a landing on the Tiber, as a garage or, given the variations in the course of the river, as a docking point. Cencaioli also speculates which may have been a "stakeout to control the river" (Cf. pg. 148). Probably the inhabited areas of the plains or along the rivers required more effort to be inhabited than those of the hills where the slope favors the flow of water, there are no marshy areas or you do not have to fight with torrential floods or the great river. Maria Cecilia Moretti in the volume "The Tiber and Umbertide" edited by Sestilio Polimanti reminds us how, in fact, the Tiber has often required containment works, reporting a news from the Umbertide archive of 1780 which confirms this need for containment: Gaspare Mazzaforti , parish priest of Migianella tells how in 1754 the Jesuit father Sivieri, an expert in mathematics for erosion problems in the area defined as "Prato", was consulted in Perugia for the problems of the Tiber near Fratta by means of certain "struts" which then seemed to a certain sense, then similar to a "rake" (Cf. pg. 24). We seem to find in the detail of this photo from the first half of the twentieth century, the evolution of this river erosion control technique in several places of the left bank of the Tiber just before the "Bocaiolo" area north of the city. This favored the deposition of materials from the Tiber with which it was then possible to consolidate the bank or "lengthen the fertile soil of the bank. Umbertide: particular early twentieth century photo This technique seems to be attested also by the details visible in the painting of Ernesto Freguglia from 1874 which represents the "Mulinaccio" area where, in addition to the canal that was used for the old mill now destroyed, you can see poles that look like the "struts" placed to protect the Tiber bend from erosion. Detail of Ernesto Freguglia of 1874 visible at this web address of the Municipality of Umbertide: http://www.umbertideturismo.it/content/download/260405/2771389/file/La%20storia%20di%20Ernesto%20Freguglia.pdf The Tiber had to be taken care of, that is, its banks had to be continuously reinforced to be protected from the force of the river which could be destructive with the floods: see in this photo from the first half of the 20th century which in addition to being sailed for fun and certainly to fish the shore opposite the pebbly beach (the "breccione") has some protection works with long poles planted vertically, the "pontoons", and other woods or fagots inserted horizontally which gave life to the protection "weeping". According to Maria Cecilia Moretti, the term "piangola" derives from the local dialect variant of the Po Valley where the term " pnèl " is still found today. thus the toponym "Pennello" in Umbertide would indicate the place of beginning of this technique (see note n. 26 in the text cited below). The floods of the Tiber could be destructive, especially if they were full of medium size, they had taken timber and residues to build natural barriers that could bring the river right into the city. But the Tiber was used above all in summer and spring for washing, a female activity that could increase the family budget although very tiring. In winter, country women preferred spring water which was less cold than that of the Tiber. The river was used also for fun, to browse it and as a meeting place: along the "patollo" area, in fact, in the thirties of the twentieth century, before the flood of '39 that destroyed it, a Lido Dancing was built which became the meeting place of the people of Umbria of the time. THE WATER MILLS Before industrialization, the large machines linked to the power of water, available in our areas as well as along the Tiber also along the Niccone River and other tributaries, they played a role in the transformation of crops such as maize and wheat, less frequently olives and sometimes even walnuts for the production of lamp oil. Other times they were important for the "gualcheria" for the fulling of the fabrics such as the famous "Mill of Sant'Eraclio" just south of the current confluence of the Reggia torrent in the main river, in the area of the current Piazza San Francesco. Cereal growing together of the scattered settlement, mostly of sharecropping origin, the little practicability of the communication routes and the frequency of streams and rivers allowed the notable diffusion of the "retricine" mills, or horizontal wheel, rather than the one mentioned above in Sant 'Erasmus with a vertical wheel. In the tense by the prof. Melelli and Fatichenti of the University of Perugia numbered 9 in the Fratta Territory and then, after the Unification, they increased to 15 at the end of the century ("L'UMBRIA DEI MULINI AD WATER edited by Alberto Melelli, Fabio Fatichenti, Quattroemme, Perugia 2013). The Mill of Sant'Erasmo was certainly active in 1470, in the word Botani, when it was given to the Rectory of Sant'Andrea by the Bishop of Gubbio, until 1610 when the great flood of the Tiber on 20 October made it less functional, which which was repeated the following year, bringing the Mill to the sale and change of use. The "gualcheria" was moved to a mill further south, in the Pian d'Assino area. There structure of the factory benefited from a reservoir, always visible in the image of the Piccolpasso just above the Mill where you can see a horizontal bubbling strip on the course of the Tiber, which according to the text of Melelli and Fatichenti made it possible to use grinding wheels for the grinding of sickles and other tools produced by the blacksmiths of Fratta to then make it possible to punch the clothes. As for the Mills, Fabio Mariotti reworked (you can read here in " Fratta-Umbertide nell'Ottocento ") the information from an unpublished manuscript by the local historian Renato Codovini where a statistic from 1880 appears. Here are still 9 Mills indicated: - Molino in Umbertide owned by Luigi Santini. It has three millstones, it is moved by water, it grinds grain, corn, olives eight months a year. - Molino known as "il Molinello" owned by Ciucci, in bankruptcy. It is one kilometer from Umbertide, it has three millstones, it is moved by water, it grinds grain eight months a year. corn and olives. - Molino known as "Vitelli" owned by the Marquis Rondinelli. four kilometers away from Umbertide. It has three millstones, it is moved by water, it mills seven months a year for lack of water. - Molino known as "di Casa Nuova" alla Badia, owned by Marignoli. It has five millstones and grinds cereals all year round. Molino inside the Badia owned by Marignoli. It has a single millstone and it grinds seven months a year due to lack of water. - Molino known as "dell'Assino" owned by Anacleto Natali. It is two kilometers from the town. It has three millstones and grinds all year round. - Molino di Pierantonio owned by Florenzi (the marquis, husband of Marianna Florenzi, from Ascagnano). It has two millstones. It grinds seven months a year. - Molino owned by Florenzi (other). It has two millstones. Seven months a year. - Molino di Paolo Sarti in Montecastelli. It is four kilometers from the town. It has two millstones, it grinds seven months a year, only cereals. - Molino della Serra. Property of the Ecclesiastical Fund. It is five kilometers from the town. It has three millstones. Grinds cereals all year round. All these mills grind 33,400 hectoliters of wheat flour, maize and a few cereals. In the area near the river there are today the remains of 5 mills: Mulinello, Truncichella, Mulinaccio, S. Erasmo, Mola Casa Nova, Pian D'Assino mill. Along the Niccone stream it must certainly be remembered that of the area of the current "Mulino Vitelli". The best-known mill on the Niccone stream is instead that of "Molino Vitelli" along the road that leads from Umbertide to 'Spedalicchio di Umbertide and then to Mercatale or Lisciano Niccone. This mill is already present in the "Gregorian Cadastre" (Montemigiano Map, part. 943) but we have news of its presence already in the eighteenth century under the ownership of the noble family of Città di Castello Bocompagni Ludovisi. It worked for the grinding of cereals and olives until 1955 when it was used for another use. A part of the "bottaccio" and the drainage channel are still visible, although it is filled with earth. The existence of Mills in these areas, where the flow was certainly less than that of the Tiber, reminds us that the population in our lands was mainly linked to the sharecropping system in the countryside. this page . On the basis of Umbertide's map of 1883 present in Guerrini's text "Storia della terra di Fratta", the "Molino di Umbertide" with three millstones that grinds 8 months a year was located on the course of the Tiber, in the position visible below, north of the bridge. The mill "Mola Casa Nova" also on the banks of the Tiber river, known as "Molino Gamboni", the last one that remained active, had been abandoned in the 90s. Here we insert two photos granted by the teacher Anna Boldrini. How the Mulino di Mola casanova looked in 1990: first side photo towards the Tiber river; second side photo of the current entrance area of the Park. Today the Mill of Mola Casa Nova it can be visited and is became a Mola Casanova Educational Science Park and has been managed so far, mid 2020, from Alchemilla sas with the nearby power station of the Municipality of Umbertide. The ancient mill sees its three floors arranged with themed rooms and workshops. The Alchemilla company offers valuable teaching to schools ranging from the past to energy news; here the link to the " brochure " for schools. SOURCES: - Cenciaioli Luana , Umbertide, the Tiber and the territory, (p. 145-162) in Scortecci Donatella (edited by): The middle and upper valley of the Tiber from Antiquity to the Middle Ages: proceedings of the study day ; Umbertide, May 26, 2012 - Daidalos, 2014. - UMBRIA OF WATER MILLS edited by Alberto Melelli, Fabio Fatichenti, photographs by Bernardino Sperandio, files by Giovanni Gangi, Fabio Fatichenti, Rosa Goracci, Alberto Melelli, Remo Rossi, Bernardino Sperandio, QUATTROEMME, 2013. - "The Tiber and Umbertide": Maria Cecilia Moretti, Lorena Beneduce Filippini, Fausto Minciarelli (edited by Sestilio Polimanti), Historical Society Umbertide Edizioni, 2018. The work originally came out in 1995 thanks to the Municipality of Umbertide but above all thanks to ALLI - Linguistic Atlas of Italian Lakes - and to Prof. Giovanni Moretti and to the Chair of Italian Dialectology. - http://www.umbertideturismo.it/content/download/260405/2771389/file/La%20storia%20di%20Ernesto%20Freguglia.pdf - https://www.molacasanova.it/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/brochure-scuole-2016.pdf - https://www.molacasanova.it - Photos: historical photos of Umbertide from the web and from various private archives to which we applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark in this way we try to avoid that the further disclosure on our part favors purposes not consonant with our intentions exclusively social and cultural. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com Henry Pirenne “ If I were an antique dealer, I would have eyes only for old things. But I am a historian. That's why I love life "

Penetola. Not all the dead die. by Giovanni Bottaccioli Here we present the entire small research book that Giovanni Bottaccioli, recently passed away, several years ago, he realized about the massacre of Penetola. Put in writing the voices and memories of the unfortunate protagonists of the story, giving everyone the opportunity to know them. Thanks to the availability of her daughters, Elvira and Giovanna, we present her entire work, which can also be downloaded or browsed in .pdf below, recommended for smartphones or for those who want to keep it (click from smartphone on the image below, scroll it on tablet and pc). Photo by Fabio Mariotti. PENETULA NOT ALL DEAD DIE by Giovanni Bottaccioli LE ALTRE VITTIME QUELLA PRIMAVERA DEL 1944 IL RACCONTO DI BRUNO IL RACCONTO DI DINA IL RICORDO DI ANNA QUEL 28 GIUGNO ALL'ALBA LE VITTIME DA ORMINDO UN ALTRO GIORNO GRIDA DISPERATE DI UNA DONNA COME PREMESSA COME PREMESSA AS FOREWORD If on 27 April 1997 I had not gone, together with some companions and friends, to the ceremony for the deposition of a crown at the monument to the martyrs of "Penetola", I believe that I would never have written these few pages on that distant and tragic episode that occurred on June 28, 1944, a few days after the liberation of our municipal territory. One of the many that took place in Italy in that period which, even if distant in time, should have remained well engraved in the memory of all, and especially in that of those who were direct or indirect witnesses. The delegation, despite the public posters and the invitations made to the population by the Anti-Fascist Committee and the Municipal Administration, included the Mayor Celestino Sonaglia, the maestro Raffaele Mancini representing the Anti-Fascist Committee, Alberto Mancini, partisan and silver medalist of the Resistance, Alfredo Ciarabelli of the PCI, Ferdinando Bruschi, President of the young volunteers from Umberto I joined the "Cremona" division, with some veterans of the Liberation War, I who write representing the Giunta Municipal and very few other citizens, no more than fifteen people in all, including Giuseppe Ivorio, one of the survivors of the massacre. You will wonder why a crown was placed in memory of the martyrs of "Penetola" on 21 April and not on 28 June, the anniversary of the massacre carried out by the Nazi-Fascists. The explanation is simple: a few days ago the Nazi war criminal Gen. Kappler, sentenced to life imprisonment, had escaped from the infirmary of the Regina Coeli prison in Rome, where he was hospitalized because of an incurable disease. massacre of the Fosse Ardeatine: where 335 "political prisoners" were brutally slaughtered, taken from the Roman prisons in retaliation for a partisan action against the Nazi occupation troops. That sensational escape, incredible for its daring aspects, had a great repercussion in the country, especially in the conscience of the citizens most sensitive to the defense of the democratic institutions born of the Resistance; with that "flight" was seriously offended, not only the memory of the fallen of the Resistance, but the conscience of all those who, with their tribute of struggles and blood, had contributed to the redemption of the Nation from the abyss of war, from the abyss of the barbarism into which Fascism had led it. This was the motivation that had led me together with the other citizens, representatives of the democratic and anti-fascist forces to lay the crowns at the memorial stone placed in memory of the martyrs of "Penetola". Cippo which is located about one kilometer from the hamlet of Niccone, on the left side of the road that leads to Lake Trasimeno and a few hundred meters from the house where the horrendous Nazi massacre was consummated; and erected a few years ago by the municipal administration on the proposal of the Anti-Fascist Committee of Umbertide. While I was witnessing the deposition of the crown, I wondered how it was possible that atrocious events like this and how those that occurred in so many other parts of Italy with thousands of innocent deaths could be forgotten in such a short time, when still many survivors carry them on. The tremendous signs are flesh and memory. From this bitter observation for those who believe that only from the knowledge and memory of our past can the awareness of the defense and development of the values of freedom and democracy arise, the decision to write to remind the forgetful , but above all to young people who do not know what the years of fascism were, and especially that them of the war and the Nazi occupation of our country. I will say, as far as it is possible to reconstruct what happened in those sad days of June 1944, in that small part of the territory that goes from Niccone in Spedalicchio, with particular attention to the “Penetola” massacre in which twelve of our fellow citizens found the horrible death, guilty only of having been there. I will tell, albeit summarily, of other sad episodes that occurred a few days before that terrible 28 June. Episodes that I consider useful and necessary to tell to highlight a broader picture and highlight the climate of fear that we lived in that period, when for some days the shots of the cannons of the now nearby allied troops reached our ears. For the drafting of these few pages I also used the testimonies of some protagonists; they are: Anna Nanni, Bruno Montanucci, Lenin Sonaglia known as Luigi or Nino and finally Mrs. Dina Orsini ved. Ivory, escaped the massacre. THAT SPRING OF 1944 The Nazis, called after the armistice of 8 September 1943 by the fascists of the Italian Social Republic to keep up the shaky regime of terror they established in the country, occupy the national territory. war, the bombing actions by the allied aviation begin. Umbertide was bombed on April 25, 1944 and 74 fellow citizens died under the rubble. Many victims could have been spared if the "republican" authorities of the time had given the air alarm signal through the sound of the sirens that had been set up and that that day did not I was living at that time in the hamlet of Niccone and I was able to see, so I can tell with certainty, that the allied planes, before dropping the deadly bombs, flew for a few minutes over the town and over the targets, which were the two bridges over the Tiber river, that of the road and that of the railway, which then connected Arezzo with Fossato di Vico. Numerous turns over the inhabited area were made by airplanes, perhaps precisely to give the inhabitants the opportunity to get away from the area. The alarm was not sounded, no one moved, so the massacre took place. In this regard, I remember, because we have always talked about it in the family, that that morning, despite my father's insistence, I refused to go to Umbertide by bicycle. Only when the planes that had dropped their death bombs left, did I get on my bike and went to Umbertide. The sight that presented itself to the eyes was tremendous. At the end of via Cibo, the course, mountains of rubble, among these I recognized some willing people who lent help, Antonio Taticchi, a well-known anti-fascist who had a barber's workshop right on the corner of the Vibi palace and Romitelli, the tinsmith, and others who were looking for to extract the bodies of those who were trapped and begging for help. Other mountains of rubble were on via Petrogalli and even there the survivors were desperately looking for their loved ones. Through via Cibo I reached Piazza Matteotti and the spectacle seemed even more terrifying. Some unrecognizable bodies had been composed on the ground, others seriously injured were complaining. Frightened, I went in search of the families of my two aunts who lived there and when I knew for sure that they had not been aged, I took the road and returned to Niccone. In the afternoon there was a new bombardment again by allied aircraft, but this time it caused few victims, perhaps because, contrary to what happened previously, the planes dropped the bombs starting the dive from the Romeggio area and not from Civitella Ranieri as it had happened in the morning. Even the hamlet of Niccone, being at the crossroads between the state road and the road that, along the valley of the Niccone stream, leads towards Lake Trasimeno and from this into the Valdichiana, in Tuscany, could be included among the military objectives. for the two bridges over the river and therefore be subject to bombing actions that the Allies systematically operated, trying to hinder the retreat of the German troops. retreat that had begun after the allied landing in Anzio. The possibility of undergoing aerial bombardments and the fact that large groups of German soldiers had already taken possession of some houses in Niccone and the surrounding areas, advised most of the families of the small hamlet looking for a temporary and safer accommodation in the open countryside near the houses inhabited by the numerous sharecroppers scattered throughout the territory There were thousands, perhaps millions of families in Italy who at that time found accommodation and food with our "peasants", even if this term was and still is used by many people in a derogatory sense. But I believe that their great willingness, costing great sacrifices, to host all those who from the centers, even minor ones, tried to escape the fury of the war, was the greatest demonstration of their generosity, their altruism and their goodness. And this negative attitude towards land workers has been persistent for a long time and perhaps still is. Their great availability was demonstrated, in fact, not only by housing entire families but also by giving them more than enough to feed themselves. who gave us concrete help. I want to thank once again, sure to interpret the desire of many other "citizens", all the farmers in the area and especially the family of Pio Fornaci, known as the "Fornacino", for the great and disinterested hospitality granted to my family. Sometimes I wonder how many of us would be available, should it become necessary for unfortunate necessity, to give to the few remaining farmers or to others in need, part of our houses, our beds, our tables. As I have already said, also my father, a craftsman, who practiced as a barber. he had started looking for an accommodation and found it just beyond the hamlet of Molino Vitelli, at the home of “Fornacino”. The farm was owned of the Boncompagni family, owner of large agricultural estates. My father, my mother and my younger sister had moved into this new “home”, a single room of about twenty square meters which at the time represented a “palace”; I joined them later. At that time I was a soldier assigned to the infantry battalion at the "Biordo Michelotti" barracks in Perugia. I deserted by escaping from the military hospital of Santa Giuliana in Perugia, where I was hospitalized for tests after a 15-day convalescence leave; I did not intend for any reason to serve the Nazi-fascists of the RSI .. I was denounced for desertion. By bicycle I returned to Niccone, found the house empty and learned that my parents were displaced. I got back on my bicycle and looking from one side and the other of the road that crossed the whole hamlet, I noticed many German soldiers who had occupied some houses. Pedaling at a good pace, be careful not to run into some roadblock. I came near the house of the "Fornacino". I am not describing the joy of my parents in seeing me appear at the end of the road that leads from the main road to the farmhouse. This joy was partly mitigated by concern for what might have happened due to my desertion. It was known of the frequent roundups that fascists and Nazis undertook in search of those who either had not presented themselves to the call of the RSI or had deserted the weapons. And it was precisely the constant concern for the roundups that had made me take the decision to build, in the middle of a forest, not far from home, a "den", a refuge that could hardly be discovered, so much had been on my part, the care in camouflaging it with the surrounding environment. Fortunately, only once did I successfully use it to escape a roundup by the Republican National Guard. According to what I later learned, that roundup concerned precisely the search for deserters or reluctant to the continuous calls to arms that Nazis and Fascists posted on the walls and which now also concerned sixteen-year-olds! QUELLA PRIMAVERA DEL 1944 DESPERATE CRYING OF A WOMAN I remember perfectly that Sunday morning of June 26, 1944, when around ten I heard in the distance the cries of a woman coming from the fields that lead from the "Fornacino" house towards the Dogana, a place where she lived with other families, that of Trinari, on the right side of the large curve near Spedalicchio. They were the excruciating screams of a woman who, running through the fields of wheat already ripe enough and close to harvest, urged the men to immediately move away to the houses and flee to the woods to hide, because German soldiers in war gear were shooting all those who found. in the fields and in their homes. It was Ersilia Epi resident in Montecastelli, who had gone to visit her daughter displaced by the Trinari family or in the vicinity and who claimed to have witnessed the capture, by German soldiers, of the men of the area then locked up in a tobacco dryer; he feared they might be shot. f The woman, no longer young, always ran past the house and, without stopping for a moment, repeated, as a kind of begging, that terrible warning: "'Flee men, flee men !!" I was speechless, looked my mother in the face, also terrified by those screams, and without a moment's hesitation walked away across the fields; I tried to take shelter behind the vegetation of the rows of vines already thick enough with the leaves of the new shoots. I had a goal in mind: to reach the home of the Sonaglia family, a sharecropper who lived above the hamlet of Niccone. Owner of the farm, voc. "S. Maria ”, was the IFI company of Montecorona. The two brothers Sonaglia, Eusebio and Dante, with their respective wives and children lived there together with their father Benedetto. It was one of the largest farms on the whole Montecorona farm. I remember that in threshing time, which lasted a few days, the siren, as well as sounding at the beginning and end of the threshing or when the meal was announced, also sounded when 100 quintals of wheat had been reached. For many years I remember that this siren sounded even three times, to the great joy of those who, after their efforts, saw their sweats partially rewarded. In fact, at the Sonaglia home, my father had for the convenience of displaced customers, moved the barber shop, or rather, he was a "walking" barber, so as to be able to maintain relationships with people now scattered a little everywhere and at the same time send on with his earnings, the "wheelbarrow" that was very hard to push. As I ran along the rows of fields in the shelter of the vegetation and quickly moved away from the area, I mulled over what could have happened to my mother and my sister, then 11, who I had left alone at home. With this thought fixed in my mind, every now and then I slowed down and thought if perhaps it was not the case to go back; but the warning of the woman "run away men" sounded insistently in the ears. Accompanied by these thoughts, I continued with an ever faster pace, to go towards the Sonaglia house; I wanted to reach my father as soon as possible. The journey that I knew well and that in other circumstances had seemed short to me, seemed to never end at this juncture. As soon as I reached the Sonaglia house I looked for my father and I immediately told him with my heart in my mouth what had happened, the reason why I had left my mother and my sister at home. He was very shaken and worried and told me to stay around because he would find out as soon as possible what was really happening. We parted with the promise that in a few hours we would meet again to decide if and how to return to the “Fornacino's house”. As I walked away, I noticed my father's strong concern for what I had told him. He was also worried about my brother Attilio, who had fled from the barracks in Orvieto where he was in the military, who just that morning went to Romeggio to visit some friends. Being a deserter himself, he had to be warned of the imminent danger and not to return home. My father, during the great war of 1915/18, had been a prisoner of the Germans and knew, from direct experience, what degree of aberrant treatment the Germans were capable of inflicting on all those who tried to thwart their plans. I thought to myself of how much pain war brings and I was disgusted that I too was the cause, albeit involuntary, of the pains that tormented my parents in those days. My father's prudence was worth nothing: now we were all, and not just us, at the mercy of an enemy who had no scruples or pity. Speaking of my father, I like to remember that it was he, thanks to his experience as a prisoner of the Germans, who advised the Sonaglia family, since the winter of 1943, to dig a hole under the floor of the hut, a pit of about two meters of depth, adequately large, to hide, before the passage of the front, some food supplies and the little linen of the wedding trousseau, kept in the famous "trunk" which, at that time, almost all women, married or about to marry they had. I and my cousins Sonaglia did the excavation of that underground compartment: Elvio, Pietro and Luigi, known as Nino, whose real and first name is Lenin, a name that today, but above all then, in 1922, had an irresistible charm. When Eusebius, Lenin's father, went to the Civil State to "mark" him, register him, no one objected and in the birth register of the year 1922 the child was registered with the name of Lenin. On the other hand, those who objected and did not accept that the newborn was given this name, was the parish priest of the parish of Montemigiano, Don Pericle, despite the insistence and grievances of his father, refused to mark him with that name and entered him in the parish register with Luigi's name. The child thus had two names for several years, that of Lenin for the State and that of Louis for the Church. Later, when Eusebio went to the Civil Status of the Municipality to have the birth certificate of his son to enroll him in the vocational training school, the clerk, reading that "name" on the card, was stunned, but could not fail to issue the certificate. The headmaster of the school did not behave in this way, refusing to register him with that name. For this reason Lenin risked not being able to attend school. The father, who did not intend to have his son interrupt his studies, went to the Court of Perugia and asked to change his son's name. The Court issued a sentence, duly transcribed in the birth book of the Municipality of Umbertide, in which it is declared that from that day the name Lenin was "written and must be understood" as Luigi. Evidently the fascist power also considered an 11-year-old boy with the name Lenin, as an enemy, a "subversive". From the Sonaglia home I reached the one of the Pinzaglia family in a few minutes. It is the farmhouse that was then owned by the Boncompagni estate (Fontesegale) and which is located upstream of the Niccone school. In this farmhouse many young people who resisted the calls to arms of the Nazis and Fascists found hiding places. Being eighteen or twenty at the time and living with what little membership guaranteed was difficult. For what was given to us we thanked with the only coin we could dispose of: every now and then we lent a hand in the work in the fields. Another heartfelt thanks. In that house, also in consideration of the good relations existing for a long time, I had always found an excellent welcome. Since the winter of 1943/44, many of us young people from Niccone who had not responded to the enrollment ordered by the German and Fascist tenders, found great help and understanding with this family. often in the company of rats, in order to escape “possible roundups by the Nazi-fascists. Among those young people I remember with emotion Ezio Forni, a giant about two meters high, whom he will later find together with his brother Edoardo, called Piri, aged sixteen, and his father Canzio, one of the many and good stonecutters of Niccone, horrible death in the massacre of "Penetola". Those who know the peasant world, especially of that time, know that when there are certain jobs to be carried out such as harvesting, sowing, forage, tobacco, grapes, they cannot be postponed to the next day, risking, for a hailstorm or otherwise, of losing the harvest and that, Sunday or a holiday, it is necessary to work on time. For this reason, that Sunday in the fields they worked, where it was possible, to harvest the wheat; now near the end of June it was tradition that for the feast of St. Peter it had to be the harvest completed. The Pinzaglia family had also started this work and I contributed by tying the "grigne" of wheat. When the sun went down I returned to the Sonaglia family, where my father was waiting for me, who in the meantime had inquired: according to what was said, it seemed that everything had returned to "normalcy". Together we resumed, very carefully, the way back from the “Fornacino”. Although my father had a bicycle at his disposal, we retraced together the same path that I had taken in the morning, through the farm roads, leaving the "main road" which could have reserved for us the meeting with some patrol of German soldiers or with the sentries who they had been placed to guard the various bridges and bridges that had been mined for some time by German soldiers close to retreat. Passing through the Arcaleni and Pinzagli houses, always part of the Boncompagni property, we came to the Sassetti family and here we found several people, especially young people, who like me had moved away from the "Trinari" area, and were afraid to make the decision whether to return or less with their families or maybe stay for just one night "out of the area threatened by German soldiers. My father decided to go home, also because my mother would have been alarmed if at nightfall she hadn't seen any of us return. A he told me to stay around and the next morning we would meet again to bring me new news. We were about to leave when two people arrived whose names I do not remember, who informed us about what had happened in the morning at the "Trinari" house. German soldiers, encamped in the area, began, under the threat of weapons, to kidnap all the men found nearby and, after having locked them up in the drying room of the abacco, kidnapped two young women who, always under the threat of weapons, were raped in turns. When Epi saw that the German soldiers were closing the men in the drying room, she thought that they wanted to take these men to Germany, or pass them by arms, and for this reason she immediately took care to go from house to house to warn of the danger. The story filled us with anguish and terror, I thought of my mother and my sister who were left alone at home; those soldiers could have used the same violence against them as well. I left my father telling him that if necessary, he would find me at the house of the Ormindo family, a dear and very good man who was a "cellarman" at the Boncompagni estate, in the large "farm" of Fontesegale, where I too had worked for some time as aide to the Mistruzzi factor. The farm is located between the hamlets of Cioccolanti and that of Montecastelli. GRIDA DISPERATE DI UNA DONNA FROM NOW ANOTHER DAY Rather short in stature, red hair and a friendly face full of freckles. He worked as a "cellarman" together with Lucchetti, and I must say with excellent results if the wine from that farm was considered one of the best in the area. I challenge many of the wines of today in comparison with that wine from Fontesegale. I also had the opportunity to appreciate Ormindo for his high sense of attachment to work: in any weather, even in the coldest months, he never lacked despite the fact that he lived about three kilometers from the farm, a distance that he always covered astride the "pants'" . I spent the night sleeping in the hut near Ormindo's house and the house inhabited by the Biagini family, known as “Beppetto”, in the company of other young people whose names I don't remember all of. Among these certainly the Alboni brothers, Gianni and Vittorio. Bruno Montanucci and others. The following morning, Monday 27 June, the harvest was resumed from Pinzaglia and. I remember perfectly, it was harvested in the fields near the house inhabited by the Morelli family, known as “Bichio” owned by the parish of Montemigiano. Around 11 we noticed two armed German soldiers, one of them with a wicker basket; they walked towards Ormindo's house. The soldier with the basket also wore a cook's "zinarola". I remember his teeth that I could see between his lips and that about half was made of steel teeth. Certain details are never forgotten. The harvest continued and I helped to tie the "grigne" of wheat. Suddenly Vittorio, the brother of Giovanni Alboni, a brave fighter of the “Cremona” division, who lost a leg in a fight in the Alfonsine area (Ravenna), arrived running out of breath and bleached in the face. Vittorio at that time must have been fifteen, he begged us to immediately find a pump to inflate the tire of a bicycle taken by the two Germans we had seen shortly before. If I don't take the pump to the Germans immediately, he told us, Bruno runs the risk of being killed. He did not even finish uttering the sentence that a gunshot was heard, coming from the very area from which Vittorio had arrived. Immediately the thought went to Bruno and we all assumed that the Germans had killed him. In no time at all, some on one side, some on the other, we all ran off to hide. The fright and fear were so great that I entered the first door I found; led to the stable of "Beppetto", I lay down in the "crib" in the midst of the snouts of some oxen. trying to cover myself with straw and hay so that, in the event of a check by the two Germans, everything would be normal. After a few minutes, I heard in the distance voices of men and women interrupted every now and then by a few words of incomprehensible German. When these people got close, I plucked up my courage and went out of hiding. joining the group. The two Germans, who were talking to each other, gave me the impression that they were half-smiling and this attitude made the situation less dramatic. What exactly happened? Why and by whom had the shot been fired? The two soldiers, arrived at Ormindo's house, asked his wife for a little fresh vegetables; the woman replied that she did not have any, neither in the house nor in the garden and to make sure she invited the two soldiers to follow her to the nearby garden. Once on the spot the two soldiers saw leaning against the hedge that delimited the perimeter of the garden, a bicycle and took possession of it. One of them got on the bike, but got off immediately as the tires were completely flat. For this reason they asked Bruno, who was nearby, for a pump to inflate, threatening him, if he did not immediately proceed, to shoot him. This was the background that led Vittorio to look for a pump from us. When the two Germans returned to the garden, with the bike next to them, together with Ormindo's wife, the latter, to lower the tension that had been created, went into the house and went out with a flask of wine to offer it to the Germans. They, perhaps fearing a trap, before drinking it made everyone present taste a little and then gulped down all the contents. DA ORMINDO UN ALTRO GIORNO BRUNO'S STORY “I too, like many young people of 1925, was a“ deserter ”as I fled from the“ Biordo Michelotti ”barracks in Perugia, which at that time was in Corso Cavour. To "escape" I had jumped an outer wall of the barracks that overlooked a small ring road and which had a height of five to six meters, but at that moment it seemed much lower. After an infinity of adventures and fears from Perugia to Umbertide, I managed to get to my house which was located above the town of Niccone, owned by the Gnomi family. Since the house, not far from the national road, was easy prey for the retreating German troops, protagonists of real cattle raids and anything else that happened to them, we decided in the family to remove the animals, in particular the oxen, in open countryside, as far as possible from the communication route. I moved with the cows near the Pinzaglia, Morelli and Biagini families, to the word "Simoncelli". I was guarding my livestock, or rather mine and that of the owner, who grazed near the houses, when two German soldiers, I learned later, who were staying in my house in Niccone, suddenly emerged from the vegetation, forced me, under the threat of weapons, to follow them. One of the soldiers had with him a bicycle that he leaned against a plant and, having removed the rifle from his shoulder, bullet in the barrel, with a very scrambled Italian, he asked me if I had a pump to inflate the tires that were on the ground. The other soldier had continued to walk and was no more than twenty meters ahead of us. To the strange request of the soldier I replied hoping to make him understand that I did not know anything, neither about the bicycle nor the pump. To my negative answer, the German raised his rifle and fired. The bullet passed within inches of my head. The other soldier, unaware of what had happened behind him, when he heard the blow he gave his legs up, stopping only when the "comrade" ', with words incomprehensible to me, managed to make him understand that the blow had started from his He went back and as soon as he reached us, he engaged the bayonet, put the bullet in the barrel, pointed the rifle at my body, telling me to keep my arms raised, and began to shout that there were partisans. "Be partisans" he kept saying , without the other soldier, the one who had shot, saying anything. I thought I was being killed. I was in that situation close to death, when Ida di Pinzaglia passed by, unseen by the Germans. glance, he accelerated his passing until he disappeared in the middle of the vegetation. I later learned that Ida, meeting some people, had already narrated my death and great was the surprise she felt when, a short time later, she saw me wandering around safe and sound in the vicinity of guard de "my" cattle. In fact, the two Germans, perhaps tired of threatening me, had let me go and headed towards the house of Biagini and “Ormindo”. I would like to add another detail to Bruno's story. When the soldiers, even after Ormindo's wife had offered wine, kept repeating that the partisans had fired, I looked for the shell of the bullet near the area where the shot was fired; I found it and showed it to the soldier; he laughed and kept repeating "here partisans, we will return", "here partisans, we will return". All this happened around eleven in the morning. The two soldiers left, taking their bicycles with them, albeit with flat tires: they were always ready to raid anything, even of little value. So much so that a few days earlier, on a Sunday afternoon, always in pairs and armed to the teeth, they came to my house from the “Fornacino” and opened all drawers and small drawers in search of some valuable object. This time they were satisfied with a few bars of soap and a few handkerchiefs. Convinced that the threats pronounced in the morning would not be followed up, we remained to discuss for a few minutes and then, tired of the work of the harvest and still gripped by fear, some on one side, some on another we went to eat, making an appointment for the afternoon in a hut near the home of the Biagini family. I had lunch with the Pinzaglia family. Around two in the afternoon we found ourselves in the hut. There were many of us, all from seventeen to twenty-four, young men and women, who instead of taking a nap to rest preferred to spend a few hours together talking a bit of everything; the main topic was always war. We talked for some time and then some, overcome by fatigue, forgetting what had happened in the morning, fell soundly asleep. Two or three others and I stayed awake continuing to talk about our problems, in a low tone of voice, so as not to disturb the rest. About twenty minutes passed. our conversation and the sleep of the others were abruptly interrupted by the din of the door suddenly opened and slammed against the parapet. Not seeing anyone, we thought of a sudden gust of wind. Not even the time to assess whether it was really the wind that opened the door with such violence that we saw the barrels of two rifles held by the two Germans in the morning emerge. Suddenly the threats uttered by the two came to mind; fear and fright made us utterly mute. One of the soldiers, shouting like a maniac "raus-raus", with the barrel of his gun forced us to leave the hut. When we were all outside, still with their guns pointed at, they grouped us together. While one checked the group, the other put the rifle back on his shoulder and began questioning us one at a time. The first to be called and brought a few meters from the others was me. The German, with words pronounced in a crippled Italian, with the help of gestures, asked if I was the owner of the bicycle they had taken away in the morning; he called her "mascine"; she also asked why she had not been provided with the pump to inflate the tires. I was desperately trying to make him understand that I didn't know anything about what had happened in the morning, that I wasn't the owner of the "mascine" and didn't even know who he was. As I tried to make myself understood, I pointed out my dirty and scratched arms and said that I was at the harvesting work and that I didn't know anything about that damned bicycle. I kept repeating over and over, “io arbait, io arbait”. But he didn't want to understand and angrily repeated that I was the master of the “mascine”; suddenly he took the rifle off his shoulder, and put the bullet in the barrel, pointed it in my stomach, continuing to scream. I believe that no pen can describe the terror that pervades a person threatened in that way. Feeling the gun barrel loaded and ready to shoot at you is hallucinating; it is no longer even possible to speak; incomprehensible words are pronounced, without any meaning, only stammering. I don't remember how many minutes, or maybe seconds, I remained in that situation, when the other soldier, with a slightly hinted smile of pity, turned towards the ward and shouted "kaput, kaput". Terrible word that millions of men, women and children, ordinary people and without guilt, millions of innocent people had heard before they died: "kaput - kaput". This horrible word had the effect that can give a resounding slap to the unconscious: that is, I bring myself back to the harsh reality. I regained my courage and went back to explaining to the "inquisitor" that, not being the owner of the bicycle, I could not have the pump and that they would let me go. The German insisted "kaput-kaput". I cannot say how long that strange and incomprehensible "interview" lasted. Finally the soldier, having removed the rifle from my belly, took a few steps towards his dormitory and approached the group of my companions who remained waiting for "their turn" who had followed the whole scene with fear. As soon as the soldier who had threatened me turned his back to go towards the others, with a sudden jerk I rolled down a steep "crag" and managed to disappear from his sight. For a few minutes I hid among the bushes at the bottom of the slope, my heart wanting to come out of my throat, straining my ear to try to hear a few words. After another few minutes, not hearing any noise, I went out of the hedge and in small steps, trying not to get noticed, I went away for the fields, hidden behind the rows of vines in the direction of the Sonaglia house. When I reached her, I told those who had seen me arrive overwhelmed by fear, what had happened. I was recounting the facts when we heard in the distance, again from the direction of the Biagini family, the terrible screams of a woman calling for help. From the tone of our voice we immediately realized that something serious was happening. A few minutes passed and everything seemed to calm down. Slowly I recovered from the fright at what had happened to me and walked back towards the Biagini house. I asked the people present what had happened. They told me that the two German soldiers, always the same, continued the interrogation of my other comrades. Then they moved away in the direction of Montemigiano which is a couple of kilometers from the house. The two soldiers passed in front of a little hut. far from the farmhouse of "Beppetto". A family of Niccone, also displaced, had found hospitality in the hut. A girl who was fifteen at the time was part of this family. When the Germans saw her, perhaps believing her to be alone, they rushed on her trying to rape her. Of this disgusting episode, which fortunately ended without serious consequences, I bear the direct testimony of one of the women who lived the hallucinating experience and who still today, almost forty years after the event, finds in talking to me the same dismay, the same emotions. and the same terror. It is Mrs. Anna, who remembers as follows: IL RACCONTO DI BRUNO THE MEMORY OF ANNA ......... "I had been married for about four years and my husband had been brought by the Germans to Germany as a prisoner of war after the events of September 8. I lived in Montecastelli but, due to the war, I was displaced together with my family who lived in Niccone, in a farmhouse in the parish of Bastia Creti and precisely in the place called “Mansala” not far from the hamlet of Spedalicchio, in the valley of the Niccone stream. That morning of Monday 27 June I returned to the Montecastelli house to take some objects and also to realize how the situation was in that area. Through the paths of the fields and woods, trying to avoid running into German or fascist troops. I came near a group of houses called “Simoncelli”, where the Biagini, called “Beppetto” and Ormindo families lived, not far from the parish house of Montemigiano. I knew that there were displaced families of Niccone with whom I was a friend; I decided to pay a little visit to feel how they were doing. One of these two families with whom I was on excellent terms had found refuge in a hut attached to the house of the colonist Biagini. A girl who at that time was fifteen years old was part of this family and, finding her at home, she stopped me talking. She told me she was alone because her parents were working in the fields helping the farmers. We sat down and started to tell about our life as displaced people. After a few minutes we heard noises around the hut. We got up to realize what was happening. We did not even get to the door when we saw the rifles held by the two German soldiers. Immediately one of them, pressing the rifle to my ribs. he threw me out of the hut and the other pounced on the girl, trying to throw her to the ground. The girl began to scream with all her breath in her throat, trying to defend herself with all her might from the German. Hearing cries for help coming from inside the hut, I too began to scream to get the attention of those who were in the neighboring houses; several came out and rushed towards me who was still screaming. When the soldiers realized that the situation was not turning, despite the weapons. in their favor, they fled in the direction of Montemigiano. thus leaving the girl free who, for the narrow escape, began to cry with joy. After some time, while we were still commenting on what had happened, we heard shots coming from Montemigiano. These shots alarmed us a lot because we feared that something serious might have happened. Then we learned that the shots were aimed at animals that the Germans wanted to kill to eat. I stayed for a few hours in the company of that girl and those who had helped us. I could not say exactly how much time passed, I only remember that someone again pointed out to us the two German soldiers who had passed a few hours earlier. At this sight I had a premonition: “just see what time he is going they take with me that I called for help. As I ruminated these words in my mind, I saw the two soldiers approaching. Then with small steps, walking backwards so as to always look them in the face, in order to understand their intentions, I tried to reach the colonist's house in order to enter and then close the door. One of the soldiers stopped and, loading his rifle, suddenly turned to the others who in the meantime were watching the scene, threatening them to stay still otherwise he would have fired. I remember well the one who had a "zinarola" over his trousers, perhaps he was a kitchen attendant, accelerated his pace and came even closer. When he was near he invited me to go with him into the garden. At my clear refusal he began to push me towards the cellar of the settler which was under the kitchen, in a basement. This too was used as a dormitory so as soon as the German saw a "net" he pushed me back badly and I could not help but fall on it. I started screaming for help, trying to free myself. Seeing my resistance and always holding my wrists, he began to violently stamp my feet with his boots, causing excruciating pain and small wounds that began to bleed. Nevertheless, I tried to resist with all my strength. Suddenly a woman appeared, no longer young, whom I immediately recognized as Angela Pinzaglia, the milkmaid who every day, morning and evening, brought milk to the inhabitants of the hamlet of Niccone. He was holding it in his hand a large falcinello and, bringing it close to the German's throat, forced him to leave me. The German, taken aback by the threat of Angela, took the rifle off his shoulder, with a quick gesture put the bullet in the barrel and facing the woman threatened her with the terrible word "kaput". Hearing this word. now sadly known to all, I hugged Angela and shouted “mom, mom. save me, ”I fainted. Later when I came to my senses I learned that one of the two soldiers had fired a rifle shot in the direction of the people present and that the bullet had passed so close to Bruno Pacieri that it had taken his cap off his head. Then the two soldiers, given the situation that had arisen, in the meantime other people had gathered who under threat of making them pay dearly, they had not gone without first pronouncing threats in German against everyone. Every now and then I, upset, would start screaming and fainting again. They laid me down on the bed for a while and when the sun began to set some willing. Bruno Pacieri, Renato Romeggini, Luigi and Nino Sonaglia with others accompanied me to Montemigiano. When I arrived and passed in front of the parish church that was open, I went into crisis again and, with desperate tears, I entered, thanking Our Lady for the narrow escape. I was terribly frightened that the parish priest, Don Pericle Tirimagni, realizing my situation, did not allow me to take the road back to the house where I was displaced, five or six kilometers away from Montemigiano. and hosted me in the house until the following morning parish church. "All these events took place on Monday 27 June 1944. In the evening, tired and exhausted from what had happened during the day, I went to sleep with many other friends and peers in the hut from which the German soldiers had forced us in the early afternoon, under the threat of weapons, to get out. IL RICORDO DI ANNA THAT JUNE 28 AT DAWN It was not yet dawn when suddenly some of us were awakened by sharp shots from firearms, occasionally bursts and even louder detonations. The exhaustion was so great that not everyone who slept with us heard these shots. Instead Bruno Montanucci, probably more accustomed than others to fatigue and the loss of a few hours of sleep, got up immediately, went out of the hut to realize what on earth was happening trying to see where the shots were coming from. Almost immediately he went back into the hut and woke up those who slept; he said that the house of "Bendino" in the word "Penetola", where the Ivorio and Luchetti families lived, was in flames. We all got up and went to see. The scene that was not completely visible at the first light of dawn had a terrifying aspect. In the meantime we continued to hear the fire of the weapons incessantly and we, terrified, wondered what on earth was happening; we tried not to think about the worst. From time to time we seemed to glimpse, through the smoke and the glare of the flames that flared up more and more, shadows walking around the house. As the daylight increased, the picture that appeared to our eyes took ever more precise contours, making the scene even more terrible. The fire was inside and outside the house. What happened? And why all those shots? Of partisan and guerrilla actions, not even talking about it. No training, neither organized nor in embryo, was operating in that area. The closest partisan formations operated in the Pietralunga area and in the Trasimeno area, which is also very far from us. We noticed that the cattle were in the fields around the house. The sight of cows, sheep, pigs grazing freely in the fields, instead of reassuring me increased our worries. If those shots weren't aimed at cattle, who had the Germans fired? And why had they set the house on fire? The idea that those shots, those volleys, could be aimed at men, did not even cross my mind. Not only mine, but not even that of those who were with me. We all refused to think that this level of barbarism could be reached for no reason. Then there appeared on the path that from the colonist's house leads, over a small bridge over the Niccone stream, towards the road to Mercatale and Cortona, eighteen armed German soldiers with backpacks on their shoulders that appeared swollen. They walked in single file and sang. Suddenly an isolated allied aircraft appeared in the sky, coming from the south. It was one of those small reconnaissance planes called "storks" for their resemblance to the well-wishing birds. The soldiers crouched down the slope that skirted the path, resuming the march as soon as the plane got lost behind the hills that looked towards Lake Trasimeno. We began to move away from the area, always looking at the German soldiers that we will lose sight of when they entered the middle of the vegetation that is along the banks of the Niccone stream. We went up the hill slowly, before returning to our houses, looking back to try to know the truth about what happened. Speaking of free cattle we all made a consideration, which unfortunately proved to be wrong. If the cattle were. free, even the people could only be free! Proceeding with caution, we passed near some peasant houses and Some of my friends separated from the group. Four or five of us remained to reach the Mazzoli house, a farmhouse also owned by the Boncompagni family, where other Niccone families had found hospitality. From time to time we met someone who asked us for news. When we arrived not far from the Mazzoli house, someone, perhaps Mario Tacconi, I don't remember well, briefly informed us about what had really happened. Terrible news. The shooting had caused several deaths. They were certainly all members of the Forni and Nencioni families. The fate of the other members of the colonial families was unknown. I didn't stay even a second longer to get other details that, taken by fright, I started running towards the Fornacino house where my family were. It was a breathless race, with my heart in my throat, with tears in my eyes. To the fright, to the pain, to the effort, there was added the thought for the fate of my parents. I wondered if the German soldiers, who had certainly passed on the way back near the house where we were displaced, had repeated the monstrous crime. What would I find of my family? Would I have found them alive? This thought, with the passage of time, became a nightmare and caused me more harm than physical effort; I kept running home; when I got close and my father, who in the distance had noticed me running in an unusual way, came to meet me. Only when he saw me did he have the feeling that something terrible had happened. I hugged him and asked him how the others were doing. What I felt knowing everyone was fine, I can't describe. I burst into tears of joy at knowing them all alive, and of pain for what had happened to Penetola. I told in a few words, stammering and crying what had happened. They too, although further away, had seen columns of smoke coming from that direction. They had not been able to explain why. They were thinking of a fire in the forest or other brushwood. Now he knew. He tried to cheer me up, but could hardly find words. Knowing the brutality of war and knowing what the Germans were made of, it was now necessary to be constantly on the alert and with eyes wide open to prevent, if possible, other episodes. Now another reason anguished us. In the house where we were displaced, Nello Migliorati's family had also found hospitality; whose wife Annetta was the sister of Erminia, one of the women murdered together with their daughters. How were we going to do it, where were we going to get the courage to tell her what had happened? I was certainly not in a position to tell him. It was my father's turn; with a half lie he said that there had been a shooting and that there had been very serious injuries. Nello had to immediately reach the locality "Penetola" where his relatives were displaced. I later learned that the sight that appeared in the eyes of the first who came was terrible. Women, men and children, even at an early age, lay on the ground, scattered all over the place. Some were even burned in different parts of the body so much so that the willing rescuers, to take them to the cemetery, had problems loading them into the farm cart. In truth of what I affirm, I say that Guido Medici, a fighter in the great war. several times sent to the assault with the bayonet and accustomed to the brutality of war, he kept a handkerchief over his eyes for several days. Like an automaton he wandered around the house where he was evacuated, with his head in his hands trying to forget the terrifying scene that had impressed itself in his eyes and mind. Also on this episode I have collected the testimony of Bruno who, contrary to what I had done, had always remained in the area to guard "his" cattle. .......... "A few hours after the shooting - so Bruno says - when the Germans had resumed their way back to Spedalicchio for a few minutes, from where the soldiers responsible for the massacre had arrived, continuously following looking at the surrounding area, I saw a man, who I later learned was Domenico, known as Menco, a relative of many murdered, running away from the house holding his hands on his face and shouting in despair. With the other locals, I Marcucci. the Sassofrasso, known as the "Mosconi". and the Angeloni, called the "Bistoni", went to meet him. In the midst of the cries of pain he told us what he had seen and begged us to take a chariot to take the dead to the cemetery. Some went to Penetola's house, I with the others went back to take the cart. I did not go to load the dead and awaited the return of the sad load together with the custodian of the cemetery who was the “Vecchio del Moro”, Giorgi. They arrived with the tragic load which consisted of six bodies. They were those of Forni Canzio with their sons Ezio and Edoardo and of Nenciohi, Ferruccio with his wife Milena, and Eugenia, Ferruccio's sister. Describing the scene is difficult. Even today, after almost forty years, it is not "possible" for me to speak without a magone who takes me by the throat. Eugenia and Milena's mother-in-law, Conforto, known as "Sostegno", another son of Erminia and brother of Ferruccio and Eugenia and the four teenagers of the Ivorio and Luchetti families. relatives and acquaintances ..... With my memories and testimonies told, could I consider the chapter of the "Penetola" massacre closed? Or was it necessary to also have the testimony of some survivor of the massacre? eyewitnesses what happened in that distant 1944? What right did I have to ask for the umpteenth time to tell that tragedy? Was it right to renew the pain and despair of the victims' families? or reflected on these questions. If these pages were to be the testimony of those tragic events, it was also not only right but essential that they be described and told by those who had been direct witnesses and victims of them. So I asked the person who suffered more than the others if he was willing to recall the terrible story. This person is Mrs. Dina Avorio, one of the few survivors still alive, who lost three children in the tragedy and who still bears the irreversible signs of that terrible tragedy in her flesh and spirit. QUEL 28 GIUGNO ALL'ALBA THE STORY OF DINA “At that time we were sharecroppers of the Montalto estate owned by the Gnoni family and we lived in the farmhouse called the word“ Penetola ”. We too, like thousands of other peasant families, did not shirk the moral duty of giving help to their fellow man and therefore, despite being a fairly large family, twelve people, we agreed to give a roof to those who asked for it: war and the front began to be felt very close. The families that we welcomed and to which we willingly gave a "accommodation" were that of my brother-in-law Capecci with his wife and a six-year-old son, that of Nencioni, made up of Ferruccio, his wife Milena, his daughter Giovanna, his mother Erminia; that of Fomi Canzio with his wife Rosa and children Ugo, Ezio, Edoardo known as “Piri”. Our family was made up of twelve people and precisely: me, my husband Mario and the children Renato of 14, Antonio of 11, Carlo of 8, Maria of 6 and Giuseppe of 4, my brother-in-law Luchetti Avellino with his wife Rosalinda and children Remo, Guido and Vittorio; another brother-in-law, Fernando, was in the military and therefore did not have our terrible experience. We had settled down like this: we, the Capecci family and Ferruccio with their wife and one of their daughters, Giovanna, were settled in the house as best they could. The Forni family and the remaining members of the Nencioni family, Erminia, Eufemia and Conforto were housed in the tobacco drying room, about thirty meters from home. Life went by in a "normal" way and we were all waiting for the allied troops, whose artillery shots we could distinctly hear over the hill towards Perugia, would arrive to take us away from the nightmare of Nazi-Fascist domination and war on the front line. A few days before that terrible 28th June 1944, Canzio's wife, Rosa and his son Ugo, left “Penetola” and found accommodation with the Domenichini family (known as Giancamillo), towards the locality of S. Anna. This was because Rosa had been seized by a strong fright due to the bombing actions of the allied aviation which gave no respite to the German troops now retreating towards the north. Our house was located about three hundred meters from the "Niccone road" which leads to Lake Trasimeno. At the point where you leave the road to reach our house, there is a small bridge that had been mined by the German troops. A few soldiers were employed as sentry on the bridge to whom one of my sons, Antonio, brought fresh milk from our cows every morning. The relations of all of us with the soldiers on guard at the bridge had always been very good, if not downright cordial to the point that one of these soldiers used to deal with me. when he called me and when I met him, the nickname "mami". In short, not a disagreement, never a gesture of intolerance, nothing that could arouse suspicion or anything else. At one o'clock on June 28th we were immersed in sleep, when we heard loud knocks on the door of the house on an external balcony which was accessed by a flight of steps. Not even the time to go and open it when a violent push opened it all wide with great noise. My husband Mario, who in the meantime had got out of bed, found himself in front of four soldiers in "German uniform" and with the insignia of the "SS" units. To my husband's question about what they wanted and the reason for that sudden visit, one of the four, "in perfect Italian", told him that outside the house there were other soldiers who wanted fresh water to drink. My husband went down the stairs, accompanied the soldiers who were out to the well not far from the house and after a while he returned. In the meantime, almost all those who slept in the house had gathered around the four soldiers, who were talking among themselves, without deigning us to look or to say a sentence. We asked the reason for that "visit" late at night, but no one answered. After some time one of them, not the one who had asked for water, told us that we were "partisans". It said: “banditen. banditen ". Then he added that they had been ordered to shoot us. Shoot us! For what reason? What had we done? To our protests of innocence they responded with mockery and kept repeating "all die, all die," banditen, banditen. "In the meantime, accompanied by the German soldiers who had remained outside, all the other people who slept in the tobacco drying that, under the threat of weapons, they had been forced to follow them. Terror was painted on everyone's faces. We kept asking for explanations, asking why we were sentenced to death, begging us not to do it because we were all innocent. Nothing we had committed. not a gesture, not a word that could have "offended the Germanic honor", but they continued with the usual phrase "all die, banditen." We again begged for our salvation or at least that of the children. charge small creatures because they deserved death? Nothing to do: not even the children were to be spared. We ALL had to die !!! we could no longer communicate even with each other! A "German" soldier arrived, one of those who had remained outside and forced us all to enter a single environment. Occasionally some other family members who had remained in other rooms would arrive. In the end we counted: we were 24 people. Before locking ourselves in this unique environment, we were literally stripped of all our possessions, even the most insignificant. Those who slept outside had suffered the same fate. They had been plundered of all their belongings before being led into the house. Once again, before all the soldiers left, we begged for safety. at least for children. Nothing, they didn't even answer. where some soldiers were on guard, we saw other soldiers accumulating hay in the adjoining rooms. The soldiers were constantly going outside and returning with large armfuls of hay which they systematically deposited in the rooms. Why did the soldiers pile up all that hay? Did they intend to use it as bedding to spend the night and maybe shoot them in the morning? We pondered this fact when acrid smoke and dense began to invade our room. The smoky air was unbreathable. We tried to escape in other environments, but the fire had already flared up and we were pushed back by the flames and the smoke.No one will ever understand what we felt in those moments, not even I would know exactly what happened.In that atmosphere of terror, I remember that one of the first to find death was my son Renato, who, wanting to understand what was happening outside, cautiously approached the window and, always staying behind the glass, looked out. A flash, an immense flame and a tremendous roar hit us. When I recovered from my daze, I looked towards the window and saw my son lying on the ground with a horribly mutilated arm and other wounds to his face. I approached to bring him help but he, perhaps aware of his imminent death, said to me “Mom, it's over, don't think about me anymore, think about my brothers. Try to escape from this hell ”. These were his last words. Death had come through a bomb that one of the soldiers stationed outside the house, had thrown against the window after having glimpsed the face of my poor boy. Those who had saved themselves from the explosion of the first bomb, left the room trying to take shelter in other rooms not yet reached by the flames. My husband and I were petrified by pain, close to our Renato, when another flash and another detonation tore through the room still saturated with the acrid smoke of the previous explosion. The "beast" had thrown another deadly device through the window, now torn up by the first bomb. I felt terrible wounds all over my body. I began to bleed in several parts, but I always remained conscious. I approached my husband looking for help, but he too was injured by the shrapnel of the deadly device, in the side and in the leg. Despite the injuries and the pain that was beginning to be felt, I tried desperately to be useful to my children. I had one, the youngest, 4-year-old Giuseppe who with his 6-year-old sister had escaped the massacre. Because of the smoke that impregnated the environment, Giuseppe fainted from time to time and I had to shake him so that he could resume "living". Always in the grip of terror we continued desperately to seek refuge in the environments still spared by the fire. I remember that in order to remove the flames we used vinegar that was in a "keg". We soaked the clothes in vinegar and then threw it against the door and the walls of the room that had overheated. We were thus able to extinguish some tongues of fire that licked the doors, opening a passage for us. The shots and volleys of automatic weapons continued to come from outside. I still have before my eyes the figure of Conforto who, with a knife in his hand, wandered from one environment to another trying to do something to get out of that pit of hell. In fact, with the strength of desperation, he had managed to break some tiles on the floor of a room that was above the sheep shed. Little by little he had managed to make a hole in the floor such as to allow, always with difficulty, the passage of a person. From this hole he had his sister Eufemia descend first, then his niece Giovanna. He then returned to our room and begged his mother, who was close to me, to go downstairs too. Erminia was reluctant to go down, but when Conforto told her that Eufemia and Giovanna had already got out, she followed her son and went down to the stable too. Comfort came down last. Later, when the tragedy was over; Erminia, Conforto and her mother, all three were found murdered by bursts of machine guns. Giovanna, on the other hand, was found with a slight wound in the shoulder, at the height of the neck, hidden under a cart in the farmyard. At one point I realized that three of my children, the older ones, were no longer in the room with us. I immediately went in search of them in those environments where it was possible to go. Nothing. Had they tried to escape the tragedy? But where had they gone from to go outside, if the main door that led to the stairs leading out was still burning? They had alighted from some window "? No one had seen them! Outside, there were still shots at times, albeit with less intensity. It was becoming more and more day and from the window we could see the surrounding hills and woods. Where were my three children? What were they? Had it happened? For some minutes we had not heard the gunshots anymore. I remained in the room for a few more minutes: the silence had become total. The soldiers had gone away? Not hearing any noise, I took myself to the window that faced the house of "Bendinello", a neighboring settler, who lived with the Bendini and Bioli families. Slowly I opened the window, but without looking around. a hill, four people looking towards our house. In one of these I recognized the owner of the farm, Gnoni Gio Batta. Always hidden inside, I tried with desperate feats of the hand to recall their and let him know we needed help. But they didn't see me, also because of the smoke still rising from the house. A few more minutes passed; we stayed in the house, we didn't risk going out. Besides, where could we get out if the front door was still burning? After a while my sister-in-law's husband, Capecci, managed to enter our room and took us to another room facing south. From the window of this room, with some sheets tied like a rope, he had made his wife, son and other people come out into the open. But of my children, nothing. Slowly I, my husband and others were lowered too. As soon as we hit the ground, without even standing up, we rolled up the slope like so many "empty cans". The terror, the pain of the wounds were nothing compared to the anguish of not knowing where my children had gone. Slowly, still on all fours, we entered the surrounding vegetation. The Ovens tried to escape from a window that was to the east of the house. Under the window was the enclosure attached to the pig barn. And it is precisely inside the “bregno” of the pigs that the lifeless body of Edoardo (known as Piri) was found, almost as if he were sitting on the ground. Those of the father Canzio and of the other son Ezio were a few meters away from the pig stall, slaughtered with machine gun shots. Ferruccio and his wife Milena were found near the main door of the house, almost on the balcony overlooking the outside. They had tried to escape the tragedy on that side but, seen, they too had been prey to the "beasts" lurking and shot down with machine guns. I don't know how long we spent in this situation. After a while we saw some German soldiers, accompanied by people in civilian clothes, coming towards us. What to do? Run away again? To go where? From their gestures it seemed to us that they wanted to tell us not to fear. But despite this, my brother-in-law Avellino didn't want to wait and in no time at all, he started running and disappearing into the thicket of the nearby wood. As the soldiers approached, they tried to make us understand that they had come to help the wounded and, if necessary, take us to the hospital. In fact, my husband and I, who had more need and urgency to be treated, were loaded onto a military van. They would take us to the Città di Castello hospital. During the journey, about 20 kilometers, we heard the soldiers talking among themselves and every now and then they uttered the words "partisans" "banditen". When we arrived near Città di Castello, through the provincial road of Trestina and we were over the bridge over the Tiber, we seemed to understand that the soldiers were willing to throw us down. In fact they stopped. Then they left again and they crossed the bridge. After crossing the bridge, finding no indications from the hospital, they took us back with the vehicle that was moving at a walking pace. And they always repeating “partisans, banditen”. An old woman appeared to whom the soldiers asked for information from the hospital, which because of the war had been transferred to the seminary in the center of the city. The old woman understood the word hospital and perhaps thinking she could not sufficiently explain the path and also given our condition, the wounds were bleeding profusely, she got on the vehicle and accompanied us to the hospital. The soldiers unloaded us badly by handing us over to the first service person they encountered. In handing over to us they repeated the usual words "partisans, banditen". Hearing these words, even the stretcher bearers who had arrived in the meantime remained undecided on what to do and almost did not intend to hospitalize us. After some explanations they understood the situation and gave us the first attention. On the other hand, the attitude of the hospital staff was also understandable as there was the death penalty for those who had assisted the partisans. During this whole ordeal my mind was always turned to my children. What happened to them? Had they managed to escape the tragedy? So why was no one giving me news? It was a constant torture. The next day or after “a few days, I don't remember, we received a visit from some German soldiers, including some officers. They wanted information and clarification on what had happened and if there had been any serious actions by any of us unleash violent retaliation. They listened to us and before leaving they said that the transport of the bodies to the cemetery had been authorized. I looked at my husband and we immediately understood that the tragedy had not spared our creatures. In fact, Renato, Antonio and Carlo had not escaped. A few days passed and the German soldiers returned to question us again, and again they made us tell the facts of that terrible night. We understood that there was no trace of those who had somehow received "offense" or of those who had authorized the retaliation in the German area command. Mystery. Our hospital stay lasted for about a month and when the wounds "of the flesh" began to heal, we were discharged and brought back to our remaining loved ones who, in the meantime, had moved to a farmhouse further upstream than ours, which had been destroyed. from the fire and the wickedness of "men". IL RACCONTO DI DINA THE OTHER VICTIMS For many years I lived with those poor victims in the same hamlet; I lived in the same building with the Forni family and therefore, knowing them well enough, I would like ... for what emerges from distant memories, to talk about them recalling some facts. Of the Forni family, who was closest to me, Canzio was the head of the family, Rosa his second wife and their children Ugo. Ezio and Edoardo (called Piri). As I have already mentioned, Canzio was part of that large group of Niccone stonecutters, for whom it is necessary to say a few words as their work was required and very important. In fact, most of the stonecutters of the municipality and neighboring municipalities were concentrated in the hamlet of Niccone. I list them according to my memories: Giuseppe Medici and his son Orlando (Guido), Menotti Nencioni, the Testerini brothers (Dante, Primo, Secondo), Canzio Fomi and Ferruccio Nencioni (victims of Penetola), Magino Faloci, Antonio Nanni, Carlo Mattioni , According to Magrini and, the only living ones, Marino Baccellini and Duilio Truffelli; the latter is the rebuilder of the Rocca fountain, which was rebuilt in 1978 by the municipal administration. Their specialty was the processing of “sandstone” or serena stone which they extracted mainly from the “Giappichini” quarries near Molino Vitelli, “Fariale”, near Mita and from Monte Acuto. This type of stone was used for pavement of sidewalks, for gutters, fireplaces, columns and doorposts, stairs, window sills. Some important works of these stonecutters are the facade of the parish church of Niccone, the external columns of the Collegiate church, the door of the town hall and some chapels of the various cemeteries scattered throughout the territory. The martyrdom of Canzio and his sons Ezio and Edoardo, according to reliable rumors of those who were in the house of "Penetola", can thus be reconstructed. Despite the guard that some soldiers kept at the windows, it seems that Ezio found a way to throw himself outdoors, followed by his father Canzio and his brother Edoardo. From the way the corpses of Ezio and his father were found, it seems that Ezio had managed to throw himself out of that hell and take a few steps in the direction of "life". Knowing that his father had jumped out shortly after, not seeing him, he turned back. Instead his father, seen by the Germans, had been mowed down by a burst of machine guns. Ezio saw him and stooped to help him; at that moment the Germans came out and he too was killed and fell face down on his father's body. From Ezio's position, the conviction arises that the facts have had this development. Edoardo was found by the rescuers, sitting on the ground with his back leaning against the wall surrounding the pig barn, as if he were sleeping. Perhaps he too had managed to climb out of the window, but not to escape the lurking "criminals". Ferruccio was also a stone worker and a passionate hunter; who does not remember his hunting tales? They were so precise in all the smallest details that when he told them he made us relive the scenes, the sensations, as if we had been present on the hunt. Ferruccio's mother, Erminia », his wife Milena, his sister Eufemia and his brother Conforto (called Sostegno), all met a horrible death in the tragic night. I have a vivid memory of Conforto (known as Sostegno), as together, he as a private owner, I as an intern, we met at the middle school license exam (Avviamento) and together we prepared for the exams. He worked in Milan at the tram company of the Lombard metropolis and since he wanted to progress in his career, he had returned to his native country to take his secondary school diploma. In Milan he would then undertake evening courses for working students and would have liked to graduate from high school. He was thirty-six at the time of his death, not married not because he lacked opportunities, but he said that before getting married he wanted to secure a better position. Eufemia, she too was not married, had always dedicated herself together with her mother Erminia and her sister Virginia (the only survivor of the tragedy because she was displaced elsewhere with her family) to manage Niccone's grocery store. Milena, Ferruccio's wife, was a talented and sought-after dressmaker for women. The two daughters, Gaetana and Giovanna, who were 13 and 5 years old respectively, were saved from the tragedy that struck the Nencioni family. Gaetana was displaced elsewhere with her maternal grandmother Settimia; Giovanna, finding herself in the place of the massacre, luckily managed to take refuge under a farm cart. The soldiers raged against her too, firing a few rifle shots that luckily failed. All this happened on June 28, 1944. After a few days, while I was walking through the surrounding countryside and precisely near the house of the colonist Ciubini, a sharecropper of the Boncompagni, I saw a black soldier approaching, holding a can, which looked like a mess tin; with a crippled Italian, with the help of his hand, he asked for fresh milk to drink. It was the clear sign that the nightmare was about to end and, now free from the fear of being "taken" by the fascists and the Germans, I ran like a colt not yet tamed, towards the house of "Fornacino" bringing the news to everyone. The next morning the bulk of the allied troops had already established, a few hundred meters south of the “Fornacino” house, a line of fire, which for a few days shelled northwards where the German troops had withdrawn. LE ALTRE VITTIME THE VICTIMS Penetola di Niccone (Umbertide), June 28, 1944 IVORY Antonio - 11 years IVORY Carlo - 8 years IVORY Renato - 14 years FERRINI Milena in Nencioni - 41 years OVENS Canzio - 58 years FORNI Ezio - 21 years OVENS Edoardo - 16 years LUCHETTI Guido - 18 years NENCIONI Conforto - 36 years NENCIONI Eufemia - 44 years NENCIONI Ferruccio - 46 years RENZINI Erminia in Nencioni - 68 years LE VITTIME Photo: Giovanni, known as Gianni Bottaccioli. Photos, like the whole work, granted by the daughters Elvira and Giovanna. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

Il Borgo San Giovanni Il ricordo di Luciano Bebi, 16 anni deceduto nel bombardamento del Borgo San Giovanni il 25 aprile 1944. Recitato da Teo Roselletti. Bebi Luciano 00:00 / 01:24 Progetto "Ottant'anni" (1944- 2024) a cura di Mario Tosti, Unitre di Umbertide, il Centro Culturale San Francesco, con il Patrocinio del Comune di Umbertide. Realizzato con la collaborazione di Corrado Baldoni, Mario Bani, Serio Bargelli, Sergio Magrini Alunno, Massimo Pascolini, Antonio Renzini, Luca Silvioni, Pietro Taverniti, Romano Viti. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com EH Carr "Change is certain. Progress is not "

1915 - ELECTRICITY ARRIVES IN UMBERTIDE From candle to light bulb by Amedeo Massetti and Mario Tosti By the light of a flame In the nineteenth century, going around at night in Fratta was not at all easy, especially when there was no moon. Our ancestors took care to establish the rules in the Statute of Fratta. "We establish and order that no person should go to the castle at night from after the third sign of the bell rang by the town crier, to one hour after sunset for the time in which a miserere is recited, under penalty of 10 soldi per each person and each time. Those who bring lights or embers lit in the vicinity of the house or shop are excluded from the penalty; or doctors or others who brought medicines for the sick or who went to look for the midwife; or even the bakers or whoever brought or brought back the bread from the oven; or for other legitimate causes approved by the podestà. Anyone found by the podestà or by the secret guards with the light or the ember that has gone out against their will, by the wind or other accident, is also excluded from the penalty, provided they are under oath. " Since it was not very convenient for everyone to take their torch for a walk, after a few centuries it was agreed to install fixed night lamps in the most popular places in the historic center of Fratta. Only four or five oil lamps illuminated the darkness of the alleys in the early nineteenth century, as scrupulous and attentive guardians who watched the intimacy of the family and covered the profiles of the houses with soft and suffused light. But they too quickly went out and the faint lights of the few icons, embedded in the walls, which the piety of the faithful lit up every now and then, remained on. In the year 1845, the Frattisan nights were lit by only seven oil lamps. One of them, that of the Piazza dell'Orologio, was larger than the others, with a "more modern" crystal tube; it made more light and consumed more oil. According to the lighting man, it required more work than all the others put together ... The halo of faint light cast by the flames should have created a serene and romantic atmosphere. The maintenance work was less romantic, since the Contractor had to "prepare the street lamps, turn them on and dim them by climbing them by means of a ladder which, being contrary to sound police laws, was a burden to the Contractor himself ... All for 62 scudi a year. " At the end of the century there were 28 street lamps, but the town had also grown and the brightness remained very dim. They remained lit all night only on days of celebration or danger; at the first light of dawn, the man in charge of the street lamps made the rounds to turn them off in order to save the oil, which was at his expense. The arrival of electricity With Perugia, Sansepolcro and Città di Castello rejoicing in the light of the bulbs for some years, Umbertide could not afford to remain in the dark. We began to talk about this need in 1912: the soul of the initiative was Francesco Andreani , a lawyer of great value, elected mayor of Umbertide after the elections of 30 January 1910, which determined an epochal turning point in the Municipality. A preliminary study had been made, probably inspired by the 39 oil lamps currently in existence: perhaps due to the concern about the costs of the new light source, an attempt was made not to take a step longer than the leg, assuming the installation of 35 lamps. . Walking along the way, the appetite increased: the originally planned lamps increased to triple, as shown by the session of the City Council of 24 July 1912, which represented the first formal act towards the goal of electric lighting. Therefore the entire fee charged to the Municipality swelled to £ 4,000, considered by the administrators to be not too burdensome, compared to the great benefits for the country. After three years of ups and downs, on 21 December 1915, with the First World War in progress, the Società Anonima Elettricità Umbra brought electricity to Umbertide. The price of electricity for private individuals was that charged in the city of Perugia by the Concessionaire itself: 60 cents per kWh, when the average hourly earnings of a worker was 25 cents. In the end, 104 light points were called to illuminate the nights of our grandparents and great-grandparents. If, at first, the new form of energy was greeted with amazement and excitement, the shortcomings of the revolutionary service soon cooled the enthusiasm, which turned everywhere into lively protests from the public and the irony of the press. Even the people of Umbria unleashed strong complaints, so that on 9 August 1916 the mayor was forced to take a pen and paper to beat his fists on the manager's table, with almost poetic tones: "It has been noted, and the public expresses complaints, that some time the switching on of the public lighting is carried out in the evening when darkness is advanced and it is switched off before the light of dawn is manifested. Although the expression of the contract regarding the switch-on and switch-off times is a bit vague, please, however, SV Ill. to arrange that this expression is not interpreted in a strictly unilateral way by the employees of the Company but with a criterion of fair breadth. Trusting, thank you and respect. ". The Company, after a week, replied hastily that the hours were the same for all the other municipalities, including that of Perugia, and that no one had complained. However, he left a crack open, proposing a meeting with the Director. And the Mayor had to take the bait, to no avail. Electricity in every home In 1931 the Società Anonima Elettricità Umbra was absorbed by UNES, which took over the service in Umbertide, with the cabin operator Armando Settembre, helped by Romeo Guasticchi and Mariano Manuali. With the growing possibilities offered by electricity, the City developed the capabilities to build and operate new plants. In this task the engineer Egino Villarini played a fundamental role. In fact, for having been part, as secretary, of the National Liberation Committee, he was well known and appreciated in the Municipality; therefore it was natural that in the first years of the postwar period his collaboration was requested and obtained. The opportunity arose when the then manager of the maintenance sector, Mario Tacconi, asked him to examine some estimates for the modernization of the public lighting systems in Via Roma and Via Garibaldi. It was immediately evident how exaggerated the prices were; therefore it would have been much more advantageous to carry out the work economically, with the means and staff of the institution, avoiding tenders. Since then a collaboration relationship was born that would last until the end of the century and beyond. The engineer, having made the calculations, took care of the procurement of materials, obtaining favorable prices thanks to the contacts he already had with suppliers. But to make the connections, a collaborator was needed to take care of the manual work. The choice fell on Giuseppe Tarragoni, a former tailor, then employed in the Municipality of Umbertide as a roadster. From that moment the couple became inseparable. Arranged via Roma and via Garibaldi, via Cibo, via Soli, piazza Marconi, part of the historic center and more were also modernized. Giuseppe learned quickly and well, coming to be hired as an electrician. Electricity accelerated the transition from the old to the new: the symbol of the transition can be well represented by the electric pumps that the engineer Villarini mounted on the treks of a landowner, together with the wooden cabins for the electrical panels, so as to be able to make the shuttles from one point of the Tiber to the other to irrigate the fields. The collaboration of engineer Villarini with the Municipality, which lasted more than thirty years, ended with the lifting of the waters in Monte Acuto. Reached the maximum peak, the time has come for a well-deserved rest. CAINO, the ferryman from oil lamps to electric lights Giuseppe Bettoni, known as Caino , was a knife grinder. To round off he had accepted the task of the Municipality to turn the street lamps on and off. In order to carry out his function, early in the morning Cain wandered through the streets and, either because of that mocking spirit that animated him, or because he did not feel completely alone, he loved to call his acquaintances who lived in the streets where he passed. So he shouted: "Gigia! Stay in bed that nengue!" or "People, alzative 'ché there' l sole" , even if it was not true. In short, he was a precursor of the meteorological service, but with surprise. With the arrival of electricity, the role of dispenser of light by means of a lever, allowed him to gain undying notoriety in the village. In fact, when the light went out, at the same time everyone's thoughts went to him, the only one able to do the miracle: fiat lux! A few minutes of darkness were enough for the common plea to be intoned inside every house: "Cain, the light will burn!" . And if the time was prolonged, the comments spread from window to window: “What is Cain doing tonight! He is sleeping?" , "It is up to you to see, that if he plays with Martina (his wife)!" . The frequent miracle of the defeated darkness, thanks to his intervention on the main switch placed on the external wall of the Town Hall in Via Grilli, had made him deserve a popular refrain that imagined him wandering among the stars of the firmament competing with his street lamps to lighten the night: “I see the moon / I see the stars / I see Cain / making pancakes” . 'THE CUCCO Raffaele Bracalenti, known only as ' l Cucco , was built between the forge and the anvil in the dark cave of the municipal workshop in Via Soli. Particularly devoted to autarchy, perhaps due to unconscious plagiarism suffered during the dictatorship, he had even built, refusing to buy it in the shop, an umbrella with a metal hat shaped like a hammer and fixed at the top to a water pipe from three quarters of an inch. And woe to anyone who thought it uncomfortable! But what does a blacksmith have to do with electricity? The truth is that Cucco had a particular passion for light bulbs, especially for burned out ones, which he considered a precious brass mine, at zero kilometers. To exploit it, he had set up a rigorous procedure, based on a brass pact with the maintenance worker: do not throw away the broken bulbs, but return them to the workshop, an essential condition for having as many new ones in exchange. It is not known what happened to the glass; but inevitably each butt of the old lamps ended up in a basket which, having reached the optimal batch for casting, was emptied into the crucible above the forge. The molten mass was poured into a plaster mold in order to cool in the form of a tube, from which Raffaele, after a day's work, produced a tap for the water of the public fountains. Two birds with one stone: cremator of light bulbs and manufacturer of taps! ZUMBOLA The collection of bills could not fail to be entrusted to Gino Sonaglia, known as Zumbola , who had all the ideal requirements. In fact, with his resume as a collector of rabbit and lamb skins, he knew all the heads of families in the suburbs and in the countryside; with the people of the capital, being a friend of everyone, he knew their stories and residences; moreover, there was no dance party missing, a precious opportunity to get to know the youth. In 1953, UNES jumped at his candidacy as the ideal public relation. To the knowledge of the clientele and the ability to take it by the side of the hair, he added the natural gift of a smiling gaze, reinforced by an intriguing mustache: avant-garde of a jovial and expansive character that captured friendship. Zumbola was the best way to lightly face the thankless task of asking for money for something you don't eat, like light, even from those who didn't have a penny. Gino returned the trust with the utmost commitment. The collection procedure began in the family, where his wife Elvira and their children Luciana and Zumbolino jr fanned the bills on the kitchen table, to group them in order of street, hamlet, country words. With the bag on his shoulder, Gino tackled the tour, every month for companies, every two for families. To take the debtors with caution, preparing them for bloodletting, he did not ring the bell or the knocker of the door, but announced himself from a distance with his powerful voice, interspersed with whistles that broke the eardrums, singing their name with cheerful metrics. From the "Calendar of Umbertide 2015" Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2015 Concept and editorial project: Adriano Bottaccioli ; Texts: Adriano Bottaccioli , Mario Tosti , Amedeo Massetti , Fabio Mariotti. The texts on this page are excerpts from the book: "From the candle to the light bulb" by Amedeo Massetti and Mario Tosti, Local Publishing Group - Digital Editor srl - Umbertide (Pg), also containing ideas taken from the book "Umbertide in the nineteenth century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Gesp Editrice, Città di Castello, 2001.

The Ciccicocco (edited by Francesco Deplanu) THE "CICCICOCCO", or "CICOLO" (Eugubino dialect) is an almost lost tradition of Easter Thursday in which the boys, often masked, went to knock on the door of the houses to ask for a gift, once pieces of fat, eggs and sausages with a skewer to collect them e a basket, later used for pennies and candies. The tradition is centuries old and perhaps linked to pre-Christian customs. What we do know is that from Città di Castello up to Perugia, in the Cortona and Mercatale area the name of the custom and the modalities are the same, in the Gubbio the tradition is the same but only the name by which it is indicated differs: " cicolo ". And in the rest of Italy? In the Modena area with "Unnṡer al spròoch" , to grease the stick, always on Shrove Thursday, the boys went, it seems not in disguise, with a kind of spit to ask for fat in the countryside, knocking on doors with nursery rhymes. In Salento , in the province of Lecce, they did not ask for food but always disguised themselves for Fat Thursday and groups of young people disguised themselves and went into the streets or from house to house carrying their jokes with jokes and allusions ("G. Palumbo," Some customs of the Carnival in the Province of Lecce ", Vol. 10, N.2, p. 127 , Olschki 1939). In our homes, especially in the countryside, a piece of fat was hung, usually behind the door. Even with us they went with the spit pronouncing variants of nursery rhymes such as " Ciccicocco pane 'ntento, damme n'ovo pel mi' zi Menco ... "Isotta Bottaccioli, on the other hand, remembers one nursery rhyme which was handed down to Niccone: " Ciccicocco pane 'ntento, se' n mel de tel ficco drento ... " very little reassuring given the use of the "spit". A Lama on the border between Umbria and Tuscany For 12 years, elementary schools have tried to transmit the memory of tradition to the youngest. We insert this video from TTV: https://www.facebook.com/ttvteveretv/videos/124234005673331/ Sources: - Oral sources - https://dialettocarpigianocarpimodena.blogspot.com/2013/01/unnser-usi-e-tradizioni-per-capodanno-e.html?m=1 - https://m.facebook.com/comunedicittadicastello/posts/1871279396421429 - https://www.facebook.com/ttvteveretv/videos/124234005673331/ - G. Palumbo, " Some customs of the Carnival in the Province of Lecce ", Vol. 10, N.2, p. 127, Olschki 1939 Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

The Stonecutters of Niccone And the "ciaccabreccia" of the Tiber curated by Francesco Deplanu This is a beginning, a research perspective with few news and sources that we intend to follow, however: workers and jobs lost in our territory linked to physical and productive characteristics that have changed over time. We have news of the stonecutters of Niccone da Giovanni Bottaccioli who in 1985 fixed his memories on the " stonecutters " of the hamlet where his family came from within his text on the victims of Penetola . In fact, among the victims of the Forni family there was Canzio and Ferruccio was also killed for the Nencioni family: both stonemasons. In this regard Bottaccioli wrote: “ As I have already mentioned, Canzio was part of that large group of Niccone stonemasons, for whom it is necessary to say a few words since their work was in demand and very important. In fact, most of the stonecutters of the municipality and neighboring municipalities were concentrated in the hamlet of Niccone. I list them according to my memories: Giuseppe Medici and his son Orlando (Guido), Menotti Nencioni, the Testerini brothers (Dante, Primo, Secondo), Canzio Forni and Ferruccio Nencioni (victims of Penetola), Magino Faloci, Antonio Nanni, Carlo Mattioni , According to Magrini and, the only living ones, Marino Baccellini and Duilio Truffelli; the latter is the rebuilder of the Rocca fountain, which was rebuilt in 1978 by the municipal administration. Their specialty was the processing of “sandstone” or serena stone which they extracted mainly from the “Giappichini” quarries near Molino Vitelli, “Fariale”, near Mita and from Monte Acuto. This type of stone was used for pavement of sidewalks, for gutters, fireplaces, columns and doorposts, stairs, window sills. Some important works of these stonecutters are the facade of the parish church of Niccone, the external columns of the Collegiate church, the door of the town hall and some chapels of the various cemeteries scattered throughout the territory. ". Giovanni had also kept some instruments of the Medici family, the family of his wife Renata, a beloved lifelong companion: hammer and chisel dating back to the end of the nineteenth century and left by him father Orlando. It is the action that is done with the tool that gave life to the name of their trade: “scalpére” is in fact a Latin term which means to carve, engrave, the term “chisel” and then “stonemason” derived from it. According to what Giovanni's nephew Giampaolo Bottaccioli reports, the chisel was hardened "with water" and not with "oil." That is, the tip was hardened with a series of successive immersions in water. Giampaolo also remembers the "acute ”Characterizing the hamlet of Niccone since the morning when he was little: the intermittent noise of the chisels on the stone. Again thanks to the Bottaccioli family, thanks to the availability of Giovanna, daughter of Giovanni and Renata, we were also able to photograph the 1893 hammer, which had belonged to Giuseppe Medici and then to his son Orlando, known as Guido. They were important tools, prepared precisely for the processing of stones and were passed from father to son. The gesture of hitting the chisel to model the yellow sandstone and the more gray one, that is the pietra serena, bent the metal giving us the sense of fatigue, blow by blow, which allowed their achievements. This instrument was the "mallet" or "stonecutter's mallet": it was composed of an untempered iron head with two quadrangular mouths and a central eye for grafting the wooden handle. The work of the stonemason in our areas probably did not have the same distinction that existed in other parts of Italy between real "quarrymen" and "stonecutters", the type of possible works and the realizations visible in the area. Our "stonecutters" moved among the roles of laborers, workers for structural work, craftsmen for the precise realization of architraves or other simple decorative elements and, if necessary, they had to respond to requests for skill and sensitivity almost from artists for the realization of more complex decorations. Surely the "bulk" of the activity was aimed at the construction of steps, sidewalks, building finishing stones, etc ..., and it was a tiring job: sitting on the ground with the constant risk of being hit by a splinter in the eye. Isotta Bottaccioli remembers the immediate and peremptory warnings to go away for this reason that they received as children when they got too close to the "stonecutters". Angeletti Angelo, in his book “ If only the Stones are left to speak ”, where he tells his childhood and the life he took to Montemigiano, also reports the child's games they played at Niccone: " Every now and then, interrupting the game, I would start looking at the stonecutters who, sitting on the ground, beat and beat with strange hammers on large stones and hit their hands and their faces thick with dust and sweat, but above all their eyes amazed me, because they reminded me of those of the rabbits my grandmother raised, so red they looked like burning coals. "(Cit. P.41). The precise indications of Giovanni Bottaccioli should be confirmed at least by working documents or indications of payments, if any, especially as regards the external columns of Santa Maria della Reggia. We are left with the existing decorative / architectural and the material sources. As for the church of Maria SS. del Carmine di Niccone, the work of the last "survivors" of this workforce is also visible in the decorative element of the portal of the facade, now actually completely covered with ivy. There is very little news on the net but on a site of the "Catholic Church" dedicated to the description of the churches in the various Dioceses you can read: " entrance portal consisting of an opening surmounted by a round arch surrounded by a large molded frame ". This At first glance, the "entrance portal" appears to be in "pietra serena" even if it is not specified on the site ... as certainly are the entrance and interior steps; instead, "Lisciano Niccone" rather than "Niccone" is indicated as the location of the church. The church, as reported on an internal plaque, was consecrated in 1947 by Bishop Cipriani and commissioned by Don Pericle Tirimagni. Cement, the building material it replaced the stone was used to structure " two large concrete parallelepipeds protruding from the plane that houses the openings and the portal. These projections that occupy the facade for its entire height are decorated with a series of horizontal bands that are repeated from the base to at the peak ". Isotta Bottaccioli has a clear memory of Orlando Medici, known as "Guido", who worked incessantly to create the external "decoration" of the forepart. The church of Niccone, with the façade still visible in the 70s-80s and as it is today. Photo 1: http://www.chieseitaliane.chiesacattolica.it/chieseitaliane/schedaca.jsp?sercd=37995 Photo 2: Francesco Deplanu Isotta also remembers the instrument with which "Guido" medici worked, "beat" or "tapped", to prepare the decorative stones of the facade of the church of Niccone and the external steps in pietra serena and those that allow you to go up to the Presbytery. A different hammer from the one preserved and visible above, with a notched plate on the surface. A hammer that Isotta recognizes among the historical ones that were certainly used in Tuscany that can be traced on the web: the "bocciarda". This instrument was also called "bocciardà" in the marble quarries of Bassano del Grappa. Duilio Truffelli, in the memories of his son, used to call this instrument is the "liar", an evidently distorted modality of the local dialect. We report the definition of a company of the "Tuscan boulder" that has recovered the tools of the ancient "stonecutters": " Big hammer having the end of the mouth equipped with several points pyramidal one next to the other, used in the processing of stones to make them rough (beating). Also known as a grain hammer. ". "bocciarda" was to hit the stone with the notched part so that all the points touch together. The surface of the affected stone thus becomes dotted and is defined as an "orange peel". An estimate can be made of how many stones that adorn the facade have undergone the "beatings" based on the old images of the church: the ornamental bands are about 60 for each "tower", each band has between 4 and 6 stones on each side ( are 3 sides), this leads to a number between 700 and 1000 stones worked probably one by one since in the immediate postwar period modern technologies were not available. It was certainly a collective work of the "stonecutters". Isotta on the steps of the church of Niccone in the 1950s. The decorative stones of the façade are still visible. The "bocciarda" to "tap" the stone. Image from the web. The "beating" of the exposed stone in the decorative stones of the facade of the church of Niccone with its "orange peel" result. Details of some internal and external ornamental stones of the church, with signs of aging and flaking together with the visible "fine-grained punching" in the entrance step. Commemorative plaque of the consecration (1947). Niccone building with openings on the facade all decorated in pietra serena. As for the origin of the most characteristic material used by the "stonecutters of Niccone", ie sandstones, we have confirmation of at least two "facts". The first is the existence of a "microtoponym" mentioned by Bottaccioli that is visible in the "tablet" of the IGMI with relief from 1941, F. 120 I NO, where you can highlight the signs of a slope line represented by small wedges, with probable emergence of sandstones, at " i Giappichini ", near Molin de Vitelli. The second is a historical reference to a sandstone "quarry" right near the town of Niccone. In the text of Bernardino Sperandio, " Of the Umbrian construction and ornamental stones " a document is reported among the "Inventories" entitled " State of Mines, Mineral Sources, Quarries, Workshops existing in the Municipality of Fratta, province of Perugia, district of Perugia ", ASCU year 1861. This inventory indicates the " Quarries and Torbiere " of Fratta (cited in the text "Umbertide" also if in fact his name had not yet been changed). The document reports various types of stones, among these the " Strong sandstone or stone are used for use [...] " (the "pietraforte" in Tuscany is a very solid sandstone) and their presence is indicated as well as in the Parish di Romeggio, also a site in the “ parish of M. Migiano owned by the suppressed Eremo di Montecorona ”. Montemigiano above Niccone. One thinks that it is no coincidence that such a high presence of "stonecutters" has developed at Niccone. The town acts as a "link" with the road that connects the Tiber Valley and Tuscany where the "pietra serena" was also used as a "stone of art". It's still famous is the pietra serena ("boulder") Fiorenzuola, an area where the only quarries still remain economically active today. In Tuoro sul Trasimeno there were some valuable quarries in the past, if you re-read the Bottaccioli pass you can see that the quarries used by the Niccone stonecutters "proceed" towards the lake; area with a similar surface geological composition. Proceeding from Molin de Vitelli and then towards "la Mita" you arrive at border with the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, historically, and Tuscany today. In Tuoro this activity is remembered by the sculptures of the "Campo del sole" at Punta Navaccia. It is probable that the "stonecutters" of our area have borrowed knowledge and working methods from their Tuscan neighbors rather than from the ancient tradition of the "stonecutters" of the Eugubino, where limestone was and is the stone of art and construction. Limestone that needs another type of processing and that has a very different resistance to atmospheric agents. But here there is absolutely no security given what can be found in the quoted text by Sperandio quoted above. In the Gubbio, in fact, there are two specific types of sandstone, the " corniolo " and the " palombino ". The first is also called "boulder". The "Corniolo", mainly used since the 15th century, it is assumed that it came from the Scheggia area or from San Benedetto towards Pietralunga. Also it is mentioned that this stone when it was found it was “ set aside in the fields, in small boulders of gray-green colors until they took on a yellow-ocher hue ”. Harvesting action carried out in the winter by farmers since the Middle Ages. Those who know the hills that go from Niccone to Tuscany know well how it is common to find similar "boulders", which are usually present in our rural buildings. The “Palombino”, a less frequent and more compact straw yellow sandstone, was used instead in the 17th century and was extracted in the upper part of the Bottaccione. The Collegiate, Santa Maria della Reggia, (details and photos from 1929) with the external columns in evidence; the fountain rebuilt in 1978 and the main door of the Town Hall, all in pietra serena. The fountain that someone today calls of “One thousand lire”, due to the last restoration made with the last “lire” in 2001, after the changeover to the euro, has an ancient history. The previous restorations date back, as Bottaccioli tells us, to 1978 when a refurbishment took place by the “stonemason” Duilio Truffelli. Even before its placement under the fortress it was positioned, as told by prof. Sciurpa, leaning against the ancient church of Sant'Erasmo. Here, writes Sciurpa, << on 29 September 1849 it was decided to make “the necessary restorations to the public fountain to water the horses, located in the Upper Borgo along the Via Montonese ” >>. As mentioned in 1978 there was a remake of it by the Municipal Administration. Today the fountain it has been moved and still not repositioned due to the works to refurbish the square in front of the Rocca. Photo from: http://www.lorenzocoriophotography.altervista.org/landscapes/italia/umbria/dsc_1066-1000px.jpg.html Giampaolo Bottaccioli recalls that in Umbertide there was, in addition to the activity of working the most valuable stones, also that of working simple stones and pebbles from the Tiber river, smaller "pieces" used for different activities based on the size. It should be remembered that until the post-war period the same road that connected Umbertide to Niccone was also a road made of "breach". Shortly after the end of the bridge over the Tiber, in the direction of Niccone where the road has a crossroads for the Abbey of Montecorona, it was usual to see men in charge of breaking the stones of the Tiber into smaller parts. The "ciaccabreccia" (or "ciaccabreccia") Pàrise at work. Photo by Fabio Mariotti. They were the "ciaccabreccia" probably present along the river in more villages. We transcribe a part of the text "The Tiber and Umbertide" on pg. 46 referring to the work of the "ciaccabreccia": “For the stones and the pitrìccio the ciaccabreccia came into action : all day with a mazzétta he ciaccàva i sàssa and capàva the bòni to tira on the walls , 'all day long with a club he choped the stones; he put aside the best ones destined for construction ". In addition to this, in the text by Maria Cecilia Moretti you can also read a description, always in the dialectal language, of the tools for splitting stones: " A la Fràtta, 'a Umbertide', an old ciaccaìno used three hammers: a larger one for large stones , a mezzanòtta, 'an average for medium stones', ùna more migna plus picini stones ,' the smaller one for minute stones "; quàn s e'ra stew de da ta n sàsso grosso ... change the mazze'tta e déa ta n sàsso picìno , 'when he was tired of using the heavy wad he changed the wad and chopped the smaller stones.' He always knocked on the same point; in Pretola, the point where the blows fell was called the cacatìna ; the montòn de brécia , 'the heap of breccia', was growing. " The work of "ciaccabreccia" was certainly ancient, but it was found to coexist for a long time with the mechanization that started in the early 1900s, it was certainly present in the collection and processing of river stone as seen in this image from 1939. This document shows us the coexistence in the production process linked to the building material between the cart pulled by donkeys, manual work and the machine in action. We conclude by always specifying from the work of the Sperandio a synthesis of the others rock or construction materials present in our territory. As for the quarries and peat bogs, the "substances" indicated in 1861 were "white marble", "dark red or white marble", "cenerino marble", "red veined white marble", "white veined marble", "black marble" , "Sand quarry", "Clay quarry", "Pozzolana quarry", Quarry for Macine "as well as" Strong sandstone stones ". The "quarry for millstones" was located at the Parish of San Giuliano, or in the area of San Giuliano delle Pignatte, from whose church comes the 8th century ciborium. today moved to the Abbey of Montecorona. Precisely the Montecorona area, along the Nese stream, was characterized by the presence of "calcarenites", or "marbles". At Monte Acuto the calcarenites of "dark red marble" and "substances" of "pozzolana" emerged. Finally, sand and clay that were found in areas near the Tiber. SOURCES: PHOTO: -Francesco Deplanu and Fabio Mariotti (Municipal and personal archives). Photo of the "bocciarda" from the web. - Photo of the fountain after the 2002 restoration: http://www.lorenzocoriophotography.altervista.org/landscapes/italia/umbria/dsc_1066-1000px.jpg.html ORAL SOURCES - Bottaccioli Isotta, Bottaccioli Giampaolo and Bottaccioli Giovanna. TEXTS - Giovanni Bottaccioli: " Penetola, not all the dead die " - Municipality of Umbertide, 1985/2005. Fully visible and downloadable in the .pdf version prepared by "umbertidestoria" by clicking here . - “The Tiber and Umbertide” (curated by Sestilio Polimanti) by Maria Cecilia Moretti, Lorena Benedice Filippini and Fausto Minciarelli. Text extracted from Maria Cecilia Moretti, "The Tiber, a built and interpreted space" (1986); p. 46. - Roberto Sciurpa: Umbertide in the 20th century 1900 - 1946 - Ed. GESP, Città di Castello, 2005 (p. 354). - Bernardino Sperandio, Of the Umbrian construction and ornamental stones., Perugia, Quattroemme, 2004 (p. 265, pp 288-289). - Angelo Angeletti: “If only the stones are left to speak”, Digital book Srl, Città di Castello, 2019 8p. 41). LINKS - http://www.chieseitaliane.chiesacattolica.it/chieseitaliane/schedaca.jsp?sercd=37995 - https://www.umbriatourism.it/it-IT/web/umbria/-/campo-del-sole - https://www.etimo.it/?term=scalpello - http://www.prolocotuorosultrasimeno.it/campo-del-sole/ - http://www.comune.firenzuola.fi.it/museo-della-pietra-serena - http://www.frosinipietre.it/gli-strumenti-dello-scalpellino-parte-4/ - http://www.frosinipietre.it/gli-strumenti-dello-scalpellino-parte-5/ - https://www.bassanodelgrappaedintorni.it/pove-le-rocce-le-cavce-gli-scalpellini/ Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

THE PATHS OF MEMORY Curated by Fabio Mariotti 1944 is remembered in Umbertide as the most dramatic year in the history of the city. World War II brought with it a long trail of blood, destruction and despair due to the tragic events that preceded the liberation of the city on July 5th. The allied bombing of Borgo San Giovanni, in the heart of the city, with 70 dead; the retaliation of Serra Partucci, with 5 dead; the massacre of Penetola, with 12 deaths; the massacre of Monsiano, with 8 deaths. Another 6 civilians lost their lives between 3 and 15 July in the territory between Preggio, Monestevole and Montemigiano. Sigifrido Bartocci, killed by German soldiers on May 8 near Civitella Ranieri and then many other civilian victims of bombings, cannonades and the explosion of grenades in Umbertide and in the surrounding areas (for details see "the Atlas of Memory" by Alvaro Tacchini) . To all of them, involuntary heroes of human madness, and to their families, we dedicate these paths of memory, so as not to forget and to pass them on to new generations. The bombing of Borgo San Giovanni Twelve British Curtiss P - 40 Kittyhawk aircraft departed from the Cutella field airport in Puglia to destroy the road bridge over the Tiber and make it more difficult for the Germans to retreat. It was April 25, 1944. A date that the people of Umbria will not forget. Between 9 and 9.30 the allied squadron flew over the sky of Umbertide, with its load of two large-caliber bombs per plane (a total of about 4 tons of explosives). After several vaults above Romeggio, the planes headed towards Serra Partucci, in favor of the sun, from which they swooped down towards the bridge over the Tiber. But the bombs (as Roberto Sciurpa wrote in his volume “Umbertide in the 20th century 1900 - 1946) were not yet“ intelligent ”(if ever there will be intelligent bombs) and they often missed the target. This unfortunately also happened to Umbertide. The bombs, dropped at regular intervals of about 30 seconds between one couple and the other, instead of hitting the bridge, all but two ended up above the houses in the historic center. It was a massacre. 70 people, including 46 women, were buried under the rubble. The spectacle that presented itself to the first responders was tremendous. Hideously mutilated bodies lay on the square and the hamlet of San Giovanni was a heap of smoking rubble from which moans and invocations for help rose. Despite the fright and the risk of new bombings, the people did their utmost to help the wounded and extract the bodies of the fallen from the rubble, placing them temporarily around the Collegiate Church. It was a race against time because the bridge remained intact and the planes could reappear at any moment. This happened in the afternoon, at 4 pm, and this time the bombs spared the town but did not succeed in destroying the road bridge whose north arch was only destroyed on April 30th. So many deaths, so much pain, a devastated community, due to a military action which is probably useless and which has not even reached the set goal. This is war. These are what we now call "side effects" that always and inexorably affect civilians, the most defenseless people. To avoid these effects too, there is only one universal system, stop wars and always work for peace. The list of the 70 victims: Pupils Pierucci Antonio, Arrunategni Rivas Mario, Baiocco Giulia, Banelli Anna, Banelli Amleto, Barattini Scartocci Neodemia, Barbagianni Antonio, Bartoccioli Giulia, Bebi Ceccarelli Elda, Bebi Luciano, Bebi Fileni Maria Domenica, Bebi Banelli Tecla, Bendini Annunziata, Bernacchi Maria Anna, Bernacchi Benedetto, Bernacchi Raffaele, Bernacchi Valentino, Boldrini Cecilia, Boldrini Bellezzi Elisabetta, Boncristiani Tommasi Rosa, Borgarelli Armede Gina, Borgarelli Ester, Cambiotti Amalia, Caprini Selleri Assunta, Ceccarelli Marianella, Ceccarelli Rosanna, Ciocchetti Fausto, Ciocchetti Giuseppe, Cozzari Galmacci Veronica Cozzari Verginia, Donnini Domenico, Donnini Gianfranco, Fagioli Franca, Ferrari Alfonso, Galmacci Realino, Gambucci Ubaldo, Grandi Giuseppina, Leonessa Licinio, Bernacchi Marianna manuals, Anna Paola screeds, Mastriforti Cambiotti Marianna, Mazzanti Graziella, Merli Mazzanti Argentina, Mischianti Angelo, Mischianti Ida, Monfeli Galeno, Montanucci Fiorucci Felicia, Mortini Elvira, Orlandi Sonaglia Augusta, Palazzetti Bernacchi Angela, Palazzetti Assunta, Pambuffetti Giovanna, Perini Giuseppe, Pierotti Coletti Giulia, Porrini Elisei Assunta, Renato Simonucci Bergasina, Renga Rosalinda, Renzini Pazzi Maria, Romitelli Rina, Rondini Mischianti Luisa, Sabbiniani Santini Leopolda Batazzi Letizia, Scartocci Mario, Selleri Angelo, Selleri Giuseppe, Selleri Pasquale, Tognaccini Delma Beans, Tognaccini Barbagianni Zarelia, Violins Lina, Villarini Bruno. Sources: - Mario Tosti: "Beautiful works" - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 1995 - Mario Tosti: “Our ordeal” - Ed. Petruzzi - Città di Castello 2005 - Roberto Sciurpa: "Umbertide in the 20th century 1900 - 1946" - Ed. GESP - 2006 Photo by Roberto Balducci from the volume by Bruno Porrozzi "Umbertide in the pictures - from the 16th century to the present day - Pro loco Umbertide - 1977 The plaque commemorating the victims On the rubble in search of survivors On the right, the ruins of the hamlet of San Giovanni Right, below, via Cibo after the bombing Left, below. the ruins of the sacristy of the Collegiate La rappresaglia di Serra Partucci L'eccidio di Penetola Vittime civili ad Umbertide - A. Tacchini La strage di Monsiano (Preggio) Il bombardamento di Borgo San Giovanni Le battaglie prima della liberazione - A. Tacchini La Liberazione di Umbertide - A. Tacchini Partigiani di Umbertide Il Diaro di Rino Pucci La storia di Palazzoli Natalino di Massimo Pascolini La storia di Ciro Monsignori Atlante della Memoria di Alvaro Tacchini Il bombardamento di Borgo San Giovanni The retaliation of Serra Partucci June 24, 1944 was Saturday. In Serra Partucci, St. John the Baptist was celebrated and the day before, according to the ancient custom, the petals of the wildflowers were collected and soaked in a basin. With that scented water the next morning we washed. So did the inhabitants of the Serra who that Saturday had gathered in the small church for the mass celebrated by Don Giuseppe Filippi. Suddenly some Germans with their commander had entered the church and, screaming, they had made everyone go out into the open, arranging them in a row in front of the soldiers with their weapons drawn. The German officer, in broken Italian, explained what was happening. A German soldier on a motorcycle nearby had been injured on the road the day before. So, although he was not dead, the inhuman law of retaliation had taken place which provided for the shooting of 5 hostages for the wounded German (in case of death there would have been 10). Since four "banditen" had already been arrested, they had come to take the fifth. It must be said, to tell the truth, that the Germans had already arrested five hostages but one of these, Quinto Centovalli, was without a hand and the Germans had decided to exclude him from being shot. The choice among those present at the mass fell on Domenico Cernich , a young 26-year-old tailor from Gorizia who was in Umbertide, together with his brothers, awaiting the arrival of the allies. Domenico, together with Radicchi Mario (24 years - farmer), Radicchi Giuseppe (17 years - farmer), Centovalli Natale (20 years - student) and Ciribilli Domenico (26 years - tailor) were taken to the tobacco dryer and tricidated here. from a few bursts of machine gun. At eight in the morning, the five bodies were transported to the Serra cemetery on two oxen-drawn treks. A stele and a stone commemorate the terrible retaliation. In the memorial stone, built in the twentieth anniversary of the Resistance, these words are written: “Here the German barbarian left gruesome memories of unfair retaliation. Five innocent young people fell victim to his fury on June 24, 1944. Justice, prayer, peace invoke the missing from the survivors. " Domenico Cernic La rappresaglia di Serra Partucci The door of the church The wall of the shooting The massacre of Penetola What is exposed in these pages is the story of an Umbrian family and its tragic encounter with history. Aspects and circumstances will be common to many other Italians and the story is one that all those who lived in 1944 can bear witness. In recounting the particular experiences of some individuals unknown to them, I hope to pass on to my children and those of my peers a less sterile and more aware knowledge of the final stages of the Second World War and of the positive social and democratic transformations of Italian society. Because, even the humblest of Italian citizens, emerging from the war and the fascist dictatorship supported by the values of democracy and the Republican Constitution, were able to overcome grief and injustice, free themselves from medieval social practices and, in just two generations, provide children and grandchildren all the opportunities that only a free and democratic society can offer. The great story, the one known to all of us in broad or broad terms, is a set of small, sometimes very large, personal stories. They constitute the shared collective memory or, in other cases, divided, of a nation. Putting order and seeking the objective truth in each of these little stories will prevent anyone who has a petty interest in them from mystifying the irrefutable reality of events and, for the younger generations, from forgetting what has been, drawing the necessary teaching from it. In the night between 27 and 28 June 1944, in the Umbrian high Tiber, in a farmhouse called Penetola di Niccone, six kilometers north-east of Umbertide, twelve people were brutally killed by soldiers belonging to the 305th engineers battalion of the army. German stationed in the Niccone valley. The operational dynamics of the massacre are today to our knowledge, while strong doubts and perplexities remain about the causes and modalities of the massacre itself, in many respects atypical compared to the many others that the German army stained itself during the retreat towards the line. Gothic in the summer of 1944. One of the most atrocious episodes among those that occurred in Umbria during the Second World War took place in Penetola. As with many "hidden" massacres of the war on civilians that broke out in Italy after 8 September 1943, even in the survivors of the Penetola massacre the anger of not knowing the culprits burned and in that of their descendants, like me, the desire to appease that same anger which, after so many years, prevented the definitive overcoming of mourning. Never, not even for a moment, in the course of the search for truth, was I driven by a desire for revenge against the moral or material perpetrators of the massacre. I just wanted and had to replace those who should have investigated and have not done it, not knowing or not wanting to do it. The former also belonged to my family, who lacked the strength, the education, the boldness and the money to open doors that they should have found wide open. To the latter, to those who have preferred to remain silent, to those who have chosen not to choose, to those who have disinterested themselves by evading their duty, I can only say that they would have known and could have done better and more at the moment and in the right place. ............... (Introduction from the book "Tre Nuts" by Paola Avorio) Sources: - Paola Avorio: “Three walnuts” - Ed. Petruzzi - Città di Castello - 2011 - Giovanni Bottaccioli: "Penetola, not all the dead die" - Municipality of Umbertide, 2005 The victims: Ivory Antonio, by Mario, 11 years Ivory Carlo, by Mario, 8 years Ivory Renato, by Mario, 14 years Forni Canzio, by Edoardo, 58 years Forni Edoardo, from Canzio, 16 years Forni Ezio, from Canzio, 21 years Luchetti Guido, from Avellino, 18 years Nencioni Conforto, from Menotti, 36 years old Nencioni Eufemia, from Menotti, 44 years Nencioni Ferruccio, from Menotti, 46 years Ferrini Milena, wife of Ferruccio Nencioni, 41 years Renzini Erminia, widow of Menotti Nencioni, 68 years The cottage, the memorial stone and the plaque commemorating the massacre Paola Avorio during the presentation of her book On the right, the inscription on the memorial stone the massacre (1974) Below, two internal images of the farmhouse theater of the massacre L'eccidio di Penetola The massacre of Monsiano (Preggio) In 2015, on the occasion of the centenary of the beginning of the First World War, throughout Italy and also in Europe, the need was felt to witness the tragic events, especially those still unknown, of missing and forgotten innocent people. For this reason it was decided to commemorate with a plaque a little-known massacre that took place in our territory in Monsiano, not far from Preggio, on 4 July 1944, during the passage of the front and the retreat of the Germans to the north. A bombardment by the allied forces hit a cottage where a couple of fleeing Germans were hiding. The entire rural building, now rebuilt, was razed to the ground, exterminating an entire family, the spouses Gelindo Braconi and Isolina Bellezzi and their six children, Maria (4 years), Anna (8), Lorenzo (11), Francesco (14 ), Rina (16), Luigina (19). The plaque commemorating this terrible event was applied to a small rocky boulder, located at the intersection of the provincial road with the local road that leads to Monsiano. The Municipal Administration and the population of Preggio thus wanted to bear witness to all those who, by stopping in front of the plaque, will be able to learn about the history of this family from Preggio and its tragic destiny. The ceremony was attended by the mayor of Umbertide Marco Locchi, Alberto Bufali, president of the Pro loco di Preggio and promoter, together with the Municipality and the Città di Castello section of the national association for fallen and war missing families, of the commemoration, the regional president Rosanna Tonnetti, Gianfranco Braconi, family member of the victims of the massacre, Paola Milli and Pierino Monaldi from the “Venanzo Gabriotti” Institute of Political and Social History in Città di Castello, of the National Association of Families Fallen and Missing from War. The inauguration was accompanied by the blessing given by the parish priest of Preggio Don Francesco Bastianoni and by the deposition of a crown at the foot of the tombstone on the notes of the trumpet of the master Galliano Cerrini. During the ceremony, Mario Tosti and Alvaro Tacchini were also thanked for their valuable historical research on the events that occurred in Preggio on July 4th seventy-one years ago. Sources: Alvaro Tacchini: "Tiffernate history and more" website The memorial stone that commemorates the tragic event The manifesto for the inauguration of the cippus La strage di Monsiano (Preggio) LE BATTAGLIE A MONTE MURLO, MONTE ACUTO E MONTE CORONA (2-3 luglio 1944) Dal libro “Guerra e Resistenza nell’Alta Valle del Tevere (1943-44) di ALVARO TACCHINI, Petruzzi Editore, Città di Castello 2015 I combattimenti stavano per investire le montagne a meridione della valle. In seguito allo sfondamento della Linea Albert da parte degli Alleati, i tedeschi si ritirarono lungo la successiva linea difensiva Monte Murlo - Monte Acuto - Monte Corona - fiume Assino - Montelovesco. Nutrivano la convinzione di poter resistere accanitamente su quelle alture. In effetti l'attacco scatenato dalla 10ª e dalla 25ª brigata indiana nella notte tra il 2 e il 3 luglio ebbe un esito contraddittorio. Il battaglione gurkha della 10ª, appoggiato dall'artiglieria, da uno squadrone di carri armati degli Hussars e dalle mitragliatrici dei Northumberland Fusiliers, si mosse da Castel Rigone e riuscì a conquistare Monte Murlo difeso da una settantina di tedeschi, resistendo poi a un loro contrattacco. Invece i reparti garhwali e beluci delle due brigate non furono in grado di sopraffare le difese germaniche a Monte Acuto e Monte Corona. In particolare l'attacco dei beluci a Monte Acuto si risolse, per ammissione degli stessi britannici, in un "costoso insuccesso" (1) , con 32 perdite. Si resero così conto di aver sottovalutato, per errate informazioni, la forza dei tedeschi. Quanto a Monte Corona, quel 3 luglio un reparto attaccante dei garhwali fu inchiodato sulle sue posizioni dal fuoco di sbarramento tedesco per oltre nove ore. Fonti germaniche forniscono ulteriori dettagli sulla battaglia di Monte Acuto. Un reparto di 120 inglesi e indiani riuscì in un primo momento a occupare due basi del 132° reggimento della 44ª divisione presso il villaggio di Galera, a Monte Acuto. Ma la reazione tedesca fu immediata: "Visto il valore di queste posizioni in un territorio molto frammentato e molto difficile, il comandante del reggimento colonnello Hoffmann decise di fare subito un contrattacco. 35 uomini sotto la guida del tenente Zacke, sostenuti in modo eccellente dall'artiglieria del reggimento, riuscirono ad attaccare queste basi ai fianchi e riprenderne possesso. Il nemico ebbe 35 morti e feriti e 12 prigionieri. Il bottino: una mitragliatrice, un lanciagranate, 22 fucili, 8 machine-pistole e una grande radio-trasmittente" (2) . In un altro scontro gli uomini del sergente maggiore Eder respinsero l'assalto di una trentina di nemici, che ebbero 12 morti e un prigioniero. Qualche giorno dopo, poco più a nord, lo stesso Eder si sarebbe guadagnato la prestigiosa Croce Tedesca in Oro per il valore dimostrato in combattimento: "Nella lotta uomo a uomo, che fu molto feroce, il nemico patì perdite sanguinose, ma anche Eder subì una brutta ferita per un colpo ai reni; tuttavia continuò il contrattacco fin quando perse conoscenza". Il comandante generale del 51° corpo d'armata di montagna si compiacque per l’“eccellente comportamento” della 44ª divisione: “Granatieri! Voi avete lasciato, con la vostra gloriosa fermezza, una traccia nella storia della nostra divisione H.u.D. Le battaglie del 27 giugno, ad entrambi i lati del Tevere e l'assalto a Monte Murlo e Monte Acuto del 3 luglio 1944 sono degli esempi lampanti del vostro coraggio eroico” (3) . La tenace resistenza tedesca fu comunque vana. Soprattutto la caduta di Cortona il 3 luglio, sul fronte della Valdichiana, e i progressi degli Alleati nella pianura tiberina verso Pierantonio e lungo l'Appennino umbro-toscano verso Preggio rischiavano di mettere in trappola le truppe attestate sulle roccaforti di Monte Acuto e Monte Corona. Due brigate indiane supportate dai mezzi corazzati degli Hussars avevano cominciato a muoversi da Perugia lungo il Tevere verso nord il 30 giugno. L’indomani avevano raggiunto Colombella e Ramazzano senza incontrare resistenza. L'avanzata lungo le alture a oriente del Tevere stava invece richiedendo - e da allora divenne una mossa abituale in questo settore del fronte - manovre di aggiramento che disorientavano i tedeschi e provocavano il cedimento delle loro posizioni. Nelle prime ore del 2 luglio gli anglo-indiani erano a Civitella; al tramonto raggiungevano Solfagnano. Il 3 luglio, proprio mentre i combattimenti infuriavano su Monte Corona e Monte Acuto, potei-ano dunque attaccare Pierantonio, fortemente difeso dai tedeschi appostati sulle colline sovrastanti. Negli scontri che prelusero alla conquista del paese, il 4 luglio, rifulse il valore del soldato semplice A. J. Baldwin, del 1° battaglione del King's Own Royal Regiment. Mentre gli uomini del suo plotone erano bloccati dal fuoco nemico, riuscì a strisciare fino alla postazione della mitragliatrice nemica e a catturare i cinque tedeschi che si trovavano nella trincea (4) . Ma la conquista di Pierantonio costò un prezzo elevato ai fanti del Punjab e del King's Own, che ebbero 36 uomini uccisi, tra cui tre ufficiali (5) . A prendere Preggio, il 3 luglio, fu lo squadrone D del 1° reggimento del King's Dragoon Guards. I britannici definirono quella intorno al paese una “dura battaglia”. Aprì la strada verso la valle del Niccone, ma i carri armati ebbero a che fare con un percorso ostruito da crateri e con un intenso fuoco di sbarramento di artiglieria, mortai e mitragliatrici. Le prime pattuglie di fanti riuscirono a raggiungere il torrente Niccone il 4 luglio, “dopo aver trovato innumerevoli mine e demolizioni” (6) . Come di prassi nella loro ritirata, i guastatori germanici avevano reso inservibile la strada della valle del Niccone, da essi considerata una via di rilevanza strategica (7) . Proprio quel 4 luglio il passaggio del fronte seminò la morte per la prima volta in dimensioni drammatiche tra la popolazione civile. Avrebbe dovuto essere il giorno lieto della liberazione e della fine del conflitto per quanti erano asserragliati da giorni in ogni genere di rifugio. Non fu così per i Braconi di Monsiano, vicino a Preggio. Una granata centrò la casa dove vivevano e uccise otto componenti di questa famiglia contadina: insieme al padre Gelindo e alla madre Isolina, decedettero i sei figli, di età da 4 a 19 anni. Li seppellirono nel cimitero di Preggio, in tre bare: in una dovettero sistemarci tre bambini (8) . Altri quattro civili persero la vita per esplosioni di granate tra il 3 e il 6 luglio nel territorio che va da Montecastelli a Preggio: due donne a Monestevole e Montemigiano, un anziano arrotino a Montecastelli e un colono. Note: 1) The campaign in Italy 1943-45, Official history of the Indian Armed Forces in the Second World War 1939-45, edited by Bisheshwar Prasad, D. Litt., 1960, p. 266 (Traduzione dell’autore). L’attacco a Monte Acuto partì da Pantano. 2) Friedrich Dettmer – Otto Jaus – Helmut Tolkhitt, Die 44,. Infanterie-Division Reichsgrenadier Hoch-Und Deutschmeister, Wolfersheim Berstadt, Podzung Pallas Verlag, s. d., pp. 319-320. 3) Ibidem. 4) 1 Battalion, King’s Own Royal Regiment, The Campaign In Italy June 1944 – July 1944 (in http:/www.kingsownmuseum.plus.com/1koitaly01.htm). Cfr. anche The campaign in Italy 1943-45 cit., p. 266. 5) Claudio Biscarini, Il passaggio del fronte in Umbria (giugno-luglio 1944), Fondazione Ranieri di Sorbello, Perugia 2014, p. 313. 6) 1 The King’s Dragoon Guards (The Welsh Cavalry), in MBRS. 7) Avorio, Tre noci per la memoria cit., pp. 63-67 8) Testimonianza di Fortunato Rossi. Nel 71º anniversario della strage, per iniziativa della Pro Loco di Preggio, è stata posta a Monsiano una lapide commemorativa del tragico evento. Le battaglie prima della liberazione - A. Tacchini Titolo 6 Titolo 6 LA LIBERAZIONE DI UMBERTIDE (5 luglio 1944) Dal libro “Guerra e Resistenza nell’Alta Valle del Tevere (1943-44) di ALVARO TACCHINI, Petruzzi Editore, Città di Castello 2015. Teodorico Forconi scriveva nel suo diario il 3 luglio: Il rumore spaventoso della truppa in ritirata incute terrore. [...] Intanto saltano mine e ponti; colpi da ogni parte. [...] Sulla strada secondaria comincia il passaggio serale dei soldati e mezzi in ritirata". Quello stesso giorno, a Città di Castello, pochi chilometri a nord di Falerno, dove Forconi era sfollato, i guastatori germanici facevano saltare in aria la stazione ferroviaria e procedevano con l'opera demolitrice della linea. Dall'altra parte del Tevere, sul colle di Serra Partucci a oriente di Umbertide, i contadini recatisi di buon mattino a mietere il grano s'accorsero che il fronte bellico stava ormai incombendo: "Abbiamo dovuto abbandonare in fretta il lavoro, perché si sentivano i cannoni molto vicino; cadevano granate. Tornando a casa abbiamo cominciato a lavorare vicino a casa, ma presto anche da qui siamo dovuti fuggire. Sempre più forte sparavano con l'artiglieria: una vera offensiva". La notte dal 3 al 4 luglio nessuno riuscì a dormire: "Di notte ci ha svegliato un gran boato, tutta la casa tremava, ci siamo subito alzati, vestiti e usciti fuori. Abbiamo visto saltare in aria un ponte e poi anche altri ponti. Tutta la notte sparavano terribilmente" (1) . A crollare erano i ponti della valle dell'Assino, minati dai tedeschi. Le esplosioni si susseguivano da un lato all'altro della valle. Il 5 luglio il maestro Forconi annotava: "Un fortissimo rombo: cade il ponte che unisce Trestina a Cornetto. [...] Verso sera colpi di cannone tedesco sulla via di Montecastelli". Poco prima dell'alba di quel 5 luglio, senza incontrare particolare resistenza, la 25a brigata indiana entrò a Umbertide con il 1° battaglione del King's Own Royal Regiment e ne acquisì il pieno controllo a sera con i1 3° battaglione del 1° reggimento Punjab (2) . La notte stessa alcune pattuglie in avanscoperta entrarono in contatto con i tedeschi presso Montone. Costretti ad abbandonare Monte Acuto e Monte Corona, erano dunque retrocessi sulla linea di difesa Monte Bastiola - Montone – Carpini. Contemporaneamente gli anglo-indiani consolidavano le posizioni a ovest del Tevere, portando il quartiere generale tattico della l0a brigata a Polgeto, alle pendici di Monte Acuto. Un'annotazione nel “Diario di guerra” del 1° battaglione Durham rivela come, in una guerra che pure vedeva impiegati mezzi tecnici d'avanguardia, non si potesse ancora prescindere dall'apporto dei muli su un terreno montagnoso: "I muli sono arrivati al quartier generale tattico, in quanto è impossibile usare mezzi di trasporto" (3) . Questi umili quadrupedi si sarebbero mostrati ancora essenziali nel prosieguo della guerra sulle montagne altotiberine. Intanto, in Valdichiana, gli Alleati avevano raggiunto Castiglion Fiorentino e Monte San Savino. Invece, sul fianco destro della 10a divisione indiana, procedevano più lentamente. I mezzi corazzati del 12° Lancers stavano portando avanti un "pattugliamento aggressivo" in direzione di Gubbio, ma la conformazione del territorio permetteva ai tedeschi di tener bene sotto controllo la sola via di comunicazione attraverso i monti in quella zona: "La gola era profonda e le sue pareti ripide, così che con forze esigue si poteva controllare il passo indefinitamente. I tedeschi non subirono una dura pressione a Gubbio e difesero quel nodo viario per circa un mese dalle pattuglie del 12° Lancers" (4) . Mentre a Umbertide continuavano ad affluire truppe anglo-indiane, festosamente accolte dalla popolazione, il governatore alleato il 9 agosto nominava sindaco Mariano Migliorati, al quale sarebbe succeduto di lì a pochi giorni Giuseppe Migliorati (5) . Nella campagna umbertidese veniva rinvenuto il corpo di un carpentiere di 65 anni, Emilio Paoletti, ucciso a colpi d'arma da fuoco - presumibilmente da truppe tedesche - intorno a1 24 giugno. Note: 1) Testimonianza di Daniele Cernic, in Domenico e Daniele Cernic, “Due fratelli in un diario”. 2) Secondo Raffaele Mancini (Gruppo autonomo San Benedetto – Sue origini e attività svolte nel periodo settembre 1943-luglio 1944), il 5 luglio alcuni membri del gruppo partigiano umbertidese di San Benedetto scesero nella cittadina abbandonata dai tedeschi e non ancora liberata, costituendo “un nucleo armato per impedire furti nelle case abbandonate”; si incontrarono con gli anglo-indiani “nel pomeriggio dello stesso giorno in località Buzzacchero”. 3) Diario di guerra del 1º Battaglione Durham, 5 luglio 1944, in Tosti, “Belli lavori”; il 6 luglio il quartiere generale era avanzato al castello di Montalto. Cfr. anche “Il Passaggio del Fronte. Diario di guerra di un battaglione inglese. 1º giugno 1944-31 luglio 1944”, a cura di Mario Tosti, Rotary Club Città di Castello, per il 50º anniversario della Liberazione, Città di Castello 1994. 4) The campaign in Italy 1943-1945. 5) Entrarono a far parte della prima giunta amministrativa Nello Boldrini, Tramaglino Cerrini, Angelo Martinelli, Renato Ramaccioni, Giorgio Rappini, Aspromonte Rometti, Giuseppe Rondoni e Attilio Scannavin. La Liberazione di Umbertide - A. Tacchini LE VITTIME CIVILI DELLA GUERRA NEL TERRITORIO DI UMBERTIDE Nel 1944, con l’avvicinarsi del fronte, la guerra arrivò nel nostro territorio con il suo drammatico carico di distruzione e morte. Furono circa 130 le vittime civili che persero la vita nei mesi che precedettero la liberazione della città, a partire dalla terribile devastazione del centro storico di umbertide il 25 aprile con 70 morti. Poi la rappresaglia di Serra Partucci il 24 giugno (5 morti), l’eccidio di Penetola il 28 giugno (12 morti) e la strage di Monsiano il 4 luglio (8 morti). Oltre a questi, molti altri umbertidesi sono morti in conseguenza della guerra in modi diversi fino al 1946. Qui, vogliamo rendere omaggio alla loro memoria riportando le pagine che lo storico tifernate Alvaro Tacchini ha a loro dedicato nel suo bellissimo libro “Guerra e Resistenza nell'Alta Valle del Tevere 1943-1944”. Vittime di mine e residuati bellici nel 1944-1946 - Alunni Violini Marsilio, di Dario, nato a Umbertide il 3 marzo 1910, bracciante, coniugato con Antonia Contadini, deceduto il 13 marzo 1945 a Sant'Orfeto per scoppio di ordigno esplosivo. - Mannucci Letterio, di Annibale, nato a Montone il 22 dicembre 1912, residente a Santa Giuliana, bracciante, coniugato con Zaira Ceccagnoli, deceduto il 13 marzo 1945 a Sant'Orfeto per scoppio di ordigno esplosivo. - Pannacci Francesco, di Antonio, nato a Montone l'8 maggio 1915, residente a Umbertide, fabbro, deceduto il 13 marzo 1945 a Sant'Orfeto per scoppio di ordigno esplosivo. L'esplosione della mina che uccise Alunni Violini, Mannucci e Pannacci avvenne alle ore 11.30 presso il ponte sul torrente Mussino. - Arcelli Vittorio, di Luigi, nato a Perugia il 2 agosto 1887, residente a Pierantonio, coniugato con Cecilia Borchiellini, deceduto il 12 febbraio 1945 presso il ponte sul fiume Mussino di Pierantonio per scoppio di ordigno esplosivo. - Bacini Pietro, di Attilio, nato il 24 aprile 1930 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, colono, deceduto il 6 maggio 1946 a Felceto (Città di Castello) per scoppio di residuato bellico. - Lisetti Vincenzo, di Leopoldo, di anni 19, colono, coniugato, deceduto il 13 marzo 1945 all'ospedale di Perugia forse per ferite da scoppio di ordigno bellico esploso a Romeggio. - Broncolo Lazzaro, di Filippo, nato il 28 febbraio 1874 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, colono, vedovo di Clelia Mochi, deceduto il 29 luglio 1944 a San Bartolomeo, presso Preggio, per scoppio di ordigno esplosivo. - Iposolfito Margherita, nata il 7 marzo 1894 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, casalinga, coniugata con Luigi Ambrosi, deceduta il 18 marzo 1944 a Romeggio per scoppio di ordigno esplosivo. - Moroni Renato, di Sante, nato a Umbertide il 25 ottobre 1924, residente a Racchiusole, colono, deceduto il 30 agosto 1945 a Lugo di Romagna per scoppio di ordigno esplosivo. - Picottini Amedeo, detto Vittorio, di Mariano, nato il 19 giugno 1915 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, colono, coniugato con Ines Montanucci, deceduto il 12 dicembre 1944 a Camporeggiano (Gubbio) per esplosione di mina. Mitragliamento aereo di Montecastelli Il 28 maggio 1944 morì a Montecastelli per mitragliamento aereo Carlo Belardinelli , di Vincenzo, nato il 20 novembre 1909 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, bracciante, coniugato con Iolanda Citti. Vittima di granata a Montemigiano - Baldoni Filomena, di Domenico, nata il 17 dicembre 1894 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, casalinga, coniugata con Nazzareno Palazzetti, deceduta il 6 luglio 1944 a Montemigiano per scoppio di granata. Vittime di bombardamenti e cannoneggiamenti a Umbertide - Alunni Esposto Franco, di Luigi, nato a Umbertide il 5 maggio 1939, residente a Preggio, di famiglia colonica, deceduto il 26 luglio 1944 a Racchiusole, presso Preggio, per ferite da scheggia di granata. - Baffetti Domenico, di Andrea, nato a Lisciano Niccone il 16 novembre 1904, residente a Preggio, colono, coniugato con Concetta Tamagnini, deceduto il 6 luglio 1944 presso Preggio per scoppio di granata. - Belardinelli Ennio, di Giuseppe, nato il 19 maggio 1922 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, insegnante elementare, deceduto il 7 luglio 1944 per le ferite provocate dallo scoppio di una granata presso Rocca d'Aries (Montone). - Bottaccioli Stefano, di Domenico, nato il 9 maggio 1867 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, arrotino, coniugato con Clotilde Alunni, deceduto il 5 luglio 1944 a Montecastelli per ferite all'addome prodotte da scheggia di granata. - Marconi Giuseppe, di Antonio, nato il 24 settembre 1923 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, colono, celibe, deceduto il 25 luglio 1944 a Preggio per ferite da schegge di granata. - Simoncelli Stefano, di Napoleone, nato a Umbertide il 26 dicembre 1912, residente a Montecastelli, colono, coniugato con Olga Bazzurri, deceduto il 15 luglio 1944 all'ospedale di Perugia in seguito a ferita da mitragliatrice (o scheggia di granata). - Trinari Ugo, di Angelo, nato a Umbertide il 9 giugno 1943, residente a Preggio, di famiglia colonica, deceduto il 14 luglio 1944 a Preggio per ferite da scheggia di granata. - Vagliani Rosa, di Leopoldo, nata a Cortona il 13 gennaio 1889, residente a Umbertide, casalinga, coniugata con Giuseppe Ferranti, deceduta il 3 luglio 1944 a Monestevole per ferite da scoppio di granata. Sono inoltre deceduti per la stessa causa a Umbertide i non residenti - Betti Angelo, di Vincenzo, nato e residente a Perugia, di anni 72, coniugato con Oliva Bistocchi, deceduto il 23 giugno 1944 all'ospedale di Umbertide per ferite all'addome da scheggia di granata. - Bistoni Achille, di Luigi, nato a Perugia nel 1867, residente a Perugia, colono, vedovo di Emilia Bottoni, deceduto il 29 giugno 1944 in voc. Sollicelli di Santa Giuliana in seguito a scoppio di granata. Vittime dell'artiglieria britannica a Monsiano (Preggio) 4 luglio 1944 - Braconi Gelindo, di Pietro, nato a Passignano il 16 marzo 1899, colono, coniugato con Isolina Bellezzi. - Bellezzi Isolina, di Francesco, nata a Passignano il 25 febbraio 1903, colona, coniugata con Gelindo Braconi, deceduta al Policlinico di - Perugia il 4 agosto 1944 in seguito alle ferite subite. - Braconi Anna, di Gelindo, nata a Umbertide il 17 giugno 1936. - Braconi Francesco, di Gelindo, nato a Umbertide il 24 agosto 1930. - Braconi Maria, di Gelindo, nata a Umbertide il 7 novembre 1940. - Braconi Luigina, di Gelindo, nata a Umbertide il 20 giugno 1925. - Braconi Lorenzo, di Gelindo, nato a Umbertide il 17 giugno 1933. - Braconi Rina, di Gelindo, nata a Lisciano Niccone il 30 gennaio 1928. Vittime di altri bombardamenti aerei oltre a quello del 25 aprile - 29-30 aprile 1944, Umbertide. Di nuovo preso di mira il ponte ferroviario sul Tevere. Il 30 aprile aerei in picchiata da Monte Acuto riuscirono a colpire l'arco a settentrione e a danneggiare la strada nazionale Tiberina 3Bis. - 6 maggio 1944, Pierantonio (Umbertide). È bombardata la zona della ferrovia. - 13 maggio 1944, Umbertide. Bombardata la zona della stazione. - 21 maggio 1944, Umbertide. Distrutto il ponte di Pian d'Assino; bombardati altri ponti e mitragliati i treni nella stazione ferroviaria. - 22 maggio 1944, Ranchi (Umbertide) e Promano (Città di Castello). Alle ore 14.50 mitragliamento del treno viaggiatori alla stazione di Ranchi e dell'abitato di Promano. Morirono due uomini; furono danneggiate tre vetture ferroviarie e incendiato un camion tedesco. La mattina, per un mitragliamento aereo della Ferrovia Appennino Centrale presso Torre dei Calzolari (Gubbio), persero la vita due umbertidesi. - 28 maggio 1944, Umbertide. Incursione di aerei P. 47D del 57° Fighter Group: colpiti il piazzale della stazione di Umbertide, con l'officina ferroviaria, e l'abitato di Montecastelli, dove si ebbe una vittima. - 31 maggio 1944, Umbertide. Incursione aerea contro la ferrovia. Altre vittime di bombardamenti e mitragliamenti aerei - Boriosi Roberto, di Giacomo, nato a Gubbio il 4 gennaio 1894, residente a Umbertide, commerciante in legna, coniugato con Alessandra - Bocci, deceduto il 22 maggio 1944 a Torre dei Calzolari (Gubbio) per mitragliamento aereo. - Boriosi Ruggero, di Fortunato, nato a Gubbio il 20 luglio 1903, residente a Umbertide, commerciante in legna, coniugato con Clarice Curina, deceduto il 22 maggio 1944 a Torre dei Calzolari (Gubbio) per mitragliamento aereo. - Bruni Giuseppe, di Luigi, nato l'8 dicembre 1891 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, colono, coniugato con Filomena Bovari, deceduto il 27 giugno 1944 in frazione Badia per mitragliamento aereo. - Gattaponi Luigi, di Giuseppe, nato a Città di Castello l'8 aprile 1885, residente a Umbertide, colono, celibe, deceduto l'8 luglio 1944 presso Santa Giuliana per mitragliamento aereo. - Giombetti Antonio, di Giuseppe, nato a Fossato di Vico il 28 dicembre 1884, residente a Umbertide, ferroviere capotreno, coniugato con Anna Lena Baccellini, deceduto nell'incursione aerea su Ponte San Giovanni del 19 dicembre 1943. - Nanni Alfredo, di Luigi, nato a Montone il 5 maggio 1915, residente a Umbertide, manovale ferroviere, celibe, deceduto il 19 dicembre 1943 nell'incursione aerea su Ponte San Giovanni. Vittime di esecuzioni sommarie da parte dei tedeschi - Bartocci Sigifrido [sic], di Angelo, nato a Umbertide il 18 aprile 1927, dove risiedeva, ucciso da soldati tedeschi in rastrellamento l'8 maggio 1944 presso Civitella Ranieri. - Falcini Giuseppe, di Antonio, nato a Pietralunga il 30 ottobre 1913, residente a Umbertide, autista, coniugato con Rosina Vescarelli, ucciso il 7 maggio 1944 dai tedeschi in rastrellamento a Molino della Casella (Pietralunga). - Paoletti Emilio, di Eugenio, nato a Perugia il 28 marzo 1879, residente a Umbertide, carpentiere, coniugato con Alessandrina Paolucci, ucciso verosimilmente da soldati tedeschi intorno al 24 giugno 1944 a Sant'Orfeto (Perugia), presso Pierantonio. - Porrini Enrico, di Domenico, nato a Umbertide il 21 agosto 1883, impiegato, coniugato con Fidalma Gnagnetti, ucciso da soldati tedeschi intorno al 1° luglio 1944 a Badia di Montecorona. - Sonaglia Gaudenzio, di Sante, nato a Umbertide il 10 gennaio 1865, colono, vedovo di Concetta Veschi, ucciso dai soldati tedeschi il 28 giugno 1944 a Santa Giuliana. Vittima di militari alleati Gonfiacani Ettore, di Giosafat, nato a Perugia il 16 giugno 1866, residente a Umbertide, deceduto l'8 luglio 1944, “ucciso da soldati indiani”, a Sioli, loc. Vignola (Gubbio), dove era sfollato. Si annovera inoltre tra le vittime civili Palazzoli Natalino , di Giovan Battista, nato il 25 dicembre 1929 a Umbertide, residente in loc. Cioccolanti, investito e ucciso da un automezzo britannico il 15 agosto 1944 presso Montecastelli. Per il testo integrale con le note e i riferimenti iconografici, si veda il volume di Alvaro Tacchini “Guerra e Resistenza nell'Alta Valle del Tevere 1943-1944, Petruzzi Editore, 2016. Vittime civili ad Umbertide - A. Tacchini FOTO Partigiani di Umbertide PARTIGIANI DI UMBERTIDE NELL'APPENNINO UMBRO E ALL'ESTERO Partigiani di Umbertide e dintorni riconosciuti dalla Commissione umbra ed elencati nel Ruolino della “San Faustino” - Cecchetti Guido, di Vittorio, di Umbertide, 1913-1999; carrettiere; partigiano dall'11 febbraio 1944. - Loschi Francesco, di Nello, di Umbertide, 1926-1979; partigiano dal 1° maggio 1944; volontario nel Gruppo di Combattimento “Cremona”. - Loschi Luciano, di Nello, nato a Umbertide nel 1924; partigiano dal 1° febbraio 1944. Partigiani delle formazioni di Capelli e Montelovesco riconosciuti dalla Commissione umbra I nominativi in questo elenco, sebbene non compaiano nel Ruolino della “San Faustino” o in altri suoi elenchi, sono stati riconosciuti dalla Commissione partigiani combattenti della Brigata. La data di conclusione della loro attività partigiana è il 15 luglio 1944. - Baiocco Guido, di Luigi, di Umbertide, 1922-1981; partigiano dal 10 novembre 1943. - Bonucci Raoul, di Giulio, di Umbertide, 1923-1970; maestro; partigiano dal 25 settembre 1943. - Fiorucci Aurelio, di Luigi, Montone 1925 - Umbertide 2005; residente a San Faustino; colono; partigiano dal 10 settembre 1943. - Fiorucci Giulio, di Domenico, nato a Gubbio nel 1901, residente in loc. San Faustino (Pietralunga); colono; riconosciuto partigiano combattente dal 15 ottobre 1943. - Fiorucci Luigi, di Domenico, nato a Montone nel 1889, residente in loc. San Faustino (Pietralunga); colono; riconosciuto partigiano combattente dal 15 ottobre 1943. - Gennari Addo, di Valerio, di Umbertide, 1920-1997; partigiano dal 15 marzo 1944; volontario nel Gruppo di Combattimento “Cremona”. - Gennari Aspromonte, di Valerio, di Umbertide, 1917-1992; partigiano dal 15 marzo 1944. - Giubilei Aurelio, di Antonio, di Umbertide 1925-1980; partigiano dal 15 ottobre 1943. - Lazzarini Oscar, di Zino, di Umbertide, 1924-2005; studente; partigiano dal 1° dicembre 1943. - Mancini Raffaele, di Domenico, Montone 1923 - Gualdo Tadino 2008; partigiano dal 15 maggio 1944. - Migliorati Giuseppe, di Luigi, Città di Castello 1915 - Umbertide 1987; partigiano dal 10 novembre 1943. - Nanni Ramiro, di Silvio, di Umbertide, 1909-1985; meccanico; partigiano dal 15 novembre 1943. - Ramaccioni Renato, di Angelo, di Umbertide, 1919-1994; avvocato, partigiano dal 5 novembre 1943. - Simone Raffaele, di Ciro, nato a Manfredonia (FG) nel 1924, sfollato a Umbertide; partigiano dal 22 settembre 1943. - Taticchi Antonio, di Gaetano, di Umbertide, 1903-1977; barbiere; partigiano dal 1° ottobre 1943. - Urbanelli Pietro, di Giuseppe, Pietralunga 1909 - Umbertide 2001; colono; residente presso San Faustino di Bagnolo; partigiano dal 20 settembre 1943. Partigiani di Umbertide nella banda di Capanne - Feligioni Giovanni / Gianni, di Stefano, di Umbertide, 1924-1988; colono; partigiano dal 10 novembre 1943. - Feligioni Giuseppe, di Carlo, Umbertide 1924 - Perugia 2005; colono; partigiano dal 10 novembre 1943. Partigiani di Umbertide all'estero - Baldoni Torquato, di Agostino, Passignano 1919 - Perugia 1990, residente a Racchiusole; colono; “si aggrega ai partigiani albanesi il 12 settembre 1943, rimpatria a Bari il 29 giugno 1945”. - Brachelente Giuseppe, di Ginesio, di Umbertide, 1921-1991, residente a San Giuliano; colono; “si unisce con i ribelli greci il 13 settembre 1943”. - Giovannoni Antonio, di Domenico, Umbertide 1920 - Perugia 1992, residente a Case Sparse; colono; partigiano combattente nella 4a Brigata Jugoslava, rimpatriato il 9 luglio 1945. - Rometti Ugo, di Luigi, Umbertide 1918 - Perugia 1980, residente a Niccone; colono; partigiano nella Divisione “Garibaldi” in Jugoslavia dal 9 settembre 1943 all'aprile 1945. - Rosignoli Stefano, di Rinaldo, di Umbertide, 1922-2013, residente a San Giuliano; bracciante; “coi partigiani nel Montenegro il 16 settembre 1943, rimpatriato col Battaglione Matteotti a Udine il 22 giugno 1945”. - Valdambrini Arnaldo, di Giuseppe, di Umbertide, 1909-1999; barbiere; partigiano nella Divisione “Garibaldi” in Jugoslavia. Componenti della banda di San Benedetto che non chiesero il riconoscimento ufficiale da parte della Commissione umbra Beccafichi Aldo (1921), colono; Beccafichi Pio (1922), colono; Cuccarini Giuseppe (1905), colono; Fiorucci Anselmo (1902), colono; Fiorucci Guido; Floridi Giovanni (1925), coltivatore diretto; Floridi Ulisse (1925), coltivatore diretto; Fofi Antonio (1923), colono; Gianfranceschi Elio (1926), colono; Grassini Fernando (1923), colono; Grassini Giovanni (1923), colono; Grassini Terzilio (1926), colono; Moretti Corinto (1924), colono; Moretti Giuseppe (1921), colono; Pauselli Pasquale (1910), colono; Pauselli Pietro (1916), colono; Pedana Natale (1914), operaio; Vannini Marino (1924), colono (Tra parentesi è indicato l'anno di nascita). Per il testo integrale con le note e i riferimenti iconografici, si veda il volume di Alvaro Tacchini “Guerra e Resistenza nell'Alta Valle del Tevere 1943-1944, Petruzzi Editore, 2016. Galleria fotografica NB: Il "Diario" di Rino Pucci seguente è ricordato anche in "Ottant'anni", progetto di Mario Tosti per gli 80 anni del passaggio del fronte, nella pagina dedicata al "marzo 1945 ". IL DIARIO DI RINO PUCCI Da San Faustino a Po di Primaro Nel 1975, in occasione del 30º anniversario della Resistenza e della Liberazione dal nazi-fascismo, nei Quaderni della Regione Umbria è stato pubblicato “Il Diario di Rino Pucci”, testimonianza umana e storica di quel periodo tragico della nostra storia italiana e locale. Lo riproponiamo oggi, attraverso umbertidestoria.net, perché pensiamo che l’impegno e l’entusiasmo per la libertà di quei giovani, e il sacrificio di Rino, siano ancora un esempio per i giovani di oggi, in questo mondo che, nonostante il drammatico passato che si porta dietro, non è riuscito a bandire la guerra, a sconfiggere povertà e fame e a vivere in armonia con la natura e l’ambiente che ci circonda, sempre più fragile e minacciato. PRESENTAZIONE La Consulta Comunale di Umbertide per le celebrazioni del trentennale della Liberazione, nel proporre all'attenzione dei propri concittadini, dei giovani specialmente, il «DIARIO» di Quirino Pucci, non ha cercato un mezzo o un'occasione, se volete, per rinvangare a fini speculativi, agendo sul sentimento, uno dei periodi più tragici del nostro recente passato. No. Il nostro è ben altro obiettivo: noi vorremmo far conoscere, attraverso un comune episodio, uno dei tanti, come è nata la Resistenza. Rino non scrisse il suo «DIARIO» per la storia. Ma, senza volerlo, scrisse pagine di Storia, vera, immediata, vissuta. Rino scrive le proprie impressioni, analizza i propri stati d'animo, cerca di fermare alcuni aspetti d'una vita nuova che vive all'improvviso, con un gruppo d'amici. Perché scrive? Non certo per i posteri. Forse il suo intento sarà stato quello di poter rileggere un giorno, tanto tempo dopo, le pagine sbiadite di un diario sgualcito che ricordano l'episodio della montagna, per magari riderci sopra, con gli amici, con i familiari, con gli stessi protagonisti, come si ride di una storia di gioventù che, a pericolo scampato, assume il sapore di una allegra scampagnata. O, forse, per risognare con la sua «ELA» una gioventù ormai lontana, la loro gioventù difficile, ma pur sempre una gioventù intensamente vissuta. E invece quel «dopo» quel «domani» per il quale il «DIARIO» fu scritto, per Rino non venne. E non solo per Rino. Il nostro Paese fu spazzato da una ondata di terrore e di odio: lacrime e sangue scorsero ovunque. Per tanti, non venne il domani! E, per chi venne, non fu certamente quello sognato da Rino e dai suoi amici. Fu duro, doloroso, implacabile nello smorzare i sogni e le speranze nate sui monti di S. Faustino, sui monti d'Italia. Però non tutto il bagaglio ideale di quei giorni ormai lontani è andato perduto. Qualcosa è rimasto. E quando, come oggi, sentiamo risorgere intorno a noi le forze del male, quelle stesse forze che credevamo d'aver disperso per sempre allora, trenta anni fa, quando vediamo messe in forse quelle verità e minacciate quelle Istituzioni per le quali i migliori caddero, allora ci ritroviamo tutti insieme e riprendiamo il dialogo, per ritrovare quella forza, quella stessa forza, che allora ci mosse e ci guidò al sacrificio ed alla vittoria. Lo riprendiamo dalla casa di Anacleto, lo riprendiamo dalla vecchia pieve di San Faustino, famosa una volta per le sue campane dal canto d'argento, e oggi conosciuta anche per il nome dato alla formazione partigiana che operò in quella zona e nel pietralunghese, di cui, Tu, nel «DIARIO» fai già presagire la nascita. Lo riprendiamo con tutti gli amici che erano con te, con quelli che sono venuti dopo, con quelli che ti sono stati vicini nell'ora del sacrificio supremo. Lo riprendiamo con i giovani d'oggi, che non ti conoscono ancora, perché appunto imparino a conoscerti e, con Te, possano conoscere anche la Resistenza. Ecco perché sono state riaperte le pagine del tuo «DIARIO». Oggi sono parte di una storia più grande di quella che tu ci racconti: sono parte della storia del nostro popolo che allora lottò, vinse e riconquistò la libertà perduta, rischiando e morendo, pur amando tanto la vita. E perché da questa piccola finestra, aperta sul panorama della locale Resistenza, si possa più agevolmente guardare il panorama che offre, pensiamo giovi inquadrare gli avvenimenti nella cornice e nell'epoca in cui essi si svolsero. Umbertide 1943 Nel capoluogo vivono poco più di 3.000 persone, nelle campagne, ancora fortemente abitate, 14.000 circa. La guerra infuria da oltre tre anni. Prima lontana, ora vicina. Gli anglo-americani sbarcano in Sicilia. Il 25 aprile cade il fascismo. L'8 settembre il governo Badoglio firma la resa e scappa al Sud. L'esercito italiano, lasciato senza guida, sbanda. I tedeschi dilagano nel paese. Mussolini, liberato, costituisce la repubblica di Salò, serva dello straniero occupante. L'anello della catena nazi-fascista torna ben presto a saldarsi intorno al collo degli italiani. Tornano le «cartoline precetto». I giovani, smarriti in così rapidi avvenimenti contraddittori, devono decidere. Che fare ? Molti scelgono la via della montagna. E, tra questi, un gruppo di otto ragazzi, di diversa condizione sociale e di diversa formazione politica, di diversa cultura e di diversa educazione, la notte tra il 22 e il 23 settembre 1943, s'avvia verso i monti di San Faustino, «affratellati da un comune sentimento di libertà e di italianità». Di preciso non sanno cosa l'aspetta. La lotta partigiana non è ancora organizzata. Il loro è solamente un atto di ribellione, un anelito verso una vita migliore. Visto oggi, possiamo definirlo un atto fondamentale, grande e coraggioso, poiché con quello nasce nella nostra zona la prima Resistenza. Il «DIARIO» racconta la storia di quella fuga, dei primi giorni trascorsi in montagna. Una storia appassionata, vera, che contiene tutte le speranze e tutte le delusioni di quei giorni d'attesa sui monti. Una storia scritta in fretta, senza pretese, che scopre però l'impazienza propria dei giovani che vorrebbero passare subito all'azione. Azione che deve, invece essere organizzata, e che, per diverse ragioni tarda troppo a venire. Il gruppo di casa Anacleto lentamente si sfalda, scompare. Il «DIARIO», aperto sui monti di San Faustino, dall'ampio e libero orizzonte, si chiude nel campo di lavoro di Collestrada, «prigione senza sbarre», come la definisce il suo autore. Sembra il tramonto di ogni speranza. Ma non è così. Si chiude solo - e provvisoriamente - l'ultima pagina del «DIARIO». Non quella della Resistenza che è nata veramente, che vive, che cresce in fretta. Ben presto i giovani saranno di nuovo sui monti. In armi, questa volta. E' l'ora. La lotta armata inizia: tra difficoltà ed errori, ma inizia. I cento, i mille episodi che la compongono si snodano, si saldano insieme rapidamente. Alcuni di vasta portata e risonanza, i più silenziosi, modesti, oscuri, ma altrettanto importanti per la realizzazione dell'unico fine che la Resistenza s'è prefisso: liberare il nostro paese dallo straniero e dall'oppressore fascista. Gli «Anacleti» ora sono tanti perché tanti sono i giovani accorsi sui monti. L'ospitalità dei contadini è piena, completa. Anzi, è più che ospitalità. E' partecipazione diretta alla lotta: dei giovanissimi, degli anziani, delle donne. Quelle di Vallescura, ad esempio, non esitano ad accorrere a spegnere il fuoco che arde la casa dei partigiani, quando ancora fascisti e tedeschi sono così vicini che si sentono le loro rauche voci. Da San Faustino a Morena, da Montebello a Vialba, da Moravola a S. Leo, da Montone, a Pietralunga, a Gubbio, a Umbertide, è un fiorire di episodi grandi e piccoli, di atti di eroismo e di piccole azioni di disturbo, è un pungolo continuo che finisce per logorare i nervi ed il morale dell'esercito invasore che non si sente più sicuro sul suolo italiano. Cadono, intanto, intorno a noi le vittime della guerra. Alcune hanno un lungo passato di lotta al fascismo, come il tenente colonnello Venanzio Gabriotti , fucilato dai nazi-fascisti a Città di Castello, altre sono giovani reclute della Resistenza, come il tenente Aldo Bologni , caduto a Montone con le armi in pugno, altre ancora uccise mentre cercano di organizzare la resistenza e la lotta, come Ennio Belardinelli e Giuseppe Falcini , caduti a Rocca d'Aria e Colle di Vialba, come Giuseppe Bernardini trucidato a Montecastelli. Altre del tutto innocenti, travolte dalla furia cieca della guerra, come le 70 vittime del bombardamento di Umbertide, i cinque fucilati di Serra Partucci, i dodici bruciati vivi di Niccone, il giovanissimo Sigfrido Bartocci , assassinato dai tedeschi tra il grano verde dei campi di Civitella e gli anziani Enrico Porrini , Gaudenzio Sonaglia , Luigi Gattaponi , uccisi per rappresaglia, rispettivamente nei cascinali di Badia di M. Corona, di S. Giuliana e di S. Cassiano. Ed ultimi, in ordine di tempo, i volontari Giuseppe Starnini , morto a Firenze, e Giuseppe Rosati , caduto a fianco di Rino. Altri sono presi e rinchiusi nelle carceri fasciste, spesso torturati. Sono giovani ed anziani : è l'Italia tutta che si ribella e combatte. Tra questi, ricordiamo una delle maggiori figure di animatore della resistenza nel pietralunghese: Bonuccio Bonucci , alla cui casa di San Faustino tanti giovani accorsero per avere un consiglio nell'ora difficile ed oscura, come fece il tuo gruppo, Rino, in quel lontano settembre del '43, o per avere un'arma, dopo, quando la lotta divampò più cruenta, come facemmo noi, nel '44. Bonucci, per l'arresto del quale fascisti e tedeschi si scomodarono in forze finché non riuscirono nel loro turpe intento. E vicino a questo nome prestigioso, vogliamo ricordarne altri, più umili, che nessuno conosce, che solo pochi intimi ricordano: quello del colono Luigi Fiorucci , detto «Baldilino», arrestato durante un rastrellamento sui monti di S. Faustino, insieme ad un invalido della 1° guerra mondiale, Domenico Mancini , ed entrambi rinchiusi nelle carceri di Perugia, dove soffrono interrogati e maltrattamenti, ma non parlano. E, tra i più giovani, ricordiamo il M° Lamberto Beatini e Giuseppe Antonelli che, arrestati, rimangono per oltre sei mesi nelle carceri perugine, rei d'aver preferito la libertà e la lotta al servaggio fascista. Intanto gli anglo-americani avanzano, arrivano a Umbertide. Ma la guerra non è finita. C'è ancora bisogno di giovani gagliardi e generosi, disposti a combattere per la totale liberazione del Paese. Partono i 24 volontari umbertidesi della «Cremona». Il campo d'azione si sposta dalle nostre montagne alle vaste pianure del ravennate. Rino è tra loro. Dove c'è una causa giusta da difendere, Egli non può mancare. Il «DIARIO» riprende sotto forma di «BOLLETTINO». E' quello che per 18 giorni gli umbertidesi leggeranno in una bacheca della piazza Matteotti, ancora invasa di macerie. Lo spirito goliardico, apparentemente scanzonato, riappare, torna a pizzicare fraternamente amici e commilitoni. Ma il «BOLLETTINO» appare più impegnato, più ufficiale, diremmo. Il giovane che lo redige s'è maturato in brevissimo tempo: s'è fatto uomo. Rivelano questa maturità anche le poche lettere inviate dal fronte alla Madre. Rino è sempre il figlio affettuoso, ma più contento e laconico, quasi voglia nascondere alla madre il pericolo che incombe, quasi voglia rassicurarla che a difenderlo basterà la sua preghiera. E poi, Po di Primaro, 3 MARZO 1945. Una raffica di mitraglia stronca la Sua giovane vita. Rino tace per sempre. Ma non la sua voce del Suo spirito. Quella continua con noi il colloquio ideale che unisce i vivi con i morti. L'anno scorso, quando ci si chiese di indicare una breve epigrafe per il cippo commemorativo delle dodici vittime innocenti di Penetola, ci suggerì le parole del Tuo verso della «NOTTE» del «DIARIO»: ..... «Rino parlò: NON BISOGNA ODIARE» ..... Ed oggi, Rino, da un ruvido masso posto sul bordo della strada cortonese, i Martiri della Penetola ripetono il Tuo messaggio, parlano ai vivi con il Tuo cuore. Perché il cuore dei martiri è UNO. Uno solo. Ed ha un solo linguaggio. Universale. Come universale è la VERITA' per la quale siete caduti, per la quale vivete nell'animo nostro, per la quale vivrete nell'animo di coloro che verranno, per la quale ci ripetete: NON ODIO CHIEDIAMO A CHI RESTA SOLTANTO MEMORIA PERCHE' ALTRI NON DEBBAN MORIRE PER MANO ASSASSINA. Umbertide, 14 settembre 1975 Raffaele Mancini IL DIARIO DI RINO 22 settembre – NOTTE Nella notte stellata, ricamata da densi banchi di nubi, il silenzio assume un mistica religiosità, il viale bianco, fiancheggiato dai neri cipressi che maestosamente tentano scalare l'infinito, si distende, contorcendosi come un serpente, fra i campi verdeggianti, dove l'odore dei mosti novelli s'alza, fragrante di natura buona e generosa. II rumore degli scarponi ferrati che battono sicuri la terra dura rompe la calma serenità della notte. Da un cascinale giunge l'abbaiare affannoso di un cane, un gallo si sveglia e tenta uno stridulo acuto mentre altri cento piccoli insetti della notte tentano invano, di accordare le loro voci misteriose. Otto ragazzi marciano con giovanile baldanza verso la vita nuova, verso la libertà. Hanno lasciato dietro di loro una umanità falsa ed egoista, hanno disprezzato la bieca amicizia di uno straniero odiato, hanno abbandonato le care famiglie, gli agi, le persone che amano, hanno abbandonato tutto e tutti per vivere liberi, per sfuggire ad una odiosa schiavitù. Un giorno: quando nell'alba radiosa un sole più splendente e limpido saetterà i suoi raggi caldi di fuoco e di vita sulla terra italiana tornata libera e pacifica, essi ritorneranno, ricominceranno la solita vita e di questi giorni duri, ma intrisi di ore felici, serberanno un dolce, eterno ricordo. Siamo otto giovani, dai 18 ai 22 anni, alcuni studenti, altri operai, altri impiegati, affratellati da un comune sentimento di libertà e di italianità, pronti a dividere insieme rischi, pericoli, pane ed allegria. La strada è lunga e dura, ma noi non ce ne accorgiamo. C'è in noi la forza armoniosa della gioventù, quella forza che scaturisce dai cuori, che esala al di fuori di noi e colorisce tutte le cose intorno, anche le più inanimate, e le fa parlare e cantare di gioia. Claudio, come al solito, anima la compagnia con le sue ignobili freddure, Ruggero marcia silenzioso e si perde con la natura, Piero forse penserà al suo bianco lettino, Aurelio insegue colonne aride di numeri, Guido sogna una bruna bambina della laguna, Peppe intravvede tra le foglie degli alberi teste ispide e barba folte, Menco si perde tra una nuvola dì fogli stampati e spera di poter scrivere presto un manifesto: «L'ITALIA E' LIBERA ! ITALIANI TORNATE ALLE VOSTRE CASE, AI VOSTRI LAVORI; DIFENDETE LA VOSTRA ITALIA!». Io?... Un visetto pallido di bambina ed un turbine di capelli neri. E cammina e cammina, come nelle vecchie favole, i bravi ragazzi arrivano alla Torre..... E' la prima tappa, è il riposo agognato. La Torre : sono quattro mura disperse fra le piante di un boschetto, quattro mura diroccate, che un giorno videro le gesta eroiche di cavalieri erranti. Invano cerchiamo un ricovero nella torre: consigli, opinioni, ma si finisce per non capirci più niente. Stendiamo, infine, le coperte ai piedi di un muro che la patina del tempo ha tinto di colore grigiastro, ci accomodiamo alla meglio e, come Dio vuole, ci corichiamo. La terra è dura, non è un letto molto piacevole; il vento si insegue tra le fronde degli alberi che, con un brusio sordo, si sussurrano dolci ed intimi colloqui. Frizzi allegri e motti salaci percuotono le vecchie mura che ci guardano austere, quasi rimproverandoci di aver rotto la loro secolare severità. Poi tutto tace. lo non dormo, come forse non dormono gli altri ..... ognuno di noi insegue un fantasma che danza davanti ai nostri occhi : i ricordi battono alla porta dei nostri cuori con note dolci e tristi...... Piano, piano, gli occhi si chiudono nell'ultima visione ..... io..... Ela. 23 settembre Una pioggerella fitta che si schermiva con le fronde, ci ha svegliati. Ho fatto il segno della Croce... Qualche cosa d'arcano che nasceva tra gli alberi mi ha spinto a farlo. Era la luce nuova del nuovo giorno, era il miracolo divino che si ripeteva con veste e colori nuovi, che ha parlato al mio cuore. Avevo le ossa rotte, non sapevo se ero quadrato o rettangolare ; certamente ero una figura geometrica. Erano le sei. L'alba svegliava gli uomini e le loro case, accendeva sentimenti e passioni nuove, riscaldava negli animi odio e amore che la notte per un istante aveva sopiti. La valle sotto di noi sì velava di una scialba cortina di nebbia, cime di alti pini e di querce vetuste s'alzavano al di sopra di quel mare bianco e mite e sembravano oasi ridenti sorte per incanto pel tocco d'una bacchetta magica. I comignoli delle povere casette disperse fra le colline gentili ed i monti severi, mandavano con, torte spire di fuma : un fumo quasi timido di alzarsi verso il cielo, un fumo che ha l'odore di sudato lavoro e di serena gioia familiare. Gli uccelli cinguettano garruli per l'aria e le note tristi e gioconde s'incontrano in una gara di bellezza e di gentilezza.... Ho tardato ieri sera ad addormentarmi.... le stelle tremolanti mi sorridevano dall'alto, timide nel loro splendore ed io vedevo il volto d'una cara bambina che mi sorrideva con loro. Anche gli altri si svegliano: negli occhi ancor gonfi ognuno insegue l'ultima visione della notte..... Piero ha chiamato la mamma..... La mamma: Vangelo buono che veglia su noi, la dolce, cara, creatura che ci accompagna con le sue preghiere, che ci insegue con i suoi pacati ed affettuosi consigli, che riposa sui nostri cuori cullandoli ed accarezzandoli con quella voce dolce e cara che tante volte ci ha fatto dormire quando eravamo bambini, quando ancora la vita era una favola con le fate buone e gli orchi cattivi. Mammina cara, forse stanotte, nel sonno agitato, ti sei svegliata.... è stato l'orologio della torre a svegliarti con i suoi battiti lenti.... ti ha ripetuto il mio nome e ti ha fatto sussultare di paura per il tuo figliolo lontano... forse hai pianto e nella tua calda fantasia di madre mi hai visto camminare stanco..... fra uomini cattivi..... Allora dal cuore è nata una preghiera e gli angeli buoni sono scesi dal cielo, hanno preso la tua preghiera e l'hanno portata in cielo, al Signore..… Zaini in spalla e, avanti march! Riprendiamo il cammino. L'aria fresca e pungente del mattino penetra nelle membra e le filtra di umore e di forza nuova. Si marcia : prima in silenzio poi s'alza un canto leggero che via via si alza e rimbomba. Sorge dai nostri petti. Siamo liberi..... Sulla cima di una collina ci fermiamo e facciamo colazione. Sardine in scatola - Lo sapete - dice Claudio - perché le sardine si mettono sott'olio ? - Perché quando il mare è calmo..... è come un olio. Claudio è un gran bravo ragazzo, però sì rovina con le sue freddure che io.... boicotterò sempre, finché avrò un po' di fiato. E' un ragazzo intelligente, studia medicina, come me. Siamo compagni di scuola ed anche nella vita. Non è molto bello, ma si salva per via di un paio di baffi che fin'ora nessuno è riuscito a vedere. In fatto di donne, quando non ci sono io, ha abbastanza fortuna. Sa stare in compagnia.... ed anche in plotone. Il caro amico mi scuserà per questa piccola freddura. Chi va con lo zoppo - dice un proverbio - impara a zoppicare. La colazione mattutina è stata buona ed ha stretto ancor più i nostri legami. Il « Secco » - Giubilei Aurelio per chi non lo sapesse - nel frattempo era andato in perlustrazione e dopo mezz'ora circa è tornato con la buona novella: un contadino era disposto ad ospitarci. Ci siamo messi subito in marcia per l'ultima tappa. Siamo stati accolti nel cascinale dall'abbaiare del cane, lo starnazzare delle oche e il grugnito dei maiali. 23 settembre NOTTE Scendevan lievi l’ombre della sera: radunati pensavamo a ciò che era, guardavamo nell'intimo del cuore per cercarvi il conforto dell'amore. E il pensiero nostro era lontano, e a tratti parlavamo piano piano. Occhi tesi oltre i monti, in lontananza, volti tesi in una estrema desianza. Sembianza cara e triste, immagine dolce ad ombre miste.... Una dolcezza che moriva in pianto e un dolore forte, ... ma senza schianto. D'un tratto per togliere la pena sorse un'accorata cantilena: un lungo canto pieno dì ricordi che penetrava dentro nei precordi. Voci alterne che non erano canto, ma solo grida per fugare il pianto: voci e voci e ritmi più vari, motivi allegri, motivi amari..... RINO PARLO': - NON BISOGNA ODIARE, non lo sentite che bisogna amare ? un desiderio di volersi bene, di stringersi forte, affratellati insieme? Non lo sentite che la natura canta i suoi inni di gioia e di speranza? Non vedete dirlo anche alle stelle che brillano nel ciel come sorelle? E nel cuor c'è una voce che ci dice: - Vivi, ama, spera e sii felice! - Non lo sentite che lo parla al cuore questa silente notte di tepore? Nessun rispose alle sue parole, ciascuno chiuso in un dolor che duole... Solo Claudio guardò a lungo, pensoso, rincorrendo non so quale pensiero ansioso.... Guardai quei volti tristi ma speranti, con la tristezza propria degli amanti. Rino 24 Settembre II sole già filtrava attraverso le fragili pareti della capanna sul nostro giaciglio e il cielo si andava tingendo d'un azzurro chiaro. Quando ho aperto gli occhi, Piero e Claudio dormivano ancora. Ela mi è apparsa in sogno. Quanta gioia mi ha portato la sua visione... m'è sembrato che stesse vicino, che mi accarezzasse i capelli; il tocco delle sue mani era lieve e l'olezzo calda del fiato m'irrorava il viso scaldandolo di un dolce tepore. I suoi occhi, di quel colore che non ho mai conosciuto, mi sorridevano dolci o mi parlavano con il loro muto melanconico linguaggio. Ela... bambina mia cara, torna ogni notte a trovarmi, torna ad accarezzarmi, dimmi quelle affettuose parole che tanto mi fanno gioire, ripetimi ancora, piccola cara, il tuo amore, le tue speranze, ed i nostri sogni. Un destino cattivo ci tiene lontani, ma i nostri cuori sono vicini e sognano la casina di legno sulla montagna, il piccolo Mauro, e quegli istanti che traboccheranno di intensa felicità. Quando anche Piero e Claudio si svegliarono intonammo una canzone, ma la nostra voce era stanca ed i nostri pensieri erano lontani. Il buon Anacleto ci ha offerto il latte di capra, era fresco e dolce. Per sfuggire ad un eventuale pericolo ci siamo recati nel bosco . Abbiamo lavorato alacremente per costruire una capanna, si lavorava febbrilmente ed il lavoro era intercalato da canti e barzellette che Claudio coloriva meglio di me nella sua satira. Tutti sembrano contenti ma forse nei loro cuori c'è un dolce rimpianto, un desio che preme i cuori d'affanno e di tristezza. Ognuno di noi custodisce un segreto nel cuore, un segreto che ci fa sperare, che ci fa aspettare fidenti il domani. l'uomo è strano... non può vivere nel pericolo se non sogna una gioia futura e... basta! basta! Qualche cosa urge il mio cuore, qualche cosa che non conosco ma che scuote i miei pensieri, batte i miei sentimenti e mi fa oscillare fra una gioia che sta per sfuggire ed una pena che forse verrà. Claudio mi comprende... mi guarda e sorride, dice che sono un mascalzone, ma nel suo cuore pensa che sono un buon ragazzo, un po' troppo carico di fantasia e di idee qualche volta malsane. Con Claudio e Ruggero mi trovo molto bene, essi sono un po' come me, vivono in terra e sognano il cielo. Forse nei prossimi fogli tenterò dì parlare dei miei compagni, sarà un lavoro difficile, perché se facile è ritrarre le sembianze di un uomo, difficile è analizzare i suoi sentimenti. C'è Chiara che è una gran brava bambina, ha negli occhi una ingenuità infantile, hanno un riflesso azzurro e colpiscono profondamente. Ha un visetto piccolo e grazioso; i suoi lineamenti sono regolari e gentili, i capelli castani leggermente ondulati le scendono sul collo esile e bianco. Non so cosa pensi, perché anche i suoi pensieri sono leggeri e velati come la sua persona. Chiara mi piace. Quando sono con lei mi sento sereno ed una felicità infantile scende nell'anima mia. La vita corre con quella lenta monotonia che è il pane quotidiano di questa buona gente. Ieri sera, mentre ci ritiravamo per dormire abbiamo vista dei lumi a valle. Chi sono? Le supposizioni più strane e le deliberazioni più disparate. lo avevo proposto di fare una spedizione, ma poi siamo andati a dormire. E' la più bella cosa che abbiamo potuto fare. Prima di addormentarmi ho pregato, ora, prego tutte le sere, vi trovo una pace nuova, un conforto che mi fa tanto bene. Madonnina cara che sei nei cieli, guardaci dall'alto e posa la tua mano benigna sulle nostre teste, insegnaci tu la strada che conduce verso la vera felicità, quella felicità che gli uomini non conoscono, quella serena felicità che c'è soltanto nel tuo cielo, vieni dolce, cara e buona mamma da noi tutti e dacci la tua benedizione. 25 Settembre Mi sono svegliato molto nervoso. Questa vita calma e monotona mi esaspera... non so cosa mi succeda, il mio spirito è scosso ed il mio cervello va qualche minuto indietro. Strano ! Ho desiderato sempre la serena tranquillità della campagna ed ho sempre amato il profondo brusio dei boschi, e le valli che si distendono ai piedi dei monti, con i lunghi filari di viti, le stradette che si snodano fra le grigie casette dei contadini, i paesetti dagli alti campanili che si riposano sulla riva di un fiume o fra le gialle spighe del grano. Accade sempre così... desiderare una cosa, vivere per più giorni beandoci nel suo sogno e poi... quando viene già siamo stanchi. I giorni più o meno li trascorriamo sempre nello stesso tenore : si gioca, si canta, si va peregrinando pei boschi finché giunge la sera. La sera ognuno di noi ritrova se stesso. Sembra che le ombre oscure della mia grande amica scendendo dalle cime dei monti ci riportino le nostre spoglie mortali, che il giorno morente ci aveva strappato. Sera, ... istanti pieni d'incanto, voci divine che parlano con nostalgica tenerezza, momenti in cui l'anima esce dal corpo e s'alza verso il cielo : «Non senti, caro amico - par che per essa dica il corpo - l'usignol che canta, non odi tu le note armoniose con cui risponde l'amata? Ascolta: questo è il vento che schermisce le fronde, il suo soffio è più leggero e la carezza più lieve; egli scaccia le ultime luci del giorno e le tremule ombre presto saranno fra noi. Addio corpo, addio prati bruciati dal sole, addio lieto cinguettar d'uccelli, addio affannoso ansimare di macchine e braccia, anche a voi o buoi che poco fa sbuffavate sotto il pesante giogo o caprette belanti, anche a voi io dico addio, presto le sorelle stelle illumineranno la notte e la luna si poserà tra le fronde, presto la sera farà posto alla notte e la Pace alla fatica, io spazierò nel cielo e cercherò la tua stella. Addio». E quando la sera ha finalmente liberato le nostre anime, sentiamo un bisogno arcano di cantare, di far tremare nell'aria le nostre voci... io credo che questa sia una serenata che i nostri cuori facciano alla sera, forse una preghiera che essi vogliono innalzare all'amica nascosta, una preghiera che porta con sé il rammarico di un giorno di una speranza perduta, un sogno infranto, una felicità che non tornerà mai più. C’è negli occhi una lieta bontà, c'è nella voce un tremore che forse è triste, forse gioioso, c'è in tutti noi l'immagine dei cari lontani, delle case spogliate dei nostri trilli giovanili, c'è gioia e tristezza volontà e stanchezza pianto e sorriso e più ancora un gran desiderio di pace. 27 Settembre Ruggero e Claudio sono seduti dietro a me cantano. Già da venti minuti annoiando con le loro voci stonate... pur tuttavia non li maledico, il loro canto mi scioglie un po' di quella triste indefinibile malinconia che da qualche giorno mi opprime ad intervalli. Forse sono quegli istanti in cui mi assale il desiderio di Ela. Cosa farà la mia piccola in quest'istante? Mi sembra di vederla con il suo vestitino a fiori, seduta sul divano assorta e pensosa su un libro che non riesce a leggere... con lei c'è Rossella, la nostra cara bambina, che sorride e con la sua vocetta le domanda: «Mamma, dov'è il papà, quando ritorna?» Allora Ela comincia a raccontare: «Il papà, gioia mia, è andato sulle montagne per fuggire gli uomini cattivi che volevano fargli del male. Con il papà ci sono tanti altri giovani, essi dormono la notte nelle capanne ed il giorno vanno per i boschi. Presto saranno armati ed allora andranno a combattere gli uomini cattivi». Poi la sua voce si spegne e Rossella l'accarezza sulla guancia e le dice: «Perché piangi mammina?». Ieri sera abbiamo cambiato appartamento. Dormiamo tutti otto in una cucina inusata. Quando si va a dormire c'è un po' di allegria, si tarda a prendere sonno ed oscilliamo fra una freddura di Claudio ed un rumore di Piero. Ieri sera siamo stati a veglia da Anacleto, dove Guido si è arrabbiato perché il solito Claudio con le sue solite stolte freddure l'ha punto in un lato delicato della sua vita. Stamattino Pippo, Ferranti e Fiorucci son venuti a trovarci. C'è stato uno scambio di vedute e solidali accordi per il futuro. ... e la vita scorre, come il ruscello scende dal monte, limpida, monotona, sussurrante e calma. 30 Settembre Siamo stati da Bonucci. Tutte le sere andiamo da lui per conoscere le ultime notizie e per prendere accordi sulle nostre future azioni. Bonucci è un uomo molto in gamba, un uomo d'azione che ha promesso di farci fare qualche cosa. Questa vita sempre uguale e facile comincia a stancarci; siamo giovani, abbiamo i cuori bollenti e la testa piena di fantasie e vogliamo essere impiegati in qualche azione. Ruggero è molto triste: ricordi, speranze, sogni, chissà? Forse è la noia. Seguitiamo a giocare ed a scherzare, ma una triste malinconia ci opprime, grigia come queste giornate d'autunno senza sole, silenziosa come questi boschi che sanno solo tremare al vento. 4 Ottobre Cosa importano le date? Tutti i giorni sono uguali ogni ora la nostra vita si ripete grigia ed uniforme. Se il tempo non fosse segnato la nostra esistenza sarebbe più bella, non si distinguerebbe l'oggi dal domani, non ricorderesti il giorno che fosti felice ed il giorno che soffristi, ma la tua memoria si perderebbe nel tempo uguale, senza il battito dell'orologio che continuamente ti ripete la tua piccolezza e la brevità della tua esistenza. II giorno sarebbe diverso dalla notte soltanto per il buio e la felicità si separerebbe dalla noia per il tempo che passa. Oggi è il quattro ottobre e i minuti rincorrono le ore; presto sarà mezzogiorno e mangeremo, poi verrà la sera con la notte ed andremo a dormire e questa data avrà segnato un'altra tappa del nostro triste cammino. Ieri l'altro mentre io ero assente c'era stato un allarme. Erano un maresciallo ed un carabiniere che venivano a perlustrare questa zona. Si sono radunati una ventina d'uomini, fra i miei compagni ed altri contadini e sono corsi nella zona pericolosa per sventare qualsiasi tentativo di violenza. Ma i due gendarmi vista la male parata se ne sono andati ed è sfumata anche un'avventura che prometteva di distoglierci un poco da questa odiosa monotonia. Ieri, domenica, abbiamo fatto un po' di festa. Abbiamo mangiata e bevuto più del solito, abbiamo cercato di ridere e scherzare con più sincerità per allontanare la tristezza dai nostri cuori e per segnare in qualche modo una festa che nessuno di noi sentiva. Verso sera è venuta la signora Bonucci ed insieme a Claudio e Chiaretta abbiamo fatto una passeggiata. L'aria vespertina era calma, dal punto dove eravamo si vedevano i monti toccarsi, unirsi ed erigersi maestosi verso fitte cortine di nubi che il sole morente cercava invano di ferire. I nostri discorsi erano vuoti e la mia anima vagava con il vento che sfiorava le cime boscose dei monti, si perdeva con esso fra le foglie che cominciano a ingiallire, si perdeva con esso ovunque e come lui non aveva riposo. Quando siamo tornati alla cascina ho trovato una lettera di Ela. Sono diventato triste, un nodo di pianto mi stringeva la gola. Ma tu, mio caro diario, mi permetterai uno sfogo, tu ascolterai quello che il mio cuore non ha saputo confessare ad alcuno. Tu sei condiscendente e buono, tu ascolti le nostre gioie e le nostre pene e non parli, il tuo volto è sempre pallido ed uguale, tu non hai la voce per gridare, il cuore per amare e le mani per accarezzare, tu sei più felice di noi perché non soffri e non gioisci, ma ascolti e taci. Spesso nel tuo candore io cerco il volto di colei che tanto amo, di colei che vive dentro di me e palpita dei miei palpiti, lo cerco nelle tue righe e lo trovo sempre caro ed affettuoso, sorridente di quel sorriso che mi spinge a sognare ed a sperare che scende nell'animo mio come un balsamo rivivificatore, che riempie la mia solitudine di gioia e spesso, però anche di tristezza. Io ho quello che gli altri non hanno, io ho l'amore che mi distingue da Ruggero, da Claudio e dagli altri, io ho la fede in questo amore puro e sincero che fa della mia vita una missione, ho la certezza del bene di questo amore che mi salva dal male che con i suoi neri polipi avvolge tutta la terra e la stringe e la stringe nel suo dolore. Soltanto che quest'affetto così grande spesso mi opprime, specialmente nella solitudine e nella lontananza, con il ricordo delle ore felici con la paura che debba finire. E' la paura che un Dio geloso della mia felicità scenda dal suo trono di tiranno per carpirmi questo tesoro, per schiacciarmi come gli altri sotto i suoi piedi insanguinati dal sangue di migliaia di vittime innocenti che egli, superbo della sua grandezza e geloso della sua gloria prezzolata, ha costretto nel dolore e nella miseria. Ma l'amore ci salva, l'amore che ha creato l'Universo, l'amore che è in ogni creatura, pronto a scaturire fuori di fronte all'ira del tiranno, ci accoglie nelle sue braccia quando noi stiamo per soccombere; è soltanto nell'amore che ogni uomo deve credere e deve porre la sua fede, di lui dobbiamo fare la nostra religione, a lui affidare le nostre vite: l'amore è il ponte che ci lega all'infinito, l'amore è la forza che ci sorregge, davanti all'immensità dell'universo, è l'amore infine che stringe una catena fra la vita e la morte, Quando sono triste mi piace ubriacarmi. Ieri sera l'ho fatto. L'ebbrezza dell’alcool scioglie la nostra malinconia e ci fa sorridere. I miei compagni hanno tentato invano di conoscere il motivo: Claudio mi è venuto accanto e con parole amorevoli ha cercato di aiutarmi, capiva benissimo che la mia allegria era finta ed il mio sorriso era pianto. Ruggero ha cercato di imitarmi, ma non era ubriaco, forse pensava a quel detto che dice: «in due si soffre meglio». Stamattina stavo male ed ora cerco invano di cambiare la serenità con la tristezza. 7 Ottobre Menco è sul letto che legge, io scrivo sopra una cassapanca, gli altri sono in cucina che discorrono e scherzano con le donne..... fuori piove. E' l'autunno che pian piano, scacciando la calda e odorosa estate, si desta intorno a noi. Qualche foglia ingiallita già è caduta nel fango, le caprette s'indugiano sui fili verdi che presto appassiranno e moriranno. Da una grossa e fronduta quercia una piccola fogliolina gialla tentenna; la pioggia la scuote, ma essa vuol rimanere tra le sue compagne ancora verdi e vive. Una scossa di pioggia più forte la fa cadere.... vibra nell'aria, rotola, si rialza sospinta da un soffio dì vento, rotola ancora e poi dolcemente si posa in terra. La pioggia la percuote, l'affonda un po' nel fango, ma essa brilla sempre di quella sua luce gialla che annoia, di quel pallore, scialbo che precede la morte. Passa un pastorello col suo gregge e la colpisce col bastone ; tante zampette la calpestano, l'insudiciano e la ricoprono di terra... il gregge s'allontana belando, il pastorello fischietta ed agita il suo bastone, la piccola fogliolina gialla non si vede più. Piove! E' autunno!! Siamo rimasti in sei. Guido è andato da un altro contadino e credo si trovi bene, Ruggero è ritornato a Vialba, dove faceva scuola, per cercarvi un po' di allegria, per trovarvi qualche cosa che rompa il cerchio di tristezza che ci circonda un po' tutti. Ieri sono andato a trovarlo insieme a Menco; dovevano venire pure gli altri ma Aurelio, mentre sopra un olmo strecciava le viti e sorrideva al sorriso della Nella è caduto e, dice lui, si è fatto molto male. lo credo invece che sia caduto una sola volta, da piccolo. Già che siamo in discorso di Aurelio voglio parlare un po' di lui. L'abbiamo soprannominato, oltre al già famoso «secco», «affannatico» per la mania che ha di correre e di sbrigare tutte le cose in maniera celere e alquanto irregolare. Questo soprannome forse non va bene con l'impiego che occupa. Infatti lavora presso una banca del paese, a quanto dicono è un ragazzo ordinato, laborioso, che riscuote molta stima dai suoi superiori. E' snello alto, fronte spaziosa, occhi intelligenti e nobili, porta i capelli lisci e biondi all'indietro. A parte il suo affanno, e la sua proverbiale sfortuna in amore, è un gran bravo ragazzo. Forse, dico forse perché mi potrei sbagliare, sognerà un buon posto nella sua banca, una casetta linda, una graziosa mogliettina, dei bambini e desidererà una vita calma e serena, anche se fatta di molte somme e di molte sottrazioni. Ritornando al mancato intervento dei miei compagni alla gita di ieri, anche per Peppe si è trattato di una caduta; questa volta, però non c'era un olmo di mezzo, né un sorriso, bensì un cavallo. Claudio infine non è venuto perché sembra che una certa signorina Chiaretta glielo abbia proibito... punto e basta. Ho avuto ieri l'occasione di telefonare a Ela, ciò che ho provato è un dolce e caro segreto che voglio tenermi tutto per me. Ora, gli allarmi diventano più frequenti e credo che presto tuonerà e tuonerà... bene per noi e mal per chi è contro di noi. 12 Ottobre Nella nostra compagnia sono avvenuti molti cambiamenti. Siamo rimasti in cinque. Guido è andato da altri contadini più vicino e pare vi si trovi molto bene. Poi c'è con lui Gianni di Biretone, che è un contadino civilizzato dal servizio militare; sembra che un giorno questo tale si sia spacciato per ingegnere... quindi ha fatto molti progressi. Aurelio è ritornato a Umbertide per riprendere il lavoro in banca. Ruggero è tornato dove ha fatto scuola e sta con alcuni bravi contadini suoi conoscenti. Mentre ci è rimasta indifferente la partenza di Guido, sentiamo invece la lontananza di Aurelio e di Ruggero. Il primo ha prodotto un vuoto per la sua vivacità, il secondo per il suo pessimismo. Infatti senza Aurelio si procede con più calma ed anche a letto si dorme meglio, poiché non c'è più nessuno che tira le coperte, dà calci e mette la testa in bocca. Ruggero qualche volta, ci circondava della sua tristezza e rendeva impazienti pure noi di fronte al lento svolgersi degli avvenimenti. Noi rimasti siamo molto calmi e sappiamo sopportare con più abnegazione il monotono fluire dei giorni sempre uguali e tristi.... Domenica siamo stati alla messa a San Faustino con molta gioia del prete che per l'occasione ha sfoggiato una delle migliori prediche. Questo pretonzolo m'aveva minacciato giorni fa una campagna disfattista perché andavo in giro con i pantaloni corti. Con un buon bicchiere di vino santo che è il migliore dei Santi, abbiamo fatto la pace. Mi sono però convinto, dopo una lunga assenza che anche la messa non serve a niente; è un rito noioso, stupido e senza senso, che molte volte professiamo o per vedere una donna che ci interessa o per ammazzare il tempo o anche perché, ormai tanti prima di noi l'hanno fatto. Questi giorni ho avuto un bisticcio con Claudio e per un certo tempo siamo stati imbronciati poi tutto è passato. Per questa ragione il mio amico ha cancellato il suo diario satirico. Incomincia a far freddo ed il vento soffia senza riposo tirandosi dietro nuvoloni neri e spazzando le foglie che cadono dagli alberi. Stamane ho fatto le fotografie insieme a Piero. Mentre scendevo dal monte dove eravamo stati ad immortalarci, ho incontrato Loschi Mario e Nino Conti che venivano a cercarci. In un primo tempo non l'avevo riconosciuti ed avevo messo la mano sulla pistola spaventando con questo gesto i due compagni, che a loro volta, non avendomi conosciuto, si erano nascosti dietro ad un'altura prendendomi di mira con un vecchio archibugio, che, se avesse sparato, avrebbe fatto venire il terremoto. Nino è venuto da Napoli, sfuggendo ai tedeschi ed agli inglesi, è abbastanza sciupato e ne racconta delle belle. Si fermeranno con noi e così potremo ricostruire anche la compagnia. 13 Ottobre Questa notte abbiamo dormito sulla paglia nuova, regalataci da S. Pietro. S. Pietro non è quello che secondo la leggenda cristiana, guarda le porte del paradiso, ma un bravo contadino che abita vicino a noi. Il suo vero nome è Agostino, ma tutti lo chiamano S. Pietro. E' un ometto basso, gracile, con la testa pelata e due occhietti piccoli e infossati. Tutti i contadini della zona ci sono amici e ci aiutano, sia perché il nostro contadino è di natura generosa e buona e sia perché il nostro bravo Peppe ha aperto una barbieria detta «Barbieria di San Faustino», nel nostro piccolo appartamento. Giornalmente ed ancor più il sabato, arrivano i bravi coloni a farsi radere la barba e tagliare i capelli. Il novello Figaro non riceve alcuna ricompensa, ma accetta volentieri uova e pane. Peppe è uno dei ragazzi più seri e più laboriosi della nostra compagnia. Non molto alto, ha una bella testa di riccioli neri e due occhi grandi e buoni che guardano da una faccia larga che s'attacca al corpo massiccio con un bel collo taurino. Peppe è uno di quei ragazzi semplici e sinceri, che guardano con sicurezza la vita, senza grandi sogni o voli di fantasia. E' fidanzato con una bella ragazza che gli manda continuamente lettere, sigarette e marmellata. E' molto bravo nel suo mestiere e mi resta molto simpatico, anche perché non ha quella falsa petulanza e non sfoggia quelle ipocrite gentilezze e quella scienza barbosa che sono in genere le armi predilette di ogni barbiere. Canta anche abbastanza bene e la sua voce ha un bel timbro forte e caldo che spesso mi avvolge e mi aiuta a sognare. Ecco perché spesso lo esorto a cantare, quando sono triste. Io e lui siamo gli ultimi ad addormentarci ed i primi a svegliarci. Da questo ho potuto arguire che anche nel suo cuore dovrebbe esser celato un dolce segreto..... credo ch'egli, pur senza grandi slanci lirici, accarezzi un piccolo sogno: un bel negozio tutto suo, una bella casa con una bella mogliettina che ogni sera gli sfiori con una mano buona i riccioli neri e gli faccia dimenticare le teste dei clienti e le spazzole noiose e unte. Nino è rimasto con noi ed è già divenuto uno degli uomini più temuti del quadrigliato. Oggi sono tre settimane che siamo fuggiti; ne passeranno ancora prima che possiamo tornare alle nostre case ed alle persone che amiamo. * * * * * 31 Gennaio 1944 - ROCCA D'ARIA ..... e poi tornò a nascondersi nel bosco. Come i vecchi briganti che scendevano a valle per fare rapine e risalivano poi carichi di bottino a nascondersi nel bosco, così io dopo un periodo di tempo trascorso con la mia famiglia e la mia Ela, sono dovuto rifugiarmi nuovamente fra queste aspre montagne. Senza bottino e senza delitti sulla coscienza, colpevole solo di odiare la schiavitù tirannica ed un obbrobrioso lavoro mercenario. Questa volta sono capitato in un vecchio castello medioevale, situato su una collina aspra e scoscesa che domina una piccola valle segnata da un mormorante torrente e tante altre colline e piccole montagne cariche di pini e d'abeti e di querce vetuste e novelle. Occupo uno stanzone dove alla meglio ho arredato una camera che fa anche da sala e da cucina. Non è brutta, è assai carina ed ospitale, tanto più bella e gradita sarebbe se oltre me ospitasse la mia Ela. Saremmo tanto felici in questo stanzone che nasconderebbe tutto un mondo di piccole gioie e di dolci piaceri. Sono solo, senza compagno. La solitudine mi opprime ancora di più con i suoi sogni impazienti, con le sue ore cariche di malinconia e di tristezza. C'è Peppone e l'Ottavia, i contadini che dimorano qui, molto buoni e premurosi. C'è anche la maestra, una mia compagna, che abita il piano di sopra con due cognate ed una bambina. Manca il prete, per fortuna, a completare questo quadretto di vita rustica. Ho portato con me il grammofono ed alla sera si passa un po' di tempo a suonare, a giocare, o in lieta conversazione. Vengono altri contadini dei dintorni «a sentire ì soni» e con loro mi intrattengo affabilmente fino a tarda ora. Sono tutti brava gente, laboriosi e ingenuamente onesti e puri, che dal duro lavoro traggono ben poche e misere soddisfazioni. La mattina mi alzo verso le otto; pulisco la stanza, metto in ordine le mie robe e passo molto tempo leggendo e contemplando la natura, molto generosa di bellezze in questi luoghi. Questa mattina la maestra era occupata ed io ho fatto un po' di scuola per lei. Sono bambini piccoli, delle prime classi elementari, che vengono a scuola per imparare a leggere, a scrivere ed a fare un po' di conti. Dopo di che ritorneranno alla terra e con dura, assidua fatica cercheranno di strapparle i frutti della vita. Vengono da lontano, infreddoliti ma sorridenti, con gli zoccoli rumorosi, vestiti di poveri panni stracciati. Sillabano stentatamente ed ascoltano tante cose che paiono loro incomprensibili e lontane, guardano con timidezza e parlano piano, come per paura di essere ascoltati. Stamattina ho parlato di fate, di treni, di aereoplani e di avventure. M'ascoltavano seri e certamente non capivano molte cose. I treni che fumano e camminano, le automobili veloci, i cavalieri senza paura che puniscono la gente cattiva, dovevano suonare stranamente nelle loro anime. Avranno pensato per un istante ad un altro mondo: un mondo lontano, vietato, dove loro non riuscivano a rendersi conto che non vi potessero esistere buoi, tregge, maiali, pagliai e pecorelle belanti. Mi guardavano come un essere superiore che sa tante cose ed ha visto tanta «roba». Poveri piccoli! Le loro mani già portano il segno del lavoro, il loro sorriso si arresta davanti ad un treno che sbuffa ed il loro gioco si limita a piccoli scherzi con il cane o il gatto. Non hanno un'infanzia e non l'avranno mai ! Nascono già uomini per morire stanchi e vecchi. No, pensavo, non è giusto che tanti bambini piangano davanti ad un giocattolo vecchio che l'annoia, che abbiano istitutori o istitutrici a loro disposizione, che conoscano già fin d'allora tutte le gioie più belle della vita, mentre tante altre povere creature imparino fin dalla più tenera età i sacrifici, i dolori, le fatiche. L'infanzia è un dono troppo bello, caro, fuggevole, perché alcuni ne siano privati. E' l'età in cui il mondo ci si para d'innanzi pieno dì meraviglie, di sogni, di illusioni, è l'età in cui non si comprende la gravità della nostra esistenza, è l'età che dovrebbe riposare nel cuore di ognuno come il ricordo più dolce, più felice che tutti indistintamente dovrebbero gustare, con le gioie pure ed innocenti, l'affetto caldo e sincero dei genitori..... Ora li conosco quasi tutti per nome e mi vogliono molto bene. Ci sono tre bambine, la Carla, la Jole e la Miranda che sono proprio tre amori di bimbe, sembrano tre passerotti perduti in tre paia di grossi zoccoli. Ieri ho regalato loro delle paste; l'hanno prese dicendomi grazie e poi sono corse felici a mangiarle..… 25 Aprile 1944 Caro diario, questa è la volta di arrossire. Non per questo destino eri fatto, non per riportare le ore noiose che passo in questa prigione senza sbarre. Pensavo di poter narrare se non fatti di gloria, almeno episodi di lotta per la Patria e la libertà che tu, un giorno, avresti a tua volta, ricordato a me ed ai miei amici. Ma, come sempre, l'uomo propone e Dio dispone. Non sempre possiamo fare valere la nostra volontà, i nostri veri sentimenti. Tu, diario, eri stato creato nella rivolta dello spirito, quando la libertà s'affacciava con l'alba grigiastra dell'autunno, quando tutti erano pronti a difendere se stessi contro lo schiavismo del tiranno. (Per 20 minuti ho interrotto di scrivere causa un bombardamento). Ora all'aquilotto che tentava le vie spaziose dell'infinito hanno tarpato le ali: una gabbia lo racchiude ed invano forse logorerà ì suoi artigli contro le sbarre di duro ferro a vile prezzo acquistate. Nulla rimane ai mortali se non la speranza, «Spes ultima dea». Da otto giorni mi trovo insieme a Mario, Renato e Angiolino, a Collestrada, al servizio del lavoro. Lavoriamo per l'Italia Repubblichina Tedesca. Come diverso sarebbe il nostro lavoro se per una vera Italia si lavorasse! Quanta diversa la fede che l'alimenterebbe! lo faccio l'assistente medico e, passata la visita del mattino il mio lavoro si può dire terminato, a meno che non succedano infortuni durante la giornata. Renato e Mario stanno all'Ufficio contabilità assillati da un lavoro noioso, ma non gravoso. Angiolino, detto « Bellera », per le sue movenze agili e svelte, ha già cambiato due o tre uffici, fra i quali quello di capo-cucina e, per il momento, è disoccupato.. II nostro lavoro, dunque, non è per nulla faticoso, ma estremamente noioso. Siamo stati mandati qua per punizione, costretti ad una vita che non è la nostra, dall'odio settario di un gruppo di coscienti mascalzoni. Qui la vita scorre monotona ed ogni ora insegue l'altra in un giro di noia, d'attesa, di ricordi e di speranze. Ieri era il 24 aprile. Questa data ha per me un valore. Segnò l'inizio di un sogno che trascinandosi per due anni fra le spire di una falsa illusione si è infranto al primo affiorare della verità. E' bello, sublime, intendere la vita come una illusione continua, ma bisogna stare bene attenti a non diventare un illuso di questa illusione. ..... Tutto passa nella vita, come un'onda gigantesca il tempo travolge e cambia le cose..... ma come uno scoglio gigantesco, immobile, fisso per l'eternità, i ricordi s'ergono al di sopra dell'onda furiosa e ad ogni impeto rispondono con la carezza ed il profumo della loro purezza e della loro integrità...… * * * * * Zona di operazione - 31 Gennaio 1945 Cara mamma, siamo arrivati stanotte a Ravenna. Il viaggio è stato un po' duro sia per il caldo sia per la sua lunghezza. Siamo già vestiti..... se tu mi vedessi! Sembro un vero inglese. Il morale é alto e speriamo che sia sempre così. Domani partiamo subito per il fronte.... Ciò non ti deve impressionare perché tutto è calmo e poi dovremo fare sei giorni di istruzioni alle armi. Noi di Umbertide stiamo tutti insieme e questo è già molto. La maglia marrone la tengo indosso perché qui fa un freddo canissimo. Vi penso sempre. Tanti tanti baci a Cario, Bige, Matilde, Concetta, zii ed amici. La santa benedizione. Rino Giorno x Cari tutti, mi trovo al fronte e posso dire che non mi ci trovo molto male. Il vitto è ottimo e lo facciamo da noi. Durante il giorno si fanno le esercitazioni, brevi scappate in linea e siamo in attesa di stabilirci definitivamente in una postazione di prima linea. Speriamo tutti in un'avanzata perché i pericoli sono minori e finisce prima questa immane carneficina. La sera si canta, si suona cercando di soffocare il rombo del cannone e il gracidare delle mitraglie. Voglio sperare che la situazione di Bige vada migliorando. Sono soddisfatto del dovere che compio e nulla mi spaventa. Vi penso spesso, a Matilde do ragione: «C'è bisogno di fede quassù e di una protezione dall'alto». Tuttavia anche se qualche volta non ho dimostrato molta passione per la chiesa, non lo facevo di cuore. Vi bacio tutti tanto tanto. Rino Cara mamma, proprio ora ho saputo che fra tre giorni e precisamente il 15 andremo in prima linea. E' venuto l'ordine dal comando. Noi di Umbertide siamo tutti in un plotone aggregati alla 9a compagnia. La mia squadra di postazione è la seguente: Leonardi (Civetta) Trippelli, Ceccagnoli, Claudio e... cucina. Il nostro settore dice che non sia molto violento. Quindi mammina, il 15 avrò la prova del fuoco. Pregate per me. Farò il mio dovere senza slanci e senza vigliaccheria. State tranquilli, speriamo che tutto vada bene. Ho con me un'immagine di S. Rita che mi ha regalato una ragazza di Umbertide che io amo; mi aiuterà, tanti, tanti, tanti baci a voi tutti e zii; un bacione a Franco. Vi chiedo la Santa benedizione. vostro Rino Caro Alfredo, a te ed ai compagni un fervido saluto. Siamo in linea e si combatte. Il nostro ideale è il motore che anima e accalora. Io e Claudio stiamo bene e vi pensiamo spesso e con affetto. Speriamo di poterci rivedere presto e ricominciare il nostro lavoro. Qui dove siamo ora c'è abbastanza calma, ma abbiamo passato qualche giorno!.... Ancora c'è molto lavoro da fare, cari compagni; la massa è con noi ma la monarchia ha le sue pedine e le manovra bene. Lo spirito nuovo è qui quasi assente, c'è molta nostalgia del passato, si strombazza un po' di democrazia, ma in realtà è ancora come prima. Qui, noi e tanti altri compagni lavoriamo per il nostro domani e speriamo che il nostro sforzo non rimanga nullo. Saluti cari a Remigio, Ramiro, Ramnusia e Elsa. A tutti i giovani compagni un caro saluto. Rino Pucci Bollettino n. 21 Partenza. Sveglia alle 6 e preparativi. Addio ai compagni fiorentini che ci salutano comunisticamente al canto dell'Internazionale. Attraverso Ravenna, verso S. Alberto, le nostre voci svegliano i pigri ed incuriosiscono, entusiasmandoli, i passanti mattinieri. Tra due immense inondazioni le nostre macchine filano veloci verso la meta. Al comando della 9ª compagnia avviene lo smistamento dei vari plotoni; il tenente Ceccarelli comanda il 2° plotone, quasi tutti gli umbertidesi sono al 3° plotone. I compagni di Città di Castello, che sono davvero ottimi comunisti, sono stati assegnati al lº plotone. Il cap. Maggiore Ceccagnoli comanda l'8ª squadra del 3° plotone ed è tutto un poema. Il caporale Leonardi, vice comandante dell'8ª squadra ha stupito il folto pubblico e l'inclita guarnigione nella costruzione, sotto il fuoco nemico, di una postazione modello. Stanotte il battesimo del fuoco. I tedeschi si fanno sotto audacemente; noi con calma rispondiamo ad ogni provocazione. II fante Bargelli è stato il primo ad avvistare i nemici che sono chiamati familiarmente «Tognini». Ai primi razzi illuminanti la pattuglia sì è allontanata. Verso le cinque un altoparlante tedesco ci ha tenuti allegri con canzoni e fregnacce propagandistiche. Il freddo è intenso, nel cielo le stelle impallidiscono percettibilmente. Battendo i piedi intirizziti le sentinelle, nelle postazioni, mescolano i propri con i sogni dei dormienti nelle cuccette interrate. E' l'alba ed i tedeschi si sono ritirati al di là del Reno e tutto è tranquillo. Di tanto in tanto qualche mortaio si fa sentire, ma senza effetto alcuno. Domani 19 avremo una importantissima notizia, da quanto ci ha detto il Ten. Ceccarelli. Attendiamo impassibili, il nostro scopo è ormai raggiunto: i tedeschi hanno già sentito che il plotone «Umbertide» fa sul serio. Bollettino n. 26 Una giratina per S. Alberto non fa male, c'è qualche borghese c'è ...... beh ! ...... qualche borghesina. E' piacevole vedere i gagà con la piega ai pantaloni militari che segue una ipotetica linea retta, qualcuno è arrivato al punto di lucidare le fette. Regola è di radersi la battagliera barba. Il Capitano ordina l'adunata e incomincia la romanzina per il contegno, per la disciplina ..... Il rancio si fredda, c’é una scenata che non è possibile narrare per ragioni tattiche. Poi tutto torna calmo e tiriamo avanti. Le notizie sono vaghe e tendenziose. Il cap. Maggiore Ceccagnoli si dà un sacco di arie ed è stato proposto per la nomina a.... Generale. I fanti Confini, Pucci e Caprini sono stati proposti per la croce di guerra in seguito all'audace pattuglia fatta a casa Giazol. La notizia che sembra di maggiore attendibilità è la seguente: si attacca. In attesa di abbracciare qualche veneziana o qualche milanese puliamo le armi.... Rancio e silenzio. Un Sergente suona il clarino e ci fa sognare : ricordiamo l'orchestra del valoroso Maestro Caporali, Anima di Franceschini, dove sei tu? Dove sono Lazzarini, Filippi e Codovini? Nel sogno si balla una quadriglia vertiginosa. Bollettino n. 29 Il fante ................. (poi la morte) DALLA LETTERA DEL CAPITANO ALLA MADRE DI RINO Gentilissima Signora, ricevo una Sua lettera senza data che, dalle condizioni in cui mi è pervenuta, lascia comprendere di essere stata a lungo in circolazione. Ciò anche a causa dei miei continui spostamenti. Infatti, dopo reiterate, vane insistenze, ho finalmente ottenuto dal Comando del Gruppo «Cremona» di poter partecipare a tutto il ciclo offensivo, da Alfonsine al Brenta. A tale premessa, che spiega il ritardo di questa risposta, aggiungo l'espressione della mia viva solidarietà e della mia commossa partecipazione al Suo immenso dolore. Come ho già scritto il mese scorso al Sindaco di Umbertide, quando incontrai Lei a Perugia, verso il 20 marzo, ignoravo assolutamente la fine gloriosa di Suo Figlio ......... .... Nella fase degli arruolamenti, nessuno ha mai nascosto che «si andava a fare la guerra» e che «qualcuno poteva non tornare». Ogni conquista implica sacrifici e perdite; la Libertà in particolare ha sempre voluto i suoi martiri. E' la fatalità, Signora, che si abbatte su una persona, su una famiglia, su una città, piuttosto che su altre. E ne abbiamo qui una ennesima dimostrazione: la provincia di Perugia ha dato al «Cremona» circa 500 volontari. Di essi ne sono caduti 5, ossia l'uno per cento. Purtroppo di questi cinque ben due sono annoverati tra i 24 umbertidesi. La sorte ha voluto dalla già tanto provata Umbertide, questo nuovo rilevante contributo di sangue generoso per la completa liberazione d'Italia. Noi, risparmiati dalla fortuna non possiamo non inchinarci davanti al loro nobile sacrificio; dobbiamo coltivarne perenne la memoria, onorarli e glorificarli. Voglia, Signora, accettare le mie più sentite condoglianze ed i sensi del mio devoto ossequio. Capitano Nardi Dalla lettera del Cappellano Militare alla madre di Rino COMANDO 22° REGGIMENTO FANTERIA «CREMONA Ufficio del Cappellano Militare Posta Militare 64, 30 maggio 1945 ALLA SIGNORA PUCCI MARIANNA - UMBERTIDE (Perugia) Gentilissima Signora, da qualche giorno mi è pervenuta la Sua del 16 maggio c.a. e comprendo tutta l'amarezza del suo dolore di madre privata del suo unico figlio. In verità, a suo tempo, ricevetti pure altra Sua lettera, alla quale, per disposizioni ministeriali, non potei rispondere non essendo a conoscenza se il Ministero competente le avesse o meno annunziato ufficialmente il decesso di Suo figlio. Oggi che di questo sono certo, posso assicurarle che il suo ragazzo ha fatto il suo dovere fino all'ultimo, come in genere tutti i giovani di Perugia. Egli è stato ferito nell'attacco condotto dal suo Battaglione per la conquista di Po di Primaro. Lo ricordo sempre quel giorno quando giunse a noi pieno di sangue e gravemente ferito, nell'infermeria da campo di Casal Borsetti. Nonostante il grande dolore, non si lamentava molto, eppure le sue ferite erano gravissime; un ampio squarcio alla coscia sinistra ed al braccio sinistro facevano prevedere prossima la sua fine, almeno dal lato medico. Il grande coraggio dimostrato e la reazione ad un dolore prostrante ci dettero per un momento la speranza di poterlo togliere ad una morte quasi sicura. Le cure gli furono praticate con amorevolezza e fraterna carità, sia dal medico di battaglione, sia anche dal dirigente il servizio sanitario coadiuvato dall'opera del cappellano militare sottoscritto. Per non esporlo ad una inutile dispersione di sangue, subìta la prima medicazione, fu smistato, a mezzo ambulanza, alla 54ª sezione di sanità, da dove proseguì immediatamente per un ospedale canadese in Ravenna (9 Indian Ospitai CCS). Anche qui dopo trasfusioni di siero e di sangue, sì tentò di salvarlo; ma non fu possibile e dopo alcune ore, del fante Rino Pucci non rimaneva che un cadavere freddo e senza vita. Laggiù, prima dì spirare, ricevette i sacramenti e la benedizione apostolica dal cappellano cattolico inglese di quell'ospedale. Curammo poi di raccogliere pietosamente la sua salma e di trasportarla al cimitero di guerra di Camerlona (Ravenna) ove riposano anche tutti i suoi compagni della Divisione (fila 7ª - tomba n. 77). Tutto questo è quanto posso dirvi relativamente al suo decesso. La bontà di suo figlio non lo potrà far dimenticare a nessuno e molto meno ai suoi compagni del 3° Btg., essi più di ogni altro si recavano spesso a visitarne la tomba ripromettendosi, non appena possibile, di ricondurne le spoglie al cimitero di Umbertide.… IL CAPPELLANO MILITARE (Fanti P. Pietro) VIVI E MORTI ...... SOLTANTO CON LA ROCCIA DI QUESTO PATTO GIURATO FRA UOMINI LIBERI CHE VOLONTARI SI ADUNARONO PER DIGNITA' NON PER ODIO DECISI A RISCATTARE LA VERGOGNA ED IL TERRORE DEL MONDO SU QUESTE STRADE SE VORRAI TORNARE AI NOSTRI POSTI CI RITROVERAI MORTI E VIVI CON LO STESSO IMPEGNO POPOLO SERRATO INTORNO AL MONUMENTO CHE SI CHIAMA ORA E SEMPRE R E S I S T E N Z A (P. Calamandrei) Il Diaro di Rino Pucci GALLERIA FOTOGRAFICA La storia di Palazzoli Natalino di Massimo Pascolini La storia di Palazzoli Natalino, chiamato Silvano di Massimo Pascolini Morì a 15 anni, nell’agosto 1944, investito da un camion inglese nella zona tra Montecastelli e Niccone durante il passaggio del fronte. Una delle tante vittime civili nel nostro territorio nell’anno più drammatico della storia di Umbertide. Il tragico episodio è stato raccontato da Massimo Pascolini , in base a ricerche d’archivio e testimonianze, nel seguente articolo pubblicato sul numero di marzo 2023 di “Informazione Locale”. Il passaggio del fronte ad Umbertide nell'estate del 1944 è sicuramente ricordato come uno degli eventi più tragici nella storia della città. Oltre ai morti nel bombardamento del 25 aprile, alla strage di Penetola, ai fucilati di Serra Partucci, alla famiglia Braconi deceduta a Preggio a causa di un bombardamento, Umbertide registra la morte di altre persone, uccise per rappresaglia, a causa di mitragliamenti aerei, bombe e ordigni rimasti inesplosi nei campi. Oggi, grazie anche ad alcuni documenti ritrovati presso l'Archivio Storico del Comune di Umbertide, (anno 1944), vogliamo ricordare la morte di Palazzoli Natalino chiamato Silvano. Natalino nasce a Monte Castelli, da Giovan Battista e Mannarelli Maria il 25 dicembre 1929. Muore il 15 agosto 1944 dopo essere stato investito da un camion Inglese. La dinamica dell'incidente si può ricostruire attraverso il rapporto fatto dal comandante della stazione dei carabinieri di Umbertide, Brigadiere Rinaldi Giuseppe al Pretore di Città di Castello ed al Governatore di Umbertide. "Verso le ore 16 del giorno 15 corrente, lo scrivente veniva a conoscenza che in località Cioccolanti di Umbertide era morto un giovane in seguito ad incidente stradale. Il sottoscritto si recava immediatamente sul posto ed accertava quanto segue: “[...], percorreva la strada campestre, in bicicletta, che immetteva sulla strada statale Tiberina - Romagnola e all'altezza della villa di Santini Giorgio sita fra la frazione Niccone e la località Cioccolanti. Appena il giovane raggiungeva la strada statale e stava girando alla sua sinistra per dirigersi verso Cioccolanti, sopraggiungeva un camion delle forze armate inglesi che proveniente da Città di Castello si dirigeva verso Umbertide, tenendo regolarmente la sua destra, lo investiva in pieno nella parte anteriore della bicicletta, lo gettava violentemente al suolo e lo trascinava per circa 20 metri. Il giovane Palazzoli riportava ferite multiple lacero contuse del tronco, addome, regione scrotale e frattura del cranio, (Referto del Dottor Ennio Paci, medico condotto di Montecastelli, che visitò il cadavere nella sua abitazione). I militari inglesi, secondo la deposizione di Giunti Pietro di anni 61, nato a Città di Castello e residente a Niccone, meccanico, che accorse subito dopo l'incidente sul posto, fermarono il camion e trasportarono il cadavere nella sua abitazione in Cioccolanti, distante circa 400 metri dal luogo del sinistro. Un ufficiale inglese, sopraggiunto successivamente con altra macchina, si fermava sul luogo dell'incidente e tracciava uno schema dell'incidente indicando lo stato del luogo e gli estremi scritti in italiano ed inglese del camion e dell'autista. Schema poi consegnato a Gaggioli Ennio che lo ha recapitato al sottoscritto. [...]". Il “disegno” (un vero e proprio CID) dell'Ufficiale Inglese riporta un disegno dell'incidente ed i dati dei soggetti coinvolti. Il camion era un “TRUK da 3 tonnellate, targato 1-4723037”, guidato dal soldato “Turner W” mat. 7/269409. Nell'effettuare un sopralluogo sul posto, abbiamo intervistato il Sig. Biagini Nazzario, abitante del luogo che all'età dell'incidente aveva 6 anni e ricorda di essere stato sul posto subito dopo il fatto. Il Sig. Nazzario ci ha raccontato la dinamica dell'incidente. Il Palazzoli, assieme ad un coetaneo, tal Biagini Vittorio, di 17 anni, fratello dell'intervistato, stavano facendo una gara per chi arrivava prima al Niccone dietro la ricompensa, per chi fosse arrivato prima, di 5 lire, promesse da un anziano del posto. I due ragazzi erano partiti dalla casa posta in vocabolo “Ruffietto”, ed arrivati in prossimità della villa “Palazzetto” alla curva, giravano a destra. Il Palazzoli che si trovava davanti, andava a impattare contro la fiancata destra del camion. Negli anni successivi il padre del ragazzo ha scritto, con il supporto del Sindaco del Comune di Umbertide, diverse lettere a vari Enti nell'intento di veder riconosciuto un indennizzo per il tragico evento (scrive di aver speso per il funerale, cassa ed altro, Lire 23.000). Presso l'Archivio Storico del Comune di Umbertide (anno 1950), si trovano conservate varie lettere indirizzate al Prefetto di Perugia, al Ministero del Tesoro Ufficio Requisizioni Alleate, al Ministero Difesa - Esercito, al Comando Presidio Militare di Perugia. Vi si trova pure una lettera dell'Ambasciata Inglese a Roma del 4 giugno 1948, che risponde “di non essere competenti riguardo ai fatti accaduti e dice di rivolgersi al Ministero Difesa - Esercito”. In data 21 maggio 1948, l'Associazione Nazionale Vittime Civili di Guerra, Sezione di Perugia, comunica che i genitori non hanno più diritto a nessun indennizzo in quanto, questi, dovevano essere richiesti "finché in tempo" al locale Comando Militare Alleato. Attualmente la salma riposa presso il locale cimitero di Montecastelli, nella tomba di famiglia, assieme ai propri genitori. Pubblicato sul numero di Marzo 2023 del periodico “Informazione Locale” La storia di Ciro Monsignori Morto a 20 anni nel campo di deportazione nazista di Zeithain nel 1944 Il 14 gennaio 1992 sono state riportate in Italia le salme di sedici giovani soldati umbri, dei quali quattordici morti nei lager nazisti e due nei campi di prigionia russi. Questi ragazzi, strappati alle loro famiglie e mandati a combattere a vent'anni, non sono che alcune delle tantissime vittime della guerra scatenata dal nazifascismo, che ha insanguinato l'Europa con le sue atrocità. La cerimonia in onore dei caduti si è svolta a Perugia, alla presenza dei familiari commossi e di numerose autorità militari e civili. Le urne con i resti dei poveri giovani sono sfilate da Palazzo dei Priori alla Cattedrale di San Lorenzo, dove è stata celebrata una messa solenne dall'Arcivescovo di Perugia Mons. Antonelli. Tra queste la salma di un giovane di Umbertide, Ciro Monsignori di diciannove anni, ultimo di sette fratelli, partito per la guerra nel 1943, tre mesi prima dell'8 settembre. Ciro, che era arruolato in cavalleria, al sopraggiungere dell'armistizio e al conseguente sfaldamento dell'esercito italiano, rifiutandosi di collaborare con le truppe nazifasciste, scappò insieme ad altri soldati nel tentativo di tornare a casa. Purtroppo però, nei pressi di Firenze, fu catturato dai tedeschi che lo deportarono in Germania, dove fu internato nel Lager di Zeithain, nell'ex Repubblica Democratica Tedesca. Rimase prigioniero nel campo fino al 1944, anno del suo decesso, comune tragica sorte di tanti giovani, morti di stenti, nelle terribili condizioni in cui venivano tenuti. I familiari di Ciro appresero poco dopo la triste notizia da una lettera del cappellano militare padre Luca Airoldi, anche lui internato nel lager e che teneva un diario dei soldati, il quale li informava anche che il corpo del giovane era stato seppellito nel cimitero del campo. Finita la guerra la famiglia Monsignori iniziò una disperata ricerca della salma del proprio caro, ma ogni tentativo risultò vano perché le autorità della DDR rispondevano che il cimitero di Zeithain non esisteva più. Nemmeno le Associazioni dei Deportati nei Lager riuscirono ad avere notizie più precise fino a quando, con la caduta dei muri, è stato possibile scoprire il cimitero del campo e tra le tante tombe quella di Ciro. Di lui c'era anche una vecchia fotografia, trovata negli schedari del campo. Dopo cinquant'anni, finalmente, i familiari hanno potuto ricongiungersi al loro caro e nel dolore hanno avuto almeno la consolazione di una tomba sulla quale ricordare e pregare. Da “Umbertide Cronache n.1 1992” – Panorama di Vita Cittadina, a cura di Amedeo Massetti * * * * * Il lager di Zeithain Il campo di prigionia Reservelazarett Stalag IV B Zeithain era un campo distaccato dello Stalag IV-B di Muhlberg. Istituito nel 1941 sul campo di esercitazioni militari di Zeithain, a nord di Riesa, lo Stalag 304 (IV H), poi Stalag IV B, fu inizialmente destinato ad accogliere prigionieri di guerra sovietici. A partire dal 1943 fu adibito anche a lazzaretto di riserva per prigionieri di guerra di altre nazionalità, tra cui moltissimi Internati Militari Italiani (IMI) che dopo l'8 settembre 1943 avevano rifiutato di collaborare con il regime nazista. Condizioni disumane, mancanza di igiene, denutrizione, assistenza medica insufficiente e lavoro coatto facilitarono il diffondersi di epidemie e gravi malattie, soprattutto tubrcolosi, determinando la morte di decine di migliaia di prigionieri, tra cui 850 italiani, sepolti per la maggior parte nel cimitero militare italiano di Jacobsthal e in parte nel cimitero di Muhlberg e Neuburxdorf. Il campo fu liberato dall’Armata Rossa il 23 aprile 1945. Degli IMI superstiti, tra cui molti gravemente ammalati, alcuni morirono sulla via del rientro e furono sepolti a Praga. Dopo la fine della guerra, il territorio del lager e del cimitero italiano fu adibito a zona di esercitazioni militari sovietica e rimase per decenni inaccessibile. Grazie all'instancabile opera di ricerca di alcuni reduci di Zeithain, primi fra tutti Padre Luca M. Airoldi (m. 1985), ex cappellano del campo che aveva annotato nel suo diario tutti i nominativi e i dati degli IMI deceduti a Zeithain, e dell'ex Ten. Col. Leopoldo Teglia, attuale Presidente della Sezione A.N.E.I. (Associazione Nazionale Ex Internati) di Perugia, fu finalmente possibile nel 1991 localizzare il cimitero militare italiano, riesumare e rimpatriare le spoglie di quasi tutti i caduti italiani di Zeithain. Nove croci di legno al margine dell'ex cimitero militare italiano di Zeithain ricordano oggi i caduti italiani del Reservelazarett Stalag IV B. Dal sito Internet di Wikipedia La storia di Ciro Monsignori Atlante della Memoria di Alvaro Tacchini Atlante della memoria di Alvaro Tacchini Atlante della memoria: Alta Valle del Tevere 1943-1944 a cura di Fabio Mariotti Per chi vuole approfondire gli avvenimenti storici nell’Alta valle del Tevere nel periodo 1943-44 è di grande interesse un nuovo lavoro dello storico tifernate Alvaro Tacchini che si inserisce nel solco della ricerca svolta sul periodo bellico. Tacchini ha infatti inserito nel suo sito “Storia tifernate“ gran parte dei testi del volume “Guerra e Resistenza nell'Alta Valle del Tevere”. Inoltre, affinché gli eventi, le tragedie e la lotta per la libertà dell'ultimo conflitto possano essere meglio divulgati a livello popolare e didattico, ha realizzato una splendida mappa interattiva, dal titolo "Atlante della Memoria. Alta Valle del Tevere 1943-1944". Si tratta di una mappa on-line, costruita sulla fotografia satellitare dell'Alta Valle del Tevere. Individua con specifici simboli gli eventi principali di quel biennio, localizzando dettagliatamente i luoghi dove sono avvenuti. Inoltre rende possibile approfondirne i contenuti con link che si aprono su testi tratti dal suo libro su questo tema. Nella mappa sono inseriti con cura anche i principali avvenimenti della zona di Umbertide, così come gli elenchi delle vittime civili e dei partigiani. Qui sotto è il link per la home page del sito. Per accedere alla mappa interattiva basta cliccare sul riquadro in basso a sinistra. http://www.storiatifernate.it/index.php

The Gregorian Cadastre The Gregorian Cadastre is a general geometric particle land registry of the Papal State: started by Pius VII in 1816, after the Napoleonic experience, it is defined in this way because it was completed by Gregory XVI in 1835. In 1816 Pius VII established the Congregation of Land Registers: the central body that was to establish uniform rules and procedures for the estimation of rural and urban funds. In the Papal State there was no uniform measure and it was decided to use the metric system introduced by the French system rather than the more complex “Roman rubbio”, made up of 3703 square architectural pipes. On the site of the "Imago" project that carried out the digitization of the Gregorian Cadastre it is specified "The linear measure adopted was therefore the census barrel corresponding to the meter and divided into 10 palms (dm), equal to 100 ounces (cm) or 1000 minutes ( mm). For the surfaces, the square of 10 boards (corresponding to the hectare, i.e. 10,000 m2), the board of 1000 square pipes (equal to 1000 m2) and the square pipe (1 m2) were adopted, in turn divided into palms , square ounces and minutes. Compared to the French period, the names changed but not the substance. " In addition to the rural funds, the mapping ("Map") of urban centers usually built at a scale of 1: 2000 assumes considerable importance, together with these two further copies on a reduced scale at 1: 4000 or 1: 8000 (the " Mappette "), with the original scale reproduction of the "block" or inhabited centers, placed in the margin or attached. The cadastral parcels were depicted in the "Map" ed identified by a number assigned to it within a unique numerical progression for each map. This was then described in the land registry or brogliardo, which also indicated the name of the owner. These are the pages web del with the Gregorian Cadastre and the "brogliardo" with the territory of the city of Umbertide after the Napoleonic age. Clicking here opens the page of the Gregorian Cadastre of the State Archives of Rome, at this point choose the "box" Perugia ", highlighted in the image in red, and then click on" Fratta "... so you can do it in analogous way for Pietralunga, Montone etc; alternatively click directly on the image below in this way the "Fratta" viewer of the "imago" project will open immediately, which has digitized the parts with the main towns and cities of the Gregorian Cadastre. To see the "brogliardo" with the number of the parcel visible on the map of the Gregorian Cadastre with the names of the respective ones owners and some property description items just click here to see the relative "brogliardo " always of the Cadastre of the "Ecclesiastical State". The Gregorian cadastre arrived considerably late, almost a century, compared to the census experiences of a large part of Italy. The move to this new tool hides a political struggle between the forces they wanted control of wealth and property information. The land registry, says Renato Zangheri, in his " Cadastre and ownership of the land ", is " an irreplaceable tool for ascertaining the status of the" ownership "of the land, which for many centuries was the fundamental means of production, the source of wealth and the main basis of power .... It is a rich and treacherous tool that must be used with caution but can provide abundant results. In Italy it is usually more refined, expressive and complicated than elsewhere. "Its structuring hides heated struggles over how to own land and pay taxes. In the rest of Italy, one of the targets among the owners of the property was the related property. to ecclesiastical institutions. Here, in the Papal State, the problem was different and less urgent because the Church held power as well as property. Sources: - Renato Zangheri, Cadastre and land ownership. Small Einaudi Library. Turin 1980. - Imago II project, 1997-2000, of the State Archives of Rome: http://www.cflr.beniculturali.it/Gregoriano/mappe.php?fbclid=IwAR3SPsbhE0yDSOzPk5MrT3LVf77oKvYwwqFhUhZzDbdA4DHi4DWrz-9JHdA Renato Zangheri " (the Land Registry) ... it was very often a sign of contradiction, the terrain of political and class clashes " Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

Umbertide 1944-1946: from the Liberation to the Referendum " Political-Administrative activity" 1946 - Le prime consultazioni elettorali Le elezioni del 2 giugno 1946 - il Referendum 1945 - L'amministrazione comunale ...tra speranze e delusioni L'attività di epurazione Introduzione Gli ultimi sussulti di guerra Le elezioni politiche Il Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale 1944 - La liberazione ed il Comitato di Salute Pubblica 1944 - L'amministrazione Comunale - I primi passi by Alessandro Cancian Author's Note "Umbertide 1944 -1946: From Liberation to Referendum - Political-Administrative Activity" This is the title of the degree thesis, which completed my studies at the Faculty of Sociology of the University of Urbino, back in 1992. The intent that drove me to undertake this work, in addition to the passion and pleasure of being able to study and deepen the past events of my city, was mainly to fill a gap that, at the time, I had found in the studies conducted on the history of Umbertide and its territory. I was amazed, in fact, that no author had ever considered the immediate postwar period (1944-1946), a really interesting period for the various ferments that characterized it. However, the many difficulties I encountered in researching historical sources convinced me that this historical gap was not due to the disinterest of scholars, but to the scarcity and ... disorder in which the documentation to consult lay, which only for a very short time (i.e. from when it was possible to publish the documents) the Municipality of Umbertide he was trying to give a proper arrangement. Not even the press of the time was of much comfort to me; he seemed, in fact, to have almost totally disregarded what happened in our territory. The oral testimonies, often fragmentary and confused, were also of little support, also taking into account that many protagonists of the events I was about to investigate had now, unfortunately, disappeared. All this, however, did not cause me to lose heart; on the contrary, it stimulated me to a greater commitment, both in research and in verifying the sources, and then in "mending" the events with the ultimate aim of giving their succession continuity and reliability. In addition to published sources such as books, newspapers and magazines, certainly the most interesting material, because it is absolutely unpublished, the subject of my meticulous investigation were the Acts and the Register of Minutes of the then CNL Municipal Section of Umbertide, and the Acts and the Register of the resolutions of the then Municipal Council of Umbria. Even today, as then, I do not intend to risk an assessment of what I actually managed to achieve. As I stated at the end of my work, I would have contented myself with arousing the curiosity of those scholars who, from the height of their experience and professionalism, would certainly have been able to achieve much more completely what was in my intentions. May 2020 The last gasps of war Immediately after the political-military events of '43, some Umbertidesi antifascists contact the clandestine National Liberation Committee (1), without the local fascist authorities doing much to catch the subversives in the act, well known in a small town which was Umbertide (2). At the end of 1943, the presence of the German army in the territory of the Upper Tiber Valley begins to become more consistent and more dangerous. The soldiers of the Wehrmacht are flanked or, even worse, are replaced by units of the SS, who see every Italian as a "traitor" and behave accordingly: then, especially in the countryside, raids and cruelties of all kinds begin. Against the German troops and the fascist militia there is the I 'Proletaria d'Urto Brigade, a new partisan formation better known as the San Faustino, born on the initiative of a group of anti-fascists, mostly liberals, headed by Bonuccio Bonucci of Perugia . Almost all of them come from the areas of Perugia, Umbertide, Città di Castello, Gubbio. San Faustino operates in the Umbrian-Marche Apennines and in particular in the mountain range of the municipality of Pietralunga. And since the partisan presence in this territory represents for the Germans a serious threat to transit on the alternative routes of connection for the transport of weapons, ammunition and provisions, there are several roundups put in place, which involve or keep in suspense the inhabitants of the countryside surrounding Umbertide. Yet the greatest tragedies have yet to unfold ... At 10.20 am on 25 April 1944, a squadron of 12 Allied fighter-bombers dives from the hills of the Serra. The objectives of the raid are the two bridges over the Tiber: that of the state road "Tiberina 3 bis" (the famous road of the Rome-Berlin axis) and that of the Central Umbrian Apennines, which connects Umbertide to Fossato di Vico and Arezzo. The populous district of San Giovanni (today Piazza XXV Aprile) is unfortunately close to the objectives: the two bridges remain standing, but 74 (they are 70 ed) unarmed citizens perish under the bombs dropped by pilots who are perhaps too young and inexperienced. In the afternoon a new raid which, fortunately, causes neither victims nor damage. Three days later, with a third bombing, an arch of the road bridge is destroyed. The railway one will be blown up later by the German sappers. For many years, historical credit was given to a popular voice, which held the Prefectural Commissioner Ramaccioni responsible for the deaths of the bombing, for not wanting to sound the air alarm sirens. Instead, research carried out by scholars Bruno Porrozzi, Raffaele Mancini and Mario Tosti, made it possible to return, after a long time, the truth of the episode and to remove this shadow about the behavior of the Commissioner (3). When, on June 20, 1944, the news arrives that Perugia is in the hands of the Anglo-Americans, the inhabitants of Umbertide are convinced that the following day they too will be "freed". And instead the Allies, by now for consolidated war strategy, take it easy: 15 days must pass before the 8th Army riflemen appear in the rubble of the San Giovanni quarter. Fifteen days in which the Germans (after the flight of the main fascist hierarchs), remain absolute masters of the territory of the Upper Tiber Valley, which is put to fire and sword. In Umbertide the Tobacco Factory and the Railway Workshop are set on fire. The countryside is looted. And, unfortunately, the Nazi anger is blindly vented even on unarmed citizens. On June 24, 1944, near the ancient castle of Serra Partucci, a few kilometers from Umbertide, a retreating German unit took up arms to five young men. The reason has always remained unclear, even if the popular rumor speaks of retaliation for a never ascertained wounding of a German soldier. Four days later, in the locality of Penetola, in the countryside of the Umbertide district of Niccone, without any reason (not even explainable in the light of the raw logic of war), a platoon of SS (but it is to be believed that some of them were Italians wearing the German uniforms ...), is tainted with an atrocious crime: penetrating a peasant house in the middle of the night, they set it on fire, firing on anyone who tries to escape the stake. Twelve people perish thus barbarously, including three women and five boys. 1. The Umbertidese artisans G. Vestrelli (carpenter) and A. Taticchi (barber), together with prof. R. Simonucci, received news and orders from Pio Taticchi (Antonio's brother), who resided in Rome and had in fact contacts with men of the National Liberation Committee, still "clandestine". 2. More than an oral testimony, however, reports that the "historical" nucleus of the Umbertidesi antifascists had never been too inclined to proselytize, especially among young people: and this "closure" has certainly avoided leaks about the activities of the nucleus itself. 3. Precise documents attest that Ramaccioni has long ago requested an "air warning signal", which the Prefecture refuses to grant. Introduzione Gli ultimi sussulti di guerra 1975. Bonuccio Bonucci, founder of the San Faustino Brigade, receives an honor from the Mayor Celestino Sonaglia Prefectural Commissioner Luigi Ramaccioni 1944 - La liberazione ed il Comitato di Salute Pubblica 1944 - L'amministrazione Comunale - I primi passi 1944 - The Liberation and the Public Health Committee On 5 July 1944 the allies entered Umbertide without encountering any resistance. The wounds, however, are still too much alive, too deep among the people of Umbria to give rise to outbursts of joy for the “liberation”. On the same 5th July, eleven citizens gathered in the home of maestro Raoul Bonucci to set up a Public Health Committee. Maestro Raffaele Mancini, who lost part of it, reported the following: “It was a spontaneous and completely improvised meeting. […] We were convinced that in some way it was necessary to act, but honestly we could not organize the hundred ideas that each of us was proposing. Fortunately, prof. Simonucci, municipal deputy secretary and a man of great experience and considerable culture. In a nutshell he convinced us that first of all it was necessary to deal with the situation of Umbertide, where chaos was in danger of taking over. Raoul Bonucci's house was a stone's throw away: eleven of us were there. The intention was to define ourselves as the National Liberation Committee, Umbertide section. But it would take the approval of the Provincial CNL, as well as a representation of the various parties. The professor. Simonucci then proposed the denomination Committee of Public Health […] We therefore took into consideration the situation of our town and began to get busy ”. The Public Health Committee does not have a charter. Only ten days later, someone wanted to make that informal meeting official, drawing up a meager list of eleven names, with the party to which they belong to the side: Boldrini In the Communist Boldrini Nenella Communist Mancini Raffaele Communist Communist Nanni Ramiro Taticchi Antonio Communist Simonucci Raffaele - C? Bonucci Raoul - C? Rometti Aspromonte socialist Baldelli Dante socialist Ramaccioni Renato P. Action Improved Socialist Joseph It is curious to note how the editor, in an attempt to attribute to each member of the Committee a political connotation, is in some difficulty. Does the letter C prove it? alongside the names of Simonucci and Bonucci (Communists?) On how much and how the Committee of Public Health work, you do not have official documents, but we know for sure that one of the first assignments that it is attributed is to form teams of "vigilante" to avoid acts of looting among the rubble and the houses that the "displaced" people have left unattended. It also works to fight the black market and, above all, the first official contacts are made with the provincial section of the Committee of National Liberation, which is based in Perugia. However, beyond its specific activity, it should be recognized that the Committee of Public Health, in these moments of strong disorientation, plays a role of fundamental importance in terms of stimulation and coordination of the first, frenetic initiatives, waiting for the official bodies to regain control of the political and administrative life of Umbertide. Thus we arrive at 23 July 1944, the day on which the local section of the CNL of National Liberation is established, the Public Health Committee is dissolved, also because the Allied Military Governor has now appointed a Mayor. 1944 - The Municipal Administration… the first steps The Allied Military Governor appoints Dr. Mariano Migliorati, surgeon, as Mayor. The Mayor, who had been entrusted with the mandate to form a Municipal Council, after a few days proposes to the Allied Military Governor a list of names taking into account their moral position more than their political one. Names are all accepted. Composition of the Municipal Council: Giuseppe Migliorati, Aspromonte Rometti and Tramaglino Cerrini are socialists; Nello Boldrioni and Giuseppe Rondoni are communists; Francesco Martinelli is close to the Action Party; Renato Ramaccioni is a liberal; Attilio Scannavini is a Christian Democrat, along with Giorgio Rappini, of whom there is no precise information. Municipal Secretary A. Bartolomei is appointed. The council met for the first time on 9 August 1944 and immediately resolved, on the order of the Allied Military Governor, to take disciplinary measures against those municipal employees who, "given political precedents", cannot remain in service. 16 employees are thus identified, who will be suspended from service and salary from 15 August. This measure will have a long aftermath and will be the subject of numerous disputes and disputes between the Municipality and the Prefecture. Furthermore, it should be noted that discontent is spreading in the village due to the sad phenomenon of hoarding: it appears, in fact, that most of the traders and producers have accumulated and hidden in improvised warehouses "lots of various kinds" that are sold on the "black market". Therefore, the suspicion arises that the employees of the Annonario Office and the Annonary Vigilant Corps are not doing their duty, or that they are even complicit in this situation. It was therefore decided to dismiss some employees (replacing them with new ones) and to suspend the aforementioned brigades indefinitely. In their place, a Nucleus of Annonary Police has been set up (as indeed the provisions of the "superior bodies" require) to be entrusted with the task of carrying out checks on the real or presumed irregularities that many citizens are denouncing. Therefore the Council, given the serious conditions in which almost all citizenship is found, appoints the members who must make up the Administration Committee of the Local Municipal Body for Assistance (ECA), as ordered by the Prefecture of Perugia. On 28 August 1944 the meeting of the Municipal Council is dedicated to the appointment of the new head physician of the Civil Hospital of Umbertide. The task (on the proposal of the Allied Military Governor himself) is entrusted to the mayor himself, dr. Mariano Migliorati, who takes over from dr. M. Valdinoci, suspended for political reasons, and included in the list drawn up in the session of 9 August. Giuseppe Migliorati replaces Mariano Migliorati at the helm of the Municipality On 2 September 1944 the office of Mayor remains vacant and therefore a new appointment must be made. Also in this case it is the Allied Military Governor who indicates the replacement, choosing from among the members of the same council the surveyor Giuseppe Migliorati, well known in Umbertide, and highly esteemed. Even if there are no official objections to this choice by either the men of the CNL or the Board, almost certainly there must have been some contrast, because with the entry into force of the new Mayor there is an almost total renewal of the Board, which now it has been extended to 12 members. Scrolling through the names, we note that only A. Martinelli of the Action Party and the socialist A. Rometti remain of the previous one, who is also a close friend of the Mayor. It also appears significant that of the other 10 members none belong to the Communist Party. The New Administration immediately worked to resolve the most pressing problems. In this regard, the Mayor sent a very detailed report to the Prefect of Perugia, about the disastrous conditions in which the town of Umbertide and the municipal area in general found themselves, also offering valuable advice on how to deal with and resolve them. To combat the sad phenomenon of hoarding and the so-called "black market" and to cope with the lack of shops, in August the Municipal Administration created a Bottegone Comunale del Popolo , for the distribution of rationed goods, collected in a special Center where all producers can converge. The management is entrusted to a provisional Board of Directors, chaired by two men of the Executive (the socialists Aspromonte Rometti and Tramaglino Cerini), who take care of its organization and operation. It is said that the Bottegone will continue to operate until normal commercial activity is restored, and then decide whether to close it or transform it into a consumer cooperative. The initiative found wide acceptance and so, in a short time, the Bottegone found itself having to cope with a mass of work that no one expected. It was therefore decided to transform it into a consumer cooperative. In this regard, Rometti is responsible for drafting a "leaflet" sent to all workers, so that they become members. In the heading of the Flyer we note that Rometti has replaced the more technical wording of "Magazzino" from the popular dialectal term "Bottegone". But on November 12, 1944, when the deed of incorporation must be drawn up before the notary, the sentiment of tradition prevails, and the cooperative was called by its first name "Bottegone Comunale del Popolo". 191 shares are awarded, for a total of £ 20,300. For the record, the Bottegone will function until the seventies, when it will be replaced by COOP - Umbria. Another delicate situation that the council has to face is that of housing. After the war raids, the population has spread a little everywhere, but it is pressing to return to the village, where, however, many houses have been destroyed, and many others damaged. In this way, a special office and a special commission are created to supervise the relevant services. The commissioner Arnaldo Zurli presides over the census of the lodgings and their assignment. It is established that each room must be occupied by at least two people and, where possible, families are invited to welcome other families. A Commission is also appointed to fix the rental prices which must be fair and in keeping with the economic situation of the tenant. In doing so, it is possible to buffer a dramatic situation. Regarding the viability, the council promotes a voluntary consortium among the interested parties, for the construction of footbridges to replace the destroyed bridges within the municipal area. A commission is then appointed for the bridge-reconstruction consortium, which is entrusted with the task of drawing up estimates and supervising the works. In late autumn, the need arises to provide somehow the heating of the houses and it is decided to distribute coal and wood to the population through the special Wood and Coal Commission which will have to work to ensure that the distribution takes place in an equitable manner and privileges the most needy. These, therefore, are the initiatives taken by the Municipal Council from August to November of '44. This is no small thing, if we consider that it must act in constant conflict with the local section of the CNL, which increasingly sees in the figure of the Mayor an expression of prefectural power (or that of the Allied Military Governor) and not of the will of the citizens of Umbria. A conflict that ends up determining the resignation of Migliorati, despite the Allied Military Governor try in every way to avoid them. In his place is appointed the lawyer Renato Ramaccioni of the Liberal Party, first president of the CNL and former member of the Executive headed by Dr. Mariano Migliorati. On 29 December a new council is appointed, made up of 6 members: 2 communists (Dante Baldelli and Giuseppe Rondoni), 2 socialists (Tramaglino Cerrini and Virgilio Occhirossi) and 2 who declare themselves "belonging to no party" (Francesco Martinelli and Lodovico Conte Ranieri). Count Ludovico Ranieri will attend only at this first meeting, then he will always be absent. It is therefore to be assumed that his represents an appointment "of convenience", perhaps to satisfy the upper middle class of Umberto and to balance, at least in part, the total absence of the Christian Democrats. Reproduction of the original document Dr. Mariano Migliorati Giuseppe Migliorati 1945 - The Municipal Administration ... between hopes and disappointments On January 18, 1945 the administrative activity resumed; but it seems to be proceeding a little slowly or, at least, no longer in spirit with that boost of enthusiasm that characterized the previous Council led by Migliorati. Identifying the exact reasons for this slowdown is not easy, because the documentation is really scarce. Based on the correspondence that the Municipality has with the CLN and with the various local committees, we can first of all deduce that it is in enormous financial difficulties, which do not allow it to intervene effectively on the disastrous social economic reality. Add to this that the work of the Municipal Administration, with the passing of days, falls more and more under the control of the higher bodies (of the Prefecture in particular). In fact, they give precise directives and perhaps impose specific expenditure items, which not only leave the concrete and daily needs of a large part of the population unsatisfied, but also exacerbate the already ill-concealed contrasts between the new council and the CNL. The Municipal Administration thus finds itself acting in an atmosphere that is anything but serene. On the one hand, the directives of a state that is gradually reorganizing its bureaucratic apparatus: on the other, the pressure of local committees, determined to resolve certain situations in a more radical way. Despite these difficulties of the path, the council still manages to take some commendable initiatives. For example, the Bursar Office is created, which is part of the Accounting section, which is assigned, among other tasks, those of providing for the transport of destitute citizens due to war and the payment of subsidies to the poor. A new commission is appointed for the first degree decision of appeals against municipal taxes, with Dr. Mariano Migliorati as president: it is hoped that the head physician of the hospital, whom everyone esteems for his professionalism and honesty, can somehow avoid the avalanche of protests that reach the municipal offices. However, it has just solved this "problem", and already the Ramaccioni council is still called upon to deal with the serious housing problem. Unfortunately, the number of homeless people is still significant, as renovations are proceeding slowly. On the other hand, property owners are in no hurry to speed up the restoration work on housing, which may then be forced to rent to ridiculous hormones ... A Committee for Building Repairs was then formed, chaired by the engineer Dante Pannacci, with the surveyor Giuseppe Migliorati representing the homeless and the engineer Giovita Scagnetti as the representative of the homeowners. Even the welfare and social security conditions of agricultural workers (who have resumed work in the countryside) leave much to be desired, so a Commission is appointed to carry out investigations on the matter. However, despite not standing idle, the Municipal Administration is unable to mend a peaceful relationship with the CLN. And this must create a lot of difficulties for them in action, because at the beginning of April the Mayor communicates to CLN. of having resigned in the hands of the Prefect, who however rejected them. It seems evident that this is a shrewd move by Ramaccioni, to mean that he does not want to remain in office ... in spite of the saints. On the other hand, it can also be a precise signal of willingness to re-establish good relations with the CLN Astorre Bellarosa is appointed Mayor of Umbertide The situation remains, however, what it is. And then on April 26, citing work reasons, Ramaccioni goes to Rome, after having delegated the senior councilor Giuseppe Rondoni to replace him. But Rondoni is a representative of the PCI and the delegation is not approved by the Prefect, who the following day sends one of his Commissioners to Umbertide to take over the management of the Municipality. It is clear that we do not want to leave the administration in the hands of a council chaired by a communist, moreover very close (due to ideological and friendly ties), to some men of the CLN In truth G. Rondoni is a man of great moral depth, which he has always put before the interests of the community to those of the party and, above all, to yours. But how always happens, these qualities will be recognized only after death ... Meanwhile, from Rome, the lawyer Ramaccioni insists that his own be accepted resignation and the Prefect can only acknowledge it, granting the authorization for a new appointment. Perhaps the CLN would like to re-propose the Rondoni, but the opportunity suggests not to ... force your hand. We then try to find a person who results appreciated by all: CLN, population, Governor and Prefect. The choice falls on communist Astorre Bellarosa , a self-taught craftsman, a man of vast experience human and, above all, of great balance. His appointment bears the date of May 6, 1945. The new council takes office on May 24 instead. It is largely formed by communists and socialists: Astorre Bellarosa, Giuseppe Rondoni, Vincenzo Rondoni, Renato Martinelli and Pasquale Ceccarelli of the PCI; Dino Bernacchi ed Arnaldo Zurli of the PSI, Guido Guidi of the DC Despite good intentions, it too can certainly not work miracles in coping and solve the problems that always remain the same; but on the other hand, you can ask sacrifices to the population because they have a broad consensus and great trust. The financial crisis forces, in fact, to take painful measures: the most rigorous parsimonies are required in the disbursement of expenses and the revision of all services so that they can function with the minimum staff. Here the Technical Office is forced to fire an employee and all permanent workers (carpenters, blacksmiths, bricklayers ...), in addition to reducing the number of roadmen. A reconstruction plan is underway In the meantime, the council activates a rational and concrete reconstruction plan, entrusting its realization to the same Technical Office, assisted by a new Building Commission and by all the engineers, surveyors, artists and professionals of the capital. The Reconstruction and Expansion Plan was approved in the session of 21 July. Furthermore, since the Prefecture has not yet done so, with a subscription from all citizens, forty thousand lire is collected to be used for the clearing of the rubble that obstruct the main square 1 and the adjacent streets. As the Migliorati had done, the Mayor Bellarosa also urges the Prefecture to take measures for the accommodation of the schools, which will absolutely have to start functioning again. In this regard, a resolution of the Executive which gives a favorable opinion to the establishment of a "balanced" high school assumes considerable significance. A few months earlier, the National Education Association “A. Vespucci ”had proposed to open a first class of scientific high school in Umbertide. The proposal seemed tempting, but the Municipal Administration could not have committed itself financially. Therefore, some private individuals who had declared their willingness to give the necessary contribution had moved. And so, in the session of 30 August, the Mayor informs that this will not constitute a burden for the Municipality, since the population has offered to cover the commitment of twenty-four thousand lire per year. The Executive therefore gives a favorable opinion. The Lyceum, however, will only begin to operate in 1946. In September, discussions are held on the proposed tax relief for the construction of new buildings. Emphasis is placed on the urgent need to encourage by all means the initiatives aimed at building new residential homes, not only to meet the numerous families still affected, but also to deal, in some way, with the phenomenon of unemployment which, in given the winter, it risks aggravating Umbertide's already precarious economic situation. It is therefore decided to grant total exemption from the consumption tax of all building materials to all those who will start the works by 1945, in order to complete them as soon as possible. Only objectively demonstrable delays will be allowed. The buildings completed promptly will enjoy, for a period of five years, exemption from the municipal tax. This is a resolution that will prove to be of fundamental importance for the rebirth of Umbertide. Also in September, the Mayor - applying a legislative decree Lieutenancy of 8.3.1945 - initiates the constitution of a Tax Council, an elected body, which has the task of supporting the work of the financial offices for a wide and equalized tax action. At the end of 1945, when we go to make the final balances, we realize that the deficit increases. And then the municipal administration is forced to take another rather "unpopular" decision, but inevitably dictated by the need to give breath to an increasingly asphyxiated budget: it restores the sale of the popular buildings located in via XX Settembre, whose auction it had been interrupted in 1925. These houses are, in this period, inhabited by disastrous families who pay, when they can ..., a purely symbolic rent. This constitutes a huge loss for the municipal administration. Yet, despite the year ending with the further request for sacrifices, and above all for the most destitute population, we must affirm that the Bellarosa administration has marked a decidedly positive step in the difficult path of reconstruction. And it did so, in particular, on the level of "moral" reconstruction, always working with great honesty and transparency, involving citizens as much as possible who, made responsible for a participation that has been forgotten for years, show themselves willing, at least to a large extent, to face sacrifices with the awareness of making them for a better tomorrow. 1 . On 5 July, on the proposal of the CNL, the square was named after Giacomo Matteotti, martyr for democracy. 1945 - L'amministrazione comunale ...tra speranze e delusioni Astorre Bellarosa 1946 - Le prime consultazioni elettorali 1946 - We return to democratic participation. The first electoral consultations In the first months of the new year the activity of the Municipal Administration is almost totally dedicated to the preparation of the upcoming electoral deadlines (1), which fall into a scenario made dramatic by the serious economic and social difficulties in which the Municipality of Umbertide is struggling, and for whose resolution it always continues to operate. We cite, for example, its effective contribution in favor of the unemployed, with the creation of a Committee for Winter Assistance; the establishment of a Board of Directors of the Civic Hospital ; the establishment of a Public Transport Service between Umbertide and Perugia; the formation of a new committee for the reconstruction of Umbertide (the post-war Committee ). But the desire to successfully carry out that revolution for freedom, which was born with the partisan struggles, and which was about to be sanctioned by a free democratic choice in front of the polls, gives such great enthusiasm that, often even the serious contingent problems take a back seat. The administrative elections The administrative electoral consultation, which will take place on April 7, finds only three parties well organized in the Umbrian territory: the Communist Party, the Socialist Party and the Christian Democrats. The dispute, however, will not be three; in fact, in November 1945 the local sections of the PCI and the PSI stipulated a pact of union, which leads them to appear under a single list (2) It is therefore a direct confrontation which, implying unequivocally bringing to light the inevitable political and ideological diversifications, certainly upsets the image of loyal collaboration offered up to now by the parties. Obviously, this does not mean that until that moment there had been a total absence of contrasts. But the common anti-fascist and republican impulse managed, at least in most of the occasions of dispute, not to unleash bitter ideological diatribes, both within the Giunta and in the ranks of the CNL The election campaign is largely left to improvisation and volunteering. More passionate, but also more concrete and incisive appears that of the Social Communists, conducted extensively by various activists who beat the entire municipal territory inch by inch, sometimes even going even further (3). We have significant testimony of one of these electoral interventions in two articles which appeared respectively in the socialist weekly "La Rivenditazione" (distributed in the Upper Tiber area) and in "Il Socialista", a periodical of the PSI of Perugia. There is news of a propaganda trip by the Umbertidesi social-communists in the hamlet of Preggio, still considered very linked to fascism. In turn, Communists and Socialists speak. The intervention of a comrade from the section of the PCI of Montecastelli is also mentioned. Apparently more cautious and less striking, but no less intense, appears the activity of the Christian Democracies, which for the most part entrusts its electoral campaign to the collaboration of parish priests, who try to persuade especially women, easier to fall into feelings of guilt, when they are faced with the risk of not being able to enter church anymore or, even, that of excommunication (4). It is the text of a Pastoral that, under the direction of the Bishop, parish priests will have to read during a Sunday Mass at the end of January and which, almost certainly, contains accusations against communism and socialism. I have not been able to find the text of the Pastoral, but we have found an article in "The Vindication" of 2.2.46, in which a severe criticism is made not so much of its content (which the writer admits he does not know), as of the the way it was read and explained to the faithful. Even if the article is reproduced in its entirety at the foot of this chapter, it is worth highlighting some passages: "... we cannot fail to note the sectarian spirit ... of some canonical commentator, who ... felt entitled to also promulgate otherworldly penalties for who has not followed the dictates of the pastoral care in question ... ", and again" ... The scandal aroused ... demonstrates how inappropriate is the propaganda, clearly political, made in church in favor of a single party ... "and continues" ... the clergy is clearly conservative and carries out this intimidating campaign on souls to be able to continue to be the main pillar of reaction and capitalism “. For the sake of truth, however, there is an obligation to point out that not all priests are so diligent in propaganda. For example, Mancini and Palazzetti remember very well that some parish priests of the Umbertidese countryside disregard the directives of the Curia and do not read the letter in question on that Sunday. The two social-communist-inspired newspapers published and distributed in the Upper Tiber Valley (the aforementioned "The Claim" and the communist weekly "Voce Proletaria"), give ample space to the chronicle of the Città di Castello district, but only very rarely do they speak of what happens in Umbertide. On the contrary, the religious fortnightly "Voce Cattolica", and the Christian Democrat fortnightly "Libertà", they are felt on more than one occasion. In the issue of February 23, 1946, "Libertà" addresses for the first time the issue of administrative elections in the Municipality of Umbertide, speaking of great electoral expectations within the Christian Democrats, which responded to the Social-Communist alliance by expanding the list of own candidates to some independents. In truth, rather than real "independents" they are representatives of those parties (such as the PLI) that do not show up for the elections: this, obviously, in an attempt to collect the vote of the sympathizers of the aforementioned parties. It is also specified that the Christian Democratic party will present itself with its own distinct character, which however does not mean renouncing to collaborate for the interest of the people. This, expressed, declaration to "collaboration" (even if it cannot be excluded that it is dictated by true availability), appears perhaps more realistically to be interpreted as "putting your hands forward". The Umbertidesi Christian Democrats, in fact, are well aware that they are leaving at a disadvantage compared to the "left"; and then they do not want to ensnare themselves in sterile as well as irritating positions of clear split with the direct competitors. The same article ends by expressing doubts about the merger between PCI and PSI which, apparently dictated by unity of purpose and concord, actually constitutes a sort of forcing that has left several candidates unhappy who, in addition to being opposed to some points of the program, ... aimed at individual affirmation. Another workhorse of Christian Democratic propaganda is represented by the letter with which Dr. Stefano Codovini (who was, albeit for a very short period, in the Board of the CNL), justifies his resignation from the Communist Party, within which he performed the functions of orator and propagandist. The religious fortnightly "Voce Cattolica", published on March 30, 1946, gives great prominence to this story, in an article entitled "PCI in crisis?" , which begins by announcing, very subtly, that Codivini resigned because he became a Catholic. In truth, Codivini's training and education were already clearly Catholic and his adherence to the ranks of the PCI, probably due to a certain influence of his uncle Riego, had never been too convinced. But the opportunity is too tempting to pass up, and so the article ends by quoting the words of the "former communist" verbatim. Scrolling through a few passages, we note that it is a real "j'accuse" against Marxist ideology: "Since Communism is a materialist philosophy, it does not recognize God or religion ... The leaders of Communism have always contested religion, thus resulting in atheists and materialists ... Today the PCI also includes Catholics in its ranks but it is all temporary and utilitarian tactics ... Therefore the Catholic who resides in this party is a Catholic who does his utmost to create a society from which he will be repudiated. " The story of the parish priest of nearby Montone also becomes a reason for electoral controversy. "Voce Proletaria" of 23 March 1946, publishes the news of the arrest of the priest, accused of having stolen eleven quintals of wheat, not giving them to the people's granaries. But on March 31, "Voce Cattolica" takes care to announce that the Court has amply demonstrated that this is a misunderstanding, and does not miss the opportunity to stigmatize the behavior of those who exploited the episode to widely defame the parish priest in propaganda speeches. . Quite interesting, to savor the atmosphere in which the electoral campaign takes place, is also the elzeviro that "Libertà" publishes just one day before the elections (ie April 6, 1946), entitled "... Under the heading ... to these cheerful comrades … ”And formed under the pseudonym of“ the one who laughs ”. Surely reference is made to the fact that during the electoral campaign often the speakers of the DC were so disputed and disturbed that they could not carry out the rally. I think it is worth reporting the article, written with a very particular irony and, in the last line, even a little ... hermetic: “In a low voice because otherwise they would go down with the shotgun. You are (you of the areas where our representatives have spoken) of the jokers: keep your friends happy, when it is the turn of the DC exponent, you retreat neatly on the trees or on the walls and start screaming and whistling. Then "authoritative" voices tell us that they are only irresponsible elements and that the necessary measures will be taken (many of these irresponsible ...). But we did not want to reproach you, dear comrades who are so happy: we just wanted to ask you, after having made the image of the haystack dog barking from afar flash before your eyes, if Mrs. Democracy is always prosperous and fat as we wish ". The programs of the two electoral sides In short, the debate involving the two sides is quite lively and, at times, even bitter. But we must also recognize that the administrative nature of these first elections ultimately also favored a constructive exchange of views and proposals on the issues of urban reconstruction, the reorganization of social and, indeed, administrative life. To confirm this, it is sufficient to make a comparison of the electoral program of the Social Communists and that of the Christian Democrats. The program of the PCI and PSI (which consists of 10 points), is reported by "Voce Proletaria" on 13.3.1946. That of the DC (summarized in 11 points), is instead published by "Libertà" on 30.3.1946. Well, 8 points are almost identical: Immediate and energetic arrangement of the finances and technical-administrative offices of the municipality; Drafting of a new master plan and construction of public housing; Scrupulous observance of the law that obliges landowners to renovate farmhouses in need of interventions, Rapid reactivation of the railway and of communications with neighboring areas; Improvement of Health, with particular regard to the accommodation and strengthening of the Civic Hospital; Industrial expansion and development, involving public and private companies, to give "bread and work"; Arrangement of the aqueduct, in the capital and in the hamlets; Interventions in favor of the school: fight illiteracy; give impetus to kindergartens; build school buildings in the hamlets; establish recreation centers; start the teaching activity of the Scientific High School. Of the remaining three points of the DC program, two refer respectively to the strengthening of agriculture and the necessary accommodation of veterans. The first point, on the other hand, is of a more purely political nature. Freedom and autonomy of the Municipality are hoped for within the national framework, together with a direct participation of citizens in the life of Umbertide, perhaps resorting to a referendum, if the case so requires. How to interpret? It can be assumed that the Umbertidesi Christian Democrats truly fear, on the national level, an overwhelming victory of the left, with consequent repercussions on the local administrations which would be totally in the hands of the Social Communists. Or it is a question of a preliminary ruling, to instill fear and doubts in the voters. As if to say: be careful who you vote for, because you could find yourself, even in Umbertide, under the Communist "dictatorship" ... The two points of the social-communist program speak in turn of greater tax justice (through income assessment) and heliotherapy colonies for children. Therefore, the basic theme on which the analyzes of the parties converge (that of budgetary consolidation, the efficiency of the administrative machinery, essential socio-structural interventions), finds numerous points of contact. Furthermore, both sides share the need to take new paths, which guarantee the effective functioning and the democratic nature of primary public services. We must also say that the fact that for the first time in Italy women are called to the polls has considerable political significance in this electoral contest. It is about the achievement of a “truly” universal suffrage, a source of great satisfaction for the democratic parties, which see in this enlargement of the right to vote a new and decisive step towards those goals of equality and justice advocated in every electoral rally. We said before that in this period the Municipal Administration of Umbertide is almost totally occupied in handling the bureaucratic process of preparation for the elections iter already begun in November 1945, with the drafting of a report concerning the compilation of the male electoral list (5) . The five reports on the state of electoral work that it must gradually send to the Prefecture make it up. Among them, significant is that of 31.3.1946 in which it refers to having drawn up and approved the electoral list for women, including those born in 1924. Another aspect that the Mayor Bellarosa intends to take care of with particular attention is that public order. In a letter sent to the local CNL on 26.2.1946, he expressed the need to convene the Party Heads, so that they undertake to guarantee order and tranquility. In this way, in fact, not only will political maturity be shown, but a clear response to the cliques will also be given reactionary and fascist who still try to have their say in the Italian political context. In this context, there is no shortage of curious notes. Like when the prefect orders, with a circular of 22.2.1946, to also mobilize the Municipal and Country Guards, in uniform and armed, and the Mayor replies that they do not have both the uniform (they go with the armband) and guns (removed by the fleeing Germans). In the month of March the Municipal Commission for the cancellation of the electoral lists of people who have held certain fascist positions. This Commission was appointed by the Prefect with decree n. 478 of 1.3.1946 and is made up of a representative of each party: A. Scannavini (DC), C. Palazzetti (PCI), V. Occhirossi (PSI). After careful examination, it proposes the cancellation of a dozen people, in addition to the 16 employees already suspended. But C. Palazzetti, President of the aforementioned Commission, reports that “… almost none of the proposed cancellations will then become enforceable. In fact, an appeal to the Prefect for obtain suspension and thus have the right to vote. And this will also happen for the referendum elections on June". On March 17, the Mayor informs the Prefecture about the regularity of the presentation of the two lists of candidates, one of which bearing the "hammer and sickle" mark and the other the "Crusader shield" mark with the word "libertas", each including 24 candidates. For the record, we will say that the two lists are presented to the District Commission of Città di Castello at the same time and on the same day: 4.00 pm on 7.3.1946 On April 7, therefore, we go to the polls, and the turnout is really high: out of 9,689 registered on the electoral lists, voters are 8,258, equal to 85.21%! The counting of the ballots takes place in an atmosphere of anxious expectation. "Voce Proletaria" of April 13 reports: “The whole country was gathered in the main square, awaiting the results of the elections. When the speaker made known the outcome of the ballot, which sanctioned the overwhelming victory of the Social-Communist coalition (it obtained 6,283 votes against the 1,507 of the DC), an imposing procession with red flags in the front row and the fanfare to sing popular anthems walked the main streets of the town amid popular enthusiasm. Once back in the square, first the Mayor and then comrade Puletti thanked Umbertide on behalf of the party ”. The same article speaks of a double victory for the Social Communists, who dispelled the legend of Preggio (the populous fraction with a high percentage of fascists), obtaining a clear affirmation there too. The reaction of the Christian Democrats is not one of bitter disappointment: even if a few more votes were expected, the defeat was widely expected. We are consoled, then, with some inferences about the methods used by the Social-Communists during the electoral campaign or by trying to attribute their success to fortunate contingent facts. For example, "Libertà" of April 20 writes "Thinking back to the propaganda systems used to grab the vote, we believe that opponents should worry about any legitimate reactions". And, moreover: "... Social-communist victory also seconded by 3 currents, of which victory we must keep in mind the various elements that determined it" (6). In a more general way, "Catholic voice" limits itself to acknowledging a defeat of the Catholic sense, without going into political and ideological quibbles or excuses. Finally, it is interesting to note how Don Torquato Sergenti, many years later (in 1980) defines the victory of the left in Umbertide as "subversive", and signals it as a shock of political involution. The results of the electoral elections determine, in the municipality of Umbertide, the election of 30 councilors: 15 communists, 9 socialists and 6 Christian Democrats. It should be noted that in the PCI - PSI community list the difference between who has obtained the highest number of consents (the communist Bellarosa, 6,340) and who has had the least (the communist Corbucci, 6,256) is only 84 votes ... of the DC it was Vincenzo Goti who obtained the greatest number of preferences: 1595. The City Council, freely elected for the first time by a universal plebiscite, met on 28 April 1946. The outgoing Mayor Bellarosa took the floor to thank the CNL, his party, the Chamber of Labor, the Association of Farmers and Industrial. He underlines, therefore, how it is now difficult for Umbertide to resume life as always, after the war has tried the country so hard. Finally, he does not fail to underline the difficult economic and financial situation of the Municipality "... a situation that must be immediately taken into consideration by the new administration". At the end of the speech, the councilors are invited to vote to elect the new Mayor: out of 30 present, well 29 votes (there is only one blank ballot) confirm Bellarosa in office, who then returns to warmly thank all the councilors "remembering they who will have to administer and act in the most just way possible, now that the people themselves have placed their trust in them ". On behalf of the representatives of the DC (which the drafter of the report cites as "Popular Party ..."), the lawyer Vincenzo Gotti then asks to speak, to signify that the minority agrees to offer its collaboration to the majority, in the tough path that awaits you. However, he is keen to underline that “… such support will often take on the role of criticism, which in any case will always be an open and constructive criticism, aimed only at giving advantages and benefits to the Administration itself. The program that our party has in mind and wants to carry out ", continues Gotti," concerns the economic improvement and the moral elevation of the working classes to ensure that capitalism and workers peacefully reach out their hand ", in a spirit of true "social justice". Perhaps Gotti, in expressing this last thought, wanted to pull some water on his mill. Let us not forget, in fact, that he is the Sole Administrator of the Autonomous Tobacco Farm, within which trade unionism is quite active ... Some councilors from the majority also intervene who, in summary, all repeat the same concepts: they speak of the exultation of the Umbertidese people, they hope that the future will be better, they hope that peace is truly the only sovereign of our times, that social justice will never fail in everyone's life. Once the various interventions are closed, the vote for the formation of the municipal council takes place, which sees elected: Giuseppe Rondoni and Candido Palazzetti for the PCI, Alessandro Renzini and Virgilio Occhirossi for the PSI alternate members are Vincenzo Rondoni of the PCI and Luigi Giulianelli of the PSI The minority excluded itself, warning in advance - again through Gotti - that it will vote blank not out of opposition, but as acts of respect towards the majority. Note: The government established in May 1945 by Ferruccio Pari was succeeded, in December of the same year, by a new government formation headed by Alcide De Gasperi. The nascent Italian democracy must now equip itself as soon as possible with its own freely elected local administrations, express itself on the institutional form of the state - whether monarchy or republic - and elaborate the new Constitution. Obviously, this does not mean that until that moment there had been no total absence of contrasts. But the common anti-fascist and republican impulse managed, at least in most of the occasions of dispute, not to trigger bitter ideological diatribes, both within the Giunta and in the CNL It is interesting to note how the most active propagandists of the PCI and the PSI are almost all elementary teachers: R. Mancini, U. Alunni, M. Belardinelli, A. Bernacchi, D. Bernacchi, C. Caprini, E. Maestri, C. Palazzetti, R. Puletti, F. Rometti and V. Rondoni. Here, about that what "The Vindication" writes on 5.1.1946: "... the women of the countryside, on which Voce Cattolica is very important so that they do not give us the vote, will be able to obey or not, but even if they obeyed they would be at the side of their men and at our side for the establishment of the socialist society; the women of the city ... smile at Bianco Spino and his anathemas and stay with us even if we wear the red carnation in our buttonhole ... ". From these minutes it appears that those entitled to vote are 4,733. but after examining the position of various people with a positive criminal record or accused of fascist offenses or deceased, 104 are removed. So 4,629 male voters remain. I refer verbatim, without having any possibility of giving an explanation about the current "3" and about the "elements various ". The letter from the Mayor to the local CLN April 28, 1946. The first democratically elected municipal council takes office The elections of June 2, 1946 The Referendum The electoral consultation on the institutional form of the state (whether monarchy or republic), is undoubtedly more heartfelt than the administrative one, in consideration of the fact that the structures and foundations of the future Italian state would have been designed by the Constituent Assembly, also elected from the vote of June 2, 1946. Already after the administrative elections, and precisely on April 28, 1946, "Voce Cattolica" warns: "No one can escape the immense significance of this act, in comparison with which administrative elections represent a an event of rather modest importance ". Therefore it is inevitable that the tones of the electoral debate will be characterized more and more in an ideological sense and that the controversy will become more intense. Again the fortnightly "Voce Cattolica", in an article of May 26, tries to explain what unites or divides Communists, Socialists and Catholics. It recognizes that the three great Italian popular parties are equally motivated by the desire to implement the idea of human brotherhood and to improve the conditions of the poor and the workers, fighting the common battle against the capitalist system, defined as individualistic, immoral, exploiting the workers. But on these unitary elements - the article still warns - the legitimate concern prevails that power may fall into the hands of Marxist parties that deny God, do not admit religion, do not believe in the indissolubility of the family, want to abolish private property, advocate a totalitarian state and wage a struggle that often borders on class hatred. These, in short, are the issues on which the DC forces the socialists and the communists to confront each other who, while pressing on those of economic and social reforms, reject the accusation of being the enemies of religion. Above all, they try to highlight how contradictory the attitude of the Christian Democrats is, as we read in an article in "Voce Proletaria": "... It is not possible today to be at the same time a party that claims to want a profound social reform ... and at the same time being the party that unleashes the struggle against the Communist Party ... if the Christian Democrats really want a social transformation, it must not fight as our party is doing because ... it would only do the interests of the enemies of the people ... ". In short, the ideological clash takes precedence over the confrontation on concrete problems, thus widening the rift between popular-based parties. On May 9, 1946, the Umbrian Episcopate issued a communiqué in which it recalls the grave obligation of voting and the absolute prohibition of adhering in any form to ideologies and parties condemned by the Holy See, such as those inspired by Marxism or state secularism, despite the much acclaimed respect for religion. On 2 June, therefore, the people of Umbria return en masse to the polls (the percentage of voters is very high: 92% !!), which give an unequivocal response about the institutional form of the State: 6,840 votes for the republic, against 1541 in favor of the monarchy. Political elections As for the election of the deputies of the Constituent Assembly, this time ten parties are competing, against the three that had presented themselves to the administrative session: PCI, PSI, DC, PRI, Action Party, Movimento Naz. Ric., Monarchist Party, Everyman, National Democratic Union, Social Christian Party. The results, compared to the elections of April 7, confirm another overwhelming victory of the left, and in particular that of the Communist Party: 4,975 votes out of the 8,898 available. The Christian Democracy undergoes a significant decline, almost certainly due to the dispersion of votes that flowed into the smaller parties: it obtained, in fact, 1,424 consents compared to 1,507 (out of 8,256 voters) obtained in the administrative. However, it remains the second party voted and, as our current politicians would say, “all things considered, it holds up”. The PSI, which ran alone this time, also achieved significant success with 1,225 votes. And it appears even more significant if we consider that in the nearby Città di Castello (as reported by the socialist weekly "La Vindication" of 8.6.1946), the Socialist Party obtained almost 2,000 votes. Of the other parties, only Giannini's Man Whoever saves a little face, with 238 votes ... The electoral results of the Municipality of Umbertide fully contradict the national ones, where the DC asserts itself as the central pivot of the Italian political system (with 32.5% of the votes), while the PCI 8 with 19%) is the third force, after the PSI (with 20.7%). And the echo of these results must have caused a sensation in some way, because the rumor is spreading that Umbertide intends to change his name to that of Palmiria, in honor of the leader of the PCI Palmiro Togliatti. This arouses the ire of the Mayor, who officially protests with the press, which has given credit to a news result of a sick and desperate mind ... This curious episode is reported by the socialist newspaper "L'Avanti" of 17.9.46, which informs that a few months earlier some national newspapers (such as Corriere della Sera) had published the news. Le elezioni del 2 giugno 1946 - il Referendum Le elezioni politiche The National Liberation Committee ... between politics and reconstruction The Constitution Act of the National Liberation Committee, municipal section of Umbertide, bears the date of 23 July 1944. At the meeting, held in the hearing room of the Magistrate 's Court in the Town Hall, 32 people were present. circular N.1 of the Provincial Committee of National Liberation of Perugia ... having felt the need to proceed with the constitution of a local Committee ... proceed to the conformation of this constitutive act from which the representative distinction is thus arranged ". Following are the names of: Carlo Pini of the PLI; Giovanni Bambini of the DC; Zurli Arnaldo and Rometti Aspromonte of the PSL; Renato Ramaccioni of the Action Party; Puletti Ruggero and Tonanni Remigio of the PCL; no name is indicated for the Labor Democracy (1). Apparently this meeting is characterized by an atmosphere of serenity and harmony. Yet we find it strange, for example, that the Constitution Act closes with these words: "This deed of constitution is definitive since the organization of the various parties has made it possible to elect their own representatives". This footnote (and above all that meaning of definitive) leaves room for some perplexity: definitive because the parties collaborated and proved to be in agreement? It really seems a somewhat forced and perhaps even belated clarification, almost certainly conceived later and, that is, at the time of typing the report. In our opinion, however, that final could represent a failed attempt to silence certain discontent and disagreements that may have arisen following that meeting. And this thesis of ours finds concrete comfort in the examination of the minutes of the first session of August 18, 1944, from which it appears that the representatives of the political parties are the following: Liberal Party: Pini Carlo and Ramaccioni Renato Action Party: Ramaccioni Giuseppe Socialist Party: Zurli Arnaldo and Tonanni Remigio Christian Democracy: Children Giovanni and Raffaele Zampa Communist Party: Puletti Ruggero and Codovini Riego Labor Democracy .: Bottaccioli Giuseppe and Bettoni Raffaele. As can be seen, with respect to the names that appear in the minutes of the Constitutive Act, we have corrections and additions, which immediately question the validity of that definitive character at the bottom of the Act itself. It should be noted, first of all, that there are two representatives for each party, with the exception of the Action Party which has only one. So Ramaccioni Giuseppe and Ramaccioni Renato found their definitive position (2); Remigio Tonanni passes from PCI to PSL; Labor Democracy is no longer an orphan of representatives; Aspromonte Rometti no longer appears (3). Almost certainly this has happened: most of the 32 men present have no experience of those subtle "games" that characterize politics. Of course, everyone has an ideal of reference and perhaps recognizes themselves in a group, but it is realistically to assume that many of them showed up at the meeting without knowing exactly what they should have done and, above all, far from imagining. that it would be necessary to agree on a certain party or group strategy. And here we are comforted by R. Mancini, who reports: "When those present were invited to declare which party they belonged to, some proved rather uncertain, before replying; others, on the other hand, completely confused, pointed to one, only to correct themselves at a later time. " And so, in the course of the session, very probably few people really realize the political importance of the representative distinction within a body such as the CLN. And it is this minority that directs the "game", without encountering any opposition at the moment. It may also be that someone, in his heart, does not agree with what is being decided; but who feels like disturbing this first democratic meeting? Only in the following days, when there is more time to reflect, to meet with greater tranquility and thoughtfulness, do second thoughts emerge that can even lead to some controversy. Hence, the opportunity for a comparison to reach that definitive composition of the CLN that satisfies everyone a little. In the session of 18 August the President is also appointed (we do not know if by election or by acclamation): he is the young lawyer Renato Ramaccioni, of the Liberal Party (4). Secretary and Cashier are appointed, respectively, Ruggero Puletti of the PCI and Giovanni Bambini of the DC The activity of the Umbertide CLN has a rather troubled start. The difficulty of finding, within, a precise political structure, the lack of clear ideas about one's duties and, above all, the immediate establishment of a climate of conflict with other bodies (City Council, Allied Military Governor, Prefecture) , ensure that its first steps are characterized by uncertainty and contradiction. And in fact, since the first meeting (precisely that of 18 August 1944), it is clear that the main concern of the Board is to determine a precise hierarchy of competences between the Executive and the Committee itself. The topics on the Agenda are different (5) but the discussion is animated almost exclusively on points 2) and 3) which concern the activity of the municipal council, namely: 2) Decentralization of offices; 3) Invitation to the members of the Executive to make a report twice a week to their parties on the problems raised for consultation by the Executive. It begins with the proposal of the PCI and the PSI regarding the need for the resolutions of the Executive to be submitted to the control of the CLN, before being disclosed. According to the President, the proposal arises following a Circular issued by the Provincial CLN, with which the Committee is entrusted with administrative control tasks in the State as well as political administrations. It is therefore unanimously resolved to invite the municipal council to present a weekly report on its activities, so that the local CLN Board can check and approve. But it certainly must not be the aforementioned Circular that determines this position. The deeper reasons are instead sought in two very specific facts: in the discontent that aroused, within the CLN, the appointment as Mayor of Giuseppe Migliorati (considered too moderate and too close to the city bourgeoisie) and, above all, in the accumulation of offices administrative documents attributed to the socialist Aspromonte Rometti, in which the Mayor places unlimited trust. In truth, the fact that Rometti holds so many public offices may not be a novelty and at other times no one would have contested it. In fact, the man, of proven socialist faith, possesses high moral and intellectual qualities, supported by a remarkable spirit of initiative and a great capacity for organization, which involves a bit everyone. In the village he is respected and enjoys a wide charisma. He is among the animators of the Public Health Committee, is councilor in the first council led by Dr. Mariano Migliorati and actively works to the constitution of the local National Liberation Committee, which relies heavily on his contribution. But Rometti is linked by close friendship and party faith with the surveyor Giuseppe Migliorati, who on 15 August 1944 was appointed Mayor. And almost certainly, before accepting the post from the Allied Governor, Migliorati must have snatched a promise of close collaboration from his friend. Realizing that misunderstandings would inevitably arise between the new Mayor and the CLN, Rometti does not want to take a compromise position (ie to be part of the Giunta and the CLN at the same time), and decides to collaborate with Migliorati. He therefore deserted the constitutive meeting of the CLN, during which a last attempt is made to make him desist from this decision: as we have seen, he is elected as a member of the Board, as if to put him in front of the fait accompli and in front of precise moral responsibilities. But he remains firm in his position and unleashes the resentment of the Social-Communist component, which in the course of this first official meeting accuses him of accumulating offices. However, Rometti is never explicitly mentioned. The socialist Zurli, in fact, in making a long speech about point 2) to the agenda and in stating verbatim that "there can be no sound administration when a single individual centralizes offices and prebends in himself ...", has the common sense and the foresight not to mention names (6). But we will find out whether it is Rometti later, when the subject will be treated again, and this time with a lot of name, during the fourth meeting on September 1st. Although nothing particular emerges from the minutes, even this first session of the CLN must have generated a bit of a storm. This is testified by the fact that the Committee, when it meets again on 26 August (7), is extended to include five other members: they are Dr. Sante Pannacci (PLI), accountant Alvaro Alberti (Democrazia del Lavoro), by Angelo Martinelli (Action Party), Reale Cecchetti (Independent) and Stefano Codovini (PCI). And at the beginning of the aforementioned report it is said that the need was felt to have to extend the number of representatives within said governing body, provided they are of proven anti-fascist faith, seriousness and rectitude, in order to reach the formation of a more broad views and knowledge. So why this need for expansion? A plausible answer can be offered by the extremely conciliatory tenor of the letter that must be sent to the mayor, to delimit and define the tasks of the CLN towards the Municipal Administration, as the first point on the agenda states. And it is also significant both that the letter is transcribed in the minutes as to avoid that, once the text is approved, there may be late second thoughts ..., and that it is precisely one of the new nominees who dictate its content: Alvaro Alberti , of Labor Democracy. There is no doubt then that the first meeting (characterized by too much intransigence and excessive censorship towards the Giunta), not only must have aroused strong concerns in the Allied Governor's entourage, but certainly must have also caused some perplexity to the Allied Governor. inside the CLN. This could also be confirmed by the fact that the second meeting of the Board, called on 22 August, was almost deserted. In fact, in the minutes, also without the o.d g., Only five present are indicated, who discussed the positions of some former fascists. Here then, in order to avoid the consequences of a harsh conflict with the established authorities, it was decided to expand the Board to more ... conciliatory and politically not too rigorous elements, perhaps suggested by the Military Governor or by the mayor Migliorati himself. An attempt is made to better define the role and tasks of the CLN We were therefore talking about the proposal presented by Alberti about the need to write a letter to the council, to delimit and define the tasks of the CLN and to ensure that the Mayor becomes a trait of union between the Liberation Committee and the Allied Governor. It is worth quoting some passages, because - as we said earlier - its content is quite significant to understand that it is an act ... remedial towards the Executive. It is said that the CLN intends to enter into close collaboration with the Mayor, who is invited not to consider this participatory will as a form of dictatorship that the Committee would like to have over the other management bodies. Above all, the Mayor is asked to indicate where the CLN sphere of activity begins and ends. The letter ends with these words: "The CLN aware of the serious problems that beset those who have to manage the Municipal Administration and those who have to solve the problems of unemployment and nutrition, wants to have the opportunity to submit the best solutions to the SV such problems arise ". Accepted unanimously, the text is therefore transcribed in the minutes. But the President of the Committee, the lawyer R. Ramaccioni, perhaps believes that there has been an exaggeration, in terms of "reparation": towards the Executive, this appears to be a beautiful and good submission ... In particular, he is not convinced that it is the Mayor who has to establish where the influence of the Committee can reach, and so he proposes that the Board should in any case contact the Allied Governor of the nearby city of Gubbio, to have him issue a declaration that define the tasks and limits of action of the Committee itself (8). The proposal is accepted. During this session, strangely, no mention is made of the position of Aspromonte Rometti, who, moreover, must have been the casus belli for the deterioration of relations with the Mayor. However, the question returns to the first point of the agenda of the following meeting (1 September 1944), but in a somewhat calm, albeit decisive tone. After a long discussion, it was approved to send a letter to the Mayor, drafted in the following terms: "The Committee found that Mr. Rometti Aspromonte focuses on his person the following activities: 1. President of the Hospital 2. Organizer of the Bottegone. 3. Municipal Councilor. 4. Organizer of Trade Unions. In order for the above-mentioned activities to be effectively carried out with absolute dedication and effective performance, the Committee deems it useful to decentralize them to more than one person "(9). This is a precise request, but formulated without polemical tones and taking care not to exert any pressure ("... the Committee considers it useful ..."). A sign of renewed harmony and trust? ... Perhaps it would be better to talk about an unsuccessful attempt. In fact, the extreme conciseness of the letter should not be overlooked, in stark contrast to the redundancy of the previous one; not even the absence (controversy? ...) of President Ramaccioni escapes; and finally do not escape what is resolved in point five of the agenda of the same meeting ("Lists of people to be arrested or stopped"): no decision will be taken on the matter, until it is known what measures the Mayor has taken against Rometti (10). But, clearly, Migliorati must not take into consideration the CLN proposal, because on September 14 the Board meets again to decree, controversially, its dissolution. It is the President who takes the floor and declares that the CLN of Umbertide "due to the futility of the work done so far, in the face of the vanity of its attempts to collaborate with the Mayor, decides to dissolve in protest towards the Provincial CLN which does not he took care of neither its emergence nor its development ". In summary, this must have happened: once it realized that the Mayor wants to take autonomous decisions, the Umbertidese Committee turned to the provincial CLN, sure of finding concrete moral support. But when he realized that no one was moving from Perugia, he tried to do it alone, both by using conciliatory tones towards Migliorati, and by turning to the Allied Governor of Gubbio. These attempts are also in vain, and the Committee's anger explodes, which, in our opinion rightly, takes it first and foremost with the provincial CLN. The President therefore proposes to write a letter of protest to the CPLN of Perugia announcing the dissolution of the local Committee. This proposal is put to the vote and unanimously accepted. The letter has an immediate effect. Bonuccio Bonucci, former animator of the Public Health Committee, belongs to the Provincial CLN, who understands that the dissolution of the local Committee would leave the "political" control of Umbertide in the hands of the Allied Governor and representatives of the most "moderates", with the consequent marginalization of those, such as the PCI, closest to the proletariat. He then convinces the President of the provincial CLN, Dr. Abbatini, to go with him to the town of the Upper Tiber Valley, to make immediate contacts with the most representative exponents of that Committee. Even if we do not know the date or the place where this meeting takes place, it is clear that it still gives positive results. Bonucci and Abbatini must undoubtedly carry out an excellent mediating action, both by calling the men of the Umbertidese Committee to a behavior of greater availability towards the Municipal Administration, and by obtaining, from the Mayor, assurance to a greater openness towards the advice given by the CLN and, in particular, towards a rapid solution of the Rometti case (11). But the mediation of the CPLN, while effective, is not painless. The Board of the CLN yes renews and enters into force the Statute Giuseppe Ramaccioni (Action Party), notary Raffaele Zampa (DC), Riego and Stefano Codovini (PCI) and Giuseppe Bottaccioli (Labor Democrats) leave the Board. Enter, instead, Astorre Bellarosa and Rondoni Giuseppe of the PCI, Benvenuto Mastriforti and Valerio Gennari of the PSI In short, the Action Party disappears, while the DC and Labor Democracy reduce representativeness to a single member; for its part, the PLI increases it to three, as does the representativeness of PCI and PSL A reshuffle, therefore, all in favor of the left and the PLI, which is the party of the President. And so the subsequent meeting on 25 September opens with a speech by the lawyer Ramaccioni who welcomes the new members, who have come to give their contribution to the renewed Committee, which proposes to collaborate with the Mayor and to put the better solutions that will be proposed to solve the problems that weigh on those who have to manage the Municipal Administration in a spirit of absolute harmony. Hearing Ramaccioni speaking in these terms is somewhat surprising ... A truly participatory speech? We harbor our doubts and we lean towards a speech of convenience, dictated by the need for compromise. In fact, we said that the Mayor must have given his assent to the renewal of the party representatives in the Committee and must have "settled" the Rometti case. However, he asked, in return, for an officer promised not to contest the decisions of the Executive. However, there must be good intentions, because the Statute that will regulate the life of Umbertide's CNL is transcribed from good memory and for the good of everyone. Almost certainly it was the President of the Provincial Committee, on the occasion of his visit to Umbertide, who brought a standard statute into view, to clarify the ideas to the men of the CLN club. Let us mention the most significant passages (12). For example, in points a) and b) of article 1 concerning the Attributions and Functions of the Local Committee for National Liberation we read: a) "The Committee has the purpose of coordinating and unifying the action of the various political parties represented in it, in order to ensure a union of all the active forces of the Municipality, for the destruction of Nazi-Fascism, and for the national reconstruction ". b) "The Committee must get in touch with the Allied authorities of the Municipality, ensuring them the most complete collaboration ...". There is therefore no question of control to be exercised over local administrations, but of coordination and collaboration. Point a) of article 2, concerning the composition of the Committee, also seems to be of considerable importance: "The Committee must be composed of the representatives of traditionally anti-fascist parties, which are represented in the current national democratic government, namely: Liberal Party, Democracy del Lavoro, Christian Democracy, Action Party, Communist Party, Socialist Party ". We conclude by recalling point a) of article 6, which states about the rights and duties of the members: "In all cases in which a vote is required, each representative has the right to cast his or her vote, regardless of how much possible from Party interests and conforming to the needs of the present moment, which require serenity of conscience and objective cooperation ". Despite some inevitable contrasts (13), concord and collaboration between the Executive and the Committee seem to hold, at least for some time. This is borne out, for example, by the fact that the Mayor willingly accepts to participate, on October 27, 1944, in a session of the CLN in which the appointment of the Judge Conciliator and his deputy is discussed. This appointment is the responsibility of the Mayor, but the Committee intends to propose names of his choice, among which the Migliorati should choose. And the Mayor entrusts the task to the accountant Francesco Martinelli, who is one of the men proposed by the CLN But then, almost suddenly, the situation precipitates with a series of events that it is rather difficult for us to mend in their exactness, but which we will try to analyze anyway. The CLN protests with the Prefect for the interventions promised and never carried out On November 4, 1944, the CLN wrote a letter of vibrant protest to the Prefect of Perugia (and PC to the Mayor of Umbertide) to try to hasten at least some of those interventions that were always promised and never kept (14). After a brief presentation of the situation, the letter immediately takes on highly polemical tones. There is talk of the population that with the arrival of the Allies hoped to have something, but that instead, disappointed, protest both against the city authorities and against the superior provincial authorities. He is also bitterly ironized on the fact that, while the various posters and circulars concerning the blocking of foodstuffs or the payment of taxes arrive regularly (indeed, sometimes well in advance ...), aid instead always struggles to find the way to Umbertide, where it has not yet been found a room that can serve as a warehouse for the storage of foodstuffs. It is also requested that electricity be restored and the example of Norcia is cited, whose public streets are illuminated. In fact, it seems almost a joke that the electricity has been reactivated in a village closed in the mountains, difficult to reach even in normal situations, while a town still remains in the dark just thirty kilometers from Perugia ... And yet - the letter warns - all these inconveniences are well known, because various commissions and authoritative people often come to Umbertide. "On the contrary, last Sunday, Mr. Bonucci, in a meeting of the COS on the discussion of city problems, listened to the requests and protests in the hands of the population and promised to be the spokesperson for your Excellency. The days have passed and already a certain skepticism hangs ". So, after having just mentioned the flood of the Tiber, the writing ends with these words: "How is it possible not to understand? And if it has been understood, why not take the necessary measures? of the population, hopes and demands a prompt and energetic intervention (15) ". Reading between the lines, it is clear that the criticisms are also directed at the municipal administration, accused, in particular, of not having been able to obtain even the most immediate measures, while for example Gubbio and Città di Castello have already enjoyed many help, although their situation is, in some ways, less disastrous than that of Umbertide. But it will be precisely this pointing the finger at the Giunta del Migliorati that causes a sort of fracture within the Committee. It can be deduced from the fact that, strangely, it is not Ramaccioni who signs the letter as president of the CLN, but the socialist Valerio Gennari, whose name, in the minutes of the sessions, appears for the first time in a meeting on November 5. In short, the letter bears the date of November 4, but it is certainly ratified the following day, during a meeting whose process gives rise to some perplexity. In fact, the minutes begin by warning that, since there is no majority, the agenda cannot be discussed (which in any case is not specified). Then these words are deleted and the session proceeds, but only to examine some trade licenses. Ramaccioni, mind you, is present. The Committee meets again three days later, that is on 8 November; but the minutes are not drawn up: only the names of the very few present are transcribed, including both Ramaccioni and Gennari. From this moment, and until the middle of December, the few resolutions that we have managed to trace all bear the signature of Gennari; only once does that of Ramaccioni reappear and, coincidentally, at the bottom of an act that cancels a previous purge measure signed by Gennari ... Meanwhile, the Mayor Migliorati suddenly resigns in the hands of the Allied Governor. And everything would lead us to suppose that this decision too must be linked to the Committee's moment of crisis. But what happened? The not conspicuous documents in our possession (little comforted by the oral testimonies, rather confused and contradictory), do not allow us to give precise outlines to this story, also forcing us to formulate only one probable hypothesis, which in truth could also prove to be risky, but which it is necessary to "marry". Let us propose it, therefore, with the help of documented events. After the misunderstandings of the first moments, we have seen that a good relationship of collaboration has been created between CLN and the Mayor, with a consequent rediscovered personal understanding between Migliorati and Ramaccioni: an understanding that is certainly not frowned upon by the Communist component of the Committee which he believes he can identify, in the good relationship between the two bourgeois-moderates, a sort of compromise to keep the progressive forces on the sidelines of Umbertide's administrative life. After all, Mancini and Palazzetti themselves report that even if every attempt at protest had been silenced for reasons of expediency, it must mean that the men of the PCI and the most extremist wing of the PSI had never shared, in their hearts , nor the appointment of G. Migliorati as Mayor, nor that of R. Ramaccioni as President of the CLN. Therefore, within the CLN the balance is rather precarious and it is sufficient that the decision to send the aforementioned letter of protest to the Prefecture (whose context reveals explicit criticisms of the municipal administration), to cause disagreements between the President (who sees in this resolution a will to "overlap" the Municipal Administration) and some of the members. The Mayor understands that Ramaccioni is about to lose the consent and control of the Committee and that, consequently, the Executive will now find itself more exposed to the attacks and requests of the CLN He then tries a maneuver of force, giving his resignation and causing an administrative crisis, from which he believes he can only get out by giving more power to the council itself. Obviously everything depends on the Allied Military Governor who, in the design of the Migliorati, should reject his resignation. However, the Committee senses this strategy and sends a letter to the Military Governor, in which it means that according to Italian democratic traditions it would be incompatible to reconfirm the Mayor who requests his will to be resigned. The letter, signed by Gennari, is dated November 9, 1944 and is also sent to the Mayor for information. And in another letter (also dated 9 November 1944 and also signed by Gennari), the CLN presents to the Governor a list of seven names of people who reflect the popular will, as they are chosen by a Committee composed of 6 parties democratic politicians who collaborate in the Italian reconstruction. If they are approved, the same in the first meeting will elect the person of the Mayor by majority vote. In drawing up the list, the Committee, very shrewdly, proposes only two members of the PCI, moreover recognized by all as rather moderate elements: Giuseppe Rondoni and Astorre Bellarosa. He therefore indicates four people who are not members of any party: Antonio Beatini (of the Mazzinian faith, as he used to say), the engineer Giorgio Rappini (close to the DC), the Marquis Ugo Patrizi (of liberal extraction) and the accountant Francesco Martinelli, formerly appointed Conciliator Judge (who declares himself, simply, of no party). The only name that is somewhat perplexing is the one at the head of the list: it is Aspromonte Rometti, the former municipal councilor, already a casus belli of strong contrasts between CLN and the Mayor. Why now does the Committee "candid" him even to the Mayor, while just a month before he was bitterly opposed? There is only one plausible explanation: his name represents a sort of guarantee towards the Military Governor, who knows and esteems him. And it is also to be believed that Rometti was not even consulted, but that CLN made his name "motu proprio". But the Governor totally disregards the indications of the Committee and proposes the engineer Giovita Scagnetti, a professional who has always shown himself willing to collaborate with the Municipal Administration. Scagnetti, however, cannot be liked by the CLN, because, although he is not a member of any party, he has never shown sympathy for the movements of the left; indeed, in the disputes between tenants and owners, it has in fact always sponsored the latter. Then, with a letter dated November 22, Gennari informs the Governor that he is against the appointment of Scagnetti and invites him to read the list of candidates already proposed with the letter of November 9, which are the true expression of the will of the Committee. This communication convinces the Governor to give up the Scagnetti, but not to please the CLN So, pending a better solution, he invites the Migliorati to remain in office. It is to be assumed that at this point a whole series of informal discussions and meetings begin to find, in fact, a solution to the stalemate that has arisen. And towards the middle of December the twist occurs: Migliorati definitively resigns and in his place the Military Governor appoints the lawyer Renato Ramaccioni. Yes, it is the former President of CLN But, seen in the light of the hypotheses we had formulated, his appointment should not surprise too much ... On 29 December 1944 the new council officially took office, in which only two names appear (G. Rondoni and F. Martinelli), among those indicated by the CLN Defeated on the political level, the Committee suddenly finds itself even without a guide. And in fact, even though Ramaccioni did not enjoy unanimous approval within the Board of Directors, it is however undeniable that his presence as a man of culture and law was of fundamental importance, especially as regards the organization and especially if we consider that the The committee was made up of many self-taught people. An attempt is therefore made to deal with this situation by appointing Professor Dante Baldelli to the office of president; but after a few days he is forced, due to a serious illness, to be admitted to a clinic in Rome. Now it is truly a crisis, for the Committee, which almost risks being dissolved. Suffice it to say that for five months (from November 1944 to April 1945), the minutes of the meetings do not bear any annotation of any session, but only many blank pages: a clear sign that the activity of the Umbertidese CLN, in this period takes place in a rather precarious way, disorganized and perhaps even with some controversy between the parties. For example, a letter that the PSI writes to the Committee itself (it is dated January 24, 1945 and perhaps it is not the first ...), in which it is again requested to send in advance, to the Socialist Section, the orders on the day of each meeting. This, in order to be sure that the point of view expressed by our delegates on each issue corresponds perfectly to that of the ... Section. Therefore, the letter not only testifies that the Committee, even if it has lost its President and without putting anything in the minutes, still carries out some activity; but it also confirms that not everything goes smoothly on the political level. We can say, at this point, that for Umbertide's CLN a period characterized by a strong and disordered will to affect the moral, material and socio-political reconstruction of Umbertide comes to an end. The enthusiasm is in fact very great, but it is almost never organized in a precise and concrete programming of interventions. Being able to finally discuss, debate and propose one's ideas in full freedom gives that certain sense of euphoria that is badly combined with concrete and hasty work. Even the desire to "do justice", which animates the vast majority of its members, soon finds itself entangled in the labyrinth of various skills; and we will see this more fully when we talk about purification. The lack of precise directives by the Provincial CLN of Perugia also plays a decidedly unfavorable role, which forces the Umbertidese Committee to act, at least in these first months, completely autonomously and almost in a situation of isolation. Agreement in the CLN between PCI, PSI and DC The situation returned to normalization, as we said, in the spring of 1945, with a meeting that saw only the representatives of PCI, PSI and DC The fact that in the minutes of the session these representatives are defined as delegates, seems to mean that the new CLN Board stems from a precise will to agree between the aforementioned three parties, while no mention is made of Labor Democracy, Party of 'Action and PLI What happened then? To formulate at least one hypothesis for an answer, it is necessary to pause in a brief digression about the reorganization of the parties in the Umbertidese territory (16). Immediately after the liberation, only Communists, Socialists and, in part, the Christian Democrats took action to give themselves at least a minimum of organization and structure. The PCI was already quite organized since the mid-1930s, when the clandestine cell headed by Antonio Taticchi and made up largely of men from the Republican Party operated in Umbertide. Therefore, with the fall of fascism, it was not difficult for him to pass from clandestinity to officialdom. We do not know the exact date on which this passage takes place, but it is assumed that already before August 1944 an Umbertidese Section of the PCL had to operate, because in that period R. Mancini and other companions constitute, in the rural hamlet of S. Benedetto , the first cell of the Communist Party, which on September 15, 1944 obtained recognition as a subsection, precisely by the Section of Umbertide (17). The PSI (which defines itself as the Italian Socialist Party of Proletarian Unity), constitutes its first Section on November 19, 1944, directed by an Executive Provisional Committee (and named after Giuseppe Guardabassi), which includes G. Migliorati, M. Migliorati, V. Occhirossi, G. Bartolini, A. Silvestrelli, A. Zurli and A. Renzini (18). As for the DC, we know (especially from oral testimonies), that immediately after the Liberation G. Bambini and E. Pazzi are the animators of the Christian Democratic group, which will be constituted in Section only in the first months of 1945. The other parties, on the other hand, seem to live only ... in the hearts and minds of their representatives, who generally participate in the political life of the city in the guise of "mavericks", that is, through completely individual interventions and initiatives, far from any strategy party. The ideological differences between the three main camps begin to emerge At the end of '44, while the ideological differentiations between the three main camps are taking shape more and more, the Christian Democrats begin to fear that they will soon have to compete with a compact front of the left, which for some time have been making agreements (19) . Fear reinforced by being ousted from the new Municipal Council of Mayor Ramaccioni and by being, even within the CLN, in a clear minority (they have only one representative). At this point all that remains is to try to coagulate, around the DC, the men of the "minor" parties, in order to rearrange, at least in part, the strong imbalance between the opposing sides. Surely this adjustment does not take place painlessly; on the contrary, it must cause a certain confusion in the Umbertidese political context, already made rather precarious by the conflict between CLN and the Municipal Administration and not even extremely secure in the social-communist alliance; it is certain, in fact, that, despite the apparent agreement, PCI and PSI live and operate in a climate of ill-concealed mistrust, above all because of a certain psychological subjection of the socialists towards the communists, judged - sometimes rightly and sometimes misinterpreting their strong will to action - a little too "overbearing." When the situation becomes really difficult, one realizes that only a "balancing" action by the Liberation Committee can remedy it (20). But, of course, a Committee that, like the one from Umberto I, is almost in shambles cannot do it. First of all, it is necessary to put it back into its ranks and make it really efficient. Meetings are then organized, agreements are made and in the end it is decided that the Board will be restricted to only the representatives of PCI, PSI and DC (two per party). And it is established that the President and Secretary by mutual agreement will have to choose from among the six delegates themselves. The PSI delegates its representativeness to a young man (Mario Belardinelli) and to the now "tested" doctor Mariano Migliorati, first Mayor of Umbertide. Giovanni Bambini and Eugenio Pazzi represent the DC, while the PCI delegates Astorre Bellarosa and Aspromonte Rometti (21). Mariano Migliorati new President of the renewed CLN Mariano Migliorati is elected President of the renewed CLN. And here it is to be assumed that his election was "piloted" by the parties, (if not also by the leaders of the Provincial CLN of Perugia), with the aim of putting a man who had always held himself above the head of the Committee. outside the political fray: the figure of a "pure" is fundamental to regain credibility, especially towards the Governor and the Prefect (22). At first, this does not really appear to be a move with rapid effects, because the diffidence on the part of the Prefecture is still quite evident. Suffice it to say that on April 26 it is precisely the Prefect who rejected the suggestion of the Umbertidese Committee about the man to be designated as a temporary substitute for the Mayor Ramaccioni, and to send his Commissioner to direct the Executive. But only a few days are enough (perhaps those necessary to obtain the necessary information from the Prefecture), to see this attitude totally changed and to ensure that the renewed Committee savors its first political success: it will be a member of the CLN, the communist Astorre Bellarosa, to be appointed successor of Ramaccioni, now firmly determined to resign definitively. To take up the new office, the 23 May 1945 Bellarosa leaves the Committee and is replaced by Riego Maccarelli. But beyond this moral victory, which still remains of great significance, what counts is the fact that from this moment on, any ideological reason for conflict between the Municipal Administration and CLN is eliminated. And this, comforted by the rediscovered internal equilibrium and by the good relations with the other bodies in charge, determines a radical renewal of the Committee's activity, which will truly adhere to the tasks established by its Statute: to collaborate, to suggest, to link up. And the commitment to meet at least once a week, taken at the end of the first session, is also substantially respected: from 12 April to the end of December 1945, 31 meetings were in fact recorded. But the frequency of the sessions is certainly not a sign of frenzy. Indeed, the examination of the Register of the aforementioned minutes (unfortunately only rarely supported by other documentation), allows us to affirm that the work of the CLN, in this period, is characterized more on a qualitative level than on a quantitative one, whether it is traits of purge, whether it be reconstruction or socio-moral initiatives. The CLN tries to report the most pressing problems of the city By this we mean that the Committee is no longer pervaded - as happened in the first moments - by the urge to remedy everything immediately. Now he is concerned above all with identifying and selecting the most urgent problems to submit them to the attention of the Executive or the parties or other organizations, which are responsible for any intervention in this regard. And if his operational contribution is also necessary, he certainly does not hold back, especially when it comes to "making himself heard at the top". By way of example, we offer a brief summary of the most important initiatives (with the exception of those relating to purge), taken by CLN in the period from April 1945 to June 1946. Since the first meeting, the "renewed" Committee feels the need to reorganize the COS (Center for Social Orientation) in Umbertide. With a clear Marxist matrix, COS is an organism which, in its general programmatic lines, aims to promote the study of the problems that social transformation presents in the various economic, political, juridical, scientific, moral, religious and cultural aspects (23) . And this study of general and local problems must be carried out on the basis of a concrete, independent sociality, criticized by prejudices and privileges, convinced that the transformation to be made brings with it not only economic, political, administrative, but also moral and cultural problems ( 24). In small towns such as Umbertide, COS does not only play a role of social promotion; in particular, it takes on the task of re-aggregating citizens and making them participate in local political and administrative problems. The population is in fact invited to periodic meetings, during which free conversations are stimulated: everyone can express their criticisms and their own proposals regarding the political and administrative organization, purification, food, market, transport, the viability, etc. The organization of the COS is strongly supported by the Provincial CLN and by the left-wing parties, because they see in them an effective tool for the "re-education" of citizens to democratic participation: which ends up transforming - albeit indirectly - into a sort of control and stimulus, with regard to Local Administrations forced to submit to the directives of the Allied Governors. Although the documents are really scarce, it can be assumed that the COS is starting to work in Umbertide, above all thanks to the commitment of its President Riego Maccarelli. But over time, the meetings must expire in chaotic assemblyism, because in December the CLN is still grappling with the Center which, it is said, must absolutely be reorganized. To this end, the Secretaries of the three parties are invited to participate in a session, during which it is established that the COS meetings are directed by people who know how to keep the environment calm and correct, also inhibiting the participation of those who cannot discuss. the problems in a concrete way. The problem of financing the COS is also examined and in the end the Secretaries of PCI, PSI and DC take on the burden. On January 5, 1946, the COS will meet on the following Sunday, with the following agenda: a) Communications from the CLN President b) Appointment of President c) Various. From this date we have no more news about the COS It is therefore to be assumed that, as the interest gradually waned, it ended up melting by force of inertia. CLN also tackles with great commitment the question of the destroyed Umbrian Central Railway, whose reactivation would not only obviate the serious problems of traffic and transport, but would also make a major contribution to solving the equally serious problem of unemployment. In fact, the Committee, in perfect harmony with the municipal administration, realized that it is useless to carry out reconstruction projects if Umbertide is not removed from the almost total isolation with the main roads. Here he then takes on a whole series of initiatives aimed at stimulating the competent authorities, starting with the creation of a city commission for the reactivation of the Umbrian Central Railway, on behalf of which Rometti goes to Rome for a meeting with the Minister of Transport, in order to raise awareness about the reconstruction of the railway bridge over the Tiber. On his return, Rometti reports that, although there are great difficulties, the authorities have made a clear commitment to send technicians for a rough estimate. And actually the technicians come and evaluate. But the bureaucracy proceeds slowly and so in April 1946 the CLN still has to urge the Mayor and the party representatives to a meeting that will lay the foundations for the work to be done for the reconstruction of the railway in particular and for that of Umbertide in general. The meeting takes place on May 4th at the CLN headquarters. In addition to the six members of the Board, the Mayor, the Secretary of the Chamber of Labor and the secretaries of PCI, PSI and DC are present The program for the reconstruction of Umbertide "The President exposes and illustrates the program for the reconstruction of Umbertide and says that in order to implement it as soon as possible it is necessary to start the practices with great energy, and there is also a need, on the part of everyone, of that activity that will gradually come withholding of the case ". It is therefore decided to meet tomorrow evening, May 5, to appoint a committee, which is given the name of the Committee for the reconstruction of Umbertide. It is made up of the president of the CLN, the Mayor, the Secretary of the Chamber of Labor and professionals from the country (25). We have not found any documents that refer specifically to this activity, but certainly we have worked in a concrete way, because in July 1946 the Minister Leone Cattani communicates to the President of the Committee - the lawyer F. Andreani - that the five expert reports of the Umbertide interesting works were approved by decree of 25 June of the Provveditorato alle OO.PP. for Lazio and Umbria. Another focus of interest is the problem of unemployment. In the session of 23 September 1945, following indications in a circular from the provincial section of the CLN, the Umbertidese Committee, in agreement with the Chamber of Labor and the Municipal Council, decided to convene a session to solve this problem and to draw up a program which will later be implemented. But the implementation of this program must encounter considerable difficulties, because on December 9 we return to the subject again and the need emerges to clarify the malfunctioning of the local section of the Chamber of Labor, whose secretary is currently the socialist Agostino Bernacchi. The problem of unemployment is also tackled with a different strategy, that is, starting from the assumption that nothing can be done without a minimum of planning, the formulation of which all the organizations and associations of the Municipality will have to contribute. And it is essential that this program stems from a precise analysis of the actual potential of the territory which, at the present moment, unfortunately is almost exclusively reduced to the agricultural sector and, to a limited extent, to the construction sector. In this sense, a fundamental role could be played by the local Chamber of Labor, which however (at least in the opinion of the Committee) does not seem to work as it should. At the end of the discussion, we are convinced that everything depends on the scarce collaboration of the representatives of the three parties and certainly not on the work of Bernacchi, who is busy with commendable spirit of dedication. It was then decided to invite the Secretaries of PCI, PSI and DC to meet to establish the measures to be taken so that the local section of the Chamber of Labor can function regularly. The issue is resumed in a subsequent session of 23 December, during which the outcome of the meeting of the three party secretaries is assessed, which took place in the presence of the Committee itself: from the discussion it emerged that the malfunctioning of the Chamber of Work is not due to the absenteeism of the political forces, but to the lack of a representative of the farmers. The Committee immediately undertakes to write to the Agricultural Union of Città di Castello, so that it can appoint a representative. But while waiting for the Chamber of Labor to organize itself, the CLN - at the suggestion of the Communist Party - promotes the constitution of a Winter Assistance Committee to help destitute families, who risk spending the winter in the cold, to the inability to get firewood. Not only the parties and the municipal administration are involved in this project, but also the other local socio-political organizations: the Italian Women's Union (26), the Combatants 'Association, the Veterans' Committee and the Youth Front. (27). A Commission made up of four representatives of the aforementioned organizations and operating under the direct control of CLN is appointed to make this Committee work. , which the municipal administration would be forced to suspend due to lack of funds, and which instead it is essential to continue, both to avoid the risk of infectious diseases (28), and for the need to provide work for those heads of families whose children already endure the cold and hunger of this harsh winter. Therefore, appealing to the sense of human and civil solidarity of those who have been better treated by fate, the wealthiest are asked to pay a contribution (29). The initiative must have a truly satisfying answer. Suffice it to say that the landowners not only contribute their share, but also make available to unemployed workers an adequate number of days to be carried out on their property for the entire two-month period January 15 / March 15, 1946, and this in order to meet for as much as possible to those who truly suffer (30). But, alongside these interventions that we could define as "priorities", the CLN takes on many other initiatives, equally significant and commendable. There is an obligation to report at least some of them, proceeding in a quick chronological excursus of the Register of Minutes: MINUTES No. 18, dated May 29, 1945 Since the President Migliorati will have to participate in the congress of all the CLNs of the province of Perugia, it is necessary to draw up a report illustrating the political and economic situation of Umbertide. It was decided to make contact with the Mayor, so that he could indicate which interventions should be privileged. MINUTES N.24, of 29.7.1945 The CLN turns to the Finance Office to ask for an extension of war damage reports, because the population of Umbertide and nearby Montone have not received the appropriate forms. MINUTES N.26, of 12.8.1945 It is decided to write a letter to the Mayor so that the permission of the dancing parties that have been taking place for some time and continue almost uninterruptedly be at least limited. To push the CLN to formulate this proposal, it is a highly moral reason (not only because the ruins, the agony and the mourning of our Umbertide require a very different behavior on the part of everyone, but also to educate the youth to love country and to human respect), combined with reasons of a social nature (the inevitable economic and social effects that can derive from the state of affairs that are complained of have also been considered). MINUTES No. 39, of 2.XII. 1945 The PCI has submitted a manifesto for approval, which the CLN authorizes to print and disseminate. The manifesto is aimed at the citizens of Umbertide, who are invited to denounce every maneuver and every manifestation of neo-fascism, to fight alongside the mass organizations to fight ... every liberticidal attempt, from whatever side it comes and to associate with the democratic parties to overcome this very critical moment and to be able to proclaim the Italian Socialist Republic tomorrow (31). There is also a premise, which partly explains the reasons for this appeal: ".. the neo-fascist forces organized in self-styled democratic movements and parties, try to exploit the difficult internal situation ...". Surely the Italian Communists, in this period, had the feeling that they were trying, in the plots of national politics, to create moments of tension to prevent the affirmation of the left forces. MINUTES N.49, dated 2.3.1946 The Committee considers it appropriate to invite the secretaries of the PCL, PSI and DC in order to agree on the forthcoming electoral campaign for the local elections. MINUTES No. 51, of 9.3.1946 President Maccarelli exposes the behavior that every citizen should keep in view of the elections and reads a manifesto he has compiled, submitting it for approval. The manifesto is not only approved, but the representatives of the three parties invited to the meeting decide to bear the printing costs. We point out that in the course of all these months there are various replacements among the members of the Board, decided from time to time by the respective parties to which they belong (31). There is also a rotation among the Presidents. In replacement of M. Migliorati, on 7 July 1945 the communist Riego Maccarelli (32) was elected, who on 9 December of the same year had to resign for health reasons. He is succeeded by prof. Giulio Briziarelli, of the PSI Although of different cultural backgrounds (one self-taught worker, the other didactic director), both are distinguished by moral rigor and a profound sense of justice, always combined with a high respect for the individual. And it is under the presidency of Briziarelli that, on July 17, 1946, the National Liberation Committee, section of Umbertide, will decree its dissolution. Il Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale The deed of constitution of the CLN of Umbertide Manifesto of the PCI aimed at citizens Letters from the parties to the CLN Resolution to dissolve the CLN L'attività di epurazione The purge activity Although there are not many Umbertidesi fascists who have shown extreme bias or who are guilty of serious episodes of intolerance, there is still the risk of summary vendettas, especially in the climate that has been established on the emotional wave of barbaric episodes of Penetola and Serra Partucci. So immediately after the liberation, the Allied Military Governor arrested 25 members of the Fascist Republican Party, who were held for a few days in the local prisons of the Rocca (35). This provision certainly appears appropriate, because it avoids the triggering of an indiscriminate "manhunt", as unfortunately easily happens in certain situations. Similar facts had already occurred in Umbertide, immediately after the declaration of armistice of 8 September 1943. We have news of it from a report sent by the CLN to the High Commissioner for the Purge in which, among other things, there is talk of the beating of a fascist during the September movement (36). Even the Public Health Committee ensures that stupid vendettas are not perpetrated; but surely this is not enough to - prevent some unconscious acts of violence carried out against fascists by some reckless; luckily they are all resolved with a beating, without the dead man escaping. The first official act concerning the purge is of 9 August 1944, when the newly established Municipal Council, according to the orders received by the Governor of the Allied Military Command, proceeds to purge those personnel who, due to political precedents, cannot remain in service. There are 16 employees suspended from service and salary, all "accused" of being squadrists and / or members of the former Republican Fascist Party. The "purged" employees present an immediate appeal to the Prefecture, which will be partially accepted. On 9 February 1945, in fact, the Mayor Ramaccioni invites the Accounting Office to immediately arrange for the issuance of the checks due to the staff suspended for purge as per the provision issued by the Allied Military Government, following an official act of the Prefecture. Therefore, while remaining suspended, the municipal employees will still have to receive the salary. And the matter will drag on for several months, as we will see later. Since August 1944 it is the local National Liberation Committee that has taken every decision regarding the investigations and sanctions to be imposed on the collaborators of Nazi-fascism, because the dead under the rubble of our country who sleep unattended, the families deprived of what they they loved more and more holy, the young people who were shot, entire families burned alive, the endless griefs of the nation want severe justice. Let's say immediately that it will certainly not be easy to ascertain facts or misdeeds, and it will be equally difficult to dictate and keep faith with uniform criteria of judgment in the evaluation of very particular cases, also because not all those who have found compromises with the Social Republic have joined them voluntarily. The Sforza Law on purge also contributes to increasing the difficulties which, drafted in a rather hasty manner and made known on 29 July 1944, does not always offer clear directives either as regards the methods of applying the sanctions or, above all, regarding the determination of areas of expertise. Basically, the various peripheral National Liberation Committees should know that all the practices concerning the purge must be subjected to the careful examination of the Provincial CLN which, in turn, will forward them to the Provincial Delegation of the Adjunct High Commissioner for the purge. which is responsible for the last control act. Instead, the Provincial Delegation of the High Commissioner for the sanctions against Fascism issued the final sentence (37). But the actual absence of effective links between the peripheral CLNs and the provincial section means that initially this process is mostly disregarded. In truth, this situation can also constitute a reason ... of convenience for the local Committees, which thus have the possibility of taking more immediate and direct initiatives. Even the Umbertidese Committee, in the absence of precise indications on the matter, often interprets the Sforza law in its own way and arrogates itself the right to decide on the matter and to "demand" that the Municipal Administration execute (or that private citizens put in place deed), as resolved by it. And here, for example, after having expressed a negative opinion on some trade licenses, the CLN sends a letter to the Mayor (on 23.X.44), which ends with: "So that the above is made executive" . Equally significant, in this sense, is the letter sent to the tenant of an office that the Committee judges to be of secondary importance. Well, he is peremptorily invited to leave the aforementioned room free for no later than 25 pv, which on 1 December will be delivered to Mrs. Gnagnetti Matilde ved. Tosti, which was left without a shop following the bombing of 25.4. 44 (38). Even when the tone of the communication is formally more conciliatory, the intention to "force the hand" still shines through. For example, in a letter sent to the Mayor on 9.XII.44 to request the dismissal of the municipal veterinarian, even if using expressions that are anything but mandatory ("... this Committee feels the need to express to the SV the opinion that he is dismissed .... It is hoped that the SV will welcome the expression of this Committee ... "), but it is important to underline that the veterinarian does not enjoy the sympathy and trust of the majority of the population. It is therefore not surprising that this way of operating not only risks determining, every time, a situation of conflict between CLN and the Municipal Administration (39), but also causes diatribes within the Committee itself, where most likely the line hard is opposed to soft. And this is confirmed, for example, by what happens during the first meeting (18.8.44), when we examine point 4) of the agenda: "Examination of the sales licenses and revocation of the same for fascists or philotedeschi ": it is reported that the topic provokes an animated discussion at the end of which there is a position of total disagreement, so much so that it is decided to ask the Mayor for the immediate convocation of a Commission made up of people who have an honest past and knowledge of the public ". However, it must be said that the purification activity carried out by CLN from August 1944 to April 1945, although characterized by a decisive and sometimes ... eager desire to do justice (40), never goes beyond the law , even at the cost of swallowing bitter morsels (41). Above all, the men of the Committee must be given credit for not giving too much credit to the "voices" in the streets or to confidential outbursts about abuses perpetrated by this or that "fascist". Citizens are invited not to limit themselves to sterile moral lynchings, but to denounce facts and people on the basis of irrefutable testimony. A poster that appeared on the walls of Umbertide in October 1944 testifies to this desire for objectivity: in urging the population to report fascist and black market crimes, it is recommended that the reports be made with honesty and seriousness, specifying the facts (42). Objectivity, honesty and seriousness are also confirmed by the fact that sometimes the Committee returns to its decisions, following more detailed investigations. In November 1944, for example, it expressed an unfavorable opinion with regard to a request for "discrimination" (43) presented by a lady; but on 12 December the CLN re-examines the file and declares that it has ascertained that the registration of the same to the Fascist Republican Party was actually due not to factious fascist spirit, but to coercion of the authorities of the republican period and to the concern to maintain the office of typist, the only source of income for a living. When, in April 1945, the total renewal of the Umbertide CLN took place, the purification activity slowed down. This is most likely to be connected to the presidency of Dr. M. Migliorati, who perhaps tries in every way to avoid investigations and measures that could seriously embarrass him, above all because of his professional position as primary hospital. In this regard, we have the testimony of C. Palazzetti: "Partly because of his willingness to help everyone, partly because some of his patients could also happen to be investigated, Dr. Migliorati really reluctantly accepted to make decisions regarding purge ". And most likely it will be the thankless task of purge that will determine the abandonment of the Presidency by Migliorati. The fact that in the minutes of 7 July 1945 no explanation is given for the change to the Presidency (44), and the fact that Riego Maccarelli signs in place of the President one day before being officially elected (45), lead realistically to assume that Migliorati has left due to some internal conflict, however not explicit in any of the minutes. But let's examine the minutes of the previous session (that of 2.7.1945): well, of all the minutes drawn up starting from April 12, 1945, strangely this is the only one not to mention the names of those present and it never appears that the President took the floor. Which suggests that the Migliorati was not present. And, coincidentally, in the course of that session the determined will to carry out a prompt and clear purge of those state and parastatal employees compromised with the past regime is manifested. It can then be assumed that Migliorati, already not very enthusiastic about the role of President (let's not forget that he was almost certainly ... "convinced", for the already indicated reasons of credibility, to assume the Presidency of the renewed Committee) and not feeling at all at ease in that of "purifier", faced with the impossibility of avoiding certain acts which, even if suffered, are still due, put aside. Or it is possible that he is advised or ... invited to step aside (perhaps by the provincial committee), precisely because of his lack of decision-making in terms of purge. Some might argue, much less suggestively, that Migliorati may have resigned because he is too busy in his profession as a doctor. Surely this is also a hypothesis to be taken into consideration, even if it seems strange that such a normal decision is not recorded ... The fact is that, under the Presidency of the communist Riego Maccarelli, the purification activity is characterized, compared to the previous ones. Committees, of greater scrupulousness and, above all, of more incisive rigor. In a meeting held in July 1945, Maccarelli bluntly criticized the work of those who preceded him. Textually it states that, from a whole series of facts, "... one can deduce the lack of activity of the previous Committees, their disinterest, their little initiative, which allowed themselves to be carried away by sentimentality, thus not fulfilling the task that the population had entrusted him. But currently the CLN carries out its increasingly growing activities with justice and truth following the best democratic tradition ". A severe criticism therefore and, at the same time, an announcement of a more serious commitment, especially as regards the purge activity, to which that "justice and truth" certainly refers. Purpose that is maintained. From this moment, in fact, in almost every meeting, the names of people on which to obtain information are mentioned; reports that have already been completed are approved; various applications for discrimination are evaluated or discrimination occurring without the opinion of the Committee is contested; they urge themselves to take action; attempts are made to regulate the issue of hunting licenses (46); requests for certificates of good moral and civil conduct and declarations of refusal to call to arms after 8 September 1943 are examined: all made by people who are suspected of collaborating or of common crimes. However, every act is undertaken with care and responsibility. In fact, Maccarelli is immediately concerned to suspend the release of documents or declarations ad personam, until the provincial CLN has given clarification on the matter. A few days later, the vice-president C. Palazzetti (who went to Perugia, to have a meeting with the lawyer Monteneri, President of the CPLN), reports that the local committees can issue certificates and personal declarations to the interested parties and finally clarifies that complaints must be forwarded to the CPLNP. which will then forward them to the competent offices. But President Maccarelli must not be satisfied with this oral answer, because on August 17 he asks in writing, to the High Commissioner for the Purge, to be authorized to issue certificates and declarations. And he is right not to trust the unwritten words: on the 29th of the same month he receives a negative response: "In general, the National Liberation Committees have no hierarchical dependence with this Delegation ... Therefore it cannot authorize .. . to issue ... special certificates ". The purge activity continues intensively even under the presidency of prof. Giulio Briziarelli. But as you progress through it, you realize that the results do not correspond to expectations. Although the Provincial Delegation for the Purge calls the peripheral Committees to a greater zeal, because the pending purge judgments against the various employees must be completed which, often suspended, constitute a serious burden on the administrative budgets (47), in truth a definitive sentence never appears among the various papers. For a certain period the Committee does not give up and continues regularly to carry out investigations and to propose names of people to be purged; then, faced with the almost total lack of results (and perhaps also because it is absorbed by the problems of reconstruction and by those of the electoral consultation), it gives less and less space, during its meetings, to purging. Only in the spring of 1946 did they try to take the situation back in hand. In the session of 19.V.46, in fact, it is said: "After a laborious discussion, this Committee establishes the following: a) to invite the Marshal of the RR: CC for the day 22 cm in order to make arrangements to be able to carefully monitor the operated by local fascist elements. b) to invite the Mayor to the same session ". The meeting of May 22 takes place regularly, but it seems that, when it comes to the conclusions, very little is said again: it is only decided to collect, through trusted people, all the information regarding the conduct of the fascist elements of the place and of refer them to the local RRCC station which will think to act in the best possible way. But, despite the propositions of a new commitment, only in one meeting is there still talk of purge, indicating the names of some former fascists on which to ask for information. The law on amnesty closes the purge processes At the beginning of July, Palmiro Togliatti, Minister of Grace and Justice of the new coalition government (set up by A. De Gasperi in those days), promulgates the law on amnesty, which determines the definitive closure of the purge processes. The provision, even if perhaps considered appropriate in parliament, certainly cannot satisfy those who have worked so hard to try to do justice to the abuses and crimes perpetrated during the "twenty years". In Umbertide it is above all the PSI to be indignant. This is demonstrated by the declaration that appears in "La Venda" of 28.8.46: "After the publication of the law for the purge of Togliatti, the section of the PSI of Umbertide, during the assembly held on 27.07, voted on the following order of day: "Noting the sense of bewilderment and mistrust caused by the aforementioned unjust law ... deploring the proponent of such an absurd political attitude, which could also have serious national consequences, makes a vow that firm and clear action is taken as soon as possible restorative ". It is clear that the indignation of the Umbertian socialists is not only against the law itself, but is also directed against Togliatti, defined as the proponent of such an absurd political attitude ... But even the men of the PCI do not agree with this provision, even if it originated from the will of their charismatic leader Togliatti. The burning disappointment provokes (as reported by C. Palazzetti), a reaction of disappointment and mistrust especially within the CLN: "In those days there was discussion, criticism, confrontation. Although perplexed, I was among those who positively interpreted the law on amnesty. But I also understood those who, due to tragedies experienced personally, could not see so many years of suffering erased with a swipe of the sponge ... ". And so, on July 14, 1946, the CLN of Umbertide unanimously decrees its dissolution, voting on the following agenda: "The National Liberation Committee of Umbertide, which in its work inspired by principles of human justice already felt the mockery of the purge, joins the protest of the people against the provision of the absurd amnesty recently promulgated and, remembering the sacrifices, the tears, the infinite sufferings, the victims and the immense ruins of the Nation caused by fascism and the Nazi-fascist war, resigns his resignation '”. Note: 1. See, in the Appendix, p. XX the minutes of the Constitution Act. Those present are: Mancini Raffaele, Boldrini Nello, Polpettini Vittorio, Puletti Ruggero, Renzini Alessandro, Ramaccioni Mario, Taticchi Antonio, Nanni Ramiro, Loschi Luciano, Rondoni Vincenzo, Gennari Addo, Beatini Lamberto, Migliorati Natale, Alunni Umberto, Gennari Aspromonte, Caprini Claudio, Caprini Nazzareno, Ramaccioni Giuseppe, Rinaldi Antonio, Pini Carlo, Sonaglia Gino, Codovini Stefano, Becchetti Giuseppe, Migliorati Giuseppe, Bottaccioli Giuseppe, Silvioni Guerriero, Simonucci Raffaele, Villarini Mario, Destroyed Amedeo, Chiodini Giuseppe, Children Giovanni, Ramaccioni Renato. 2. And in fact it was the correction and the superimposition carried out between the two homonymous Ramaccioni that made us suspicious. Renato is initially typed, as a representative of the PLI, under the name of Pini, while Giuseppe is noted alongside the Action Party; then someone deleted Renato's name from the PLL, to write it, in pen, alongside the Action Party, to replace Giuseppe. 3. We will see a little later the reason for Rometti's self-exclusion. 4. We have already seen that Ramaccioni will subsequently be appointed Mayor of Umbertide. 5. To be precise, the following seven points are indicated to be addressed: 1.Replacement of fascist or pro-German personnel from state and para-state administrations. 2.Decentralization of offices. 3. Invitation to the members of the Executive to make a report twice a week to their parties. 4. Examination of sales licenses and revocation of the same for fascists or pro-Germans. 5. Establish definitively the premises for the CLN 6. To call further meetings for the global organization of the parties. 7. The need for the Committee to come into close contact with the Provincial Committee of LN and with elements of the FSS and, if this is impossible, with the R. Questura. 6. As regards the positions "accumulated" by Rometti, see below. 7. This meeting is held in the former convent of San Francesco, in the music room, which from now on will be the permanent seat of the CLN. 8. The fact that a Military Governor is used unrelated to the Umbertide events, while it would have been more obvious to consult the Provincial CLN, testifies that there is an almost total lack of connections between the latter and the local Committee. 9. See, in the Appendix, p. XXI. 10. In truth, we find it quite difficult to establish a relationship between people to be arrested and the "Rometti case". Perhaps it can be assumed that the Mayor, in order not to assume the inconvenient role of the purifier, tries to "download" this responsibility onto the CLN, inviting him to compile or perhaps give his approval regarding the aforementioned lists, and that the Committee, sensing this move, resort to a sort of moral blackmail by conditioning their collaboration to the decentralization of the positions accumulated by Rometti. 11. And in fact on the 19th of September Rometti resigned as a member of the Executive, while retaining the other offices. An explicit gesture of protest towards his friend Migliorati, who has cornered him, offering him the opportunity to give up some job? Or, more subtly, an official resignation from the position of greater political weight, but with the tacit understanding of remaining a friend-adviser to the Mayor anyway? ... 12. See, in the Appendix, pp. XXII, XXIII, XXIV, XXV. 13. As when, for example, in the meeting of 16 October, the CLN disputes i rents established by the Municipal Commission, finding them unfair with wages and salaries, and therefore resolves to ask the Mayor to enlarge the aforementioned Commission, appointing, from among its members, representatives of employees and employees. 14. It is worth dwelling on this letter for a moment, if only to compare it with the one sent just a month and a half earlier, to the same Prefect, by the Mayor Migliorati. Both written with the same intent to obtain help, however, they are characterized by a totally different spirit and tone. Rather formal, almost "cold" the letter from the Mayor, which is limited to a list of the interventions to be carried out, supported by meager data and figures. Warm, controversial, but no less concretely essential, in the descriptions, that of the CLN, which almost certainly decided to contact the Prefect after the overflowing of the Tiber (3 November 1944) who, adding further inconveniences to a reality that was too tried by destruction warfare, ended up exasperating the citizens of Umbertide. 15. See, in the Appendix, pp. XXVI and XXVII, copy of the original. 16. We must warn that party archives are certainly not a source of information: no one has a single document that can refer to this period. Even the newspapers of the time did not give any news. Therefore, what little we are given to know, we have obtained from the rare personal papers of some militant or from oral testimonies, which are very vague and fragmentary. 17. See, in the Appendix, p. XXVIII, the report drawn up that day by R. Mancini. 18. In the Appendix, p. XXIX, we report the letter with which the Provisional Committee announces the constitution of the section to CLN, indicating the names of the comrades delegated to represent the PSLU.P. within the CLN itself. We also report, on the same page, a photocopy of a PSLU.P.card, taken from the cards of A. Renzini. 19. Among the documents of A. Renzini we found an invitation to take part, on Thursday 23 November at the Communist headquarters located in the premises of the Teatro dei Riuniti, in the meeting called between the leaders of the two proletarian sections. 20. It is no coincidence that the first session of the new CLN opens with the resolution that the renewed CLN in the ranks is in fact the balancing body of the political life of the country. 21. How is it possible that a "historical" socialist like Rometti has passed into the ranks of the Communists? Oral testimonies tell us of disagreements with the comrades of the local section of the PSLU.P .: nothing more precise is known to us. 22. R. Mancini and C. Palazzetti comfort us, in this hypothesis of ours, reporting that perhaps the most suitable person (for spirit of initiative and capacity for organization), to hold the office of President is undoubtedly Rometti. But his centralizing character and his momentary ... uncomfortable political position (he had passed from the PSI to the PCL), make him prefer the Migliorati. However, it must be said that most of the activities carried out by the "renewed" CL N. will be the result of Rometti's initiative. 23. So it is said in a pamphlet printed and disclosed in August 1944 in Perugia, where the Center began its activity on July 17 of the same year. See, in the Appendix p. XXX, copy of the booklet 24. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXI. 25. See, in the Appendix, pp. XXXII and XXXIII. 26. The invitation is signed by the new Secretary, Egino Villarini. The last three lines, almost incomprehensible, should indicate the day of the meeting (a Sunday), already agreed by the other Secretaries. 27. It was Mrs. Anita Zanottì Giacchi (director for many years of the Municipal Childhood Nursery), who gave life to Umbertide, the UDL, a women's movement of communist inspiration. The aforementioned was part of the Board of the CLN, which deemed necessary a female representation. But, when in September 1945 Zanotti proposes to the Mayor to appoint a representative of the UDL within the council, he receives a negative response, due to the fact that the council has deliberative power, while women have only consultative power. 28. We know very little about this "movement" which, by the admission of the founders themselves, is made up of independent young people, Communists, Socialists, Christian Democrats, the Cremona Club (veterans of the "Cremona" Partisan Division), the Student Union Italians. It was formed on August 16, 1945. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXIV, photocopy of a card of the Youth Front, kindly granted by R. Codovini 29. We speak of "limbs of human bodies" still lying under the rubble. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXV. 30. It should be noted that the amount of this contribution, although voluntary, has already been established on the basis of the actual size of the capital of the various owners. 31. So writes (20.1.1946) the secretary of the Provincial Farmers' Association of the Umbertide area. 32. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXVI, the typewritten text of the manifesto. 33. In the Appendix, pp. XXXVII and XXXVIII, by way of example, we report a copy of three letters with which PCL, PSI and DC inform CLN that they have decided to alternate their representatives. It should be noted that none of them ever explain the reason for the replacement. 34. We will see, in the following Chapter, the reasons for this rotation. 35. A curiosity: for the administration of food to these people (233 meals in total), the Municipality supports the expense of L. 1,631. 36. Indeed, the "beating" did not happen as it is crudely written. In fact, it refers to an episode that occurs inside the public telephone post. Suddenly, among the people, the rumor begins to spread that a well-known fascist trade unionist has entered the premises of the TIMO. Instead he is a bank manager of the same name. But now the crowd is crowding and a true fascist, who is there, tries to block the access. Then everything subsides and the "fascist" himself can be medicated by the pharmacist. 37. In truth, in the various papers we have found different terms of these organs: "Office of sanctions against Fascism", "Provincial purge commission". 38. The letter, dated 19.X1. 1944, has the subject "Provisions". 39. While perhaps considering them to be correct, the Mayor could not enforce certain resolutions; in fact, he had to carry out only the measures taken by the High Commissioner for the Purge or by the Allied Military Governor. 40. The letter referred to in note 66 ends with these words: "This deliberate is the solution of a high sense of justice that acts with serenity, punishing the guilty to facilitate those who unjustly were the object of the disastrous consequences that ensued ". 41. We would like to point out that among the members of the Committee there are those who have suffered (or believe they have suffered), harassment and injustices by the fascists. 42. The manifesto is shown in the Appendix, p. XXXIX. 43. When a person is accused of a political crime (almost always it is a question of belonging to the PER or of "fascist intemperance" or of collaboration with CSR and with the Germans), he can contact the local CLN to certify that these accusations are unfounded or that the offense was committed in particular situations. If the application is successful, the applicant obtains the so-called "discrimination": the fact loses the character of a crime, precisely due to the presence of a discriminant, that is, a cause of justification. 44. It is simply said that "the President and the Vice President have been elected. The following are elected: President R. Maccarelli ...". 45. The letter sent to the Mayor on 5.7.1945 bears his signature, in which he warns that "the CLN has expressed the opinion that the main square is dedicated to G. Matteotti". 46. In more than one meeting, it is insisted that for the issue of such licenses any doubts must be clarified by the Committee, because "... it is within its competence to resolve and conduct in the right light those cases that are compromised with the past regime ". We shouldn't be too surprised that CLN. gives such great importance to the control of hunting licenses: obtaining it means, in practice, having one or more rifles at hand, complete with regular firearms. And in moments of such great tension it is obvious that the Committee avoids keeping armed (albeit improperly), any fascist-hunters. And when it is realized that very little can be done about it, the Carabinieri Marshal is also invited to a meeting, who is asked to intervene to regulate these concessions. Unfortunately, the marshal is also involved in the general disorientation; he replied, in fact, that this was not within his competence and "limited himself to expressing an opinion". 47. This is a circular dated 13.9.1945., Which is of particular interest to Umbertide, whose Municipal Administration, as we have seen, has a long dispute with the Prefecture, due to employees suspended for a year now. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com