Filippo Bottaccioli and the "great war" Curated by Francesco Deplanu and Isotta Bottaccioli Filippo Da Bologna a Doberdò La ferita e l'ospedale La Prigionia da Udine alla Polonia Dal Parisgeschutz alle bastonate Lamberto ed il padre ufficiale Lamberto e le lettere alla nonna Anna Filippo e la reazione all'ingiustizia Filippo racconta la Fame La stanza di Filippo Filippo Bottaccioli was born in 1895 into a very poor family, sharecroppers in San Benedetto. Last alive of 7 brothers and 3 others died shortly after birth. He went to France in 1914 in search of work but returned in 1915 for the call to arms. He was included in the Royal Army in the 15th Bersaglieri, 8th company. From there he wrote to his future wife Elvira Floridi. The postcards he sent from the front had a space to write a message, while those of the Habsburg Empire, multi-ethnic and multilingual, only had space for the name and surname with writings printed in more than 10 languages to greet loved ones. Elvira Floridi and some postcards sent by Filippo. Filippo wrote to Elvira in the space subjected to "military censorship", and then in agreement with her, words of love in the space under the stamp. Stamps that have all been detached. A form of communication to overcome the "moral censorship" of the time. In a rediscovered audio, recorded on an old cassette, Filippo, known as Pippo, told his story participation to the "great war" and his imprisonment. The audio was recorded in 1983 by Lamberto Beatini , Filippo's son-in-law having married his daughter, Isotta. In the recording, in addition to Isotta, also his consu-in-law Giannina, married to Orlando (Guido) Medici , one of Niccone's "stonecutters". Giannina used "you" to refer to Philip. During the first part of the conflict his health conditions made him unable to military activities for 13 months, he remained in the rear in Bologna due to the famous "flat feet", a feature that prevented him from being able to march quickly. With the continuation of the difficult conflict, however, he was judged completely skilled and sent to the trenches. It was the moment of the effort for the conquest of Gorizia, the sixth battle of the Isonzo. He was wounded in the foot in Doberdò on 08/16/1916. Da Bologna al ferimento a Doberdò 00:00 / 02:30 I remain little, therefore, in trench warfare; he was hospitalized and operated on with a 45-day convalescence. The story then becomes confused, subsequently he was captured near Udine and we are convinced that it was in the period of the defeat of Caporetto, in fact in the recording we hear "that arrived revolution ”which certainly alludes to the defeat and the chaos that followed, subsequently defines it as a“ great encirclement ”. Dalla ferita all'ospedale 45 giorni 00:00 / 02:55 This was followed by imprisonment in Austria, Poland, Germany, between France and Belgium at the time of the "Spanish", then between March / August 1918, and then again in Poland with the worsening of the conflict for the central empires. Da Udine alla Polonia 00:00 / 01:49 What we do know is that he was employed at one point as a railway worker on the line from where he fired the great German cannon at Paris. In fact, the prisoners were taken to concentration and labor camps both in the areas of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and in the areas of the front in the hands of the central empires, such as between northern France and Belgium as happened to Philip. This is due to the forced labor of prisoners functional to war strategies. In the case of Bottaccioli he was taken to the north of France or south of Belgium to work on the railway that allowed the cannonade of Paris: the “Parisgeschütz” . From Wikipedia in French a representation of the effectiveness of Parisgeschütz. The Kaiser Wilhelm Geschütz, or the Kaiser Wilhelm cannon was a weapon that was used for mainly psychological purposes, to hit the enemy's capital. It fired from a great distance, at night, from the St. Gobain forest area. Dal cannone alle bastonate 00:00 / 02:19 Lamberto tried to help the story of Philip, who was suffering and was 89 years old, but also fits in with his memories. He told some facts about his father, Antonio Beatini, always involved in the "great war": war and personal stories. The hunger he suffered only once, when as sergeant major he captured 12 "Austrian" prisoners and gave them the Italian lunch to feed them; but also a memory that became familiar: his father, in fact, was writing correspondence for a friend of the same department, whose name we do not know, who could not write. Lamberto racconta la "fame" del padre An 00:00 / 00:30 He was in love with Anna Gregori and Antonio wrote letters to this girl for him. They were hit by an avalanche and the other died. Back after the war Antonio Beatini married in second marriage, Anna Gregori ... the mother of Lamberto; there his first wife, in fact, had died away from him during the conflict. Anna Gregori Lamberto racconta della nonna Anna 00:00 / 00:42 Returning to Philip of the imprisonment he told the hunger, which we will talk about below, and the severity of the jailers, the better the "Bulgarians" the worse the "Germans" even if for one of them who hit him with sticks, and Philip reacted by hitting him with a mess tin, reports in dialect an illuminating phrase "he was more nervous than cativo". La prigionia, la reazione... la tazza di 00:00 / 02:43 They weren't the extermination camps that will be seen 30 years later, here people were actually dying of hunger and disease. It is thought that of the 600,000 Italian prisoners, 1 out of 6 died in that period in various concentration camps and while traveling. The difficulties of a conflict that became "total war" and economic not only changed the battlefield and gave birth to the "trenches" but subjects the economies of the countries involved to an exceptional effort. Germany and the Austrian Empire did not even manage to feed their own population in the continuation of the war. For prisoners, hunger is therefore a daily reality. Thus the Central Empires will ask the Countries of the Entente to contribute to the survival of their military with military aid. France and England will accept while the Kingdom of Italy will refuse. In fact, for Cadorna those who had already been captured were guilty of having been not very combative, and also, then, to avoid that the rumors of a "good" treatment of the enemy could influence those who were still fighting. A hundred thousand died ... A story of cowardice was also propagated which gave rise to a hostility towards these "cowards". The "hunger" was recurrent in the memories that Filippo even after a long time: elaborazione audio nonno pippo fame 00:00 / 00:20 His daughter Isotta wrote other memories on paper: “ And you told of your imprisonment, when hunger was daily bread. One day, a prisoner in Germany, when your stomach was being torn apart by excruciating bites, you set out in search of something to eat. You happened upon a compost heap and saw potato skins among the garbage. Regardless of the smell and the place, you collected them, washed them and after a quick boiling in a rusty jar, you devoured them and the hunger subsided for a while ". And again “You told us again, and always with great emotion, that freed from captivity, with one of your companions, you came across a tub full of barley. You had a backward hunger and you considered this a blessing. With your head bowed, you began to eat handfuls, filling your long-empty stomach. At some point your common sense told you to stop, because you knew that the cereal, softened by the gastric juices, would increase its volume and the stomach would suffer. You also advised his friend to stop but the poor man did not have the strength and during the night his stomach "cracked" and he died in excruciating pain ". Eventually he returned home albeit with frozen feet. Philip, known as "Pippo" was a simple man, but rational and intolerant of injustices. In 1966, by now in his seventies, he briefly wrote down his life in a diary that his daughter Isotta wrote down; here is a passage: “ Having some free time, I am going to tell you about my life. You will pity my ignorance because my school stopped in the first grade and a few months from the second evening. I was born in 1895 in S. Martino, near San Benedetto. I try to describe my home where I was born. A kitchen all black with soot. A large fire, a chamber. A grain-free barn. The Furniture: a small table, a very thick wooden table. No chairs at all, but two long oak benches instead of chairs. The room: two trestles with relative tables on which there were the mattresses. On the ground a tablet with a trap to kill ... what can you imagine. We had straw mattresses. A good thing was the wool coltrone. In the mattresses besides the straw there were also the maize leaves. In the kitchen, pots, pans, a few plates and glasses, forks and spoons. There were two large caissons. One box belonged to my mother who is still here in the house, the other has been destroyed. There were two looms for making the canvas. Some shoemaker and carpenter tools. I could write a lot, but it would take a writer and I know so little about it . ". Pippo Bottaccioli outside his house at the "Fontanelle". Photo of Niccone from the 60s where he lived for a long time. Poverty and the inability to study were his concern, the importance of culture was a requirement that became a value and pushed all his children to graduate and many of his grandchildren to graduate. A pride for him. From being the son of a sharecropper in San Benedetto, after the Great War he became a barber in Niccone. The twenty years and the second world war arrived that saw him anti-fascist and communist. He opened a wool shop right in the historic center of Umbertide. He died on June 14, 1985. Pippo Bottaccioli came back, he was lucky ... but many boys did not come out alive from the collective experience that was the "great war". For years, the historian of Città di Castello Alvaro Tacchini has reconstructed the human losses that our area of the Upper Tiber Valley suffered on his personal website www.storiatifernate.it . He also took care of taking a census of the 268 fallen of Umbertide. Thus he writes: " The list of names of the 268 fallen of Umbertide. Of them, 63 died of disease, 17 in captivity, 20 are missing ". We highly recommend that you read it. Inside the page you can see the day of death, the reason and the place of burial of each individual deceased. At the end of the page you can download an attachment with the same data but with some images of documents related to Pupils Ernesto Tullini, Domenico Caldari, Ciocchetti Olinto and Spinalbelli Achille. http://www.storiatifernate.it/pubblicazioni.php?&cat=48&subcat=104&group=234&id=374 Alternatively, you can search individually or by municipality from the site https://www.cadutigrandeguerra.it on the page https://www.cadutigrandeguerra.it/CercaNome.aspx. To find all the members of the Municipality it is enough indicate in the box "Comune in Albo", for example, the term ... Umbertide . https://www.cadutigrandeguerra.it/CercaNome.aspx The young Umbrians who died in the "great war" were, however, really many more, about 11,000. To be exact 10,934, of these almost a thousand died in captivity, exactly 964 people. At this link you can have news on the complete list of the Umbrian dead in the war: http://www.gualdograndeguerra.com/images/stories/pdf/prigionieri-umbri.pdf Image of Italian prisoners in Germany during the second world war. Notice the jailer's staff. Image from: https://www.raicultura.it/storia/articoli/2019/01/Lodissea-dei-prigionieri-094ea220-5eba-4b49-af34-3a64c831649d.html (photo 8) Sources: - Oral and written sources Isotta Bottaccioli - Audio cassette from 1983, Isotta Bottaccioli / Beatini archive - https://www.raicultura.it/storia/articoli/2019/01/Lodissea-dei-prigionieri-094ea220-5eba-4b49-af34-3a64c831649d.html - https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parisgesch%C3%BCtz - http://www.storiatifernate.it/allegati_prod/02-caduti-umbertide.pdf -http: //www.gualdograndeguerra.com/images/stories/pdf/prigionieri-umbri.pdf - https://www.lagrandeguerra.net/Presentazioni/Isonzo/isonzob.html - http://www.esercito.difesa.it/storia/pagine/f6-offensiva-isonzo.aspx - http://www.deportati.it/static/pdf/TR/2001/marzo/14-01%20marzo.pdf Photos and postcards: Isotta Bottaccioli / Beatini Archive Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com Da Bologna a Doberdò La ferita e l'ospedale Filippo La Prigionia da Udine alla Polonia Dal Parisgeschutz alle bastonate Lamberto ed il padre ufficiale Lamberto e le lettere alla nonna Anna Filippo e la reazione all'ingiustizia Filippo racconta la Fame La stanza di Filippo

FRATTA-UMBERTIDE OF THE 19TH CENTURY curated by Fabio Mariotti ADMINISTRATION, SAFETY AND ROADS The Public Administration At the beginning of the century we do not know the administrators of Fratta. The last meeting of the municipal council took place on December 3, 1799 and the next only on April 16, 1800. There was the indictment of the municipal councilors Giuseppe Savelli and Giambattista Burelli, accused of Jacobinism, but later reinstated in their office. On December 9, 1800, four new priors were elected for the first semester of 1801. In Fratta the population was divided into three different groups. About ten families belonged to the former; they are always the same surnames, the richest owners of houses and farms. A1 second belonged to the artists (craftsmen) and traders. The third, called the "destitute" or the "miserable", belonged to the others, the poor, non-taxable who had no possibility of participation. The elect found themselves having to face serious economic problems. Some foodstuffs and especially wheat were missing. At the beginning of January the municipal oven was in deficit and the municipality, left without money, asked the owners for the grain, each of whom would have had to pay a proportionate share to the extension of the land. Other problems caused the supply of wine to the community of Fratta. This was a genus of primary importance, second only to wheat. Income for the municipality derived from the tax on the cereals that had to be ground and on the distribution of salt. Other incomes were those of the slaughterhouse (which taxed the slaughter and sale of meat), the grocery store (which included fish and salami), the oil shop, the collection of wood from the bridge, the collection of the market stall (there was one person who collected the pen that the animals left in the markets and paid a tax to the municipality), of fishing on the Tiber, of the large steelyard (on weights and measures for large quantities), of the apparatus (in the sense of setting the table), of the hosts and innkeepers (it struck the hosts' ability to serve lunch to customers). In 1803 there was a decrease in revenues which fell to 290 scudi despite the introduction of a new tax, "of the four feet", on each quadrupedal animal that entered the village at the rate of 5 baiocchi for large animals and 1 baiocchi for small. The annual expenses of the municipality were those for the secretariat: wood for the stoves, two flasks of ink, sealing wax torches to put the seal of the municipality on the letters, bunches of quills and Palomba brand writing paper (it had in the visible watermark against the light a small palomba - trademark), headed paper that was printed in Città di Castello since there was not yet a typography in Umbertide. Some salaries paid by the municipality. The postmaster, post office manager (and letter dealer), one shield a month. The lords of magistrate received ten scudi per semester as an honorary salary. The secretary, Giovambattista Burelli, ten scudi per four months, while the (police) commissioner dr. Paolucci receives three scudi per quarter. The chamberlain (cashier) receives 18 Scudi a year paid in quarters. The agent of Rome (that is, one who resides in Rome carries out the affairs of the community in that city) receives seven or eight scudi a year depending on the amount of work. Then there are two country guards, Giambattista Fuochi and Silvestro Catalani: they take four scudi a month. Another concern for the municipality was that of unemployment. A timid attempt to tackle the problem was made when the casengoli (non-owners) made a request to obtain the post of bailiff. It took two a month, in turn. In 1825, the income was 2,200 scudi and the expenditure of 2,250. In 1826 the municipal secretary Giovambattista Burelli, feeling old and tired, asked to be "jubilated", that is, to retire after 43 years of continuous work. He says he would also accept a reduced pension as long as his son Ruggero is appointed in his place. The passage from father to son took place on April 9, 1928. When the caretaker of the town hall, Gaetano Martinelli, asked to retire. the municipal administration does not agree on the fact that he also works as a carpenter and the pension is not granted to him even if "for 40 years he has had the honor of serving this municipality" and because "although ahead of the age keeps you in good health ". In December 1843 all the municipal employees were reconfirmed for another two years: the secretary Ruggero Burelli, the doctor Dr. Paolo Bertanzi, the surgeon dr. Michele Belforti, the moderator of the clock Gaetano Gigli, the postman Nicola Castori, the defender of the poor Costantino Magi Spinetti, a family member Pietro Caracchini, the other family Costantino Beatini, the letter distributor Costantino Magi Spinetti, the meat maker Gioacchino Pucci , the caretaker of the town hall Marino Romitelli, the gravedigger for men Pietro Paolo Vico, the gravedigger for women Camilla Bartolini, the urban police clerk Domenico Porrini. There was indecision whether to reconfirm Camilla Bartolini, the gravedigger of women, because the parish priest Cecchetti had indicated that she only went to rich people and when it came to poor people for whom she was rewarded by the municipality "she refuses to do her duty". September 12, 1860, the day of the transit of the Piedmontese troops. the Frattigiani formed a provisional committee of four citizens: Costantino Magi Spinetti, Raffaele Santini, Giuseppe Agostini (acting prior) and Luigi Igi. On 14 September the Royal Commissioner arrived in Fratta and appointed the definitive municipal commission with the task of preparing the election of the council. The plebiscite for or against Vittorio Emanuele II took place on 4 and 5 November. Fratta and his supporters went to the polls with 2,946 registered on the lists; the voters were 2,568, with 2,565 yes and 1 no. On 11 November the new and first municipal council of the time was elected. In the following meeting on November 22, four councilors and two alternates were appointed, who formed the council: Luigi Santini, Mauro Mavarelli, Quintilio Magnanini and Count Gianantonio Ranieri. Alternates, Giovambattista Ticchioni and Paolo Paolucci, landowners from Fratta. Mayor was Dr. Mauro Mavarelli, directly appointed by the king of Italy. The municipal council of Fratta was made up of twenty councilors who had been elected taking into account the "census". Fratta in 1860 had ten thousand inhabitants and only 71 of these were called to the polls. From the year 1869 the city council increased from twenty to thirty members. In this year the electors were 181 at the administrative offices, against 71 in 1860. Around 1870 the financial situation was quite difficult. A tax on carriages was instituted (there were many around) which was joined by a tax on waiters and maids. In 1891, May 1st was mentioned for the first time as a workers' day. It is discussed in the council meeting of 30 April as, on this day, the honorable Grilli wants to remember 30 April 1849 and the defense of Rome against the French. At the end of his speech he sends "an affectionate greeting to those who tomorrow will affirm the rights of the workers, a prelude to the political renewal of the world". Public Safety At the beginning of the century we find ourselves under the government of the Imperial Regency of Perugia and the Austrian army, since the second half of 1799, had brought the papal state back to power, after the parenthesis of the Roman republic. The Restoration had found a people whom the principles of the French Revolution had awakened and now, more attentive, made itself heard. Bad times then for the standard bearer, Lorenzo Vibi. At carnival the people feel the need to have dance parties, but the gonfalonier sees this as a danger and forbids them. On 27 February 1800 he wrote to Perugia communicating that at the foot of the cross placed where the "infamous" tree of liberty was, they found a tricolor flag. In early July, the pope returns to Rome and appoints Msgr. Rivarola who had a very heavy hand towards Fratta in regulating public life. On November 25, a papal edict approved the expulsion of all merchants, artisans and anyone who had not been domiciled in the territory since before 1797, excluding the ecclesiastics of the convents and parishes, the doctors and public employees. In December there is the problem of the bandit Luigi Rossi, from Sorbello, who had formed a group of brigands and often worked also in Fratta, with robberies and stabbings. At the end of February the commissioner, given the times, asked Perugia to be able to set up a city troop. Rivarola accepts willingly, given the crime around. Small gangs that weren't afraid of "crassing" (ie armed robbery) even in broad daylight. Other interventions in the field of public safety occurred on the occasion of serious scandals that arose in Fratta because prohibited games were organized in a café during the day and at night "to the grave detriment of families and good social order". Rivarola also establishes that the Jews in Fratta, sellers of majolica, cease this trade: "Make them precept to leave immediately". On January 4, 1804, Rivarola again abolished the sale of wine in the theater, where entry is also forbidden for those carrying weapons or sticks. Despite this, on 1 March, during a show Giovambattista Franchi seriously stabbed a certain Antimi: the surgeon reported "the wounds being life-threatening". In 1809 an order arrives from Perugia which bans masks and on the occasion of the carnival also races, parties and any other show. On 7 August a great party was organized in Fratta on the occasion of the raising of the new French coat of arms. The military band of Perugia was called, the heads of the families were invited to illuminate the houses; the same was done for the town hall and the fortress with torches and lanterns. The papal police were quite organized: they had paid informants and people like Friar Pietro Scagnetti who did their unsolicited work. From his letters emerge the names of the Fratigans who leaned towards the republic: Luigi Santini, Domenico Pecchioli, Francesco Paolucci, Innocenzo Lazzarini and Agostino Cambiotti. A difficult life begins for these patriots of Fratta, watched and hunted down. In 1817 the papal carabinieri were stationed in Fratta, carrying out public security activities: the brigade is made up of a brigadier and seven carabinieri, who work on horseback. The barracks do not yet exist and they are housed in the house of a private individual, Domenico Porrini, to whom the municipality pays the rent. In addition to the carabinieri there is a "provincial troop" department. Two financial police, on the other hand, go around the municipality to prevent and stop smuggling but do not act in a completely irreproachable way if in the council meeting of 2 August 1817 it is spoken of negatively and with regret because during the markets they look for tips from the various landowners, they go to the houses of the peasants where they have lunch served without paying. On February 14, 1831 the papal government of Perugia falls. The insurrectionary movement ends on March 25th, the papal edict relating to the delivery of edged and firearms comes out on the 31st. On November 24, 1848 Pius IX fled from Rome and took refuge in Gaeta. On 9 February the Roman republic was proclaimed. There were also great celebrations in Fratta, with the raising of the tree of freedom. In this short period it is a flourishing of "Popular Cìrcoli", associations aimed at completing the new dimension of life long sought and for which many people had carried out their noblest activity. Head of Magistrate of Fratta in that republican period of 1849 was Luigi Santini, landowner, who then held the same office also in the years from 1854 to 1856, after the restoration. There was the ability of the Fratta magistrates of the time to ride any mount: we always find the same surnames in power, look a bit, and they were always landowners. After the siege of Rome by the French troops, on July 31, 1849 the power of the pope returned. There were a thousand problems after 1860, which the civic administration had to provide. The main one was public order, both internal and linked to organized crime in the province. In Fratta the body of the national guard made up of about one hundred soldiers had been reconstituted, suppressed in 1874. The first commander of this renewed national guard was Raffaele Santini. The protection of public morality was also part of public order. On October 17, 1861, the mayor wrote to the public security delegate about the "debauchery to which young women abandon themselves, especially of low conditions, many of whom are already relieved, and many others pregnant. It is not to reiterate their impudence; not having redness of wandering through the public squares and streets at midday, although they have reached the ninth month of pregnancy ... ". The mayor blames the parents, perhaps not considering that the "low condition" of the young girls, that is the miserable life they were forced to lead, was the main cause of their degradation. During the war 1860/1861 there were 24 young people from Fratta who went to fight volunteers among the Garibaldini. In 1866 there was a large group (54) that gathered around the Italian flag, especially in the body of the Garibaldini. On May 22, 1866 there was the departure. The women of the town wanted to give them a very fine, tricolor, silk flag (which the local society of veterans preserves) already used in 1849 in the Republican period, to which on the white side they added the words "Umbertidesi women to their volunteers. 1866" . Among the criminal episodes of 1882 stand out rural thefts, injuries, trading of false coins, insult to public officials, arrests of prostitutes, physical violence and rape. So our district prison had many inmates: in the fourth quarter of 1882 there were 36, for a stay of 344 people. In 1894, the police officer warned the mayor that there were Spanish scammers around. They extort money from people on market days by telling a story of a hidden treasure: it is located in a place known to people who are in Spain but you need money to get it. "Give the Mayor order to the municipal guards to monitor foreigners, especially on market and fair days". At that time there was only one guard in the town, Tommaso Tognaccini, and the head guard, Adamo Simonucci. Viability and communications Looking at the topographical map of the castle of Fratta, drawn by Don Bartolomeo Borghi in 1805, it is easy to see two appendages: one, the Borgo di Sopra along the directrix of the road to Montone, towards the north; the other towards the south, Borgo di Sotto, on the old road to Perugia. With the opening, in 1807, of the new bridge over the Reggia stream, which opened the access to the old castle from the east side towards the Collegiata, a certain development began along the road that led to the territory of Civitella Ranieri and which will later be called via delle Case Nuove (via Bremizia, then via Roma). However, it will be an area of civilian dwellings that will never, over the course of the century, shift the economic importance of the original north-south axis. On the west side, however, the route of the road to Città di Castello stretched, which was of some importance in inter-municipal trade. But it was a source of constant concern because, especially in the stretch below Montalto, it passed very close to the Tiber: in January 1802 a big flood "tore up the provincial road from Montalto", as the gonfalonier said when writing to Perugia for help. In Niccone, the road to Città di Castello underwent a branch towards the marquisate of Sorbello, in Tuscany, and assumed a certain importance also from the economic side, if only for the trade of chestnuts. Immediately after the bridge over the Tiber, instead, the road that led to the Badia di Camaldoli (Montecorona) opened. From here began the mule track towards Perugia which, climbing up to the houses of Ferranti, turned south-east, skirting the north base of Montacuto to descend towards the Nese. In 1814, the first year of the restoration, the municipal administration, although "provisional", took care to rearrange the streets and draw up rules for their maintenance. A first decision was taken in the council meeting of November 30, 1814: the prohibition to let pigs stop in herds on the embankments and gravel roads of the recently arranged roads and especially on the pavement adjacent to the Mavarelli house which was adjacent to the church of S. Erasmo (now Gnoni ), on the road from today's Piazza Marconi to the Collegiata. In 1819 there was discussion on emergency repairs to be made to some municipal roads: - for Montone, identical to today's route except for the first three hundred meters. - delle Case Nuove, which leads to Gubbio. From the beginning, it followed the still existing route. From today's pine forest, through the valley, it went up directly to the castle of Civitella. - that of "Molinello, which leads to Città di Castello by the shortest route". The roads of great communication outside Fratta had a dirt base and in the winter they deteriorated a lot: hence the constant thought for the municipality of having to grab the upper layer. Simple stones from the Tiber were used which some workers broke, one by one. with the hammer, sitting astride the mound that was forming. The first news concerning the maintenance of these streets dates back to 1832, when the city council, on February 1st, decided to "cross the market road from the Porta to the Fonte dei Cavalli" (today's stretch from Piazza Marconi to the beginning of Piazza Caduti of Labor); ... to cross the road of the Case Nuove (via Roma) at the bottom starting from the Collegiate church, ... the Molinello road .... And then the market road, starting from the door to the cross of the Observant Fathers. From this point up to the Rio ditch (on the border with Montone), starting from stretch to stretch where there is more need. In 1860 the road situation in our municipality was not the best. The construction of the roads was vitiated by the economy, the gravel was only done near the town, there were no bridges. The English tourist Adolfo Trollope describes an extremely uncomfortable situation. He tells us that he was not concerned only with the road, but also with those "filthy papal border offices", with insolent and servile commanders who first made the smargiassi, then let themselves be bribed. Trollope, going to Gubbio, tells what he saw from the window of the diligence. When he arrived at Fratta he asked about the state of the road to Gubbio and at the café in the square they replied that at a certain point, swampy, it would be necessary to "trapelo", the "stroppa 'of another beast. To improve the viability of the southern area of the country and the service of his farm in Montecorona, the Marquis Filippo Marignoli applied in 1878 to be able to build a wooden bridge over the Tiber river. On 27 October the prefect sent the authorization decree. But the bridge at that time and in that place was no longer built. The project was resumed in the 1920s and was then built in 1927 opposite the abbey of Montecorona. In 1899 the road to Badia was built, the first part of the connection between Umbertide and Ponte Nese, based on the current route. Also in 1899 the construction of the public gardens behind the Collegiate was completed, with the installation of seats which cost 126 lire in total. In 1890 the piazza del foro boario was arranged to make it more functional for the Wednesday beast market. In 1861 the telegraph service was opened. In 1886 the Central Apennine Railway was inaugurated. Sources: - Renato Codovini - "History of Umbertide - Vol. VII - Sec. XIX". Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2000 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2000. Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli, Walter Rondoni, Amedeo Massetti and Fabio Mariotti. 1905. The horse-drawn coach Città di Castello - Perugia (Photo Luigi Codovini) From the book "Umbertide in images - from '500 to the present day", edited by B. Porrozzi Pàrise, one of the last "ciaccabreccie" Old image of the Montecorona farm (Photo by the Pacifici family) 1890. The staff of the depot put on the Couillet locomotive (Tacchini Photo Library - Città di Castello) Cover of the Umbertide 2000 Calendar Mauro Mavarelli Il dominio francese a Fratta - I Parte Le attività economiche e produttive Amministrazione, sicurezza e viabilità Il dominio francese a Fratta - II Parte Popolazione, sanità e servizio postale L'istruzione, le associazioni e il tempo libero l Capitolati dei Servizi di posta e luce Il gioco del pallone e la grande festa per i 200 anni dell'assedio di Fratta I fratelli Martinelli "Fabbricatori d'organi alla Fratta di Perugia" La grande piena del torrente Reggia e del Tevere Amministrazione, sicurezza e viabilità Tronchi appoggiati ad un pilone del ponte dopo le piene. Nell''800 esisteva ancora la tassa per la raccolta delle legne del ponte. I fratelli Martinelli "Fabbricatori d'organi alla Fratta di Perugia" Il gioco del pallone e la grande festa per i 200 anni dell'assedio di Fratta L'istruzione, le associazioni e il tempo libero ECONOMIC AND PRODUCTION ACTIVITIES Agriculture From the statistics of 1870 it can be seen that Umbrian agriculture was, around those years, completely primitive. The activity of the peasants was the same as three centuries earlier, scarcely productive. The ratio of sown grain to harvested grain was 1 to 3 and the farming was mainly sheep. Among the few documents of the period, two inventories of the largest company of the time, that of the Camaldolese friars of Montecorona. They are from 1805 and 1832. The reading makes it clear that something important happened in the first half of the century. In 1805 we find the existence of 197 cattle, which implies a certain cereal production. In 1832, on the other hand, cattle were reduced to a dozen, indicating a cereal production reduced to almost zero; instead we find the existence of hundreds and hundreds of sheep and pigs, witnesses of a total change in agricultural management. If we consider that most of the arable land was, in the early years of the century, in the hands of ecclesiastical bodies and that in 1810 the French abolished all religious communities and confiscated their assets, it remains to think that the disruption suffered by that large company, which can be extended to other similar ones, at least as a consequence of the suppression. It also tells us that the long period of the papal restoration was unable to remedy that state of affairs. leaving the peasants to fend for themselves. With the beginning of the century, according to our municipal archive, we begin to cultivate tobacco. The first news dates back to May 10, 1802. It is a provision of the apostolic delegate of Perugia: he announces that the grower of this plant must let people know "in which land he wants to work it" and pay a tax called the "tobacco leaf" . We find another hint in the year 1814: a letter that the Maire di Fratta, Domenico Reggiani, writes to the provisional pontifical administration of Perugia to ask for authorization to grow tobacco even if it has a smaller area than the forty ares requested, otherwise " tobacco plants cannot be cultivated there in any way ". The request lets us understand that, most likely, in previous years, this cultivation had not started. Another new crop, perhaps started at the time, is that of the "ford" (herbaceous plant, about one meter high, with yellow flowers, from whose leaves a blue substance used in the art of dyeing is obtained) and Perugia recommends to begin by writing to the Maire on April 25, 1812 and giving him accurate instructions on the matter. The lands, worked by a family, are divided into farms consisting of three or four "rubbia" up to fifteen and sixteen. Each farm has a couple or two of working "cattle", one or two cows, about twenty sheep and twenty or thirty goats on the mountain and also a portion of four, six, eight "rubbia" of bitter scrub or cerquata to feed the pigs. Some of these are also kept in the farms on the floor, raising them with the acorns of the oaks scattered on the working grounds. The value of each farm is between five hundred and three thousand scudi. The fruitiness is deduced from the income from wheat, wine, oil, cattle, hemp. The remainder, that is, maize and legumes, is neglected because it serves the expenses of administration, reclamation and maintenance of the plantations and houses of the farm, rented, lease or colony. The land is worked with the plow and the pole. In the plain, the pole is used more than the plow. The spade is also used, but only for hemp fields and to "clean up" the ditches. On the mountains, the hoe is used when the ground is too steep and is not accessible to oxen with the plow. Renters have the freedom to stay wherever they want. The settlers cannot leave the farm without a cancellation made at least ten months before. For wheat seeds, the land is worked three or four times; at the end of winter corn and legumes are planted in the fallow fields. In September, two more interventions are made, then the wheat is sown by covering it with earth with hoes or rakes. Fertilizers are the excrements of livestock mixed with straw and soaked mulches, previously used as bedding for animals. The best excrements are those of sheep, oxen and beasts of burden. From the 1818 census: - cow or pony cattle ......... heads 1,820 - pigs, sheep and goats ...... ... ......... heads 22,160 - cadastral value of the territory ......... 600,000 scudi The totals include the Preggio rates. Another very detailed statistic is found in the year 1826. It provides the quantities produced, consumed, prices, exports and, above all, gives a list of the most common kinds: wheat, maize, spelled, broad beans, beans , chickpeas and cicerchie, lentils, barley, fodder and oats, rice, lupins, potatoes, chestnuts, oil, hay, wool, linen, hemp, silk in cocoons, wine, raw honey, different fruit. Animals: oxen, cows, calves, mules and donkeys, black animals (pigs), sheep and lambs, goats and castrates. At the beginning of June 1837 there was a danger that there was no grain and the gonfalonier asked the "best landowners in the country" for their contribution. The richest owners were Giambattista Gnoni, Domenico Mavarelli, Giovanni Vibi. Giuseppe Rampagni, Giuseppe Ferranti, Giovanni Giovannoni. Francesco Crosti, Luigi Santini, Francesco Santini, Lorenzo Casilli, Domenico Giulianelli, Andrea Ticchioni, Agostino Bettoni, Sebastiano Bebi, Dionisio Squartini. The grape production (160 vines are planted every 100 meters) also had its weak point in the early harvest, against which so much was done in the century. Since 1860, however, grapes have enjoyed greater protection, thanks to the use of an anti-fungal powder to be given to the vines. The advertising of the time advertised it at a miracle level, it was sold by a company in Milan, it costs twenty lire per quintal, like a quintal of soft wheat. At the end of the Sixties, mulberry trees continued to be planted for the leaves, requested by the producers of silkworms. The industry At the beginning of the century, the activity aimed at the transformation of goods, which goes by the name of industry, has an artisan consistency. The work is carried out by hinging on the family unit, helped by a maximum of two or three servants or workers. We have documents of some factories only after 1820, concerning exclusively the milling art. The craftsmanship existing in Fratta in this period were also those of the potters, the kilnsmen, the blacksmiths. There were three different kinds: the blacksmith who had the shop and carried out large hardware works; the magnano, who has a workshop but carries out small jobs such as keys, locks, gàngheni - then called scàncani - catorci, skewers; the marshal wanders around the countryside with his tools, performs blacksmith work, like the magnan, and puts irons on the hooves of the beasts. Kilns and potters had their workshops in Borgo di Sopra; the blacksmiths in the Borgo di Sotto (piazza San Francesco). Of the nine existing mills in the municipality, only two were in the town: one almost close to the castle walls, in the Molinaccio area, along the banks of the Tiber; another about one kilometer away, in the locality of "il Molinello". They were both owned by Agostino Cambiotti. Another production of medium importance was that of the two or three brick kilns. In Santa Maria there was one until a few years ago and it carried out a fair amount of work. The kilns manufacture classic items such as bricks, roof tiles, bent tiles and tiles. Lime worked and, above all, many kinds of those "framed" bricks with which they used to make the finishing lines of the more modest houses. A various pottery factory was managed by Serafino Martinelli, who we find since 1802, but his is the oldest family of potters in Fratta, dating back to the 15th century. In the iron working sector the activity of the Gigli family continues, while we find for the first time the name of the Mazzanti that will continue until the 1930s. The first statistic on the industries of Fratta, commissioned by the government authority of Perugia, dates back to 1827. Manufacture of woolen drapes There is no regular manufacture of woolen drapes in this Commune; twill and mezzolane are worked only by various weavers; some of which are for their own use and some they sell to farmers, at fairs and markets. Factory of earthen vases by Girolamo Chimenti Three men and two boys work there. Each man takes 14 and a half baiocchi a day. Baiocchi boys 4 a day. They are paid per day and sometimes even per week. Quarry earth, river earth and burnt lead are used. Factory of earthen vases by Serafino Martinelli It employs 6 men who take fifteen baiocchi a day. It employs 3 guys who take baiocchi 4. Luigi Cerulli's bone comb factory They employ two men, one takes 30 baiocchi a day; the other baiocchi 10. They employ a boy who is given a shield a year. Production: combs to "clean" the head, 6.650 pieces; women's fashion combs, 70 pieces; hairdressing combs, 300 pieces. Total 7,050 combs. They are sold in nearby towns and "exported" to Romagna. Luigi Santini silk factory It takes two men who take 15 baiocchi a day; then there are 12 women paid the teachers baiocchi 22 a day and the other baiocchi 15 a day. They work 4,000 pounds of cocoons a year, all bought in the town of Fratta. They produce silk of excellent quality, which goes by the name of Fossombrone silk. Antonio Igi silk factory Only one man and eight women work there. It buys 2,000 pounds of cocoons and produces organzine silk for 166 pounds a year, for an amount of 415 scudi a year. Hat factory by Mattia Codovini It employs three men who take one baiocchi 25 the day, another two baiocchi 18 the day; the two women baiocchi 12 a day and two boys who take mediocre food shopping. We use local sheep's wool 1,500 pounds and n. 100 hare skins every year. 1,800 "ordinary" hats and 24 "fine" hats are produced. They "sell" in Perugia, Assisi and Città della Pieve. Starting from the 1940s there is news of the small family-run factory of the Martinelli brothers, which produced church organs, built in 1845. It was owned by Antonio and Francesco. In 1848 the papal government introduced the work book for young people, concerning all workers over fifteen years of age. Many families of Fratta, especially the Casenghi, were involved in the production of silk. The breeding of cocoons lasted until the 1930s, when artificial fibers did not make it uneconomical. In 1861 we find a list of the artisans as shown in the work books (established a few years earlier): potters 12, workers - potter boys 3, shoemakers 2, blacksmiths 7, carpenters 3, tailors 3, apprentices and young shop workers 8. The most important and consistent artisan category is always that of potters and kilnsmen. Statistics from 1871 tell us that in that year the workers in industry were ten per cent of the population throughout the province. In the Eighties (1800) we find a printing plant in Umbertide, owned by Agostini and Tommasi. A second statistic dates back to 1880: - Molino in Umbertide owned by Luigi Santini. It has three millstones, it is moved by water, it grinds grain, corn, olives eight months a year. - Molino known as "il Molinello" owned by Ciucci, in bankruptcy. It is one kilometer from Umbertide, it has three millstones, it is moved by water, it grinds grain eight months a year. corn and olives. - Molino known as "Vitelli" owned by the Marquis Rondinelli. four kilometers away from Umbertide. It has three millstones, it is moved by water, it mills seven months a year for lack of water. - Molino known as "di Casa Nuova" alla Badia, owned by Marignoli. It has five millstones and grinds cereals all year round. Molino inside the Badia owned by Marignoli. It has a single millstone and it grinds seven months a year due to lack of water. - Molino known as "dell'Assino" owned by Anacleto Natali. It is two kilometers from the town. It has three millstones and grinds all year round. - Molino di Pierantonio owned by Florenzi (the marquis, husband of Marianna Florenzi, from Ascagnano). It has two millstones. It grinds seven months a year. - Molino owned by Florenzi (other). It has two millstones. Seven months a year. - Molino di Paolo Sarti in Montecastelli. It is four kilometers from the town. It has two millstones, it grinds seven months a year, only cereals. - Molino della Serra. Property of the Ecclesiastical Fund. It is five kilometers from the town. It has three millstones. Grinds cereals all year round. All these mills grind 33,400 hectoliters of wheat flour, maize and a few cereals. The Commerce The main meeting point, on market and fair days, was the "cattle field" where the trading of working animals, cattle and others took place. The weekly Wednesday markets have started as early as the mid-16th century. The fairs, in Fratta, took place on 1 June, the eve of the feast of St. Erasmus, and on 6 and 7 September, the eve of the 8th anniversary, the feast of the Madonna. Fairs were held in Sorbello on June 20; in Reschio on 22 July (it was important for small animals); in Montalto on 11 July (renowned for its cattle). A place of trade was a place called since the fourteenth century, "the meadow of the municipality", the clearing at the end of the bridge over the Tiber (today the petrol station area) that reached the beginning of the road to Badia. This cattle market will still remain there until around 1818-1820, when, having enlarged the square, it moved under the Rocca, where it remained until about 1940. The change was made necessary to ensure the smoothness of traffic towards Tuscany and Città di Castello, which is in increasing development. The inland localities where the weekly market took place, for all other kinds, were the streets of the town and the square in front of the church of S. Erasmo called, since the 14th century, "il Mercatale". Other goods were sold in piazza S. Francesco, in the central square (piazza Matteotti) known as "the grain" and in some other street. However, they were places that were changed from time to time, depending on the contingent interests of the municipality and the demands of the population. In addition to cereals, it was possible to find products from the fields now no longer cultivated, such as flax and hemp which were used for linen; the canapone, used for large looms and ropes; ropes of all kinds, produced in the country; large quantities of earthenware pots and jugs (at that time there were no industries producing metal pans). At the beginning of the 1800s, the sale of edible oil varied in prices: eight baiocchi a pound for the poor and ten baiocchi for "the comfortable inhabitants". We do not know how this diversification was established, but it is certain that some control was implemented. It was established that there had to be two "oil shops", that this was "always clear, purged and that it did not smell", sold for two quattrini more than in Perugia. The outlets had to stay open for up to an hour at night. The trade in chestnuts was free since 1802, as well as in the grocery and slaughterhouses, but the provisions could vary from year to year. The sale of bread (the so-called "wheat spiano") was subject to a patent, that is, it was a sale controlled by the municipality, in its own oven, and concerned both the "pan venale", common, and the "white" one for a calming purpose , because it didn't cost too much, since it was the most popular kind. A certain regulation also concerned sheep meat, to be sold at the "slaughterhouse of low meat". Three pounds of baiocchi were sold, only from June to December, thus respecting the breeding period of the animal. The trade in rags and that fueled by the production of silkworms was widespread. These ate the leaf of the moors (mulberries) and therefore the relative traffic was developed in Fratta. Even the municipality, which owned several mulberry trees located under the castle walls, sold the leaves as a whole, with a public auction. The reception of foreigners was ensured by some inns which also had some rooms for the night. In 1810 one was held by Antonio Beacci, another by Carlo Tancredi. The best, however, seems to have been that of Pietro Romitelli who (when at the beginning of the century there was that great passage of soldiers) was able to give even fifteen people to sleep for whom even the restaurant service was open. From 1806 we find news of the postillion service, that is the bus service, for Perugia, which had to cross the Tiber at Ponte Pattoli. The postillion, also known as "the post office", was called Bernardino Lisi, made the trip twice a week with passengers, packages and correspondence. We find it in this work of his in 1809 and it is paid by the municipality with eight scudi a year, paid in quarters. In the pacts he is obliged to bring free the box with the money that the municipality paid to Perugia, as well as the letters and parcels of the community. In 1818, regulation of wholesale and retail trade was introduced. From 1824 the transport of goods was regulated with an accompanying document called the "circulation bill", issued by the customs of the city of departure and proving the payment of the duty. In 1834 we find the first news relating to the "dealer" of salts and tobaccos, then included among the "gifts" as a solid state monopoly. In Fratta the "drug dealer" was Giuseppe Perugini and his office depended on the administration of salts and tobaccos in Ancona. In this year another request is made for the opening of a second shop: from Ancona they ask for information from the prior of Fratta, Giovanbattista Gnoni, but he, who knows Perugini well, does not give the consent, because, he says in the answer, "you can not do a similar wrong to the drug dealer Mr. Perugini". During the weekly markets, street vendors put their stalls in the small central square and in the adjacent streets without respecting any order. This was the cause of continuous brawls over the precedence relative to the best position, for which, in the meeting of 21 August 1848, the municipal administration decided to remedy, establishing the places in the various squares of the country and making groupings according to the commodity nature of the products. in sale. Piazza S. Francesco for wheat, maize and legumes; piazza della Rocca for fresh and dried chestnuts and terracotta pots from abroad; shoes and hats in the most spacious points of the districts of Castel Nuovo (from Piaggiola to Piazza Marconi) and of Boccaiolo; vegetables, fruit, hemp, rope and ballottari stalls (roasted chestnuts sellers) in the clock square along the block, leaving the provincial road line free; the fresh and dry grass for the cattle in the square in front of the Giovannoni house (it was placed at the end of the descent that leads to Piazza S. Francesco; there is still a small part of it, but before the electric line railway it was larger) without stand in the way. Sea and lake fish in the old public slaughterhouse (at the beginning of the bridge over the Tiber and the bridge over the Reggia, to go to S. Francesco). The chickens and the eggs, as well as the haberdashery stalls in the usual places without innovation (internal road of the country). The ice, always sold during the century, was used in public places, but also in hospitals. Since there are still no refrigerators for its production (in Umbertide the first machine of this type arrives at the beginning of the 1900s), in winter they pressed the snow that fell into holes in the ground usually in the mountains. The ice was then brought to the village by carts, packed in small irregular blocks. In 1878 a vendor from Città di Castello offered to sell ice to Umbertide. There was no railroad yet, so he would have to travel all night to get there on time. He asked the municipality for a fee, but this was denied him. Sources: - Renato Codovini - "History of Umbertide - Vol. VII - Sec. XIX". Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2000 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2000. Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli, Walter Rondoni, Amedeo Massetti and Fabio Mariotti. Oxen on a farm (Photo Giulioni Alfiero) Heading 6 At work on tobacco (Photo Beppe Cecchetti) Agricultural workers with a spade (Photo Archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) 1894. Brand of the furnace located in the Santa Maria area (From the book "Umbertide in the images. From '500 to the present day - edited by Bruno Porrozzi). Aerial photo of the area where the Lido Tevere park is today. Until 1820 the cattle market was held in this area before it was moved under the Rocca 1872. Genesio Perugini. Project of the new covered cereal market in Piazza San Francesco (From the book "Umbertide in the images - from the 16th century to the present day" - edited by Bruno Porrozzi) Le attività economiche e produttive POPULATION, HEALTH AND POSTAL SERVICE The population At the beginning of the century Fratta was a small town which, between the central nucleus and the lower and upper villages, had about nine hundred inhabitants, divided into the parishes of S. Erasmo and S. Croce united (i.e. the two external villages) and that of S. Giovanni Battista, who was the Curator of the castle within the circle of the walls. At the turn of the century almost all people have a surname; probably only two or three out of a hundred did not and were called, as was the custom, with a nickname that usually referred to the patronymic, the place of origin, physical defects, qualities. Among the surnames that turn the seventeenth century and enter the 1800s we find Anticoli, Agostini, Bruni, Burelli, Bertanzi, Brischi, Ciceroni, Caneschi, Caracchini, Ciangottini, Cambiotti, Dell'Uomo, Franzi, Fornaci, Gigli, Igi, Manzini, Majoli , Mazzaforti, Martinelli, Mancini, Moriconi, Magnanini, Mavarelli, Mulinari, Magi Spinetti, Natali, Paolucci, Passalboni, Pucci, Perugini, Pasquali, Reggiani, Santini, Savelli, Scarpini, Scagnetti, Vespucci, Wagner. In the following decades it will go from nine hundred inhabitants to 1,100 / 1,200: these increases do not depend on a constant progression, but on random movements or on erroneous assessments linked to taxation or expense allocations. These are cases in which it sometimes happened that certain families of the center were not considered in the count, while families from the countryside could be included. In 1811 we find nine hundred inhabitants; in 1812 the Maire Magnanini says "about 1,000 inhabitants" and after a few days corrects to 790. In 1814 993 are registered, divided into 196 nuclei, with an average of five people per family. In 1833 we have a first "state of souls", a statistical survey wanted by the bishop, made by the parish priests house by house and therefore quite reliable. From this we learn that the inhabitants of the town are 825 gathered in 205 families, with an average of 4 people per family. Of these, 140 belong to the parish of S. Erasmo and S. Croce united and 65 families to that of S. Giovanni Battista. Another statistic relates to the confirmations that took place every three or four years, usually in the Collegiate Church. In the year 1848 the bishop of Gubbio, Msgr. Giuseppe dei conti Pecci, is to confirm 105 boys, 53 boys and 52 girls. Ten years later, in 1858, there will be 60 males and 62 females, the largest number of confirmations found in the middle of the century. As for the population, we must distinguish between the actual municipality and the augmented one of the appodiati. Finding the number of inhabitants is a bit complex. In fact, in the first years of the century we do not have Civitella Ranieri which belonged to Gubbio; then there is an exchange of villas (hamlets) with Città di Castello. In 1812, in the first months, we did not have Preggio, the subject of an exchange with Perugia, so these data refer to areas of our municipality that were different at various times and therefore impossible to compare. The data, however, tell us that in 1810 the municipality had 8,720 inhabitants; in 1812 there were 7,277 inhabitants in February, 8,630 in May and 7,480 in July. In 1818, 4,000 inhabitants were reported for the municipality and 9,000 for the Appodiati Preggio and Poggio Manente, thus bringing the total to 6,000 units. In the year 1833 we also have seventy farm units, in the two floors, above and below, while in the "state of souls" of 1860 we find that the farm units have risen to 95. Thus we arrive at the year 1860, when the period of the restoration ends and Fratta falls under the Piedmontese jurisdiction. It now has 1,300 inhabitants. Then there are the universities appodiate (hamlets), Preggio, Civitella Ranieri and Poggio Manente (the latter also included the villa of Pierantonio), where another 2,900 people lived, divided into 15 parishes. The total area of the municipality is 19,070 hectares, with a density of about one person for every two hectares. Of this population, the largest (eighty percent) is in the countryside, while twenty percent live in urban centers. This contrasts with the regional average which shows that the centralized population is 51 per cent, the scattered one (farmers) 49 per cent. From subsequent censuses, a slight increase in the population is noted. From 9,400 inhabitants in 1860 to 10,170 in 1861, gradually increasing until reaching 10,838 units in 1865 (with 1,615 families), 10,983 in 1871 and 11,537 in 1896. The average population per family is, around 1870, of 6.70. The numerical difference between the sexes is opposite to today: in 1861 there were 537 more males than females and the difference gradually diminishing until 1865, when men were 402 more than women. For the province, the 1871 census marks an increase in the population in urban centers and therefore, in parallel, a depopulation of the countryside, while in our municipality the growth in the first ten years (1861-1871) is proportionate, maintaining the ratio of one to four between town and countryside. As a consequence, the land / inhabitants ratio has now dropped, for Umbertide, to 1.73 hectares per inhabitant. It corresponds to an average of 57 inhabitants per square kilometer, slightly higher than the corresponding density of the region, which is 55 inhabitants, but lower than the density of the kingdom, 84 inhabitants per square kilometer. Further figures tell us that, in 1878, the inhabitants of the village alone were 2,396; in 1880, 2,500; in 1898 the whole municipality had 13,683 inhabitants. Since the peasants followed the tendency to leave the countryside, the country perhaps had little to offer due to a rather poor economy. Hence agriculture as the main activity, crafts and the tertiary sector of the country as secondary occupations. Healthcare At the beginning of the 1800s, Dr. Domenico Reggiani but, at the end of June, gives up because the municipality pays him with the "assigned" (it was a paper money issued by the French government since 1790, a kind of treasury bill, with a face value of one thousand francs, at the rate of five percent), while he would like to be paid in "singer" money. For this reason, on 1 July, a public announcement was issued by the municipality to fill the vacant position. The four competitors (doctors Rossi, Carleschi, Santicchi and Bacocchi) had the same number of votes from the city council, 14 in favor and six against, so a ballot had to be held which saw Dr. Rossi. However, he did not accept and everything remained on the shoulders of Dr. Giuseppe Magnanini, physician conducted in the countryside around the town, the Piano "di Sopra" and the "di Sotto". We find it up to 1808, reconfirmed several times, for periods of two or three years. Meanwhile, in 1801 there was talk of "bovine epizootic disease", an infectious disease that came from the Marche. In 1804 smallpox, an epidemic pathology that found a human tissue not equipped to withstand its violent attacks and an unprepared science, caused many victims, especially among the poorest. It is a continuous succession of diseases, "the hydrophobia of dogs" until 1808, the "schiavina dei lanuti" until 1811, a chasing and overlapping of the same that gave no breath and kept the population in agitation. In 1811 there was in Fratta, wanted by the French administration of Perugia, a free service for women in childbirth called the "Maternal Society". In 1812 anti-smallpox vaccinations had already begun, but their introduction was hardly accepted by the population, who, mostly destitute, wanted only the "doctor of the poor" at home, whose visits were free. But he too had difficulty in imposing the new techniques. In 1815 the doctor of Fratta was still dr. Giuseppe Magnanini, helped by Dr. Sensi, but the first to get on the alert is the veterinarian Pietro Crosti, sent to make inspections in the countryside for a new suspicion of an epidemic of black animals, that is, pigs. The following year (1816) also Magnanini and Sensi are called to perform extraordinary work as there is an awakening of common diseases such as "gastric and nervous fevers, petechial typhus and others". The municipality decides to make a poster to the public advising them to wash well and keep their hands clean. At the beginning of the spring of 1817, typhus raged throughout the province, especially in Perugia. In July there is still typhus in Fratta and only in September there will be a decrease in cases. Linked to the disease there is always another "evil" called hunger: in a year it reaps six people and probably, given the misinformation, they are not the only ones. Another headache is caused by "dog rage". There are many strays and the municipality notifies all barbers and shoemakers to keep a wooden bowl full of clean water outside their shop, to be changed every day, to quench these beasts (perhaps they thought it was linked to the lack of water. to drink). In 1820 Fratta's surgeon was Dr. Giuseppe Giannini, from Città di Castello. However, both he and the other doctors in Fratta were not satisfied either with the salary or with too much work; they preferred to visit the more wealthy patients and neglected the less well-off categories. In 1823 the surgeon who was conducted wrote to the municipality that he wanted to leave because he found "a more profitable business". To make him stay the Fratta magistrates increase his salary from eighty to one hundred scudi a year. The doctor conducted will increase from 120 to 150 scudi per year. In 1831 cholera arrived. In 1835, from Tuscany and the state of Urbino, it raged again, broke the sanitary cordon and reached Fratta where it raged until 1836. A new health commission was set up, chaired by Domenico Mavarelli, who went around the houses to check the existence of a "comfortable place" (ie the latrine) and if they had "the rinser". From a report by the town's doctors, dated 1849, it is known that the most common diseases were rheumatic and gastric; also diphtheria, diarrhea, inflammation. Cases of scarlet fever in children. Other people who worked in the health field were the pharmacists who made up the medicines sold. In 1860 the only pharmacy belonged to Domenico Mavarelli, landowner and owner of the palace formerly of the Marquis of Sorbello (town hall). The pharmacy was located in the square, in a room on the ground floor and was furnished in a very modest way. Dr. Pietro Chiocci. It will then be sold to the Congregation of Charity in the early 1900s (it will become the hospital's pharmacy). In our municipality there was also the "infamous" pharmacy of Montecorona, an old herbalist's shop wanted and managed by the Camaldolese friars. Its foundation dates back to several centuries earlier, but in the 19th century it also specialized in modern pharmacology. She was not conducted in a productive economy, as she sold at very low prices and gave free medicines to the poor. In 1872 it still existed, it was owned by the Marquis Marignoli, pharmacist Dr. Alessandro Burelli. Who obtained, on August 14, 1876, the authorization to open a fourth pharmacy in Umbertide (the third was in Preggio, opened in 1870) and that of Montecorona was left without a manager. In 1889 the figure of the health officer was established to better control the various hygiene and health activities. The first was Dr. Augusto Agostini. Infant mortality was very high. In 1870 357 children a year were born in our municipality, forty-two per cent died with peaks in July and August. But the most serious and ever present disease was pellagra, which affected farmers and was caused by the lack of vitamins in the corn they ate. In 1880 there were 576 patients with various pathologies in our country. Of these, 124 were the pellagrosi (42 men and 82 women), with an incidence therefore of twenty-one percent. The municipality of Umbertide spent sixty lire a year in the hospital for the treatment of the disease. Other hygiene rules were needed after 1860 to eliminate the ancient custom of throwing dirty water and more out of the windows. The habit turns out to be hard to die and for many years there are fines, even to the many people found "to get rid of their needs in the lawn behind the Collegiate", which seemed to be their favorite place. On May 20, 1872, the new urban police and public hygiene regulations were issued. The rules on public slaughter date back to 14 December 1877; to May 1899 those on the mortuary service. The art. 61 of the seventh chapter explains to us that the "vespillone" receives the wages from the non-poor families of the deceased and has these obligations: to wash and dress and arrange the corpses in the houses; transport the corpses from the morgue to the burial site with the help of the burrower. In the first decades of the 19th century there was still the custom of transporting corpses from the house to the church where they were buried on a "bier", something between the bed and the stretcher, made of wood, fringed in black, brought to shoulders. The dead man was wrapped in a sheet and the funeral blanket spread over it all: in short, an "open air" funeral. Smallpox vaccinations From 1861 onwards, vaccinations against smallpox were done every year and were mandatory both in Umbertide and in the appodiated territories (1). However, it was only a formal obligation that families did not respect due to a leathery mistrust of everything that science suggested which, in the fight against the prejudices of ignorance, ended up having the worst. Furthermore, the vaccine (the "pus") sent from Perugia was scarce and in those few cases in which the doctors were able to be persuasive, its lack did not allow to cover the needs. At that time it was not the children who were taken to the doctor, but it was the doctor who went from house to house to carry out the task of vaccinations. This system offered more guarantees from the point of view of a possible persuasion of families, but created a considerable waste of time and energy, given the conditions of the means of transport of the time. The biggest battle against smallpox, after the search for the vaccine, was therefore that against prejudice, at least in our countryside. In this regard, a short letter that the Banchetti doctor, Francesco Pieroni, wrote to the doctor Casali in the early months of 1863 is eloquent: “… the number of vaccinated people is zero. No matter how much care I have made to bring their children to me to be vaccinated, no one has responded to my care. They are waiting for smallpox to come, rather than being vaccinated ”. Not everywhere the same things happened. In Preggio in 1864, the doctor Tommaso Paci reported having vaccinated only sixteen subjects and no more for lack of the “Pus Vaccino”. In the center of Umbertide, the following year, there were only twenty-five vaccinations and it is difficult to establish whether such a small number depended on people's distrust or the insufficiency of the vaccine. In 1874 there was a major resurgence of smallpox which affected 54 people in Umbertide alone and 13 of them died. In the following year the epidemic became even more raging and in the first half of the year the sick were 40 with 5 deaths. The strangest thing is that in the same period the provincial health authorities announced the definitive disappearance of the disease which instead continued to claim victims even in the second half of the year. Smallpox continued to scare the population and since 1876 vaccinations were done twice a year, in spring and autumn. Not only that, but through official notices which consisted in the announcement made by the parish priests in their churches, people were made to flock to special rooms, saving the doctors the trouble of going house to house. In Umbertide an environment on the ground floor of the former Convent of San Francesco was used, while in the appodiated territories (1) makeshift haunts were used, such as at the Mita where people gathered at the tavern. NOTE (1) Fraction of the municipal territory (belonging to a village) governed by a local prior, or by a mayor, who enjoyed some small autonomies. SOURCES: "Umbertide in the XIX century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide - December 2001 The postal service and transport In the early years of the century Fratta had neither a post office nor an autonomous mail service for Perugia. In 1814, after the restoration, we know that he used the postman of Città di Castello because the latter, to go to Perugia, was necessarily passing through and therefore collected both the post and any other packages and parcels that Fratta sent to that city. In the council meeting of 22 December 1814, the 1st pontifical provisional administration of the community of Fratta, considering that the time of the passage of the postman of Città di Castello was not convenient for the population, it determined that from 1 January 1815 the eighteen annual scudi paid for the service sent to the postman elected by the community of Montone on a monthly basis. Which would have passed at a more suitable time, bringing the "bolzetta" of letters to Perugia. Nicola Castori was appointed. Now Fratta had a post office: the director (and also the only employee) was Vincenzo Scarpini. The latter, called "letter distributor" or "letter dealer", was the owner and manager of a spice shop located in via Diritta (via Cibo). In the back of the shop he kept correspondence from and to. In 1816 Scarpini was confirmed in his post as a distributor of letters for another two years, with a salary of twelve scudi a year paid every month. In 1820 the post office in Fratta was considered second class and the municipality asked the government of Rome to pass first, citing various reasons. That Fratta was the capital of the government with 10,500 inhabitants; it includes several appodiati castles (hamlets); the capital alone has 6,500 inhabitants (considering the peasants of the Piano di Sopra and Piano di Sotto); trade flourishes there, there are livestock fairs throughout the year, weekly markets; it has shops of various kinds, factories and two silk spinning mills; it has a school of public education with five teachers. However, the request was answered in the negative on 23 August 1820. In this year we know that the post office is always in the back of Scarpini's shop, but the appodiate also come to post and collect the correspondence. The community of Pietralunga does the same. The letters were put in a special hole, outside the door of the shop, and went to fall into a closed box. They were then sorted in the back, which had a wooden gate on the door leading to the shop so that "no disturbances or irregularities can happen". The postman, or “procaccia” was always Nicola Castori (from Montone) and he went to Perugia twice a week. Since there were no stamps yet, the person who received the letters paid for the service. In 1822 the postman Castori was confirmed for another two years, but on the occasion the governor judged it improper that Fratta "has his postman separated from that of the Municipality of Montone and not a single individual serving both municipalities". letter distributor, Vincenzo Scarpini, finds himself in economic difficulties and therefore the municipality, which had never paid him anything for the rent of the room where he kept his correspondence, decides to give him a shield a year for the future rent and also 22 scudi of arrears. In 1824 the postman Castori asked for an increase because "he was obliged to go to Perugia twice a week, but from 1 April to this part, awaiting the new organization of the post, he was forced to stay a day off more in Perugia; by producing this retention a greater expense to the same, he begs for a suitable increase ... "Thus an increase of six scudi a year was approved. In December 1824 the distributor of letters Vincenzo Scarpini died and in the meeting of 4 January 1825 Procolo Reggiani was called to replace him, while the postman Castori was reconfirmed. But Reggiani after a few days refused this appointment and on 25 February Costantino Magi Spinetti was elected distributor of letters. The latter promises "to exercise with all the fidelity and accuracy that is required and in particular to be responsible not so much for the amount of letters and envelopes that are sent from the Directorate of Perugia, as for any sum that is entrusted to him to be franked; to the observance of all the laws and instructions that have been issued ...... And for the sake of the above, Mr. Francesco, son of the deceased Mr. Bonaventura Magi Spinetti, his parent, has access as his guarantor ... " . From Costantino Magi Spinetti is a letter from 1829 in which he asks for a salary increase. The news comes from the report of the council meeting of February 22, 1829, which speaks of a certain difficulty in the mail service as "with the increase in the population of the country, with the growth of the territory ... the tasks and hardships .. He therefore asks that the annual salary he receives should also increase in proportion, bringing it from scudi 12 to 18 per year ... ". Towards 1850 the passenger and freight service in the papal state was contracted out by Mr. Liborio Marignoli, "enterprising" of long-range races departing from Rome. The lines he managed were the Rome-Naples, Rome-Florence and Rome-Ferrara (via Terni, Spoleto, Foligno, Ancona, Rimini, Bologna). As for the small routes, however, each city or large town had its own diligence services which, with subsequent changes, could convey passengers and goods to the large communication lines managed by Marignoli. Which ceased its activity in 1865, when we find him marquis in the Montecorona estate he bought with the savings of that activity. The stagecoaches were known about the departure, not the arrival, since this was entrusted to providence. Sources: - Renato Codovini - "History of Umbertide - Vol. VII - Sec. XIX". Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2000 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2000. Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli, Walter Rondoni, Amedeo Massetti and Fabio Mariotti. Drawing by G. Rossi. Fratta in the mid 19th century One of the first images of the Umbertide hospital. Construction work began in 1858 Via Diritta (Food) at the end of the 19th century Horse-drawn coach (Photo Beppe Cecchetti) Popolazione, sanità e servizio postale EDUCATION, ASSOCIATIONS AND LEISURE TIME Public education At the beginning of the century they existed in Fratta la - School of reading, writing, numerical and grammar principles; - Lower class, unique (not better specified); - School of lower grammar and scientific concepts - School of higher grammar or humanity, eloquence and rhetoric; - School of philosophy and morals, school of theology. The boys who attended them in the early Sixties were very few (35/40) and the females were completely excluded. The "School of reading, writing, numerics and principles of grammar" most likely corresponded to elementary school. Two teachers, one lay and one ecclesiastical. The total number of students, in the early years of the century, was 18, 20 boys. It was accessed at the age of six. One of the two masters, in 1802, is Don Giovanni De Michelis. The school took place in a single room (it was a multi-class) of the town hall in Borgo di Castelnuovo (now via Cavour). The meager salary of the master was, in 1809, at the beginning of the French domination, of one hundred francs a year. From 1810 it was raised to twenty-five francs a month. Another similar school was in Preggio, in 1808: the teacher received eighty francs a year, but he was also given three rubbie of wheat, 14 barrels of wine and 60 pounds of oil. The "School of Lower Grammar and Scientific Notions" also had arithmetic and, in the second class, rhetoric as a subject of instruction. Two clergymen taught there. In 1814 Bonaventura Spinetti, Massimiliano Paolucci, Domenico Martinelli, Pietro Spinetti, Ferdinando Martinelli attended the first class. The "school of higher grammar or humanity, rhetoric and eloquence" also had geometry, history and geography as subjects of instruction. It is known from December 4, 1800, when Don Pietro Testi was confirmed as a teacher. The "School of Philosophy and Morals and School of Theology" was called "superior" and was attended by barely two or three pupils. While the elementary and grammar schools were located in a room in the town hall, there was no classroom available for this school and the teachers were forced to take lessons in their own homes. In 1812 the French administration introduced the Colleges of Public Education in all the municipalities. But the premises for the headquarters were not found in Fratta. Every morning the pupils had to gather for mass. On Saturday afternoon, in the lower schools there was "The exercise of the doctrine" after which everyone gathered in the church to recite the litanies of Mary Most Holy. Four times a year "it will be the care of the masters that their pupils make confession and communion". The exams were public, but they were not used - as is the case today - to verify the student's preparation. Some children were questioned in only one subject and others, always of the same class, in another. A common element of this diversification: all passed the test in the best way and were also rewarded. In 1826 the school of philosophy and morals was inactive due to the lack of students. The boys take a stand because the friar who teaches you philosophy still has the habit of dictating his writings and these boys consider it an ancient and "Asian style" system. The protest of Fratisan students is a real strike, at a time when the meaning of the word was not yet known. In fact there is a motive and it involves everyone, there is the publicity of the motive as it makes everyone know that one does not go to school for that reason and there is (not negligible for the time) the acceptance of a possible severe reproach of the ecclesiastical authority who presided over the teaching. On June 15, 1830, a school for poor girls was established. Teachers are the sisters Sestilia and Marina Savelli. In December 1860 the elementary school was established in Montecastelli (seven, eight pupils); in 1861 he resumed teaching in Preggio which had had elementary school since the early years of the century (16 pupils). In 1868 this fraction will also have an elementary school for girls. In 1862 Pierantonio elementary schools opened, attended annually by 15 boys. After the unification of Italy, the elementary schools were in the town hall; the gymnasium was best placed in another room owned by the municipality and benefited from only one room. Then there were the private primary schools, nine in 1870, held by teachers even without a diploma but quite well prepared, who did school at their home. In 1865 the primary school was attended by about seventy children, but it was still a low number (the parents preferred to send their children to work). It was therefore thought to establish an evening school, which was part of the various efforts made by the government to combat illiteracy, but did not have the expected results. There had been 85 registrations, just 35 frequencies. The number of elementary school children grew as the years passed. In 1880 there were 100 boys and 110 girls, while the night school was reduced to 25 units and the following year it was suppressed. The country schools, all mixed, were in Banchetti. Gulets, Montacuto, Montecastelli, Montecorona, Niccone. Spedalicchio, Pierantonio and Preggio. In addition to elementary school there was also a gymnasium in Fratta, whose origins date back to the end of the 1700s. It was divided into three classes; ecclesiastics appointed by the bishop taught there but after 1860 it had alternate life as a result of the new type of education pursued by the government. In 1880 an agricultural school was established, divided into two years of teaching. It lasted until 1885. So in 1880 we have, apart from the secondary school, a complementary school that has only 15 students in total and an agricultural school that no longer had any. They tried to unify them without success due to the disagreements in the city council. In November 1884 a commission was appointed to study the situation of public education in Umbertide, formed by Antonio Gnoni, mayor of Città di Castello, ing. Cesare Mavarelli, Eng. Giuseppe Natali and Giunio Guardabassi. The commission made a report in the spring of 1885, delivered to the mayor. Subsidies to deserving children , the restoration of the gymnasium ("it does not bear real and practical fruit"), the complementary to elementary school ("the years ... that are spent in this school are perfectly lost") were excluded. The praise of the technical schools was then made and their establishment recommended starting with the first two years. The municipal council, in the session of 7 August 1885. approved the opening of the technical school "Giuseppe Mazzini` which, however, was abolished in 1892 by decree, without motivation, of the government commissioner who in that year was acting as mayor. In 1893 a school of "Arts and Crafts" was inaugurated, specializing in the trades of cabinetmaker, carpenter, stonemason, bricklayer, blacksmith, potter, suppressed in 1897 and replaced with the "Francesco Mavarelli Complementary School" (later Startup). Associations and institutions pawnshop It is the oldest of the charitable institutions, dating back to the 18th century. At the beginning of the 19th century it carried out its function as "Monte Frumentario" and is owned by the Confraternity of San Bernardino. At the beginning of the century it is located in the central square of the town, called "piazza del fiore" because its purpose is to store the grain of the brotherhood and that purchased in times of cash availability, and then resell it in times of greatest scarcity. In 1820, the "Monte Frumentario" changed headquarters and moved to three rooms in the town hall in via di Castel Nuovo (now via Grilli). 1824 is an important year for this institution which partially changed its nature, transforming the grains of capital into cash. It became "Monte dei Pegni" (or Monte di Pietà) or "Monte Pecuniario" to give money to applicants on a "pledge" of greater value, with the obligation to return it or re-affirm it within the year, paying the interest of five per one hundred. In 1865 the Monte di Pietà is still operating, it has its own cash fund, available on loan, of L. 4,315.88 and a total capital of approximately L. 6,000. In this year five hundred citizens of Umbertide benefited from the Monte di Pietà. The Congregation of Charity In 1838 the charitable congregation was established in Fratta, wanted by the bishop of Gubbio, to raise funds to build the new hospital and to help the poorest in cases of absolute need. In 1861 it was absorbed into the new "Congregation of Charity". From 1883 she received an annual subsidy from the municipality of Umbertide of four hundred lire, which made it easier for her to carry out charitable works such as intervening in the costs of burying the poor in the country and, in the coldest winters, distributing them food. From 1896 the municipality gave it the property of the former convent of S. Maria. The Mutual Aid Society It was established in early December 1860. It aimed to defend the interests of the workers of the country, that is, the artisans and workers, and to buy low-cost foodstuffs. But the action of the association was also aimed at the problems of the less well-off classes, such as, for example, bearing the costs of the sick poor. The municipality, in 1863, decided to give her an annual grant of 25 lire for ten years. Mutuo Soccorso was also inserted in the life of the town with dance parties, musical performances and promoting the feast of 8 September to which it gave its contribution to a large extent. It was his initiative for a race of bicycles (those with the large front wheel and small rear wheel) and bicycles organized in 1889 to celebrate the 29th anniversary of the foundation. In 1896 he managed to create a consumer cooperative with a resale to the public of foodstuffs, including a butcher's shop. The Savings Bank In 1862 another private association was created, with certainly productivist but also indirectly social intentions, the Cassa dei Risparmi, which brought benefits for the local crafts and trade that were in those years looking for their own active position in the new economic context. . The promoting committee included Dr. Giuseppe Bertanzi, Dr. Mauro Mavarelli, Dr. Paolo Bertanzi and dr. Annibale Burelli. On 1 June 1862 there was a meeting of the shareholders for the inauguration of the Bank, invited by the promoter Dr. Giuseppe Savelli. There were 89 shareholders, each of whom had bought a share; the municipality had five. The presidents were Dr. Paolo Bertanzi and dr. Mauro Mavarelli; cashier, Santini; secretary, Burelli. In July 1885 it ceased its activity. He took it back as a Banca Popolare Cooperativa. In the summer of 1892 the activity ceased. We find it alive as a Banca di Umbertide, with a share capital of L. 60,000 and it still existed in 1905. The Society of Masons It was known in 1888 when, on June 16, he asked the mayor to rent a property in the former convent of S. Maria, specifying that it was the "fund where the municipality keeps dogs caught". It was therefore a real work cooperative among the bricklayers of the town, who came together to be able more easily to undertake work of great commitment that otherwise they would not have been able to carry out if isolated. It was probably the first cooperative of its kind in Umbertide. It broke up in 1898. The Society of Veterans from the Homeland Battles Traces of it are traced back to April 1883. It was administered by a board of directors and aimed to "tighten the harmony between the veterans and to unite and consolidate their forces for the benefit of the homeland so that it may be free, independent and united". In January 1884 he took the initiative to place a plaque to honor the memory of Giuseppe Garibaldi. He opens a subscription among the citizens and asks the municipality for financial help. However. due to internal disagreements, the Company decides to proceed with its own means and the plaque will be affixed in the atrium of the town hall on 1 June 1884. The Mazzini Club In the second half of the last century there was a great flourishing of political ideas which then resulted in the constitution of the various parties. After 1860 we find a "Circolo Mazzini" born for cultural purposes, but certainly with obvious political implications. In July 1877 he asked the Municipality for the council chamber for a meeting of the members, but the answer was negative. In 1899 the municipal guards office warned the mayor with a letter dated May 1st that "this night, by an unknown hand, the following sentences were written on the walls of this municipal building and in various points of Via Cibo," Viva il 1 ° May, down with the exploiters, down with the Public Security Delegate, long live the Workers ". The writings had been done with black perfume and water. Which was immediately washed by the municipal toilet brushes ». The Rowing Club Practice rowing on the Tiber. The means, however, was not the canoe but a simple, large boat with several oars, single or double. We have news of this in 1890, the year in which he asked the mayor for more space to be able to carry out the activity since the assigned stretch of about one hundred meters upstream of the bridge was decidedly insufficient. The Company therefore asks to be able to use the section from "Salce" to "Corbatto". The municipality refuses the concession because that piece was intended for "wetting women", so it could not be used by rowers "for reasons of decency". In 1893, the Company asked the mayor for the council chamber for a meeting, having to receive Tuoro's colleagues and compete together. The activity of this association lasted until about 1915 and probably ceased with the war. Shooting Shooting clubs had a great development in the last century. The date of its constitution is not known, but it was probably following the great activity carried out by the sister company in Perugia. The need to shoot at the target forced the municipality to build a small polygon equipped with everything needed. It was located along the current Via Roma, halfway to the Pineta Ranieri, in the place and in the direction of today's Via Pachino. The Umbertide section also took part in regional competitions, usually in Perugia where in 1899 (September) the fifth national competition took place, in which, however, the Umbertide company did not participate as it had recently been dissolved. Music, theater and free time At the beginning of the 19th century the brotherhoods and the various congregations had a church as the seat of their activity. A chaplain, paid by them, celebrated the religious offices and taught music to some boys. Simple melodies accompanied the Frattigiani in the early years of the century. The strong personality of the great singer from Fratta, Domenico Bruni, changed a little the limited musical expressions of our people. In his country he performed applauded performances, he often found himself singing in church on major religious holidays, teaching music and singing to young people. At the beginning of the century the theater was on the first floor of the old town hall in piazza della Rocca. It was managed by an "Accademia dei Signori Riuniti", of which the municipality was a partner, which exhibited companies from outside. On the bill works of little artistic value, but understandable to an audience like that of Fratta. In addition to comedies, there were usually "farces", represented by young students from the village; the performances of jugglers from neighboring states; the game of bingo, practiced almost everywhere. Often some representations were denied by the ecclesiastical authority of Perugia. Others, for greater safety, were attended by four surveillance "militiamen". In 1802 there was a company of amateurs in Fratta, of which Giovan Battista Spinetti and Alessio Magnanini were animators. Various festivals took place in the village, linked to the Napoleonic celebrations at the beginning of the century. On October 4, 1809, the victory of Moscow was celebrated. Four days annually in which, during religious services, "sung in music" were performed, with the participation of orchestra professors from nearby cities. Then there was the procession, with the distribution of bread to the poor, lighting the town hall and the town houses with candles. In the evening, then, always fireworks, also called "rays", and some performances in the theater attended by the Maire (mayor). A peculiarity of these festivals was the giving to the poor "poultry as a cuccagna", a term that we meet for the first time in 1809 and makes us think of the game that has come down to us as a "greasy tree". In 1811, for the birth of Napoleon's son, a "carousel" was made using "two geese" and sand: probably the game of the "three jugs" which saw hanging three jars with water, sand and other things, which did not exclude. geese. A big party also took place on the occasion of the pope's return to Rome (May 29, 1814). Other sources of entertainment were the numerous village festivals and for the boys the game of ball, made of rubber and inflated with air. The first news dates back to 1819 and concerns the problems, the damages, the noises caused by the lack of a place to host it. The municipality will choose piazza San Francesco. Another pastime is that of the "tumbling", in need of a special road. The prior, in 1831, indicated for this game, "as for that of cheese", the road "called S. Maria", from the point called "le Fornaci" to the "Rio river". The great centenary party, held in 1844, coinciding with the 8th of September, is noteworthy. We wanted to recall the days in which the war "of the Grand Duke" made itself felt, also fought in our country in the autumn of 1644 between the army of Urban VIII (in the reign of which Fratta was included) and the coalition of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. Most of the expenses were borne by the brotherhoods and from 1 January deputies were formed with the task of raising funds. Invitations were printed to the owners to illuminate their houses with torches and on 6 September there was the raising of the flying balloon and a horse race in the straight section of the road to Città di Castello, immediately after the Tiber bridge. Wooden fences had to be built on the sides of the road to contain the crowds. On the other days there were fireworks bought in Città di Castello; they were a thousand "mortars", fired by the only expert Frattigiano, Pietro Barafano. The town was illuminated by Antonio Carotini, the street lights and the wind torches at the gates were left on for the whole night. There were many religious services and, for the first time, a service of the musical band. Musicians also came from S. Angelo in Vado, Città di Castello, Gubbio, Perugia and Foligno (they went to get them and brought them back in the carriage). Such manifestations were never repeated. The marching band was an entirely citizen ensemble. In 1849, a specification regulated the teacher's tasks, including the school of music for children "in order to take the youth out of idleness, the primary cause of every vice and to soften their soul". In 1852 the band was a non-religious but eminently civilized musical group. In 1871 a violin school was established, presided over and taught by the Umbertidese Francesco Agnolucci. He received a salary of ninety lire a month from the municipality. There were many feasts, linked to the calendar of religious celebrations. In February, S. Brigida, Candelora, Carnival; in May, S. Croce, Rogazioni (three days), S. Bernardino; in June, Trinity, Pentecost, S. Erasmus (two days); in July, S. Bonaventura; in August, Assumption; in September, Madonna (three days), S. Croce di Settembre, S. Tommaso da Villanova; in November, presentation of Mary; in December, Madonna and Christmas. The cost weighed on the brotherhoods that supplied the necessary starting from the wheat for the sweets which, a few days earlier, was brought to the mill. Once the flour was obtained, it was immediately thought of its transformation into loaves, to be distributed at the party, but they also made sweets, simple and appreciated: "ciaramicole", "tarantelle" of small format because each one had to be given one. They also made "pancasciati" (perhaps caciati bread?) And cheese cakes using quintals of flour and hundreds of eggs. The authorities (prior, public security delegate, etc.) enjoyed special treatment and had a separate table where they enjoyed sweets, but also chocolates and flasks of wine. In the evening there was always the shooting of the "mortars" and lighting of pinwheels. The main feast was that of 8 September, considered to thank the Madonna for the narrow escape from the war of 1644, when the sudden flood of the Tiber managed to stop the Tuscan army. There are many festivals in the countryside. Most went there on foot, some in two-wheeled carriages, others in large four-wheeled buggies pulled by a single horse, called "gardener". They had a tarp to protect from the sun and fringed arched sides. There was also a game of "hard-boiled eggs" or pigeon shooting or the "goose carousel". In the second half of the century the lyric spread. In 1871 the most demanding opera ever staged in Umbertide was staged: Verdi's "La Traviata". In 1878 a great singing personality emerges in Umbertide, the baritone Giulio Santini. In 1872 we have the first news about his artistic career: on 10 January he was hired in Fermo as the "first absolute baritone" and he was supposed to sing in all the carnival shows. In 1874 we find him in Borgo Sansepolcro: Francesco Panari and his companions, contractor of that theater, had signed the contract with the company. On December 3 he was called by the Teatro Nuovo in Florence, where he sang important musical works also in the Bellincioni hall. Leaving Florence, Santini went to Siena as the first baritone. In February 1879 he sang "Luisa Miller" by Giuseppe Verdi in Città di Castello, receiving a parchment of gratitude. Sources: - Renato Codovini - "History of Umbertide - Vol. VII - Sec. XIX". Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2000 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2000. Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli, Walter Rondoni, Amedeo Massetti and Fabio Mariotti. The "Regina Elena" kindergarten will be built in this space in 1905 and the elementary schools in 1914 (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) The cover and the first page of the Statute of 1893 Certificate of admission and diploma issued by Mutual Aid Society "G. Garibaldi" Image taken from the "Umbertide 2000 Calendar" Tumbling competition at the Abbey of Montecorona (Pacifici family photo) Image taken from the "Umbertide 2000 Calendar" THE BALL GAME AND THE GREAT 200TH ANNIVERSARY PARTY OF THE SIEGE OF FRATTA BY THE TUSCAN MILITIES The ball game The first news about this game dates back to 1819, but in the following years it was often talked about due to the inconveniences it caused. The game of ball required an available field to be played and at that time the only spaces available were the streets and squares of the town. It is easy to imagine the protests that were unleashed. The speech was also valid for the game of the ball which differed from the ball only for the weight, volume and age of those who played it, but practiced on the narrow streets of the town was equally a cause of noise and annoyance. When the Municipality realized that this game had become a recurring entertainment, it established that it should be practiced only in Piazza San Francesco, being the only one to offer a more adequate space. The current Piazza Matteotti in front of the Town Hall, in that period had a different structure and was much smaller, therefore completely unsuitable for playing football. The noise that ensued and the possible damage to the windows were more limited in the square of San Francesco, both for its urban conformation and for the fact that private homes and commercial activities were less numerous. To get an idea of what could have happened, we report a letter dated July 15, 1819 sent by the Gonfaloniere acting to the Commissioner of Public Safety: “I am in duty bound to make the V S. Ill.ma understand a fact with which I find my convenience and the representation of public authority infringed. Yesterday, towards the setting of the sun, I was watching the football match under the house of Mr. Santini in the company of various honest people. At this juncture I found myself present when Mr. Giuseppe Santini returned a ball that had entered his house, and I later heard the complaints made by the aforementioned Mr. Santini because such a ball was not wanted to be received, on the pretext of having been punched by him. . Knowing that the Gonfaloniere in charge of the police is absent, and in this case the police being entrusted to me also by virtue of the dispatch of the Apostolic Delegation dated 5 February 1819 n. 543, I took it upon myself to verify the fact, so that some inconvenience did not arise and taking the refused ball in hand, I carefully observed it if it had been in any way spoiled. To better examine it and get to know it, I took it to myself to the inflator and had it filled with air according to the art, I found that the balloon was intact and that it did not vent in any part. In the act that I was doing this operation in the hallway of Signor Cristiani's house, the cleaner Nicolò Fanfani entered and scolded the inflator Francesco Mazzanti for having received the ball. I then let him know that the balloon had been taken by me and I had ordered that it inflated to verify the truth of what he wanted to put on Mr. Santini and from the tone with which I spoke, I made it known that I was operating invested with that authority constituted by the law and by the Apostolic Delegation. Fanfani rashly answered me in these precise terms: "Who are you? You give me a mustache of C." I then, not wanting to alter with such a vile Person, considered myself the ball to present it to you, reserving the right to notify, as I do here, the recklessness of the aforementioned Fanfani, requesting that the bold Fanfani come to honor the authority I represented at the time. subjected to that punishment you deserve. I hope that this request of mine will be taken into consideration by VS Ill. But also in order not to oblige me to make equal representation to the police direction .. .... " Similar problems continued to happen even afterwards, as the numerous documents consulted tell us. A similar situation occurred, for example, in 1828 when the boys, to go and get the ball on the roof, went through the attics and damaged the building where the Monte di Pietà was located which was located in via di Castel Nuovo where 'were the schools and the Town Hall. As the years went by, in fact, the number of young players increased and the game of the ball also spread. The square of San Francesco was no longer sufficient for these needs and the boys had taken the will to play in via Dritta (1) or in via di Castel Nuovo. The Municipality no longer knew how to do it and on 11 April 1839 he wrote to the Apostolic Delegation asking him "to suggest how to provide for it, not without letting them know that the square of S. Francesco, intended for the game of football, could not at the same time serve also for that of the ball ". The solutions did not arrive and the situation worsened so much that the young football amateurs turned directly to the Governor on May 8, 1843 asking for "permission to play either in via Dritta or in via di Castel Nuovo" (1) , that is in those two streets where they played illegally every day. The Prior brought the problem to the City Council meeting on May 27 to resolve the issue and it was decided that there was no longer any reason to ban ball games in via di Castel Nuovo as the Municipality had moved for a year. in the new location (the current one) and the disturbance was irrelevant. In front of Castel Nuovo you could only play "gymnastic ball game" and not football, whose field was that of Piazza San Francesco. There was no lack of will to respond to the needs of young people. It was only very difficult to give it, as the provisions issued by the Apostolic Delegation on 9 July 1826 strictly forbade the game of ball in the provincial roads "and in other frequented places from which damage or disturbance to the inhabitants derives" and, therefore, to Fratta only Piazza San Francesco could serve as an approved field for such a sport. The provision of the Apostolic Delegation, issued at the provincial level, makes us understand that the game was spreading everywhere but the idea of equipping a special space in the vicinity of inhabited centers, specifically intended for this type of game, was still far from everyone's mind. . Note: 1. The via Dritta is today's via Cibo or “Corso”; the via di Castel Nuovo is today's via Grilli, from Piaggiola to piazza Marconi. The great celebration for the second centenary of the War of the Grand Duke of Tuscany Among the great festivals that were celebrated in the century there was also that of 1844, the anniversary of the second centenary of the "War of the Grand Duke", which also saw the village of Fratta heavily involved and which ended in the autumn of 1644 (1) . The celebrations took place from the 5th to the 8th of September in parallel with the traditional celebrations of Fratta, which that year ended up taking on a grandiose aspect. The local Confraternities, since the beginning of the year, had been busy to raise funds from the families of the town. Printed tickets were sent to the owners of the houses to illuminate their houses for the whole period of the festival and on 6 September a flying balloon was raised to the applause and admiration of the people. In the straight of the tifernate road, from the end of the bridge and towards the current sports field along the Tiber embankment, there was the race of the "loose horses". A large crowd was expected, as indeed it did, and a fence was built on either side of the road to contain people. Every evening, as night appeared, there was no lack of fireworks bought in Città di Castello. There were more than a thousand "mortars" and they were shot by the only expert Frattigiano, Pietro Barafano. The lights of the lanterns remained on for all three nights and the Town Hall and the town gates were illuminated with "wind torches". There was no shortage of theatrical performances and the Fratta Musical Band made its appearance, one of the first performances of which we have documented historical news. The religious ceremonies, very solemn, with players brought in from S. Angelo in Vado, Città di Castello, Perugia, Foligno and Gubbio, completed the setting of this majestic spectacle that was never repeated in such a grandiose form at Fratta. Note: 1. The war had broken out in 1641 for the possession of the Duchy of Castro, a town in Lazio on the border with Tuscany, located in the valley of the Olpeta stream, seat of a duchy that became a fief of the Farnese since 1538. Thanks to the concessions of the Pope Paolo III Farnese, Castro became the most important fief of the Papal State. When Urban VIII, of the Barberini family, ascended the papal throne in 1623, the clash between the rival families of the Farnese and Barberini families ended in a real war, with the Pope occupying the duchy of Castro militarily. Odoardo Farnese, the ousted duke, found his allies in the Republic of Venice, in the Duchy of Modena, in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany and in the political support of France, managing to win the "first war of Castro" which ended with the Peace of Ferrara in 1644 which sanctioned the restitution of the fief to the Farnese. It was this phase of the war that also involved the town of Fratta. Odoardo's successor, Ranuccio II, definitively lost power in 1649 following the "second Castro war" which broke out due to the killing of the Novara Barnabite Cristoforo Giorda, bishop of the city, of which Jacopo Gaufrido, prime minister of the city, was accused duke. Ranuccio II was quickly defeated and Castro was razed to the ground by order of Pope Innocent X. Its ruins are still visible today. (The complete account of this important page of history on umbertidestoria.net - section "History" - page "La Fratta del Seicento"). The old photos are from the historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide. Sources: "Umbertide in the XIX century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide, 2001 THE MARTINELLI BROTHERS "MANUFACTURERS OF ORGANS AT THE FRATTA DI PERUGIA " Mauro Ferrante From “Umbertide nel Secolo XIX” by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Attachment n.8 Between the first and second half of the nineteenth century the ancient Fratta of Perugia originated and developed in Umbertide, the organ factory of the brothers Francesco and Antonio Martinelli whose works, appreciable for the quality of the materials and for the valuable invoice, represent an important testimony of that particular historical period of Italian organ-building, an expression of the synthesis between neoclassicism and romantic renewal (1). Born in Fratta, in the parish of San Giovanni Battista, by Gaetano carpenter and Chiara Massi respectively on 16 September 1806 and 15 May 1811, first Francesco then his younger brother learned the art in the workshop of the well-known Perugian organ builder Angelo Morettini (2), located in via del Circo 44, in the Porta Eburnea area, in Perugia. In fact, at that address Francesco appears to be resident in 1828 and it is he himself who in 1831 carried out some carpentry work on the organ erected by his master, in the month of May of that year, right in Umbertide in the church of the Confraternity of Santa Croce (3). In the project for the organ of the cathedral of Città di Castello (Pg) of 20 December 1837, Antonio will define himself literally as "organ builder of Fratta, a pupil of the famous Morettini of Perugia". The exact time in which the Martinellis opened the Fratta shop is not known but, considering that Francesco was godfather of Vittoria, second daughter of Morettini born in December 1832, and that the first work of the Umbertide factory dates back to 1834, the separation from the master must have occurred around 1833 and, certainly, not without provoking the resentment of these who, in a letter of 1852 addressed to the municipality of Passignano sul Trasimeno, defined Francesco "a spoiler of Fratta, a carpenter in my shop" (4). Francesco, who remained celibate, continued to be part of Antonio's family unit, married to the Perugian Margherita Reggiani with whom he had an only son, Massimo, born on 12 March 1846, who, after the initial apprenticeship at the paternal shop, did not continue the organ building activity which ended with the death of the two founders on a date not yet known. Of their production, estimated perhaps altogether at around forty works spread mainly in Umbria and Marche, but also in Lazio and Tuscany, over thirty instruments are currently documented, most of which have survived, about twenty retain good original conditions and some have enjoyed historical restoration in recent years. After the op. I of 1834, destined for the church of Santa Croce dei Cavalieri in Santo Sepolcro in Perugia and today preserved in the parish church of San Feliciano di Magione (Pg), the oldest surviving attestations of the Martinelli's activity are found in the Marche region: in the church of San Sebastiano in San Sebastiano di Mondolfo (Ps) in fact exists, in excellent conservation conditions, the op. N of 1836 while the following year is the op. VII intended for the church of the Adoration of Jesi (An) and, without the date but probably dating back to that same year, is the instrument of the church of San Filippo in Sant'Angelo in Vado (Ps) which on the strip above the keyboard has a plate with the inscription “FF. MARTINELLI / ALLA / FRATTA DI PERUGIA / OPERA VIII ". The period of construction of the non-surviving instruments intended for unidentified churches of Castelfidardo (An), Gubbio (Pg) and Pietralunga (Pg) (5) should date back to the years 1837 and 1838, while op. XII of 1839, originally erected in the church of the Poor Clares monastery of Monte San Vito (An), it has been preserved since 1885 in the church of San Benedetto Abbot of Morro d'Alba (An). At the church of San Francesco in Narni (Tr) there is instead, much remodeled, an instrument of 1841 built for the cathedral of San Giovenale in the same city (6). The following year the Martinellis built the - new organ - which they then carried out maintenance from 1845 to 1863 - for another important Umbrian cathedral in Città di Castello (Pg), where they also restored the small positive of the Chapel of the Holy Sacrament. (7). Back in the Marches, in the same 1842 they erected the organ for the church of San Francesco in Mondavio (Ps), between 1842 and 1843 the one in the crypt of the church of Ss. Biagio and Romualdo in Fabriano (An) (8) and in 1844 the instrument for the cathedral of Pergola (Ps) which, on the foot of the main barrel of the façade, has the inscription engraved: “FF MARTINELLI / ALLA.FRATTA.DLPERUGIA./ OPERA XX / 1844” (9). The organ for the Lazio cathedral of Poggio Mirteto (Ri) dates back to 1847 and the following year was the one for the church of San Michele Arcangelo in Città di Castello. In those same years the Martinellis built a large two-keyboard instrument, commissioned by the Torlonia princes, for the church of Santa Maria in Aracoeli in Rome; the same Roman nobles had it restored between 1858 and 1867 by the organ builder Enrico Priori who also added a third keyboard with the accordion register and, after a further intervention by the Paoli organ builders of Campi Bisenzio (Fi), the organ it was sold to the parish of nearby Nemi (RM) (10). After having worked again in the Marche, where in the parish church of Sant'Egidio in Castignano (Ap) there is an instrument (perhaps coming from another building) which has a printed plate, applied to the bottom of the secret of the master wind chest, with the inscription : "FF. MARTINELLI / ORGAN MANUFACTURERS / ALLA FRATTA DI PERUGIA / 1849 ”(11), the organ builders of Umbertide completed in 1851 a second large organ, with two keyboards for the cathedral of San Rufino in Assisi (Pg) (12). Probably the instruments that can be observed today in the church of San Nicolò in Belfiore in Foligno (Pg) and, perhaps coming from the church of S. Damiano in Assisi, the one that since 1861 is located in the parish of Casalalta di Collazzone (Pg ), while the instrument preserved in the church of San Bartolomeo in Montefalco (Pg) dates back to 1854. The organ of the parish church of San Giovanni Battista in Sassocorvaro (Ps) dates back to 1856, where in the secretary of the master wind chest there is a printed and pen plate with the inscription: “FF. MARTINELLI / 1856 Fratta "; that of San Michele Arcangelo in Bolognola (Mc) dates back to 1858 and on the central barrel of the façade bears the inscription stamped: “BY CURATION OF D. FRANCESCO MAURIZI / I / FF. MARTINELLI / FECERO / 1858 "; between 1859 and 1860 the organ of the church of the Madonna dell'Oliveto in Passignano sul Trasimeno (Pg) was probably completed. In the request for authorization for expatriation sent on May 4, 1862 to the municipal authority (13), Antonio, after having mentioned an instrument placed the previous year in an unidentified location in Tuscany, declares that he has to go to Lazio to erect the organ of the cathedral of Sutri (Vt) and refers to the commission to build for the next 1863 the one for the collegiate church of Montone (Pg). A last dated work, dating back to 1866, is preserved in the Collegiate Church of Mercatello sul Metauro (Ps) and two other instruments, without the date and the work number, are still found in the Marche region: in the church of San Michele Arcangelo in Sorbolongo di Sant'Ippolito (Ps) and in the church of Santa Maria in Via a Camerino (MC) (14); according to the technical characteristics, the organ kept in the church of San Giovanni Battista in Roncitelli di Senigallia (An) is also attributed to the Martinelli brothers. In the province of Perugia there are further undated Martinellian works in the parish church of Preggio, coming from San Giovanni in Pantano and recently restored, in the church of San Giovanni Battista di Umbertide, of which only a few remains survive, in the church of Santo Spirito in Città di Castle and, of dubious attribution, in the cathedral of Città della Pieve. The last documented attestation of the Martinellis' organ-building activity concerns only Antonio who, in a letter dated 11 November 1883, proposes the purchase of an instrument of his own manufacture to the Compagnia del Ss. Crocifisso at the church of San Rocco in Sansepolcro ( Ar) at a price of 1,100 lire, a sum which was nevertheless considered too high for the Company's finances and therefore the deal was not followed up (15). Finally, in the church of S. Angelo Minore of the Confraternity of the Artieri in Cagli (Ps) there is an instrument by an unknown artist but purchased in Umbertide at the Martinelli workshop. In their works the Umbertidese organ builders basically re-propose unchanged, some technical and stylistic elements of the Morettinian organ whose aesthetics assimilate radically. The affinity, if not the identity, of some construction details is normally evident: from the single arrangement span with cusp with wings of the façade canes, with upper lip as a shield, to the manufacture of the keyboard, delimited by curvilinear modillions veneered in walnut and, in some cases, decorated with brass bas-reliefs; by the careful carpentry of the master wind-chest, always of the shooting type, to the invoice of the tie rods of the registers, to the turned wooden knob from characteristic elongated shape or, more rarely, interlocking throttle. The Martinellis generally manufacture small and medium-sized instruments on the basis of a Principal of 8 'and with a single keyboard (with the exception of the large double instruments from Rome and Assisi, the latter also equipped with a Principal of 16 'starting however from C,) of 50 keys covered in bone, or in boxwood, and ebony with smooth front and extension from C, to F, with first short octave and division between bass and sopranos "Spanish style" (ie from C, and C # 3, as in the first instruments of Morettini). The organs of Mercatello sul Metauro e some cathedrals of Assisi and Pergola have keyboards with the first octave extraordinarily chromatic, respectively of 58 (from C to A5) and 54 keys (from Do, to Fa,). The pedal board, of the lectern type with walnut frets, has the 12-note extension (from C, to Eb ,, with first short octave) than in larger instruments, is expanded to 17 (from C, to G # 2 with short octave) and is usually equipped with a double bass register with reeds of 16 'in fir wood painted red, sometimes with the Octava dei Bassi of 8 'doubling. The stuffing normally extends to the Vigesimanona, while in the instruments smaller is limited to the second vigesimas and rarely, if not in the organs of large proportions such as those of Narni, Città di Castello and Pergola, reaches the Trigesimasesta, or includes the Twelfth practiced by their master from Perugia. The Morettinian apprenticeship of the Umbertide organ builders is also evident from the composition of the concert registers: among the reeds they prefer those a short tuba like the Lira, also called Angelic Voice, of 16 'sopranos - with tubas conical in tin alloy, slightly tapered and with the edges closed at the top, placed on the façade or at the bottom of the wind chest - completed in the bass by the Bassoon, or Cello, 8 'with pyramidal tubes of wood or lead alloy with flattened corners at the top which, when placed on the façade, have a red varnish glaze red lead (16). In the great Assisi instrument there is a 16 'English Horn (17) (in the sopranos, with tubas in tin alloy composed of an inverted truncated conical section surmounted by a cylindrical section closed at the top, and an 8' sopranos oboe of similar shape (the cylindrical section is shorter and more open)). The 8 'tromboncini pipes, always arranged in front, have pyramidal tin tubas in the basses (similar to the Cello) and conical in the sopranos, while the 8' trumpet tubas, also made of tin and placed in front of the show, they are slightly flared conics at the top, like those of the trombette in octave, register of 4 'in the bass. The Fabriano instrument of 1843 presents an 8 'soprani violin with conical alloy tubas which, placed at the bottom of the wind chest in an expressive case that can be operated via a pedal, unequivocally betrays the descent, albeit indirect, of the authors of the Montecarottese school of Vici. Finally, the pedalboard, in the larger organs, has an 8 'register of trombones with pyramidal tubes in red painted wood of real height (as in the Assisi instrument, here called Bombardone) or made up of several truncated conical sections of tin. The following belong to the family of flutes: the original Corno dolce of 16 'sopranos (register that does not derive from the Morettinian inheritance) (18) with conical tubas of rather large cut, some partially covered at the top, placed at the bottom of the wind chest; the Flute Traversié (also called Flute Traverso or Traversiere) of 8 'sopranos with cylindrical pipes capped by an outer cap of lead trimmed with leather, the Flute in octave of 4', with the first octave derived from the Octave and with pipes capped up to Yes and the following cusps, sometimes limited to the sopranos register only and called Ottavino which in the organ of Sorbolongo di Sant'Ippolito, indicated with the French style Flasgiolé, has a particularly lively intonation thanks to the original presence in the pipes of two diametrically opposite; the 2, 2/3 'Quintet in sopranos with cusp-shaped pipes; the decimino of 1,3 / 5 'cylindrical sopranos and with measures from the Principal (19). The presence in Martinellian instruments of the human voice is also constant, the traditional swing register of 8 'sopranos, here with increasing tuning, while the 4' Violetta is rarer in the basses with narrow diameter pipes. Finally, the Umbrian organ builders equip their works with a wide range of accessories from the traditional Tiratutti del Ripieno with crank handle and acoustic drum on pedal board (20) to the more modern Bells (or Carillon), Grand case and Third hand (21). Mauro Ferrante , organ concert artist, organologist and composer born in 1956, is professor of composition at the “Gioacchino Rossini” Conservatory of Music in Pesaro. As Honorary Inspector of the Ministry for Cultural Heritage and Activities at the Superintendencies of Urbino and Bologna he is responsible for the study and protection of the Italian historical organs on which he has lectured and published various essays, including: The organs of Gaetano Callido in the Marche, The restoration of ancient organs in the Marche: criteria and methodology, Venetian organ builders in the Marche from the 16th to the 19th century, The organ of the convent of Beato Sante in Mombaroccio and the activity of Pietro Nacchini in the Marche, Notes on Cioccolani master organ builders by Cingoli. Note: 1. The biographical information in this contribution is taken from the unique and fundamental essay on the art of organ building in Umbertide by Renzo GIORGETTI, Organs and organ builders in Umbertide, in “studies and documentation. Umbrian magazine of musicology ", n.13 (December 1987), pp. 5-32. By the same author see also Umbrian cathedrals and their organs, ibidem n. 19 (December 1990) pp. 3 - 38 and the Catalog of organ builders active in Umbria, in the 5th “Città di Perugia” organ festival; Perugia 1989, pp. 23 - 41. Historical information and aesthetic considerations are also contained in the essay by Paolo PERETTI The Umbrian-Marche organ-building tradition in the 18th and 19th centuries Historical and critical notes, in “Historical Bulletin of the city of Foligno”, Vol. XIII Foligno 1989 , Fulginia Academy, pp. 83 - 120 2. Angelo Morettini had in turn been a pupil of the Marches organ builder Sebastiano Vici, the most authoritative of the organ-building school of Montecarotto (Ancona). 3. This is the op. 23 by Angelo Morettini commissioned by Ruggero Burelli. 4. See Marco VALENTINI, The main organ of S. Rufino in Assisi. Description and restoration, Quaderni dell'Accademia Properziana del Subasio (5), Assisi, 1998, p. 5. 5. See R. Giorgetti, Bodies and organ builders ... op. cit. pp. 7 - 8. 6. On March 22, 1840, the contract for the organ was stipulated for the sum of 480 scudi. The document is transcribed in R. Giorgetti, Umbrian cathedrals ..., op. cit. pp. 31 - 34 which also reports the news of the addition of the Campanelli register made in 1864 by the same Martinellis. 7. The contract of the organ of 9 May 184-0 is transcribed in R. Giorgetti, Organs e organari ..., op. cit. pp. 27 - 28. The instrument was paid for 500 scudi plus the materials of the old organ. 8. A printed plate with metal frame applied to the center of the strip above the keyboard bears the inscription: "FF Martinelli / 1843" while on the foot of the main barrel of the facade is engraved: "Gregorii XVI PM / in / Romualdum / Munifica Pietate / Hoc / A FF. MARTINELLI, Fractae fuit elaboratum / AD / 1842 ". 9. Transported around 1975 to the church of the Holy Crucifix of S. Lorenzo in Campo (Ps), the instrument was dismantled in 1999 and put aside. 10. See in this regard Alberto CAMETTI, Organs, organ builders and organists of the Senate and of the Roman People in Santa Maria in Aracoeli (1583 - 1848), in "Rivista Musicale Italiana", XXVI (1919) pp. 441 - 483 and Ferdinando DE ANGELIS, Organs and organists of Santa Maria in Aracoeli, Rome, Convent of S. Lorenzo in Panisperna, 1969. 11. The instrument was restored in 1994. 12. The contract for the organ for the sum of 620 scudi, dated June 16, 1848 is transcribed in R. Giorgetti, Organi e organari ..., op. cit., pp. 25 - 27. In 1996 the historical restoration of the instrument was completed. 13. See R. GIORGETTI, Bodies and organ builders ..., op. cit., pp. 17 - 18. 14. The authorship of both works is attested by printed labels with the inscription: “FF. MARTINELLI ". Sorbolongo's instrument presents the original material unaltered and in good conservation conditions; the one from Camerino, after a historical restoration completed in 1994, suffered minor damage following the earthquake of September 1997. 15. See R. GIORGETTI, Ancient organs in the churches of the Confraternities of Mercy in Tuscany, Florence 1994, Arti Grafiche Giorgi & Gambi, pp. 235 - 237. 16. Red saline lead oxide used for the preparation of anti-rust enamels and paints. 17. Originally also existing in the organ of Mercatello sul Metauro, later suppressed. 18. Observable in Castignano (here with the most acute pipes plugged), Mercatello sul Metauro and Passignano sul Trasimeno. 19. The same indicated by Morettini also with the curious name of Acciarini. 20. Controlled by the last key of the pedal board, the drum simultaneously activates a series of bass reeds causing a sound similar to that of the homonymous percussion instrument 21. Mechanical device that connects some keys with the analogues of the higher octave. Sources: “Umbertide nel Secolo XIX” by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide. 2001 THE GREAT FULL OF THE REGGIA STREAM AND THE TIBER A storm of unprecedented violence on 19 July 1800 caused the palace to overflow causing significant disasters. The first big problem occurred on its right bank, after the first bridge (such it was at that time, small, low and built in wood) that linked the market to the Collegiate. The strong current carried away the retaining wall that supported the embankment going up towards the Porta del Soccorso della Rocca, the one facing the market. Proceeding towards the mouth, after circumventing the base of the South East tower (after today's small iron railway bridge) the current had ripped up the wall of the left bank that sheltered the entire village of Santa Croce, and then devastated one of the supporting walls of the bridge along the road that led to San Francesco is relevant. The damage was significant and came to fall in a circumstance in which the Municipality did not even have the money to buy bread. The request for help from the Apostolic Delegate, although reluctantly knowing what kind of man Cardinal Rivarola was, was indispensable. The Priors, therefore, informed the Delegate, who promptly replied on 26 July suggesting that the Council be convened to examine what had happened and asking to be informed "... on the result, after which I will determine what will be more just and the way more suitable and cheaper for refurbishments ". Everything seemed to be going well and the Priors of Fratta commissioned, on 30 July, the master mason Pietro Gentili to carry out the appraisal. The technician made a detailed report on the extent of the excavation to connect the old part with the new works, to redo the arch in order to "accompany it with the other remaining portion"; estimated that 11,340 bricks would be needed to complete the work, including the reconstruction of the removed banks. The total expenditure would have been 742 scudi. The report was sent to Perugia and, in the transmission letter to soften the hardness of Rivarola in terms of disbursements, it was recalled that Fratta paid an annual contribution for the viability. The Cardinal, faithful to his commitment to make known the cheapest system for "renovations", replied that the annual contribution was needed for normal road maintenance and since the floods of rivers are an extraordinary fact, the damage could not fall under this heading and added that "... The Perugia Treasury is so exhausted and so miserable that its situation is in the real powerlessness of making up for the expenses that would be required of this object, even if it were required to do so". The Cardinal's letter ended with the precious advice to accommodate him immediately because "... the longer you wait, the more the damage could become serious, then we'll see". But the Fratta Council did not give up and struck the chord of ideology to grace the prelate, saying that "... Fratta is poor because the inhabitants were impoverished in time of the extinct Democratic Government". The Roman Republic, therefore, had thrown the people of Fratta to the pavement. But the Cardinal was not a man with a tender heart and much less sensitive to ideological references and with a decisive and blunt attitude on August 16 he closed the question as follows: "... If the councilors waste time in discussions, the ruins will become bigger every day, the bridge and the walls will stop falling .... The claim to immediately oblige the necessary expenses without immediately doing anything would be like that of a guest, seeing the house in flames and fire, with the inevitable danger of losing all its belongings, he wanted to wait for the owner, to whom the annual rent corresponds, to think about extinguishing the fire and in the meantime would remain indolent to look at it. Therefore, the Community of Fratta must immediately make repairs at its expense and free us from the incessant complaints that come to us every day from this land ”. The letter left no interpretative doubts and the Municipality decided to fend for itself. Since we were on the threshold of autumn and the rainy season was looming, on 4 September the master mason Ventura Bartoccini was given the task of preparing the project and the phases of execution of the works. Everything was prepared with great care: the wall would be rebuilt by November and the bridge of San Francesco by June. The Municipality allocated the necessary sum in the budget and forwarded to Rivarola the request for the necessary authorizations for the start of the works. The Cardinal was happy, his hard line had won. He quickly granted all the required permits and the necessary faculties to find money among the clergy and the landowners, even if they lived outside the Fratta. But the disasters never come by themselves and once the dispute over the repair of the damage caused by the flood of the Royal Palace was over, in early October, the flood of the Tiber arrived and eroded part of the road to Città di Castello. The bridge was then narrower and had only three arches; Therefore, the mass of water during flood periods was more withheld which, forcing against the embankment from the west part of the bridge, sucked up part of the road. For the second time began the dribbling of the competences between the Municipality and Rivarola who did not want to shell out a penny for the reasons set out above. The Municipality of Fratta had to bear half of the expense and the other half the neighboring municipalities. Sources: “Umbertide nel Secolo XIX” by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide. 2001 La grande piena del torrente Reggia e del Tevere l Capitolati dei Servizi di posta e luce Il dominio francese a Fratta - II Parte Il dominio francese a Fratta - I Parte THE FRENCH DOMAIN IN FRATTA - PART I The annexation to France The Papal State formally exercised all its powers, kept its laws and its administrative structure in force, but the control and interference of the French Authority was becoming heavier every day, not only on economic choices, but above all on those policies. The Pontifical Government had also prepared a radical electoral reform, raising the number of municipal councilors to thirty and reworking some administrative mechanisms within the town hall, but the project remained in the drawer, because the agony of papal power was now nearing its end. The first signs of a rupture between Napoleon and the Pope occurred when the latter was forced to ask for heavy tax surcharges for the maintenance of French troops in Central Italy. Housekeeping expenses increased every day since the spring of 1807 and the tax burden not only became unbearable on taxpayers, but also triggered bitter conflicts between the first two classes for its distribution. At Fratta there was much discussion and lacerating divisions were created on the payment of those 39 annual scudi imposed for the maintenance of the transalpine troops. In the following year (1808) there was a real fiscal strike: the landowners refused to pay and the Municipality was forced to look for another criterion for distributing the tax. This episode would suggest that the burden of the barracks was entirely borne by the first class or that it weighed heavily on this alone. On August 4, 1808, a lively council meeting was held because the Artists, who were in the majority, firmly maintained that the tax had to be paid by the landowners. These, outnumbered by the numbers, appealed to the Governor of Perugia, with undisguised indignation, saying: "The class of artists, who form the largest number, but not the healthiest part, tumultuously opposes any just project, demanding that the burden is imposed either on the land or on the livestock, which is unjustified because it would only affect the Owners ". The Governor gave them reason and imposed the division by "testatic", excluding the class of the "poor": the landowners will pay 9.50 baiocchi each and the artists 5.50. That incident on the "indigent" makes us understand many things about the "testatic" and that is that in more than one case this type of tax also weighed on the "non-taxable" class. By now the semblance of autonomy, which the State of the Church seemed to enjoy, was at sunset. In May (1809) Pope Pius VII was imprisoned and his state annexed directly to the French Empire. He changed masters! Other laws came into force, another administrative structure was organized, the Priors disappeared and the Maire took office in the highest seat of the Municipality. But even the new state of affairs was destined to have a short life because in 1814 the course of history resumed the path it had interrupted five years earlier. They tried to "restore" everything and everyone, as if nothing had happened in the meantime. They did not want to see the tenacious fire of renewal that burned under the ashes and that would slowly flare up, because the uncritical restoration is always violence to the laws of history. Rome, Perugia and Spoleto were annexed to the French Empire on May 17, 1809. Fratta remained in the limbo of uncertainty until July 13. Meanwhile the Priors, in the council meeting of June 22, not knowing which political side to look at, headed the minutes of the meeting as follows: “In the name of God, Amen - On the day of June 22, 1809 In the name of His Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy and Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine ... " After July 13, God was no longer named, but only Napoleon I, Emperor of the French, with what follows. The date remained. The first measures of the French government By now Fratta was a third class municipality of the French Empire, or rather a canton of the Trasimeno Department. Its territory expanded with the addition of the lands of Sorbello (1,615 inhabitants divided into ten parishes), Antognolla (959 inhabitants and six parishes), Solfagnano (847 inhabitants and 4 parishes), Montone (1,224 inhabitants and 4 parishes). All semblance of autonomy disappeared, which, moreover, had never existed even in the papal regime, and the appointments of the heads of the local administration were made directly by the trustees of Napoleon I. On 13 July 1809, in fact, the Superior Commander of the Provinces of Umbria, General Miollis, arrived at Fratta to give precise and peremptory indications on the new political course and to prepare a list of reliable persons to whom to confer administrative duties. The following documents are more telling than any comment: FRENCH EMPIRE In the name of His Majesty Napoleon I, Emperor of the French, King of Italy and Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine July 13, 1809 His Excellency the Adjutant General Miollis, Superior Commander in the Provinces of Umbria and Sabina, appointed by the Extraordinary Council of the Roman States, having to organize the Municipality in this Land in accordance with the decree of that Consulta of the current 5, he personally went to this country and after having summoned the individuals of the present Provisional Magistrate and the heads of the principal families to congress, he requested a note of all those persons who might be able to support the posts of Maire, Adjunct, and the ten Municipal Councilors. Having made this note, after having taken the appropriate information, he decided on the choice of the infrascritti used, as can be seen from his dispatch, which is transcribed here. La Fratta - July 13, 1809 The Superior Commander of the Province of Umbria and Sabina, appointed by the Extraordinary Council for the Roman States of the Organization of the Municipal Administration of the aforementioned Provinces. To Mr. Domenico Bruni - La Fratta According to the session of 5 July, the organization of a Maire, an Assistant and ten Municipal Councilors having been remitted to me by the Extraordinary Council, I have chosen you to take on the office of Maire; you will have as added Mr. Luigi Santini. Councilors will then be the Lords: Vincenzo Mavarelli, Giuseppe Bertanzi, Domenico Reggiani, Giuseppe Paolucci, Giambattista Magi Spinetti, Felice Molinari, Francesco Cambiotti, Angelo Gigli, Gioacchino Pucci, Luigi Passalbuoni. You will let them know their assignment: and at the same time I am going to give an account to the Extraordinary Consultation in order to have the further Orders for the installation. With consideration, your Miollis. The names that appear are always the same, in any regime, with the Pope or against the Pope. Only those of the two alleged Jacobins, Burelli and Savelli, are missing. But perhaps, in their stead, the one of those who plotted against them will figure. So was the world, even then! The new administration immediately worked to put order in the various administrative procedures and in the communication and exchange systems. The registry sector was the object of particular care, with the compulsory registration of births, marriages and deaths, previously left to the diligence of the parish priests. House numbers were imposed on houses, names on streets and squares. The unification of monetary systems, weights and measures was achieved. The articulation of the municipal budgets was structured in chapters (1) , with the possibility of making provisions for unforeseen expenses. The absolute prohibition of burial in churches or inhabited centers was established in application of the Edict of Saint Cloud, now also extended to Italy, a historical circumstance that inspired Ugo Foscolo's I Sepolcri. Apparently these were small things which, however, had an enormous impact on the social fabric, taking into account the level of backwardness in which our populations lived. There was a great deal of work for the naming of the streets and squares (2) and the numbering of the houses, which were just 200. The work was contracted out on 5 October 1810 and the relative specifications were very rigorous and detailed. It stated: 1. Within the month of October, carry out and complete the work of all the folders that will be needed for the numbering of the houses in this town and on the villages and for the indication of the name of the streets and squares. 2. Similar folders will be made on fresh plaster, with a light background and black-colored numbers of the size according to the model that becomes extensible. 3. The cards that will indicate the name of the streets and squares, as they must be larger, will be considered double those of the houses and will be paid by the Municipality. 4. Those of the streets and squares will be placed in the place that will be indicated. 5. The numbering of the houses will be paid by the respective owners in the form of the decree of 7 September which may be forced by the contractor also legally. 6. Finally, any expenses that may be required for the award and register will be borne by the contractor himself. For the contract, the Municipality established the price of eight baiocchi per folder. Several candles were lit which all remained without offer. It was necessary to resort to an auction discount which was won by Giovambattista "del morte" Clemente Giangottini for six baiocchi per page. Among the measures adopted by the French government, there was also that of compulsory conscription. The “lucky” young men who were supposed to serve in Napoleon's army were drawn by lot. A glass amphora, specially ordered from the Piegaro glassworks, contained leaflets with the personalities of the young people. In the absence of a precise registry, the urn contained the names that the various parish priests sent, at the explicit request of the Maire. The collaboration should not have been very enthusiastic if the Baron Rederer, Commander of the French troops in the Trasimeno Department, with an ordinance, imposed that starting from 1 January 1814 all the parish priests would have to deliver the parish registers to the Municipality. Salaries It is interesting to know the remuneration of the first decade of the century in the public sector. It is not a great contribution to history, but a useful element of comparative knowledge to understand the wage dynamics that have taken place and the trade union guarantees that protect this sector today. First let's take a little look at the directors' "indemnities". The Priors received 20 scudi a year which had to be divided among the four Magistrates. It was an honorary recognition for the function performed since 5 scudi per head certainly did not represent a flattering economic resource and the modesty of the figure encouraged the healthy and always valid principle of politics as a service. If we add that this indemnity was paid when the finances of the Municipality allowed it, it can be assumed with reasonable certainty that the local time authority saved this expenditure. There were, however, those who lived there with the salary and had to be paid regularly. The municipal secretary, Giovambattista Burelli, had a golden salary, such as to be looked upon with great envy by all the other public employees. He received 30 scudi a year which were paid in quarterly installments of ten scudi each. Immediately after him came the Camerlengo (cashier) with 18 scudi a year to be paid in quarterly installments. The police commissioner of the municipality, Dr. Paolucci, was poorer, he received only 12 scudi a year as the Director of the Post Office and dealer of letters at the same time. Since it was possible to carry out some paperwork in Rome, at the government headquarters, and it was not easy to go to the papal capital due to transport difficulties, the Municipalities resorted to the appointment of their representative who resided in that city and looked after the handling of the paperwork that was sent to him. The remuneration for the Rome Agent was not fixed and depended on the volume of work he had done during the year. In any case, the average reward was around eight scudi per year. Giambattista Fuochi and Silvestro Catalani were the two country guards of the municipality who had to travel a lot throughout the municipal territory. Their salary was two crowns a month. They had to play a very important or thankless role if they perceived more than the commissioner, the chamberlain and the postmaster. The limits of the municipal area An important measure of the French administration was that of the arrangement of customs operations. The duty ("octroi" as the French forced it to say) had to be paid by the entire population of the Municipality in all kinds of trade and each municipality had its own tariffs and organizational systems. It was therefore essential to know precisely the territorial limits of the Municipality in order to establish with certainty the competences of the taxes and the methods of collection. On January 9, 1813, a provision was issued for the rationalization of the collection of the octroi and therefore for the consequential definition of the municipal territory. The law established that "struts" had to be placed in the border areas of the municipal area that would bear a wooden sign with the inscription "OCTROI DI FRATTA" The signs were posted in the following places: 1. Strada di Montecastelli, near the boat (3) 2. Strada di Banchetti, near the tavern, on the border of the Cura di Verna 3. Near the Osteria di Sorbello 4. Near the La Nese Bridge 5. Close to the Rio Bridge 6. At the limits of the territory, at the New Homes 7. On the road near the Rasina stream 8. On the border of the Cura di Santa Giuliana and Antognolla 9. At the limits of the Cura di Monestevole, to go to Preggio. Public Works In 1803 there was an initial intervention of modest proportions, but destined to significantly change the town planning of the town. At that time the Fratta was an islet between the Royal Palace and the Tiber, and the northern part not lapped by the waters was surrounded by a moat that started from the tower of the Rocca and, skirting the walls, passed under the present Theater, continued for the Piaggiola and flowed into the Tiber next to the Cambiotti mill (today's Molinaccio). This moat was filled and flattened the ground below the Rocca in order to obtain a square used for fairs and markets. A surprising element is given by the fact that despite the fact that the Technical Office, a talented and moreover “hydrostatic” engineer like Don Bartolomeo Borghi, the work was entrusted to Eng. Calindri of Perugia. The era of "external consultancy" had already begun! In 1805 the Municipality decided on some removals for a more rational use of the premises. Three rooms on the ground floor of the current theater were sold to the Accademia dei Riuniti, used as a prison and related services. The prison was transferred to a special sector of the Town Hall and on this occasion the opportunity was taken to carry out some maintenance work. Note: 1. Even today the budgets of public bodies are divided into chapters. At the time we are talking about, the In and Outs were in one cauldron. 2. Under the government of the Papal State no street or square bore its written name. 3. From Montecastelli, to go to Città di Castello, it was necessary to cross the Tiber on a large boat pushed over the water by the sturdy arms of the ferryman, who clung to a large rope anchored to the two pylons located on the opposite banks of the river. The “Passo del Tevere” is still visible; just look a hundred meters upstream of the current bridge to see the remains of the two pylons. This road today bears the name of "via della barca". Since the seventeenth century that point marked the border between the territory of Fratta and that of Città di Castello. The road that crosses Montecastelli headed directly towards Trestina. As there was no bridge, there was not even that unfortunate current curve on which the road to Trestina joins. About 150 m. from the graft, it went steeply downhill on the right (as can still be seen today) towards the “Casa dei Fabbri” which still exists and is called “La Maestà dei Fabbri” (today's Pacciarini property). From the house, after having passed a brick bridge over a small stream, the road turned to the right, towards the bank of the Tiber, where the boat was. On the other side of the river, in the territory of Città di Castello, one could see, until recently, the high “Casa Torre” under which the carriage road passed. Now you can't see why the municipality has allowed the owner to incorporate it into the rest of the building. Perhaps it was the most beautiful tower house in Umbria! Sources: “Umbertide nel Secolo XIX” by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide. 2001 IL DOMINIO FRANCESE A FRATTA – II PARTE L'albero della Libertà I primi anni del secolo, stando alle lettere che il Gonfaloniere di Fratta inviò alle autorità perugine, furono fonte di notevole preoccupazione per l'ordine pubblico nel paese. A dire il vero il tono e il contenuto della corrispondenza ci sembrano esagerati. Fenomeni di scontento per le condizioni economiche e sociali vengono, con studiata disinvoltura, attribuiti a presunti nostalgici del passato regime sì che diventa difficile distinguere i fermenti del dissenso dalle proteste della fame. Non c'è dubbio che la Repubblica Romana aveva alimentato gli ideali liberali propri dell'Illuminismo, come pure è assodato che la caduta del potere papale fu salutata dovunque con tripudio di gioia. Ma non ci fu il tempo per dare all'alternativa politica e ideologica un assetto di stabilità perché la rapida alternanza delle vicende militari tra vincitori e vinti non permise l'assimilazione e il consolidamento dei processi in atto. Solo nelle città più grandi, dove era attiva una borghesia progressista e intraprendente, fu osteggiata con ostinata tenacia la restaurazione papale che, dal canto suo, vedeva pericoli e con giure ovunque (la Tosca di Puccini è ambientata in questo clima politico romano) e dispensava notevoli dosi di galera per il minimo sospetto. Anche alla Fratta l'ordine pubblico era esposto a frequenti episodi di turbativa e il Gonfaloniere Lorenzo Vibi tremava dalla paura vedendo in essi la occulta regia di repubblicani in agguato. Già due illustri cittadini, Burelli e Savelli, a torto o a ragione, erano stati sospettati di simpatizzare per i giacobini. Meglio stare guardinghi. Ma ci doveva essere anche dell'altro se il 1° febbraio del 1800 il Vibi prese carta e penna e scrisse alla Reggenza Imperiale di Perugia: “Le continue risse, li frequenti litigi fomentati in questo basso popolo da partigiani che qui abbiamo del passato Repubblicano Governo, per porre in discredito il presente, tengono tutto in agitazione, non meno noi, che tutti li buoni del nostro partito (1) . Noi senza autorità e senza forza non possiamo tenere in dovere tanti spiriti rivoltosi che c'inquietano... Se le Vostre Signorie Ill.me facessero quivi giungere una Notificazione nella quale manifestassero a questo popolo di stare ogni uno nel proprio dovere e lontano da litigi, e dalle risse, dando facoltà a questo Signor Giuseppe Agostini Capitano di questa piazza... di far arrestare chiunque saprà aver fatto il litigio e la rissa e spedirli poi subito ben custoditi in codesta vostra Città, con la comunicazione di quelle pene che crederanno e che ogni bettola ed osteria debba serrarsi ad un'ora di notte. Tutto questo diciamo richiedere perché più volte il giorno da poco tempo fa occasione replicate risse e rumori...” Il Gonfaloniere, quindi, invocava il carcere per i litigiosi e i rissosi che nelle bettole e nelle osterie osavano affrontare il tabù della politica e parteggiavano per il passato regime. Non gli venne in mente che un progetto politico serio di destabilizzazione non si porta in osteria e che il luogo dei litigi, più che a divergenze di opinioni politiche, faceva pensare a qualche foglietta di troppo con la quale si innaffiavano le miserie. Appena due giorni dopo, infatti, scrisse un'altra lettera allo stesso destinatario la quale ci fa capire, senza volerlo, il vero motivo che stava alla base dei litigi. In essa si diceva che i poveri del paese andavano a macinare dai quattro ai sei chilogrammi di grano alla volta, ma dovevano pagare una bolletta (la tassa sul macinato) su di un minimo di 30 Kg. Il fatto creava grave malcontento e il Gonfaloniere si convinse a chiedere correttivi: “...li clamori continui dei poveri di questa terra e suo circondario che con poche libbre di grano fortunatamente trovate vanno al molino chi con 10 libbre chi con 15 libbre e debbono fare il bollettino per mezza mina... si chiede di fare i bollettini per minore quantità”. Faceva comodo al potere contrabbandare come protesta politica, alimentata da abili mestatori, un malcontento diffuso che aveva origine, invece, nella fame e negli stenti della povera gente. In questa logica si inserì anche la ricorrenza del carnevale. Le feste da ballo potevano diventare un momento di aggregazione pericoloso per esternare il malumore sul quale poteva far leva “la gran massa” del partito repubblicano della Fratta. Basta leggere questa terza lettera del 10 febbraio (quel povero Vibi, che vedeva repubblicani dappertutto, era veramente terrorizzato per scrivere tre lettere dello stesso tenore in appena dieci giorni) per renderci conto che la realtà veniva ingigantita: “Qui si vogliono fare le feste da ballo e ne siamo stati richiesti per darne il permesso; ma non vi abbiamo accudito per timore che possa succedere qualche inconveniente, sul riflesso del gran partito Repubblicano che domina in questa Terra. Rendiamo di tanto avvertite le Signorie Vostre”. Che anche alla Fratta ci fossero simpatizzanti delle idee liberali è fuori di dubbio; ma che costoro avessero un'organizzazione capillare, diffusa e agguerrita non è credibile. Le idee di rinnovamento nell'Italia di allora, e in particolare nella provincia contadina, più che imporsi con la forza organizzativa di un partito, venivano imposte e protette dalle truppe straniere francesi. Forse proprio per questo il timore era grande e si incominciò ad aver paura anche degli alberi. Gli scrittori politici del tempo fanno un gran parlare degli “alberi della libertà” che sarebbero stati piantati in molte città nel periodo della Repubblica Romana, come simbolo dell'inizio di un'era di rinnovamento nella libertà e nel progresso. Spesso tali affermazioni non sono suffragate da documenti certi. Anche la Fratta ne aveva uno (2) e la sua esistenza è documentata in una lettera del Vibi datata 27 febbraio 1800: “Il partito contrario al presente Governo sempre più insolentisce e si rende intollerabile. Noi fin'ora abbiamo il tutto Religiosamente sofferto, ma vediamo che questa nostra indulgenza fa essere sempre più baldanzosi quei tanti che abbiamo del Partito Repubblicano. Ieri l'altra sera circa le ore due della notte due di questi che ne verremo in cognizione ebbero l'ardimento di usurpare quel diritto che spetta alla Guardia Civica, con dire ad alta voce “Alto là - Chi va là”. Similmente martedì mattina ventisei corrente al piedistallo della Croce che sta collocata ove era l'infame arbore fu trovata una piccola bandiera tricolore con infondo un coccardino che tuttora conservasi da noi: ma il colore turchino pallido di una parte di detta bandiera ci dà indizio che possa esserne stato l'autore un famoso Repubblicano avendo questi un abito di simil colore. Bramiamo sapere come dobbiamo regolarci...” Non sappiamo quanti fossero i Repubblicani di Fratta, ma sicuramente erano molti gli oppositori al regime papalino nello Stato Pontificio, se lo stesso Papa Pio VII, il giorno 8 novembre, si vide costretto a concedere “il paterno perdono ai rei della passata rivoluzione”. Intanto il Gonfaloniere Lorenzo Vibi, per non morire di paura (3) , si dimise dalla carica ai primi di giugno, a meno di trenta giorni dalla scadenza naturale del suo mandato. Il passaggio delle truppe straniere L'Alta Valle del Tevere era uno dei percorsi naturali delle truppe che, provenendo dal Nord, si dirigevano a Roma e viceversa. Di solito si trattava di soldati tedeschi, ad eccezione dei due periodi in cui passarono e ripassarono quelli francesi. I costi, sia quelli ufficiali che venivano imposti con le tasse, sia quelli nascosti dovuti alle ruberie, ai soprusi e ai danni prodotti, erano enormi per le comunità locali. Tutte le truppe che si alternarono in quegli anni si comportarono da eserciti occupanti senza il minimo riguardo per le persone e le cose durante il loro passaggio e la loro permanenza. Il 19 giugno del 1800 arrivò alla Fratta un drappello di 20 soldati a requisire provviste per la truppa austriaca che giornalmente sfilava nei pressi di Perugia, diretta verso il Nord. “Vogliate dar loro ciò che abbisognano - ordinava la Reggenza - occorrendo adopreranno la forza. E un affare della più forte urgenza e darete a questi soldati le solite razioni”. Quasi sicuramente si trattava di soldati austriaci che scappavano verso il Veneto dopo la battaglia di Marengo (14 giugno 1800) con la quale Napoleone, vinta l'Austria, si apriva la strada per l'occupazione dell'Italia Centrale. II 12 e il 13 settembre, infatti arrivarono i Cisalpini (4) che, armi alla mano, si appropriarono di numerosi beni dei cittadini per un valore di 15 scudi che la Magistratura di Fratta richiese al Rivarola. Ma nel territorio circostante ancora esistevano forti nuclei di soldati austriaci e aretini (i soldati del Granduca alleato dell'Austria) che riuscirono addirittura a far prigionieri alcuni Cisalpini il 19 dicembre. Il drappello con i prigionieri si fermò alla Fratta e consumò, senza pagare, 48 libbre di prosciutto, 3 di salame, 3,50 di formaggio, pane e vino a volontà. Il ventinove dello stesso mese passarono altri aretini con 154 prigionieri francesi. Lo spettacolo continuò e il 12 gennaio del 1801 la Fratta dovette sopportare il passaggio di un distaccamento di cavalleria tedesca e toscana che prelevò 46 razioni di vino e carne. Il 20 arrivarono i napoletani, alleati dei francesi, che usarono gli stessi metodi dei soldati avversari. Il 5 febbraio del 1801 il Rivarola fece sapere alla Fratta che al passaggio della “pacifica truppa francese” bisognava restare tranquilli e subordinati alla legge del Sovrano (del Papa) aggiungendo che arriverà a Fratta Leone Borgia, suo Commissario, a fare una requisizione di viveri per l'Armata Francese. Se richiesti, bisognava mettere a disposizione vino e bestiame per il trasporto delle merci. Le disposizioni del Rivarola farebbero supporre che i francesi si fossero stabilmente insediati nella zona e fossero padroni della situazione. Invece il 14 febbraio passarono da Fratta, e vi pernottarono, numerose truppe tedesche e toscane con prigionieri francesi. Evidentemente temevano qualche attacco delle vicine truppe francesi dal momento che si rinchiusero nel Palazzo Sorbello (odierno Comune), sprangarono porte e finestre e “si abbarrarono le porte coi chiodi”. Come si vede, la confusione regnava sovrana. Il 19 marzo 1801 una nota del Rivarola impose un'altra requisizione: 40 carri e 40 paia di bovi per servire la numerosa armata francese. Le requisizioni continuarono per tutti gli anni successivi fino al 1808 in cui, per ben sei volte (21 aprile, 26 giugno, 10 e 11 settembre, 15 e 18 ottobre) la Fratta fu sottoposta a pesanti salassi. Così frequenti e normali erano diventate ormai le requisizioni che alcuni impostori, spacciandosi per soldati francesi, si presentavano per prelevare viveri e vettovaglie di ogni genere. Il fenomeno doveva essere esteso anche nelle altre zone del territorio della provincia se il Rivarola, di sua iniziativa, in data 27 ottobre 1801 scrisse in questi termini al Commissario di Fratta: “Ci sono molti impostori che dicono di essere addetti alla Truppa Francese ed esibiscono falsi permessi per estorcere razioni e vetture e quindi dilapidano i paesi dove capitano. Se simili soggetti si presentassero, neghino qualsiasi cosa che volessero e guardino bene i permessi. Se questi sono falsi, arrestateli. Ciò va fatto anche con i soldati francesi e se per caso questi si provassero ad atti indoverosi per le vie di fatto denigranti l'onore della loro nazione, farete in modo che vengano decentemente arrestati con darcene pronto ragguaglio. E che Dio vi feliciti”. La milizia cittadina Correvano davvero tempi pericolosi in quell'inizio di secolo. La miseria della povera gente che non poteva acquistare i mezzi di sostentamento indispensabili, la delusione politica che andava ad inserirsi in un contesto sociale di estrema povertà, le rivalse ricorrenti dei vincitori nei confronti di coloro che avevano simpatizzato per i vinti, creavano un clima di instabilità, di incertezza e di paura. In questo contesto nascevano piccole bande di malfattori formate da diseredati, perseguitati politici, insofferenti verso ogni forma di autorità costituita e infine da tutti coloro che nella delinquenza trovavano l'unica risposta facile ai loro bisogni economici. Alla criminalità dei singoli si aggiungeva anche quella organizzata con un proprio capo, delle regole e l'efficienza dell'organizzazione. Queste piccole bande si facevano sempre più numerose. Alla Fratta operava quella di un certo Luigi Rossi di Sorbello che era molto attiva in tutto il territorio circostante e rinomata per le “grassazioni” (rapine a mano armata), come si diceva allora, e gli accoltellamenti. Tanta era la certezza dell'impunità che i banditi agivano prevalentemente di giorno al “campo della fiera”, dove c'era maggiore abbondanza di portafogli da rapinare. Il Rivarola, preoccupato per l'aumento della criminalità nel territorio umbro, ordinò al Commissario di Fratta di arrestare i banditi e di “far suonare anche la Campana all'Arme e di permettere che si faccia fuoco contro di loro”. I cittadini non si sentivano più sicuri. Anche i locandieri e gli albergatori dovevano registrare, su apposite schede, le generalità dei clienti, unitamente alla “patria” di provenienza. In questo clima la municipalità, per riportare tranquillità entro i propri confini, pensò di organizzare un corpo di milizie cittadine volontarie. Alla fine di febbraio del 1801 il Commissario di Fratta inviò apposita richiesta in tal senso al Rivarola che accettò di buon grado la proposta diretta a rendere più sicura la vita nei territori da lui controllati. “... Non possiamo altro espediente prendere - afferma - se non quello di permettere a formare un Ruolo di otto o dieci persone probe e da bene che abbiano del proprio i fucili onde, come soldati, prevalersi di essi nelle occorrenze: al quale effetto vi conferiamo le facoltà necessarie... a far godere alle persone da voi prescelte tutti li più estesi privilegi militari”. Al Rivarola stava bene tutto, purché non gli si chiedessero soldi. Nei bilanci del Comune di Fratta, da ora in poi, troveremo in uscita anche il costo della polvere e delle palle di piombo per “le caricature”. Non tutte le bande erano composte da briganti. Ci potevano essere anche dei gruppi di oppositori politici che si erano dati alla clandestinità. E una ipotesi che spiega una strana lettera inviata dal Rivarola al Gonfaloniere di Fratta il 14 marzo 1801 relativa alla “... disobbedienza di questa Guardia Urbana” che non volle andare ad arrestare dei briganti segnalati dal Cardinale. Evidentemente i “volontari” di Fratta sapevano distinguere bene i malviventi dai dissidenti politici. Il 16 luglio del 1809 il Corpo della Guardia Civica di Fratta, assieme a quello di Città di Castello, partecipò ad un'azione repressiva contro una banda di briganti che aveva compiuto già diverse scorrerie nell'alta valle del Tevere e che si trovava al Monte Santa Maria. L'ordine venne direttamente dal Generale Miollis che promise anche uno scudo per ogni bandito catturato. Lo stesso Generale francese provvide a munire di fucili e sciabole il gruppo di armati. L'operazione ebbe pieno successo e i briganti furono arrestati. Uomini organizzati ed efficienti come i nostri Civici avevano bisogno anche di una caserma idonea ad ospitare loro, i cavalli e l'armamento. Si provvide ricorrendo all'utilizzo di alcuni locali dell'ex convento di San Francesco che furono opportunamente trasformati nei primi giorni di marzo del 1810 (5) . Vi lavorarono i maestri muratori Pietro Gentili e Giovanni Ribuffi. Da un elenco dei lavori eseguiti ci rendiamo conto anche delle caratteristiche della struttura. Al piano terra c'era la cucina e la scuderia e sopra “due camere servibili”. Alla scuderia si rifece il pavimento per il quale si impiegarono 1.700 mattoni, 30 piedi di tavoloni per fare la greppia, 62 piedi di “stilloni” per fare cinque “battifianchi” (il che fa pensare ad una capienza di sei o sette cavalli). Ai muri della scuderia e agli stilloni si misero 30 “campanelle” di ferro (anelli per fissare le funi). Le guardie mangiavano con posate d'osso, il magazzino del fieno fu posto sopra a due loggiati del cortile e alle finestre c'erano “impannate” di tela. La gara dello steccato Il 6 settembre del 1808 alle ore 21, in piazza San Francesco, fu organizzata una gara di “steccato”. Per l'occasione furono costruiti dei palchi di legno davanti alla porta del “Borgo di San Francesco” o della “Madonna di San Francesco” detta così perché sopra l'arco vi era un affresco con l'immagine della Madonna e di altri Santi, in parte visibile tuttora. Non sappiamo con precisione in che cosa consistesse il gioco e quali fossero le sue regole. Lo spettacolo vedeva in campo i cani contro i bovi che si affrontavano in un ampio recinto (uno steccato, da qui il nome della gara) e lottavano tra loro. È ipotizzabile che lo scontro tra questi due tipi di animali, da sempre cari amici dell'uomo, potesse essere anche cruento e quindi la gara, almeno per la nostra sensibilità, non doveva essere molto edificante. Da un manifesto che il Comune di Marsciano (evidentemente la gara si praticava anche lì) inviò a quello di Fratta si apprende che venivano dati premi al bove e al cane “che si sarebbero portati più valorosi” e che erano vietate “le false prese”. Troppo poco per capire la tecnica del gioco. Le nostre convinte riserve su questo spettacolo non erano condivise dalla gente del tempo che si recò numerosa ad assistere, ma l'impalcatura costituita da tre ampi gradoni che era appoggiata alla porta, crollò improvvisamente provocando molti feriti. Fu aperta un'inchiesta e dai verbali dei testimoni (6) si è potuto intuire la popolarità che questo tipo di intrattenimento raccoglieva e l'entusiasmo che la lotta dei poveri animali era capace di sollevare sui presenti. Gli spettatori sopra i gradoni si agitavano e “atteso il movimento grande delle persone che facevano sopra di essi”, e il “gran battimento di piedi che facevano”, la struttura, non ben fissata al muro, si rovesciò sullo steccato. La ventata anticlericale Nel 1810 non c'era più il Gonfaloniere e nemmeno i Priori, al loro posto c'era il Maire (7) scelto direttamente dai fiduciari di Napoleone. Il Comune di Fratta era un cantone del Dipartimento del Trasimeno, ma il problema dell'ordine pubblico rimaneva sempre attuale anche se con caratteristiche del tutto diverse. Si stava sviluppando un risentimento astioso nei confronti della Chiesa, come reazione naturale alla voglia di protesta repressa negli anni precedenti. E siccome i confini tra l'agire degli uomini e le istituzioni che essi rappresentano non hanno mai contorni precisi, il risentimento contro i ministri del potere papale diventò aperto rigetto della religione. Il fenomeno andava assumendo dimensioni preoccupanti di turbativa dell'ordine sociale per cui il Maire, rappresentante di quel potere che aveva imprigionato il Papa e annesso lo Stato Pontificio alla Francia, si sentì in dovere di scendere in difesa dei principi religiosi con la seguente ordinanza: In nome di Sua Maestà Napoleone I°, Imperatore dei Francesi, Re d'Italia e Protettore della Confederazione del Reno. Il Maire, considerando che il più importante dei suoi doveri è di sorvegliare alla pubblica tranquillità e di prevenire la corruzione dei Spiriti e gli scandali che collidono l'ordine sociale. Considerando che non può restarsi ulteriormente neghittoso dal reprimere la sfrontata baldanza di alcune lingue licenziose che si attentano anche nei pubblici luoghi di oltraggiare gli oggetti più venerabili della nostra Religione. Considerando esser cosa necessaria d'apporre con tutta la possibile energia una qualche barriera a questi criminosi attentati e di richiamare al proprio dovere questi perturbatori dell'ordine e della società. Riflettendo infine che la Religione Cattolica è la Religione della maggiorità dei sudditi dell'Imperatore, che si gloria del titolo sfolgoreggiante di Primogenito della Chiesa è venuto nella determinazione di avvertire quanto segue: Saranno riguardati come fomentatori di disordini i pubblici promulgatori di massime antimorali ed irreligiose e come persone perniciose allo Stato, alle leggi e alla comune tranquillità. Sappiano questi non essere loro permesso dal presente sistema di Governo di conculcare impunemente i Dommi della religione, di scagliare esecrabili invettive contro la Divinità, gl'oggetti del culto ed i suoi Ministri. Si rammentino dei luminosi e sinceri sentimenti intorno alla Religione considerando che Sua Maestà Napoleone il Grande fin dal suo innalzamento a Primo Console li notificò personalmente al Clero di Milano e volle che fossero noti non solo all'Italia e alla Francia, ma all’Europa intera. Non può quindi tollerarsi che si proferischino sfacciatamente nefande ed esecrate bestemmie contro il Divino Autore della Cattolica Religione, contro i suoi attributi, contro il suo culto e si sparghino pubblicamente delle massime contro ogni virtù civile e religiosa. Saranno in conseguenza di simili trasgressioni soggetti alle pene che prevede il Codice, cioè alla multa di 500 franchi ed un anno di prigione e di due anni di prigione in caso di recidiva. Voi pertanto cui il Principe confidò una porzione della sua autorità, o per rapporto all'esecuzione delle leggi od alla pubblica Polizia, concorrete a sì bell'opera procurando di arrestare col rigore delle leggi quel torrente che minaccia travolgere la moltitudine nei gorghi della corruzione e darete così la più sincera prova del vostro zelo per il bene e l'ordine sociale e della vostra fedeltà e attaccamento al Sovrano. Dalla Mairie (8) della Fratta, lì 2 agosto 1810 Il Maire Magnanini Giuseppe Mentre veniva difesa con formale energia la Religione Cattolica e i suoi Ministri, il Governo Francese trasferiva con fermezza all'autorità civile i settori della carità e dell'assistenza gestiti, fino ad allora, dagli enti religiosi. Nei primi mesi di febbraio del 1808, come già ricordato, ci fu la soppressione dei conventi e delle corporazioni religiose. A partire dall'aprile del 1811 vennero soppresse anche le istituzioni di carità i cui capitali furono trasferiti ai Burò di Beneficenza. Alla Fratta la Confraternita maggiore e più apprezzata era quella di Santa Croce che gestiva l'ospedale, detto allora l'Ospedale dei Poveri. Il 4 aprile del 1811 fu sottoscritto formalmente il passaggio delle competenze e dei beni al Municipio, nel Palazzo Comunale, Ufficio del Burò di Beneficenza, alla presenza del Maire e di due Canonici rappresentanti la Confraternita di Santa Croce. In nome di Sua Maestà Napoleone I°, Imperatore dei Francesi, Re d'Italia e Protettore della Confederazione del Reno. La Commissione Amministrativa del Burò di Beneficenza di Fratta, tenuto conto delle odierne leggi sulle amministrazioni degli Ospizi e Ospedali, considerata cessata qualunque autorità o funzione per l'amministrazione degli Ospedali ed Ospizi... esaminate le Memorie della Confraternita di S. Croce... dalle quali risulta che fin dalla sua prima istituzione era essa addetta ad opere di pubblica e privata carità e che tutti i suoi beni e rendite erano impiegati per l'Ospizio e Ospedale dei Poveri... viene nella determinazione di prendere l'amministrazione di tutti li capitali e fondi spettanti al detto Ospizio ed Ospedale, fissando il termine di otto giorni acciò dagli Amministratori di detta Confraternita in S. Croce venghino rimesse tutte le carte e Libri opportuni ed appartenenti al detto Stabilimento di carità, unitamente allo stato della cassa per formarne il processo verbale. Fatto nelle camere della Mairie questo dì 4 aprile 1811. Firmato: Canonico Antonio Guerrini - Canonico Giacomo Pecchioli - Giuseppe Agostini - Per il Maire di Fratta: Santini Luigi aggiunto Il giorno successivo fu redatto il verbale di consegna e presa di possesso dei seguenti beni: 1. Podere vocabolo Petrelle con il bestiame del valore di scudi 160; grano stara 20; fave stara 5; veccia stara 1 e coppe 4; attuale affittuario Pietro Crosti per una corrisposta di scudi 221 l'anno. 2. Locale dell'Ospedale in Piazza di San Francesco n. 4. 3. Casa ad uso granaio in contrada di Porta Nova n. 66. 4. Casa in contrada di San Giovanni n. 42, con fondo ad uso di forno. 5. Due fondi ad uso di stalla nella strada di Santa Croce n. 210. La rapina delle opere d'arte La sistematica e organizzata rapacità francese delle opere d'arte, almeno alla Fratta, ha inizio nel mese di ottobre del 1812 con un programma ben pianificato e articolato. Per essere certi di sottrarre materiale di un certo valore e non semplici “patacche”, la selezione delle opere veniva fatta da esperti, mentre l'imballaggio e il trasporto dalla manovalanza generica. Il furto per i francesi era così naturale e dovuto da annunciarlo ufficialmente tramite lettera, come avvenne il 2 ottobre del 1812 quando il Prefetto del Dipartimento del Trasimeno comunicò al Maire Magnanini che sarebbe arrivato alla Fratta un incaricato per scegliere e requisire le opere d'arte. Non sappiamo come reagissero i nostri Magistrati di fronte ad una simile notizia, se prevalse, cioè, in loro un'apatica accondiscendenza o una legittima astuzia per salvare il salvabile. Dalla corrispondenza che segue si deduce che Magnanini si comportò da zelante esecutore delle richieste francesi. I tempi, in ogni caso, furono molto stretti perché arrivò quasi subito alla Fratta l'Intendente incaricato della scelta e della requisizione delle Opere e il 7 ottobre, ad appena cinque giorni dall'avviso, il Maire autenticò la firma del trasportatore della “refurtiva” a Perugia. L'anno 1812 il giorno 7 di ottobre. Col presente foglio sia noto come il Sig. Innocenzo Lazzarini, figlio del morto Andrea, domiciliato in questo Comune di Fratta, si obbliga di fare trasportare fino a Perugia tre quadri esistenti nei Conventi soppressi di questo Comune, due in tela e uno in tavola e questi fare incassare in una proporzionata cassa di legno e renderli ben custoditi nell'interno con carta perché non soffino detrimento, il tutto a spese del medesimo Lazzarini: e ciò si obbliga di eseguire per la somma di scudi 12 di moneta romana, quali saranno pagati allorché verrà ordinato il trasporto sopra indicato. In fede di che sarà il presente foglio dal medesimo firmato. F.to Innocenzo Lazzarini Visto per la ricognizione della firma del prefato Sig. Lazzarini, il Maire Magnanini Il documento attesta con assoluta certezza che i quadri erano tre, di cui uno “in tavola” (anche la Deposizione del Signorelli è “in tavola” e fortunatamente rimase al suo posto) e che appartenevano ai due Conventi soppressi. Il 9 ottobre, appena due giorni dopo aver autenticato la firma del trasportatore dei quadri, lo zelante Maire Magnanini scrive al Prefetto del Dipartimento del Trasimeno, residente a Perugia, per informarlo dell'avvenuta selezione. Al Prefetto del Dipartimento del Trasimeno di Perugia. L'anno 1812 il giorno 9 di ottobre, avanti a noi Maire del Comune di Fratta si è presentato il Signor Agostino Tofanelli, Conservatore del Museo Capitolino incaricato da S.E. il Signor Cavaliere Basa, Intendente della Corona in Roma, alfine di prendere possesso di tutti gli oggetti d'arte spettanti agli stabilimenti pubblici del Trasimeno, che in virtù del Decreto Imperiale del 25 febbraio 1811 appartengono alla Corona. In conformità adunque degli ordini del Signor Prefetto del suddetto Dipartimento, comunicatoci dal Signor Sotto Prefetto, con lettera del 2 ottobre corrente, Noi Maire suddetto abbiamo posto in Possesso il lodato Signor Tofanelli di tutti li quadri descritti nei due inventari già da noi sottoscritti e verificati. Il fascicolo che contiene la lettera racchiude anche la descrizione inventariale fatta dal Maire: Nel Convento di San Francesco un quadro rappresentante la Vergine col Bambino, San Francesco, San Sebastiano ed altri due Santi. Pittore il Pomarancio. Nell'ex Convento di Santa Maria degli Osservanti due quadri rappresentanti uno l'Incoronazione della Vergine al di sopra e sedici Santi al di sotto in tavola della scuola Pietro Perugino. L'altro in tela rappresentante la Vergine col Bambino, San Lorenzo, Santa Maria Maddalena e San Filippo, del Magi, scolaro del Barocci. Il Maire Magnanini Dall'inventario risulta chiaramente che uno dei tre quadri, quello “in tavola”, è l'Incoronazione della Vergine che si afferma essere della scuola di Pietro (Vannucci) detto il Perugino. Questa Tavola non arrivò mai a Parigi ed ora si trova nella Galleria Vaticana, Sala VII, a Roma. Essa è catalogata come opera di Bernardino di Betto, detto il Pinturicchio, allievo del Vannucci (9) . A chiusura del discorso sulla rapina delle opere d'arte perpetrata dal Governo francese è utile leggere attentamente la lettera che segue per avere la prova di come essa, con ignavia e scarso senso civico, fu consentita dagli Amministratori del tempo. La lettera è del 14 marzo 1813 e fu inviata dal Sotto Prefetto del Dipartimento al Maire di Fratta. La trascriviamo per intero. N. 426. Richiamerete nella risposta il numero qui sopra riportato (10) . Perugia, lì 14 marzo 1813. Il Sotto Prefetto del Circondario di Perugia al Signor Maire della Fratta. È giunto in questo comune il Signor Tofanelli incaricato di far trasportare in Roma quegli oggetti di Belle Arti che avea anticipatamente scelti e ne aveva preso possesso. Io, a tal uopo le accludo il contratto a Lei noto e che fu stabilito tra il Signor Tofanelli ed Innocenzo Lazzarini che si incaricò dell'incasso, imballaggio e trasporto dei quadri indicati nella nota che parimenti le accludo, sino a Perugia. So che il Lazzarini è in Roma, ma egli stesso, che si presentò ieri avanti di me, ne deve avere scritto a cotesto Signor Paolucci, acciò in di lui assenza eseguisca il contratto. Dica adunque al Signor Paolucci che nel principio dell'entrante settimana devono essere in Perugia li tre quadri di cui si tratta. Per facilitare l'operazione io le trasmetto scudi sei che passerà al detto Signor Paolucci, riservandomi di pagare gli altri scudi sei allorché saranno qui giunti li detti quadri. Deggio poi prevenirla, Signor Maire, che se i quadri indicati nella nota riscuotono una speciale venerazione, e sono cari al popolo per la sua devozione, Lei non solo non li manderà, ma non li farà neppure rimuovere dal luogo ove attualmente si trovano. L'intenzione di S.M. è che non si privi il popolo delle cose concernenti il culto. Se poi i detti quadri non sono cari al pubblico culto allora farà subito eseguire l'incasso e il trasporto. Sarà sua cura di rimettermi il contratto che le accludo, il quale penso soffrirà una variazione, se non tutti i quadri espressi nella nota saranno trasportati. Mi reputo con la più distinta stima. SottoPrefetto (firma illeggibile) La lettera lascia trasparire con chiarezza che in data 14 marzo 1813 tutti e tre i quadri si trovavano alla Fratta e non erano ancora stati rimossi dalle pareti dei due Conventi. Ma quello che più indigna è che il Sotto Prefetto invita il Maire, indicandogli anche le motivazioni, a lasciare i quadri dov'erano, o almeno qualcuno di essi. Per timore che questi non avesse capito bene, in chiusura della lettera l'alto funzionario, nel chiedere il rinvio del contratto, aggiunge “il quale penso soffrirà una variazione”. Magnanini, di professione medico, non fece soffrire nessuno e con servile zelo inviò la refurtiva. La coscrizione militare Napoleone aveva un bisogno enorme di soldati, avendo fatto della guerra la sua politica prevalente in Europa. Gli organici militari erano in continua crescita e alla loro copertura non bastavano più i giovani cittadini francesi. Il ricorso a quelli dei territori sottomessi fu la scelta naturale, imposta con estrema disinvoltura. Il meccanismo del reclutamento funzionava sulla base di ferree regole matematiche: si stabiliva quanti coscritti doveva fornire l'Italia, il totale veniva diviso tra i Dipartimenti in base al loro “animato”, ossia alla popolazione, e questa operazione si ripeteva all'interno dei vari Dipartimenti per fissare i coscritti di ogni cantone. In genere il numero era modesto e i nominativi si estraevano a sorte da una palla di vetro entro cui erano state inserite le generalità dei giovani del cantone atti alle armi, alla presenza di una Commissione che veniva da Perugia. Nel marzo del 1812 ci fu una coscrizione per la quale il cantone di Fratta doveva fornire un contingente di quattro reclute. La Commissione che arrivò da Perugia era formata da tre persone, quattro con l'addetto ai mezzi di trasporto, ossia alle cavalcature. Alloggiarono per due giorni nella locanda di Pietro Romitelli (11) . Vennero estratti i nominativi delle quattro reclute, cioè dei “fortunati” che dovevano combattere per Napoleone. A costoro, qualche giorno dopo, arrivava la lettera di chiamata in cui si invitavano a presentarsi a Spoleto. La lettera aveva il seguente contenuto: È ordinato a Pietro, figlio di Paolo Rondini Coscritto della classe del 1812, domiciliato nella Cura del Sacro Eremo di Monte Corona, Comunità di Perugia destinato in seguito all'estrazione per formare il Contingente assegnato a questo cantone, di rendersi a Spoleto il giorno 16 aprile corrente, da dove egli sarà diretto subito al Reggimento, al quale lo destinerà il Consiglio di reclutamento. Il suddetto coscritto non può Per verun motivo dispensarsi di rendersi a Spoleto il giorno sopra indicato. Resta prevenuto che se mancherà di ubbidire al presente ordine verrà dichiarato ritardatario, e a questo titolo verranno mandati quattro soldati in sua casa e in quella dei suoi genitori i quali saranno mantenuti a di loro spese per lo spazio di un mese e pagati a ragione di due franchi al giorno per ogni soldato. Il coscritto sarà arrestato ed allora non sarà più ammesso a servire liberamente nell'armata; ma sarà tradotto al deposito di Civitavecchia per essere trasportato in Corsica ed arruolato nel reggimento del Mediterraneo. Se passato il mese il coscritto ritardatario non sarà arrestato, verrà dichiarato refrattario e condannato ad una multa di 1.500 franchi unitamente ai di lui genitori, come civilmente responsabili. Il coscritto verrà quindi perseguitato, arrestato e tradotto a Civitavecchia per essere arruolato nel reggimento del Mediterraneo in Corsica (12 ). Fatto in Fratta il dì 2 aprile 1812. Le leggi del tempo consentivano la possibilità di evitare la “naia” dietro il pagamento di una congrua cifra. Chi ricorreva a questo sistema veniva chiamato Riformato. Questa lettera indirizzata dal Maire a Vincenzo Mavarelli padre del riformato Giandomenico è eloquente: Lì 2 gennaio 1812 Oggetto: indennizo per coscritto riformato. Vi prevengo, o Signore, che l'indennizzo dovuto per la riforma del vostro figlio Giandomenico della classe del 1811 è stato fissato alla somma di franchi 1.200. Il pagamento di questa somma è esigibile nello spazio di sei mesi, a ragione di una sesta parte per mese. Il Maire Nel mese di settembre del 1812 ci furono anche volontari veri, per di più minorenni con il consenso dei genitori, che chiesero di essere arruolati come Gaetano Martinelli, di anni 19 seguito a pochi giorni di distanza da Giuseppe Morti e Giuseppe Lazzarini. Questi tre giovani avevano le idee chiare sul reparto e la sede: 3° Reggimento di Cavalleria Leggera Ussara, a Versailles. La Guardia Nazionale Nel mese di marzo del 1812 Napoleone, con un ben articolato decreto costituito da 56 articoli divisi in due titoli, istituì la Guardia Nazionale. Si trattava di un corpo militare autonomo, formato da uomini dai venti ai sessanta anni, con compiti di polizia. Oltre a risolvere i vari problemi di ordine pubblico, il nuovo corpo liberò l'esercito napoleonico dagli impegni del controllo dei territori, restituendogli lo spazio e il tempo per dedicarsi alle operazioni militari. La selezione veniva fatto da un Consiglio di Reclutamento presieduto dal Prefetto che aveva ampia discrezionalità nell'individuare gli uomini “suscettibili di essere chiamati”. La Guardia Nazionale si divideva in varie Coorti di 1.120 uomini ciascuna; la Coorte, a sua volta, era formata da otto Compagnie costituite da 140 uomini . Il Dipartimento del Trasimeno dovette fornire 278 coscritti che furono aggregati alla Coorte di Roma. Il Reclutamento nel nostro Dipartimento iniziò il 15 aprile del 1813. Tutti coloro che non si fossero presentati alla chiamata o che avessero abbandonato il loro distaccamento durante il cammino, sarebbero stati trattati come refrattari. La ferma aveva la durata di sei anni e l'organico era rinnovato per un sesto ogni anno. Il “Soldo”, ossia la remunerazione dei soldati, come l'armamento e la divisa, erano uguali a quelli della Fanteria di Linea. La fine del dominio francese Il 1814 fu l'anno di inizio del rapidissimo declino dell'astro napoleonico e degli sconvolgimenti politici che aveva introdotto in Europa. Già da tempo i suoi avversari ne attendevano la fine e avevano programmato con cura meticolosa i meccanismi e i sistemi della Restaurazione, prima ancora che il loro nemico fosse tolto definitivamente di mezzo. Il Congresso di Vienna si aprì, infatti, il 1° novembre del 1814, alla vigilia di quei Cento Giorni che vedranno Napoleone di nuovo in sella a far tremare l'Europa. Gli alleati della coalizione antinapoleonica riportarono una netta vittoria nella battaglia di La Rothiére il 1° di febbraio del 1814 e procedendo in due colonne lungo la Senna e la Marna si diressero verso Parigi con l'intenzione di occuparla e di umiliare lo storico avversario. Napoleone non si dette per vinto e nei giorni successivi riuscì ad ottenere qualche piccolo successo non decisivo, ma venne gravemente sconfitto il 20 e 21 marzo nella battaglia di Bar-surAube. Il 31 marzo i vincitori entrano in Parigi. Il Senato francese dichiarò immediatamente decaduto Napoleone che il 6 aprile fu costretto ad abdicare; gli venne offerto il principato dell'isola d'Elba ed una rendita vitalizia di due milioni di franchi. Il 24 maggio Pio VII fece ritorno sul trono dello Stato Pontificio. Il rapido susseguirsi degli avvenimenti non consentì, fin dai primi mesi dell'anno, a Napoleone di seguire direttamente le sorti dell'Italia Centrale ed il controllo dei territori pontifici fu affidato al cognato Gioacchino Murat, Re delle due Sicilie. L'intestazione dei verbali dei consigli comunali del 16 e 27 marzo riporta la dicitura: "In nome di Sua Maestà Gioacchino Napoleone, Re delle due Sicilie, provvisoriamente occupante li Stati Romani". Il 27 marzo 1814 si ha, dunque, l'ultima riunione consiliare sotto la tutela francese, poi seguirà un periodo di pausa e di incertezza in attesa degli eventi. Il Bonazzi afferma che “a Perugia fu rimesso al suo posto lo Stemma Pontificio il 24 aprile, essendosi il Murat accordato con il Papa. Frati e monache ritornano nei conventi...” Da quella data ebbe inizio l'amministrazione provvisoria in Perugia. Alla Fratta dal 16 maggio 1814. Odiosa transizione Verso i primi di giugno del 1814 si incominciarono a vedere i primi concreti segni del cambiamento di regime. Drappelli di soldati pontifici comparvero qua e là in varie zone del territorio. Arrivarono anche alla Fratta dove si stabilì un picchetto, comandato da un caporale, per sorvegliare l'ordine pubblico non fidandosi della Guardia Civica Cittadina. Il comportamento dei papalini non piacque agli abitanti di Fratta e il Maire Reggiani, che sicuramente non vedeva l'ora di essere sostituito, scrisse al capitano Sebastiano Matteucci, Comandante delle truppe pontificie di stanza in Città di Castello, in questi termini: “Ella non ignora, Signor Capitano, che quei pochi soldati della di Lei Compagnia che dimorano in questo Comune per qualche fatto imprudenziale praticato nel presiedere al buon ordine sono stati presi in odiosità da molti del paese. Non avendo qui li medesimi alcun officiale o persona autorevole che dirige li loro movimenti e non essendo dotati di quel controllo e contegno che deve accompagnare un buon soldato, va a pericolo da un momento all'altro, che possino fàr suscitare delle risse e sconcerti troppo facili a nascere nelle circostanze attuali. Il governo comanda che debba invigilarsi per il buon ordine e per la pubblica tranquillità. Questo distaccamento di truppa lo vedo necessario per questo effetto, e giacchè non può essere comandato da alcun officiale della Compagnia stessa son costretto a pregare la di lei bontà a voler degnarsi ordinare al caporale del picchetto che dipenda in tutte le operazioni dal Maresciallo Roberti, capo della Gendarmeria locale, che qui dimora. La prudenza e cognizioni che accompagnano il detto Officiale Produrrà quell'effetto che si desidera…” I soldati papalini erano stati presi in "odiosità" dai cittadini di Fratta per il loro comportamento (“fatto imprudenziale”"). Non era il miglior biglietto da visita per un ritorno non molto gradito. Note: 1. Si incontrerà più volte la parola "partito" che ha un significato diverso da quello attuale inteso come struttura ideologica e politica gerarchicamente organizzata. Qui si tratta di un raggruppamento vago di persone che la pensano alla stessa maniera. 2. L'albero della Libertà di Fratta fu piantato dai fautori della Repubblica Romana il 16 o 17 febbraio del 1798 e fu abbattuto due mesi dopo, il 28 aprile 1798, da una banda di partigiani clericali venuti da Magione e da Castel Rigone. Era un grosso abete di Monte Corona. A1 suo posto i clericali, tornati al potere nel secondo semestre del 1799, eressero una croce sorretta da un piedistallo in muratura. Il tronco dell'albero venne portato nella chiesa di San Francesco e per molti anni fece da sostegno al soppalco dell'organo. Così “l'albero anticlericale” fu costretto a “servire” in chiesa. 3. Anche il gioco della tombola lo turbava e non sa se “proibire il dannevolissimo gioco che arbitrariamente e nel pubblico Teatro e nelle pubbliche botteghe sfacciatamente si pratica...” 4. Ne parla anche Luigi Bonazzi con una colorita espressione “...I Cisalpini osarono perfino di andare a democratizzare la Fratta...” (Storia di Perugia - Vol. II - Pag. 392) 5. Nei primi mesi del 1808 furono soppressi i Conventi e le Corporazioni religiose. 6. Furono chiamati a testimoniare Tommaso Fanfani, di anni 54, calzolaio abitante al Boccaiolo; Giuseppe Sarti, vasaro; Vincenzo Igi. I feriti più gravi furono Vincenzo Scarpini, Domenico Porrini, Pietro Antonio Migliorati e Pietro Bettoni. Ci fu solo un ferito gravissimo, ma se la cavò: Antonio Brettone. 7. “Maire” è il termine francese con cui si indica il capo del comune, ossia il sindaco 8. “Mairie”, nella lingua francese, significa “comune”. 9. Il Pinturicchio, nato a Perugia nel 1454 e morto a Siena nel 1513, la dipinse nel 1502 su incarico dei Frati Minori dell'Osservanza di Santa Maria di Fratta. Fra i Santi che sono nella parte inferiore vediamo San Francesco al centro, San Bonaventura e San Bernardino a sinistra, Sant'Antonio da Padova e San Luigi da Tolosa a destra. In secondo piano ci sono i dodici Apostoli. La tavola partì da Fratta verso la metà di marzo del 1813 diretta a Parigi, via Perugia, Roma, Civitavecchia. Qualcuno, per fortuna, la fermò a Roma. Attualmente essa si trova nella biblioteca del Papa, dove Giovanni Paolo II, devotissimo della Madonna, volle che fosse collocata. Il Guerrini afferma che nei primi anni del secolo XIX essa fu venduta dai Frati Minori al Vaticano per 500 scudi. La notizia, priva di riscontri documentari, potrebbe essere fondata. Dopo la caduta di Napoleone e la restaurazione del Governo pontificio, con molta probabilità, il Vaticano ne chiese l'acquisto trasformando la rapina iniziale francese in un possesso legittimo dei Musei Vaticani. L'opera, oltre che al maire Magnanini, interessava poco anche ai Frati, che si sono accontentati di collocare al suo posto una riproduzione fotografica delle stesse dimensioni! 10. Da rilevare la novità introdotta dai Francesi, cioè il numero di Protocollo cui fare riferimento per la corrispondenza successiva. 11. Abbiamo la lista dei piatti richiesti dai commissari. Colazione: salsicce, pane, formaggio, due fiaschi di vino moscatello. Pranzo: minestra, lesso, arrosto, pane, frutti, formaggio e vino. Cena: Frittata, arrosto di lonza, pane, frutti, formaggio e due fiaschi di moscatello. 12. Le sanzioni previste per i refrattari ci spiegano perché venivano chiamati “fortunati” coloro che si arruolavano. Fonti: “Umbertide nel Secolo XIX” di Renato Codovini e Roberto Sciurpa – Comune di Umbertide. 2001 I CAPITOLATI DEL SERVIZIO POSTALE E DELLA PUBBLICA ILLUMINAZIONE NELLA FRATTA DI META’ OTTOCENTO SERVIZIO POSTALE - luglio 1848 1. Sarà obbligato il Postino partire da Fratta con la valige delle lettere, pacchi ed altro nel lunedì, mercoledì e venerdì di ogni settimana, non più tardi delle ore cinque antimeridiane e giungere a Perugia per consegnare il tutto a quella Direzione non più tardi del mezzo giorno o anche prima se la Direzione variasse l'ora della partenza del Corriero. 2. Nel lunedì e venerdì sarà obbligato il Postino partire con Calesso o Carrozza a suo piacimento e nel mercoledì gli si permette inviare la valige, pacchi ed altro anche da altri, ma sotto la stretta sua responsabilità e con legge di arrivare in Perugia nell'ora sopra stabilita. 3. A suo maggior profitto potrà ricevere ed eseguire le commissioni dei particolari, purché queste non ritardassero o intralciassero gli obblighi di Officio che andrà egli ad assumere. 4. Sarà obbligato il postino da per sé, o col mezzo di altri sotto la sua responsabilità riportare e consegnare la valige delle lettere, pacchi ed altro a questo Distributore postale, dal primo aprile a tutto settembre alle ore sette antimeridiane, dal primo ottobre a tutto marzo alle ore dieci antimeridiane del martedì, giovedì e sabbato di ogni settimana. 5. Sarà obbligato prendere in formale consegna da per sé, o col mezzo di persona di sua fiducia sotto la sua responsabilità, la valige delle lettere, pacchi ed altro dal Distributore di questa Terra, alle ore due italiane della sera del giorno innanzi alla partenza, ossia di ogni domenica, martedì e giovedì; consegnarla in Perugia all'ora stabilita all'articolo 1 e riportarla e riconsegnarla al Distributore di Fratta nelle ore stabilite all'articolo 4, senza alcun ritardo, meno il caso di vera urgenza, che sempre dovrà legalmente documentare; altrimenti per ogni ritardo non giustificato incorrerà nella penale di baj 50, che gli verrà ritenuta nel saldo a favore della Cassa Comunale, oltre il poter essere sospeso e anche dimesso dall'impiego secondo i casi e la circostanza, specialmente se recidivo. 6. Sarà obbligato portare e riportare dal Registro gli atti del Comune soggetti a detta formalità; come puntualmente eseguire qualunque incombenza che gli affidasse la Magistratura. 7. Sarà obbligato eseguire una idonea fideiussione solidale che garantisca verso il Comune tutte le obbligazioni e responsabilità che andrà egli ad assumere da approvarsi dal pubblico Consiglio. 8. Il Signor Distributore Postale nelle domeniche, martedì e giovedì di ogni settimana sarà obbligato chiudere la valige della corrispondenza alle ore due italiane della sera e farne la formale consegna al Postino. 9. Nei giorni di arrivo della posta sarà obbligato distribuire la corrispondenza mezz'ora dopo che sarà giunta, premesso il suono della campana come al presente: dovrà poi trattenersi nell'Officio per la distribuzione un'ora continua dopo sonata la campana, usando anche la correttezza di consegnare le lettere dopo l'ora indicata, quante volte taluno per assenza non fosse giunto in tempo a riscuoterle. 10. Nei giorni antecedenti alla partenza, dovrà il Distributore trattenersi un'ora nell'Officio avanti la chiusura della valige, per ricavare lettere, pacchi e denari da fiancarsi. 11. Sarà obbligato alla piena osservanza delle leggi e ordini che gli verranno abbassati dalla Direzione Generale delle Poste, dal Governo e dal Municipio e dovrà esibire un fideiussore solidale da approvarsi dal Consiglio che garantisca verso il Comune le obbligazioni e responsabilità che andrà egli ad assumere. PUBBLICA ILLUMINAZIONE NOTTURNA Periodo dagli anni 1851 - 1852 - 1853 Si invitano gli aspiranti a presentare le loro offerte d'appalto...... il 30 settembre prossimo si procederà al primo esperimento d'asta pubblica sulla base del seguente capitolato: 1. Durata dell'appalto: anni tre. 2. Sono compresi in questo appalto n. 8 lampioni costituenti 8 faci, perché il nuovo appaltatore sarà obbligato a far fare del proprio un lampione nuovo simile agli altri esistenti e questo con i necessari ferramenti, catena, serratura, e dovrà collocare il 1 ° gennaio 1851 nella via di San Giovanni di prospetto al voltone che conduce alla via di Porta Nuova in maniera che illumini quella strada traversa… 3. L'accensione dei lampioni sarà regolata come segue: dal giorno che farà il primo quarto la luna, fino alla sera dopo in cui avrà fatto il plenilunio, non si accenderanno affatto. Dalla prima sera dopo il plenilunio si accenderanno per quelle ore in cui non sarà alzata la luna. 4. ..............… 5. L'Appaltatore farà uso per l'illuminazione di olio ben purgato anche al fuoco occorrendo; e a tale effetto prima di incominciare il servizio depositerà nella Segreteria una mostra di olio giudicato capace a produrre una bella e chiara luce, quale verrà suggellato e conservato per servire di campione all'occorrenza. 6. L'Appaltatore sarà obbligato a tutte sue spese provvedersi dei diversi utensili, delle fettucce o lucignoli per i lampioni composti di cotone fino e seta bianca e nella forma e misura del campione esistente in Comune che gli verrà per sua norma esibito, come dovrà provvedere a tutt'altro che sarà necessario senza pretendere alcun compenso.… 7. La fettuccia o lucignoli dovranno fissarsi..... in modo che siano innalzati fuori dalle biffe che le racchiudono un quarto di oncia di piede perugino, quanto appunto ne dovranno ardere perché le fiaccole siano sufficienti all'illuminazione. 8. Sarà obbligato l'appaltatore alla manutenzione di tutti i lampioni, cristalli, lucerne, parabole (o riverberi), bracci di ferro, catene, rotelle di metallo, serrature e chiavi che gli verranno consegnati.… 9. Nei giorni destinati alle assolute vacanze di accensione descritte all'art. 3 dovrà l'Appaltatore ripulire esattamente tutti i lampioni e cristalli anche con gesso macerato per fare sparire tutte le affumicature altrimenti sarà tenuto dei danni. 10. Quante volte per qualunque caso straordinario piacesse alla Pubblica Rappresentanza ordinare l'accensione dei lampioni per dopo la mezzanotte, fermo l'obbligo prescritto all'articolo 3, l'Appaltatore ne sarà proporzionalmente compensato. 11. Sarà obbligato l'Appaltatore tenere accesi tutti i lampioni nelle intere notti della vigilia del SS.mo Natale; e in quelle notti di carnevale in cui al teatro si facessero feste da ballo si terrà accesi fino che saranno terminate; e tutto questo senza poter pretendere alcun compenso. 12. I lampioni che non si trovassero accesi nelle ore descritte importeranno a carico dell'Appaltatore una multa di bajocchi 40 a lampione. 13. .............. 14. ............. 15. Sarà obbligato l'Appaltatore ad esibire un'idonea fidejussione solidale..... e anticipare le spese legali occorrenti… 16. .........… Dalla Residenza Municipale, lì 29 agosto 1850. Fonti: “Umbertide nel secolo XIX” di Renato Codovini e Roberto Sciurpa – Comune di Umbertide, 2001 (Allegati)

Descrizione dell'Umbertide storica: dal Castello di Fratta ad Umbertide. Immagini e mappe storiche del nostro paese. From the Castle of Fratta to Umbertide ( edited by Francesco Deplanu) The first evidence of the castle of Fratta dates back to 1189. In fact, the deed with which "Fracta Filiorum Uberti", previously owned by the successors of Arimberto, was subjected to Perugia by the Marquis Ugolino di Uguccione, ascendant of the Marquises of Petrelle. Over the centuries the territory of Fratta it only once experienced a domination other than that of Perugia. In fact, in 1550, for a few months, the castle with all its territory, villas and rents was run by Paolo and Giovanni di Niccolò Vitelli Domicelli from Città di Castello. This did not mean a stable and peaceful life for the Castello della Fratta, on the SIUSA site we read: " In 1351 Fratta was devastated, on the occasion of the battles between the Visconti and Perugia, by the army of Giovanni di Cantuccio Gabrielli di Gubbio, captain of the archbishop of Milan. In the following decades, Fratta and its territory suffered the consequences of the clashes between the mercenary captain Braccio Fortebraccio da Montone and two thousand horses sent by Ladislao d'Angiò king of Naples, between 1403 and 1408; it was again devastated, in 1478, thanks to the plague, by the troops of Federico Duke of Urbino and, the following year, by the Florentines. Finally, Valentino too, at the head of the papal troops, moving towards Fossato di Vico, occupied it in 1500. " Also in this period the history of Fratta depended on the political life of Perugia, the struggles between the different opposing factions that took place in Perugia from the second half of the fourteenth century to the first decades of the following century often had repercussions in our country. In fact, on the Siusa website you can continue to read: "at the castle of Fratta, on various occasions, the exiles found refuge; it was the main interest of the Perugians, therefore, to" recover "or recapture the aforementioned castle. In 1385, for example, Fratta was occupied by the exiles, thanks to an uprising led by Tommaso di Ciardolino, captain of the guard; reconquered the following year by Albertino di Nino di Guidalotto and by Mattiolo di Angeluccio di Colle, being captain of the Perugia Pellino di Cucco Baglioni war, Fratta was extensively restored, in the defensive structures and equipped with an imposing fortress. " Thus our "Rocca" came to life. The construction was thus entrusted from Perugia to Alberto Guidalotti, the architect was named "Trocascio", or Angeluccio di Ceccolo. It was finished in 1389. Today the Rocca is consisting of large walls that at the base reach a width of 2.40 meters, is more than 30 meters high, presents with two circular towers, a square bulwark and two doors with a drawbridge, although today only one remains. Other episodes of occupations and recoveries took place in the years 1394, 1431 and 1495. During the rebellions for the salt gabelles in Perugia and then the famous "salt war" of 1540 Fratta, however, remained faithful to the papacy and thus saved himself from the destruction of the walls that he would otherwise have suffered. fig. 1 and 2: La Rocca in the 60s and a few years ago. Of this period there remain the precious Statutes of 1521 " ... of the sacred statutes of the notable castle of Fratta of the filioli de Uberto countryside of Perosa of the door of sancto Angelo ". A statute in the vernacular that also gives us a picture of the language used, although adequate for a clearer and more common linguistic expression in contemporary Tuscan. The notary, " Marino di Domenico di Marino Sponta of the dictum castle of Fratta, minimum servant of the community " rewrites the ruined ones of 1362. According to Francesco Mavarelli, who wrote about them in 1903 in “ Of the art of the Blacksmiths in the Land of Fratta (Umbertide). Memories and Documents ", they were only adequate copies of those of 1362 which had gone over time and were ruined. But what was Fratta like in the 16th century? In addition to information from Cyprian Piccolpasso there are also two maps of the sixteenth century that can tell us about it. let's start from these less known by Ubaldo Giorgi and Ignazio Danti. Thanks to the historian Fabrizio Cece who kindly provided it to us, we have an image, a detail, taken from the Map of the Diocese of Gubbio drawn by Don Ubaldo Giorgi in 1573. The intent to represent the Diocese with all its parishes characterizes the map : among others you can see S. Maria, S. Antonio, one of the first patrons of Fratta, S. Andrea and, in the center of the walls of Fratta, S. Giovanni. Fig. 1 and 2: Map of the Diocese of Gubbio drawn by Don Ubaldo Giorgi in 1573 and Detail of Fratta. Photo provided by Fabrizio Cece from the Diocesian Archives. Here we present, instead, the Texas University website that you can browse and zoom to see the description of Fratta in 1584 by Ignazio Danti. Here is the direct link to the portal of Texas University . Fratta owns the bridge over the Tiber, the only one on the map before "Ponte di Pattolo", "Ponte Felcino", "Ponte di Val di Ceppolo" north of Perugia. Yup they can see several designs of towers in the city with a part extended south of the bridge along the Tiber. Above all, as we indicated at the beginning, we have the best known map of Piccolpasso from 1565 with the representation of "Fratta" and then of its main quadrilateral defensive walls (at this link of the Municipality of Umbertide you can download the two documents in .pdf). In this period, Piccolpasso reports, the Community of Fratta presents itself as a place where " The men of this country sleep diligent, ingenious and solicitous and circumspect because their little site for the continuous exercise make it fruitful as a large countryside and a very large place. you work very well with archebugi and auction arms ". Further on, according to what Mavarelli and Prof. Porrozzi also report, the men of Fratta " have no cattle or pasture ". The city occupies " 138 reeds " of earth and " fires about 80 ", or 80 families. In the period between the middle of the sixteenth and the last years of the seventeenth century, the loss of much of the documentation of the municipal historical archive does not allow us to establish whether there have been particular changes in the institutions. The crucial year for the documentation is 1799: in fact, a large number of municipal papers were destroyed in a fire in the public square. Guerrini writes in his " History of the land of Fratta, now Umbertide ": " when in 1799 a gang of wicked brigands with blind vandalism and fury burned in the public square, as an infamous holocaust at the foot of the tree of Liberty, all the books and papers of the Town Hall ". TO starting from the mid-eighteenth century there is a fatigue towards the assumption of public responsibilities and a progressive worsening of some problems, such as the training of the bussolo (to choose the various institutional figures) and the choice of officers. From that moment on were introduced norms and new institutional figures that would allow the proper functioning of the government of the Community of Fratta. Thus it was from the point of view of the management of public offices it continued with a certain organizational difficulty, until in 1787 Pius VI, in April 1785, with an appointment of the then governor general of Umbria, Monsignor Angelo Altieri, found in the Perugian lawyer Silvestro Bruschi, the judge commissioner and general visitor of the communities of the territory of Perugia including the Community of Fratta . On January 28, 1787 the general council of Fratta was held and they emerged, according to what they report Sargentini Cristiana e Santolamazza Rossella who edited the item Fratta / Umbertide on the SIUSA site, " conspicuous administrative irregularities to be ascribed to the admixture in the exercise of the functions assumed by the administrators, to which was added a heavy debt of Fratta towards Perugia. Two were therefore proposed. assistants on public affairs, the canon Don Emanuele Cantabrana and the layman Paolo Mazzaforti, as practitioners of the interests of the community; moreover, having found that the number of councilors was not fixed, Bruschi ordered that the entanglement be carried out in his presence. decree established that the presence of at least twenty-four councilors was essential, << possessors, of good morals, and capable >>, the same number, that is, of the individuals who made up the magistracy's compass, up to the maximum number of thirty with the honorary members; and that, for the session to be valid, at least two thirds of the councilors were required . Particular attention was paid to the drafting and conservation of public writings, in such a way that << each of the four priors is given his key to the public case, where in addition to the documents and original receipts of interest, the community is kept closed the great seal. custodial and all the others, except that of the letters to remain with the secretary, according to the usual >>; moreover, that << it is the responsibility of the magistrate to do it, that all the books are kept exactly from the secretary, and that he is always at par in the register of deeds >> ". Silvestro Bruschi concluded the minutes of the visit to the Fratta Community with an approval dated September 16, 1787. The era of the French and then Napoleonic Revolution was coming, even for a an unimportant territory such as that of Fratta, changes arrived. With the proclamation of the Roman Republic, on February 15, 1798, the innovative principles of French administrative policy entered the former papal territories by right. The constitutional charter, published on March 17, contemplates the classic tripartition between legislative power, entrusted to two chambers (Senate and Tribunate), judicial power, exercised by elected and irremovable judges, to the courts, executive power attributed to five consuls. Four ministries (justice and police, interior, finance, marine warfare and foreign affairs), the large police headquarters (national treasury) and large accounting (national computisteria) depend on this. The territory of the State is divided into eight departments: Metauro ( Ancona), the Musone (Macerata), the Tronto (Fermo), the Trasimeno (Perugia), the Clitunno (Spoleto), the Cimino (Viterbo), the Tiber (Rome), the Circeo (Anagni). In turn, the departments are divided into cantons, and within the latter, which constitute the smallest of the state circumscriptions, the ancient pontifical communities undergo an incisive process of homogenization, as only the centers with more than 10,000 inhabitants constitute their own municipality, governed by building blocks, while the others are grouped together until this minimum population threshold is reached. Fratta thus became part of the Trasimeno Department, based in Perugia, as "Canton" with his own consular prefect: Giuseppe Savelli. The local company of the National Guard was also organized, with its own commander, the papal coat of arms was demolished and the municipality was given the name of municipality. But the Republic fell after 18 months with the surrender (29 September 1799) to the Neapolitan and Austrian armies. Fratta thus returned again under the state of the Church. Sources: - Antonio Guerrini: History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide from its origins until the year 1845 (for Antonio Guerrini completed by Genesio Perugini) - Tip. Tiberina Umbertide, 1883 -Francesco Mavarelli: On the art of blacksmiths in the land of Fratta (Umbertide) - Memories and documents - Stab. Tipografico Tiberino, 1903 - Cipriano Piccolpasso, The plants and portraits of the cities and lands of Umbria submitted to the Government of the city of Perugia , edited by G. Cecchini, Publisher of the National Institute of Archeology and History of Art, Rome 1963. - Bruno Porrozzi (edited by), Umbertide in the images. From the 1500s to the present day , Pro Loco Association Umbertide, Rubini and Petruzzi Typolithography, Città di Castello, 1977. - SIUSA (Unified Information System for Archival Superintendencies) on Umbertide http://siusa.archivi.beniculturali.it/cgi-bin/pagina.pl?TipoPag=prodente&Chiave=50311&RicProgetto=reg-umb&fbclid=IwAR2ydRABe1Uw3MxVbj3WkZrexe4eu0lBSPZe_991_1LwwGoww - http://siusa.archivi.beniculturali.it/cgi-bin/pagina.pl?TipoPag=profist&Chiave=84&RicProgetto=reg%2dumb - http://siusa.archivi.beniculturali.it/cgi-bin/pagina.pl?TipoPag=comparc&Chiave=330615&RicProgetto=reg%2dumb - https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth187370/m1/1/zoom/?resolution=6&lat=4964.5&lon=4844 http://www.umbertideturismo.it/content/download/293210/3113338/file/Immagine%20di%20Fratta%20disegnata%20nel%201665.pdf Photo: Fabrizio Cece Photo: Francesco Deplanu Photos: historical photos of Umbertide from the web and from various private archives to which we applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark in this way we try to avoid that the further disclosure on our part favors purposes not consonant with our intentions exclusively social and cultural. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com Marc Bloch , Apology of history « The story is there science of men over time "

Amerigo Contini: l’aviazione nelle guerre mondiali e la scoperta della “Tomba di Sagraia” (a cura di Francesco Deplanu) Foto 1: Amerigo Contini: immagine di Amerigo estratta dalle cartolina postale acquistabile su https://www.maremagnum.com/cartoline/cartolina-aviazione-militare-pilota-amerigo-contini-sur/130257376 Amerigo Contini nacque a Preggio di Umbertide il 10 agosto 1894, Gabriella Vignoli nel suo bel libro “Preggio. “Piccola grande storia di un paese dell’Appennino umbro” ci ricorda la figura di questo uomo di grande sensibilità artistica, colto e coraggioso che divenne un asso dell’aviazione italiana durante i conflitti mondiali: “L’architetto Amerigo Contini, già nel 1915 pilota di aereo militare componente della ottava squadriglia Caproni, dopo aver partecipato a varie operazioni di guerra fece parte della squadriglia comandata da Gabriele D’Annunzio nell’incursione su Pola ed ebbe dal poeta attestati di elogio e stima; coltivò anche la pittura e numerosi suoi quadri, in possesso della famiglia Caproni, sono tutt’ora esposti in varie mostre. Nella seconda guerra mondiale si distinse nei cieli di Libia, ricevendo la stima e l’amicizia del duca Amedeo d’Aosta e, inviato in Eritrea, realizzò l’organizzazione del servizio aereo territoriale in soli tre anni, ottenendo per questo un encomio solenne.” Foto 2 : Amerigo Contini in divisa. In Gabriella Vignoli, “Preggio. “Piccola grande storia di un paese dell’Appennino umbro”, “associazione amici di Preggio”. Scandagliando la sua vita si viene a sapere che il giovane Amerigo Contini si iscrisse a Roma, nel 1914, al corso speciale di architettura presso l’Istituto Superiore di Belle Arti. Sempre nel 1914 venne chiamato però a prestare servizio nel genio militare e nel ’15 venne ammesso a frequentare il corso di pilota presso la scuola di pilotaggio a Gallarate. Proprio in quell’anno, con il “patto di Londra”, l’Italia si apprestò ad intervenire nella prima guerra mondiale, anche Amerigo si trovò coinvolto nel conflitto conseguì il brevetto di “pilota” su velivolo Farman e ad ottobre, sempre del 1915, quello di “pilota militare”. Foto 3: “Palazzo Contini” a Preggio. In Gabriella Vignoli, “Preggio. “Piccola grande storia di un paese dell’Appennino umbro”, “associazione amici di Preggio”. Venne così assegnato col grado di Caporale alla sesta squadriglia Caproni e nel ’16 partecipò all’azione di bombardamento su Lubiana; nel settembre del ’17 partecipò le azioni di bombardamento contro la base navale di Pola. In queste azioni gli venne riconosciuta una delle due “medaglie d’argento al valor militare” che ricevette nel tempo con questa motivazione: “Mirabile d'audacia e di fervore, ai pericoli innumerevoli, agli attacchi di ogni sorta oppose la volontà decisa ed il saldo cuore, trasfondendo nei compagni dell'equipaggio quella volontà di vincere che moltiplicò lo sforzo sul nemico in combattimenti aerei, in incursioni vicine e in lontane ardite operazioni di bombardamento e di mitraglia. In un'impresa rischiosa e difficile oltremare, avuto l'apparecchio colpito in luogo vitale e ferito uno dei compagni, ebbe pari pericolo l'audacia e la maestria di volo, portando in salvo l'equipaggio e l'apparecchio, affinché l'ala bucata, lacerata, dilaniata, testimoniasse della volontà eroica e dell'ardua prova superata. Cielo della Carsia Giulia, 19-30 agosto; Cielo di Pola, 2-8 agosto-4 settembre 1917”. In quel periodo continuò a dipingere oli su tela di carattere aeronautico che dopo la fine dell’ostilità entrarono a far parte della collezione del conte Gianni Caproni. Dipinti che si ritrovano impressi in delle cartoline a tema ancora oggi visibili ed acquistabili sul web. Dopo il termine della guerra nella quale venne decorato con due medaglie d’argento e una di bronzo al valor militare (ne ebbe complessivamente nella sua vita due di argento e due di bronzo); riprese lo studio dell’architettura. Si laureò così nel 1921. Nell’agosto dell’anno precedente, a Preggio, nei terreni della sua famiglia, si accorse dell’importanza del cedimento nel terreno che aveva messo in luce quella che per noi oggi è la tomba etrusca di Sagraia. Sotto riportiamo l’intero suo “racconto” della scoperta con un bellissimo schizzo, sempre di Contini, riportato in “Notizie degli scavi di antichità” dell’Atti delle Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. L’anno seguente si trasferì in Sardegna e dal 1923 con la costituzione della “Regia aereonautica” riprese l’attività militare. Nel maggio del 1925 venne promosso a capo della 12ª squadriglia a Tripoli, nell’Africa settentrionale; dal 1927 al ’28 prese parte alle operazioni di conquista della Libia. Successivamente, nel 1932, venne mandato in Eritrea, ovvero nell’Africa orientale italiana, dove lavorò come organizzatore del servizio aereo territoriale e venne promosso maggiore nel 1935. Si ammalò e dovette ritornare in Italia, venendo promosso prima “tenente colonnello" e poi “colonnello” nel giugno del 1939; con questo grado divenne comandante dell’areonautica della Libia. La seconda guerra mondiale lo rivide ancora in prima linea, questa volta a comando dell’aeroporto, prima di Castelbenito e poi di Perugia, fino all’arrivo dell’armistizio dell’ 8 settembre 1943. Da quel momento non rientrò più in servizio. Nel 1951 divenne “generale di brigata aerea”; Amerigo morì in Sardegna, a Sassari nel 1957. Amerigo e la scoperta della tomba etrusca di Sagraia Immagine n. 4 estratta da “Atti delle Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Anno 1922, Serie V, Notizie degli scavi di antichità, Vol XIX, Roma, 1922. Pagina 110-116/532. X. PREGGIO (comune di Umbertide in provincia di Perugia) “Relazione sugli scavi eseguiti in Sagraia." "Nell'agosto del decorso anno mentre presenziavo a dei lavori agricoli di sterro nel predio al vocabolo Sagraia in frazione di Preggio, comune di Umbertide (Perugia) di proprietà della mia famiglia, vennero in luce dei blocchi di pietra, evidentemente lavorati, che generarono in me il sospetto che si potesse essere in presenza dei resti di una qualche antica costruzione. Immagine n. 5 estratta da “Atti delle Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Anno 1922, Serie V, Notizie degli scavi di antichità, Vol XIX, Roma, 1922. Pagina 110-116/532. Feci proseguire a maggiore profondità il lavoro in quel luogo con il felice risultato di venire alla scoperta di parte di una costruzione da attribuirsi con molta probabilità agli Etruschi. Allora sospesi immediatamente i lavori, ne informai la R. Soprintendenza agli scavi di Etruria. Nei primi giorni di ottobre del passato anno lo stesso prof. Pernier Soprintendente agli scavi dell'Etruria, venne a compiere un sopralluogo; e, riconosciuta l'importanza e l'interesse archeologico della scoperta, disponeva perché gli scavi fossero continuati per conto del Sottosegretariato per le Antichità e le Belle Arti, affidandone la sorveglianza all'assistente Montagnoli Severino, perché venissero completamente messi in luce i resti dell'antico monumento. Dopo circa dieci giorni di lavoro di scavo e sgombero, fu completamente liberata dall' interramento una costruzione a pianta rettangolare delle dimensioni interne di m. 5,85 X 3,22 (fig. 1); le pareti sono costituite da tre filari di blocchi di pietra serena, estratta certamente nelle vicinanze, perfettamente squadrati e connessi senza cemento (fig. 2). Le pareti, coronate da una cornice molto semplice e sporgente per circa m. 0,48, sono alte, questa compresa, m. 1,83. Immediatamente sopra di essa, a filo con le pareti longitudinali, era impostata una volta a tutto sesto composta da lunghi blocchi di pietra bene incuneati, come nelle più perfette volte romane; ciò desumo dalla presenza di un blocco lungo m. 1,55, l'unico ancora a posto ehe chiaramente, per la sua curvatura, proporzionata al diametro della volta, indica la pienezza dell'arco (fig.3); cosicché l'altezza massima dell'ambiente sull'asse longitudinale doveva toccare i m. 3,45. L’accesso all'interno della costruzione è costituito da un corridoio largo m. 1,05 e lungo m. 3,75, ehe precede la porta larga m. 0,83; fra il piano della soglia di questa e quello del corridoio, esiste una bassa ed ampia antisoglia della profondità di m. 0,62 (fig. 4). La maggior parte dei caratteri della costruzione la fanno attribuire agli Etruschi; d'altra parte nella relativa piccolezza del monumento si scorge una potenza di costruzione ehe fa subito pensare ai monumenti romani. Pur troppo nulla si rinvenne nell'interno ehe potesse aiutare a precisare l'epoca e l'uso della costruzione ; ma certo si tratta di un ipogeo monumentale; solo furono trovati pochi frammenti di urne, olle ed orei in terracotta. In ogni nodo che il monumento possa essere attribuito ad età etrusco-romana può risultare anche dal parallelismo assai vicino con la tomba di Bettona pubblicata anni or sono dal Cultrera (1: “In Not. Scavi, 1916, p. 3.”). Immagine n. 6 estratta da “Atti delle Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Anno 1922, Serie V, Notizie degli scavi di antichità, Vol XIX, Roma, 1922. Pagina 110-116/532. Secondo 1'uso etrusco, la costruzione era per buona parte sotto terra ma poiché il sottosuolo non si prestava per la sua costituzione geologica (filoni di roccia a sottili falde frammentate poste per coltello) all'escavazione di una grotta, i costruttori rivestirono le pareti della grande fossa praticità sul pendio della collina con poderosi blocchi. Sulle pareti longitudinali appoggiarono la volta a botte e poscia coprirono la costrizione col tumulo tradizionale. Il forte aggetto della cornice che ricorre con certezza su almeno tre pareti, è sproporzionato allo scopo puramente decorativo e fa supporre che possa principalmente aver servito alla collocazione li urne cinerarie, lampade ecc., in modo da preservare questi oggetti dall'umidità, non presentando il fondo roccioso alcuna traccia di pavimentazione. Stupisce il fatto che in tale costruzione, ehe doveva essere perfetta, fosse lasciata per pavimento la superficie abbastanza ineguale della roccia ; ma probabilmente il fondo doveva essere almeno ricoperto da uno strato di terra battuta e argilla, scomparso e disciolto nel processo dei secoli. A meno che il pavimento non sia stato distrutto quando fu violato, depredato e smantellato il monumento. L'ipotesi della devastazione è avvalorata dal fatto che poche delle pietre costituenti la volta si trovarono nell'interno dell’ipogeo, oltre che dall'assenza completa di uu qualsiasi oggetto. Si conserva memoria che circa 40 anni fa, nell'eseguire lavori agricoli, sempre nel territorio circostante alla scoperta odierna, si rinvenne un idoletto etrusco, che fu venduto per scudi 200. Altri saggi sommari, eseguiti contemporaneamente allo scavo dell'ipogeo, hanno rivelato dei punti ove la roccia, costantemente quasi affiorante alla superficie in tutta la zona adiacente, manca improvvisamente lasciando il posto ad una riempitura di terra lavorata, mista a franınenti di vasi, orei e tegoloni in terracotta. In altro punto quest franımenti vennero trovati uniti a uno strato di terra nera serbante ancora evidenti tracce d'incendio. Il nome della località (Sagraia), la scoperta dell'ipogeo, i saggi fatti e ii frammenti di antiche terrecotte affioranti alla superficie di tutti i canıpi vicini, avvalorano il sospetto che il sottosuolo possa nascondere altri antichi monumenti, forse in migliore stato di quello testè messo in luce ; sicché sarebbe opportuna un'accurata esplorazione atta a sincerare il vero valore archeologico del terreno in parola. In vari punti della zona circostante la frazione di Preggio, sono state più volte rinvenute tombe semplici a cassoni di terracotta, e al pian di Marte, anni or sono, fu invenuto una specie di salvadanaio in terracotta, contenente monete ; ivi pure con frequenza sono stati trovati avanzi di sepolcri umani. Immagine n. 7 estratta da “Atti delle Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Anno 1922, Serie V, Notizie degli scavi di antichità, Vol XIX, Roma, 1922. Pagina 110-116/532. La zona a nord del Trasimeno, e precisamente fra Preggio e Passignano del Lago, è compresa nel campo di battaglia in cui furono sconfitti i Romani dai Cartaginesi. Tutto ciò non perché abbia relazione col fatto del rinvenimento dell'antico monumento, ma solamente per dimostrare l'interesse scientifico che questa ignorata regione può presentare dal punto di vista dell'archeologia e della storia dell'arte, anche per la grande quantità di inenorie e di rovine medioevali. AMERIGO CONTINI." Fonti: “Atti delle Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Anno 1922, Serie V, Notizie degli scavi di antichità, Vol XIX, Roma, 1922. Pagina 110-116/532 - Gabriella Vignoli, “Preggio. “Piccolq grande storia di un paese dell’Appennino umbro”, “associazione amici di Preggio”. https://www.wikiwand.com/it/Amerigo_Contini https://www.maremagnum.com/cartoline/cartolina-aeronautica-pilota-amerigo-contini-i-caproni-sull/130117022 https://www.maremagnum.com/cartoline/cartolina-aviazione-militare-pilota-amerigo-contini-sur/130257376 https://www.maremagnum.com/cartoline/cartolina-monoplan-esnault-pelterie-rep-pilote-par-amerigo/130247900 https://www.maremagnum.com/cartoline/cartolina-militari-aviazione-impressioni-di-volo-di-amerigo/130008377 Video della Tomba di Sagraia: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ne8VH8IHOCM

La Baca La Baca is not the Halloween pumpkin. The "grandparents" of Umberto I and the neighboring countryside still remember how for the day of the dead the tradition was to carve the pumpkin in an anthropomorphic form and insert a candle inside on the night between the first and the second of November. The Anglo-Saxon tradition of Halloween for the day of the Saints has replaced also the memory of this Umbertidese custom. We are looking for anecdotes, photos and memories to "bring it back" to memory. Most likely making the "baca" is not an imported or revived "young" tradition from the Anglo-Saxon one because there are analogous ancient traditions of the use of the pumpkin, with a similar function and in the same period, in other parts of Italy. For example, we mention the tradition of the " Fucacoste and Cocce Priatorje " of the town of Orsara di Puglia. " bonfire and heads of Purgatory ". In all the streets of the town of Orsara we read on the site of the " Italian network of popular culture " on the 2nd of November " There is a burning sheaf and hanging anthropomorphic pumpkins. This is not Halloween, but an event that highlights the memory of the deceased. The characterizing element is the broom, a shrub that easily evaporates in flames, symbolizing the bond heaven-earth to our eyes. It is the belief that the souls of the deceased, returning to the living, visit relatives and return to their earthly homes, get warm and continue their wanderings throughout the night. The lit pumpkin would indicate to the deceased the house where he lived. In honor of the dead, poor but symbolic foods are eaten. ". Similarly happened in Sardinia: the pumpkin, "sa crocoriga", carved was the “Sa conca 'e mortu” and was exhibited on the night of November 1st, “in notte de su primu de donniassantu”. In short, this too is one of the traditional aspects that we intend to investigate ... always with your help! Sources: - https://www.immediato.net/2019/10/29/orsara-fucacoste-e-cocce-priatorje-su-rai-3-e-tra-le-tradizioni-piu-spettacolari-ditalia/ - https://www.reteitalianaculturapopolare.org/ar/home-page- archive /item/1008-gabinovia.html - https://pipius.com/sa-crocoriga-halloween-sardegna/ - https://pipius.com/sa-crocoriga-halloween-sardegna/ - https://www.famedisud.it/i-riti-dautunno-dedicati-ai-morti-e-le-zucche-intagliate-in-sardegna/ Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

The historic calendars of Umbertide Adriano Bottaccioli, the creator of the Umbertide Calendar and author of the illustrations and of the editorial and graphic project of all editions In the photo alongside, from left: Fabio Mariotti, Adriano Bottaccioli, Mario Tosti and Amedeo Massetti. Below, from left: Walter Rondoni, Fabio Mariotti, Adriano Cerboni, Amedeo Massetti and Mario Tosti with the cover of the second edition of the Calendar. The idea of an Umbertidese lunarium could only arise from the brain (and heart) of an emigrant-commuter fellow citizen, due to that particular sensitivity towards his own land that the distance develops; but Adriano Bottaccioli did not just pull the stone and hide his hand, as many "thinkers" too often do, but sharpened his formidable pencil and intellect to give his intuition a body full of warmth and collective intimacy . An editorial staff was set up around Adriano made up of Mario Tosti , Amedeo Massetti and Fabio Mariotti to whom Walter Rondoni was added who guaranteed quality and continuity of work and to whom other collaborators were then added year by year because good ideas, fortunately, are still contagious and many have been ready to have fun lending a hand, with the enthusiasm of rediscovering themselves part of a community, which comes from the same memories and moves towards the same goals and expectations. The Calendar, on its first release, aroused great surprise and huge success among the citizens, especially among the people of Umbria residents in other cities and abroad (to which was promptly sent): and they began to get enthusiastic letters from the City every where. All copies were snapped up (many requests they came even from nearby cities) and it was necessary prepare a second reissue. This convinced the municipal administration to continue the initiative, considered a important tool to strengthen even more the identity and values of the community and in the same time to fix historical and cultural aspects that otherwise they would have risked getting lost. 1992 calendar Read the calendar 1993 Calendar Laws the calendar 1994 calendar Read the calendar 1992 . The first edition of the Umbertide Calendar has the role of a lunario - almanac, presenting all the aspects of our cultural traditions: from the dialect to the idioms; from proverbs, to games, to nursery rhymes, to popular chants; from the typical dishes of our peasant civilization, to the nicknames that were once given to all the members of our small community. 1993 . The second edition the research on popular traditions and local linguistic aspects continued, but also the "ancient crafts" were included and "portraits" of Umbertidese characters were added who, for their originality and sympathy, had left their mark on the collective memory and were remembered by all with love. There were also memories of nice village events or famous jokes that occurred several decades ago, but still remembered by many. 1994 . The 1994 Calendar, continuing on the traditional mainstay, examined above all the events of the Second World War in Umbertide, with particular regard to the tragic aerial bombardment of April 25, which marked the fiftieth anniversary. 1995 calendar Read the calendar 1996 Calendar Read the calendar 1997 Calendar Read the calendar 1995. The following year, 1995, saw a calendar dedicated to the "great trades" that have characterized the life of the city from 1900 onwards; the most important, those that have interested and continue to interest generations of Umbertidesi and those who have disappeared or risk disappearing in the name of a modernity that too often tramples on traditions and cancels creativity. 1996 . In 1996 the research on popular traditions was extended to twelve municipalities of Altotiberini, Umbria and Tuscany (Anghiari, Citerna, Città di Castello, Lisciano Niccone, Monterchi, Monte S. Maria Tiberina, Montone, Pietralunga, Pieve S. Stefano, San Giustino, Sansepolcro , Umbertide). The Calendar of the Upper Tiber Valley was born, distributed in many copies by the publisher Cerboni of Città di Castello. 1997 . The 1997 Calendar was dedicated to the rediscovery of the ancient districts of Umbertide, with the trades, games and characters that animated the alleys and squares of the time. Ramiro, Giovanni, Bigo Bago, Pàrise, Silvio de Santa Maria, L'Andella and Federico, 'The accountant Martinelli, Checco de Camillo, Peppe de la Fascìna, L'Ottavia, L'Alba de Budidò, Tomassino. 1998 calendar Read the calendar 1999 calendar Read the calendar 2000 calendar Read the calendar 1998 . 1998 was the turn of the historical associations of Umbertide which formed the soul of the city and involved thousands of people in their recreational, social, cultural and sporting activities. 1999 . Since 1999 the main theme of the Calendar has shifted towards historical research on Umbertide, based on the very rich material collected in decades of passionate research by Renato Codovini . The monuments and the most ancient defensive works of the past have begun to be examined in depth, often providing unpublished information, such as those on the "Saracina" tower at the beginning of the bridge, on the Collegiate Church, on the castle walls, on the door of San Francesco, on the great fourteenth-century dam on the Tiber. Numerous news also on the hamlets of Umbertide, such as Preggio, Pierantonio, Montecastelli. On the left, Renato Codovini 2000 . The nineteenth century was the main theme of the end of the millennium calendar. The nineteenth-century Fratta, albeit with the necessary brevity, has been examined in all its aspects: public safety, the administration of the Municipality, traffic and communications, agriculture, associations and institutions, music, theater and leisure, industrial activities, commerce, health, public education, the postal service, transport, the population. An unprecedented slice of life that has fascinated many people. Elementary and middle schools have adopted it as a news source for historical research on our recent past. 2001 Calendar Read the calendar Calendar 2002 Read the calendar Calendar 2003 Read the calendar 2001 . In 2001 the Calendar celebrated its tenth anniversary with a special edition that carried all those of its predecessors on its cover. The main topic was the eighteenth-century Fratta. Map of the siege of Fratta during the "War of the Grand Duke" Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli 2002 . Always continuing on the historical trend, we arrived at the 2002 calendar, which dealt with Fratta in the seventeenth century, providing information of great interest on the life of our small fortified city in the seventeenth century. The famous “blacksmiths of Fratta” appeared there, the potters with their precious ceramics. The way to live, to dress, to have fun was described. The school, the music, the theater, the "hotels". The life and poems of Filippo Alberti, a famous poet and man of letters from Fratta, a friend of Torquato Tasso. Numerous curiosities. It contained the names of the families of the seventeenth century and their events. Finally, an accurate and exciting exposition of the "War of the Grand Duke" which hit Fratta in the autumn of 1643. The siege of the Tuscan army, the fortifications, the defense of the walls, the great flood of the Tiber. Until the general exultation for the narrow escape. 2003 . No less interesting was the 2003 edition, with the presentation of the laborious life of the Fratta of the sixteenth century. The first “photograph” left by Cipriano Piccolpasso in 1565 was published there, reproduced for the first time from the original - kept in the National Central Library of Rome - with the digital system. The quality of the enlarged image provided details that had not been possible to observe with previous photographic reproductions; many details of the castle and of the lower village emerged, with very interesting aspects of the architectural structure, of the military fortifications, of the productive activities of Fratta. Really exciting. Calendar 2004 Read the calendar 2005 calendar Read the calendar 2006 Calendar Read the calendar 2004 . The 2004 Calendar provided surprising information on the 15th century Fratta. The stay of Pico della Mirandola in our small village, chosen as the ideal place to write the "manifesto of the Renaissance"; the presence of a prestigious Jewish community; the many important figures of national importance who were born here, such as the illustrious jurist Giovanni Pachino and the pontifical archiatrist Andrea Cibo. News always drawn from the precious research of Renato Codovini . 2005 . After popular traditions, dialect, ancient crafts and historical research, a new phase has opened with 2005. This year's Calendar has in fact opened the line of images more important to everyone, than real family albums. A photographic story of the families of Umbria in the most significant moments of life. Edition that has achieved extraordinary success for the sense of intimacy and the high evocative value that it is successful to create. 2006 . The 2006 Calendar also continued in the vein of family images. The most important images for everyone, real family albums. A photographic story of the families of Umbria in the most significant moments of life. Edition that has replicated the success of that of the previous year, always for the sense of intimacy and the high evocative value it created. 2007 Calendar Read the calendar Calendar 2008 Read the calendar Calendar 2009 Read the calendar 2007 . This edition concludes the section dedicated to the images of the families of Umberto in the most significant moments of life. Three editions that have met with great success success for the sense of intimacy and the high evocative value that they managed to create, also involving citizens in the search for often forgotten photos. 2008 . The 2008 Calendar was instead dedicated to the knowledge and enhancement of important works of art in our Municipality. On each page of the month it was one of the great works that are part of the artistic heritage of the city and the territory. Signorelli , Pomarancio , Pinturicchio , Nero Alberti , Corrado Cagli , Ernesto Freguglia : the great artists who have left traces of their work in Umbertide. The graphic design in which the work was carried out is also splendid. 2009 . In 2009, however, the Calendar guided the visit to the Town Hall, formerly the luxurious residence of the Bourbon Marquis of Sorbello, which has been the seat of the local administration offices since 1841. A detailed illustration of this historic building, the heart of public life in Umbertide, of all its architectural features, and its notable artistic merits. In addition to the description of the "noble" floor - seat of the halls of the Mayor, the Council and the Executive - full of sculptures and frescoes, also detailed images and maps to improve knowledge of all the offices that provide services to citizens every day. Calendar 2010 Laws the calendar 2011 Calendar Read the calendar 2012 Calendar Read the calendar 2010. The 2010 edition completely changed the subject, turning attention to the world of work, to the vast productive world of our territory. Shops and workshops, factories and farms, construction sites, schools, hospitals, shops. Ingenious and creative craftsmen who qualify our productive world, competent and passionate entrepreneurs who face sacrifices and risks for their own company. It was surprising to discover the very high technological level of some companies and that certain products for brands of national importance, such as Fiat. Maserati and Ferrari are manufactured in Umbertide. 2011 . The 2011 Calendar was dedicated to the Tiber, to which the life of our city has always been linked. The story of Fratta on the river, a secure military defense and bringer of floods and destruction; the characteristic figures, the washerwomen, the fishermen, the "renaioli", the "bracelets", the carters. The characters who lived in symbiosis with the river, the fishing systems, the fluvial flora and fauna, the cuisine of the Tiber. Finally, the historical events on the Tiber, from the siege of the Tuscan army in 1643 to the aerial bombardment of 1944 which aimed at the destruction of the bridge. Fantastic illustrations: a highly evocative calendar. 2012 . The 2012 edition celebrated the twentieth anniversary of the calendar, with a special issue that retraced the history of the Umbertian lunar year by year, with an exciting ride back in time. We spent more than seven thousand days and 175 thousand hours together. Beautiful and less beautiful days, marked by joys but also by disappointments, successes and failures. Almost a lifetime, and we did it by discovering and rediscovering the history of Fratta, both the big and the small one, made up of many stories, anecdotes, characters who have left their mark on the community. 2013 Calendar Read the calendar 2014 Calendar Read the calendar 2015 Calendar Read the calendar 2013 . This edition was entirely dedicated to CUISINE , in particular the local one, with columns related to the theme of food: the recipe of the month, smells, spices, good herbs, mushrooms and truffles, the professions of food, magnà alla frattegiana, ristulzini 'ntorno al foco, food anthology. A particularly appetizing calendar in which the inspiration and competence of Adriano Bottaccioli were exalted. 2014 . The main theme of the 2014 edition is the Fratta of the nineteenth century which relives every year in the historical re-enactment in costume for the squares, streets and alleys of the historic center. The inns and taverns, the festive air, the shows and events, as people lived then, portraits from the 1800s, 150 years as a Umbertidesi. This edition was dedicated to Amedeo Massetti and Peppe Cecchetti who left us, the first a backbone of the Calendar since birth, the second great collaborator with his photographic art. 2015 . Umbertide between '800 and' 900: The 100 years of the Tiberis, the arrival of electricity in the city, the story of Zelmirina Agnolucci, the Rometti family and ceramic art, the Central Apennine Railway and the Umbrian Central, Leoncillo, the minimal anthology of writings on Umbertide . These are the topics covered. 2016 Calendar Read the calendar 2016 . It is the 25th edition and it is also the last one signed by Adriano Bottaccioli and his editorial staff. An exciting cycle closes with a calendar addressed, as a sign of homage and thanks, to the UMBERTIDESI IN THE WORLD . The history, the memories, the characters, the images of the many people from Umberto who went to seek their fortune all over the world, where they proved to be "... diligent, ingenious, solicitous and avid ..." as they were already defined, in the mid-16th century, by Cipriano Piccolpasso. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

ROBERTO MORELLI Caduto ad appena 19 anni combattendo a Montelungo contro la Divisione tedesca Goering con la divisa del nuovo esercito italiano di liberazione di Amedeo Massetti Roberto Morelli era nato a Città di Castello il 10 luglio 1924 da genitori entrambi umbertidesi ed era rimasto legato strettamente alla nostra città, dove ritornava presso i suoi parenti ogni volta che gli impegni scolastici glielo permettevano. Finiti gli studi superiori aveva deciso di diventare ufficiale di marina e per questo aveva raggiunto l'Accademia Navale a Venezia nell'agosto del 1943, per seguire il previsto tirocinio. Sopravvenne l'8 settembre; tutti i giovani concorrenti furono imbarcati sulla nave "Vespucci" il giorno 10 e trasferiti a Brindisi nella sede dell'ex collegio navale, dopo una navigazione piena di pericoli. Nella nuova sede un certo numero di loro lasciò l'Accademia per rientrare in famiglia; la maggioranza rimase, tra questi anche i nove ragazzi, compreso il Morelli, che decisero di non lasciar passare altro tempo per dare un contributo immediato alla rinascita della Patria. Si arruolarono così, dopo aver lasciato quasi clandestinamente l'Accademia, nel 514º Battaglione Bersaglieri Allievi Ufficiali che faceva parte del 12º Raggruppamento motorizzato costituitosi a S. Pietro Vernotico, a poca distanza da Brindisi. II raggruppamento fu portato in linea e nel sanguinoso combattimento dell'8 dicembre 1943 per la conquista di Montelungo, dei nove ragazzi che avevano lasciato l'Accademia cinque caddero, tra cui Roberto, e quattro furono feriti affrontando i veterani della divisione tedesca Goering. La vicenda dei nove ragazzi é stata ricordata con elevate parole anche dall'allora Presidente del Consiglio Carlo Azelio Ciampi , in occasione della sua visita all'Accademia Navale di Livorno nel dicembre 1993 e, a suo tempo, dal Generale Clark, comandante della 9ª Armata Americana in un suo nobile messaggio al 51º battaglione Bersaglieri dopo la battaglia di Montelungo. Motivazione della Medaglia d'Argento al Valor Militare alla Memoria "Arruolatosi volontario partecipava a successive azioni contro i tedeschi, dimostrando in ogni circostanza sprezzo del pericolo. Durante un duro combattimento, conscio della necessità di rifornire di munizioni la sua arma, attraversava più volte la zona battuta dal tiro di armi automatiche avversarie. Ferito in uno di questi tentativi, ricusava di raggiungere il posto di medicazione e visto morire il porta-arma tiratore alla mitragliatrice lo sostituiva. Una raffica micidiale, colpendolo una seconda volta, troncava la sua nobile vita". Una via intitolata a Roberto Morelli Una nuova via nella zona edificata delle Fontanelle. Accanto a quelle intitolate a Massimiliano Kolbe, ai Maestri del Lavoro, a Don Bosco, alle Maestre Pie Filippini e al dottor Mario Migliorati, ce n'è ora una dedicata a un ragazzo morto in guerra a 19 anni: Roberto Morelli, medaglia d'argento al valor militare. Un nome meno conosciuto, di un giovane che riposa nel cimitero di Umbertide, e che l'8 dicembre 1943 cadde a Montelungo, bersagliere volontario dell'appena ricostituito esercito italiano di liberazione. L'Amministrazione comunale ha aderito alle richieste delle associazioni combattentistiche umbertidesi, uniformandosi nell'opera da sempre tesa a ricordare tutti quei cittadini che caddero eroicamente nelle tragiche vicende vissute dal popolo italiano. Così come avvenuto in passato per Pucci, Rosati e Starnini, domenica 7 settembre il sindaco Becchetti ha scoperto la targa della nuova strada adiacente a piazza Berlinguer. La cerimonia è iniziata alle 11 al cimitero. Una messa celebrata da don Gerardo Balbi davanti alla tomba dell'eroico ragazzo. Tante le autorità presenti e tanti i labari delle associazioni di ex combattenti. Con commosse parole, all'omelia, il sacerdote ha ricordato il sacrificio di Roberto e la donazione della sua giovane vita. E infine la preghiera del marinaio letta da Marco Baldassarri, tra le note del "silenzio" del trombettiere della Banda della Marina Militare di La Spezia che ha presenziato al rito. Subito dopo, nella piazza delle Fontanelle, la cerimonia di intitolazione della nuova via. Il Sindaco ha salutato le autorità presenti e tutti gli intervenuti. "Con questa semplice cerimonia - ha detto Becchetti - continuiamo nell'opera che l'Amministrazione comunale ha da tempo avviato: quella di ricordare quei concittadini che, in particolari momenti storici, in momenti estremamente difficili, si sono trovati a dover scegliere, ed hanno, onestamente e coerentemente con i propri principi, fatto scelte coraggiose, pagando con la propria vita." Il Capitano di Fregata avvocato Giuseppe Conforto, dell'Associazione Nazionale Marinai d'Italia, ha tenuto la commemorazione ufficiale e con elevate parole ha ricordato la figura di Roberto Morelli, dall'Accademia Navale a Venezia alla battaglia di Montelungo. Ha messo in evidenza il coraggio e i nobili ideali che ispirarono il giovane nella sua scelta che dovette poi pagare col sacrificio della vita. Quindi, davanti all"'attenti" del picchetto d'onore comandato dal sottotenente Giorgio Cordioli, e alla Banda della Marina che intonava un brano musicale, lo scoprimento della targa. Un momento molto emozionante. Molte le autorità presenti: il vice Prefetto dottor Roberto Aragno, il tenente colonnello Passeri in rappresentanza del generale Franco Stella, il tenente colonnello Cosimo Chiarelli, comandante provinciale di Carabinieri, il generale Federico Marzollo con alfiere e medagliere del 514º Battaglione Bersaglieri, il generale Civello Luccioli con medagliere del Nastro Azzurro di Perugia, l'avvocato Mancini, vice presidente dell'Associazione Forze Armate Regolari della Guerra di Liberazione e i rappresentanti umbertidesi delle Associazioni Alpini, Bersaglieri, Marinai, Combattenti Guerra di Liberazione, famiglie dei Caduti. Per la famiglia di Roberto Morelli c'era il fratello Renato e la cugina Elena . Conclusa la cerimonia, la Fanfara della Marina Militare di La Spezia ha percorso le vie cittadine suonando briosi motivi e, seguita da molte persone, è giunta in piazza Matteotti. Sopra il palco ha tenuto un breve concerto per i cittadini presenti entusiasmando tutti per la brillante ed appassionata esecuzione dei brani proposti. La battaglia di Montelungo La battaglia di Montelungo è, secondo gli storici, l'evento più importante della Guerra di Liberazione. Infatti, ai piedi di questa altura che domina la via Casilina a Sud di Cassino, nella stretta di Mignano, il 14º Raggruppamento Motorizzato Italiano, formato tutto da volontari e che si può definire la cellula fondamentale del nuovo esercito, sostenne il primo combattimento che segnò l'inizio della riscossa italiana. La lotta fu dura; le perdite elevatissime: 320 tra morti, feriti e dispersi. Il monte, quel giorno, non fu conquistato; l'azione dovette essere sospesa per l'insufficiente appoggio dell'artiglieria, per la fitta nebbia e per lo scarso coordinamento con gli Alleati. Ripresa la lotta, il 16 dicembre il monte fu preso. L'avvenimento dimostrò agli Alleati la ferma volontà del popolo italiano di riscattare un passato che non gli apparteneva più. Fino a quel momento gli italiani avevano combattuto con le armi che erano rimaste in dotazione, cioè antiquate e scarse; da quel momento gli Alleati si premurarono di farne un reparto moderno ed efficiente. Nacque così, il 17 aprile 1944, con l'apporto della divisione paracadutisti Nembo (della quale fece parte il concittadino Domenico Brunori) il Corpo Italiano di Liberazione e, successivamente, nell'agosto 1944, i Gruppi di Combattimento Friuli, Mantova, Piceno, Legnano dove combatté e morì il nostro concittadino Starnini e non ultimo il Cremona , nel quale combatterono tanti giovani umbertidesi tra i quali Rosati e Pucci caduti in battaglia e la Medaglia d'Argento Guerriero Leonardi . Fonti: Articolo di Amedeo Massetti su “Umbertide Cronache n. 4 - 1997”

The Stonecutters of Niccone And the "ciaccabreccia" of the Tiber curated by Francesco Deplanu This is a beginning, a research perspective with few news and sources that we intend to follow, however: workers and jobs lost in our territory linked to physical and productive characteristics that have changed over time. We have news of the stonecutters of Niccone da Giovanni Bottaccioli who in 1985 fixed his memories on the " stonecutters " of the hamlet where his family came from within his text on the victims of Penetola . In fact, among the victims of the Forni family there was Canzio and Ferruccio was also killed for the Nencioni family: both stonemasons. In this regard Bottaccioli wrote: “ As I have already mentioned, Canzio was part of that large group of Niccone stonemasons, for whom it is necessary to say a few words since their work was in demand and very important. In fact, most of the stonecutters of the municipality and neighboring municipalities were concentrated in the hamlet of Niccone. I list them according to my memories: Giuseppe Medici and his son Orlando (Guido), Menotti Nencioni, the Testerini brothers (Dante, Primo, Secondo), Canzio Forni and Ferruccio Nencioni (victims of Penetola), Magino Faloci, Antonio Nanni, Carlo Mattioni , According to Magrini and, the only living ones, Marino Baccellini and Duilio Truffelli; the latter is the rebuilder of the Rocca fountain, which was rebuilt in 1978 by the municipal administration. Their specialty was the processing of “sandstone” or serena stone which they extracted mainly from the “Giappichini” quarries near Molino Vitelli, “Fariale”, near Mita and from Monte Acuto. This type of stone was used for pavement of sidewalks, for gutters, fireplaces, columns and doorposts, stairs, window sills. Some important works of these stonecutters are the facade of the parish church of Niccone, the external columns of the Collegiate church, the door of the town hall and some chapels of the various cemeteries scattered throughout the territory. ". Giovanni had also kept some instruments of the Medici family, the family of his wife Renata, a beloved lifelong companion: hammer and chisel dating back to the end of the nineteenth century and left by him father Orlando. It is the action that is done with the tool that gave life to the name of their trade: “scalpére” is in fact a Latin term which means to carve, engrave, the term “chisel” and then “stonemason” derived from it. According to what Giovanni's nephew Giampaolo Bottaccioli reports, the chisel was hardened "with water" and not with "oil." That is, the tip was hardened with a series of successive immersions in water. Giampaolo also remembers the "acute ”Characterizing the hamlet of Niccone since the morning when he was little: the intermittent noise of the chisels on the stone. Again thanks to the Bottaccioli family, thanks to the availability of Giovanna, daughter of Giovanni and Renata, we were also able to photograph the 1893 hammer, which had belonged to Giuseppe Medici and then to his son Orlando, known as Guido. They were important tools, prepared precisely for the processing of stones and were passed from father to son. The gesture of hitting the chisel to model the yellow sandstone and the more gray one, that is the pietra serena, bent the metal giving us the sense of fatigue, blow by blow, which allowed their achievements. This instrument was the "mallet" or "stonecutter's mallet": it was composed of an untempered iron head with two quadrangular mouths and a central eye for grafting the wooden handle. The work of the stonemason in our areas probably did not have the same distinction that existed in other parts of Italy between real "quarrymen" and "stonecutters", the type of possible works and the realizations visible in the area. Our "stonecutters" moved among the roles of laborers, workers for structural work, craftsmen for the precise realization of architraves or other simple decorative elements and, if necessary, they had to respond to requests for skill and sensitivity almost from artists for the realization of more complex decorations. Surely the "bulk" of the activity was aimed at the construction of steps, sidewalks, building finishing stones, etc ..., and it was a tiring job: sitting on the ground with the constant risk of being hit by a splinter in the eye. Isotta Bottaccioli remembers the immediate and peremptory warnings to go away for this reason that they received as children when they got too close to the "stonecutters". Angeletti Angelo, in his book “ If only the Stones are left to speak ”, where he tells his childhood and the life he took to Montemigiano, also reports the child's games they played at Niccone: " Every now and then, interrupting the game, I would start looking at the stonecutters who, sitting on the ground, beat and beat with strange hammers on large stones and hit their hands and their faces thick with dust and sweat, but above all their eyes amazed me, because they reminded me of those of the rabbits my grandmother raised, so red they looked like burning coals. "(Cit. P.41). The precise indications of Giovanni Bottaccioli should be confirmed at least by working documents or indications of payments, if any, especially as regards the external columns of Santa Maria della Reggia. We are left with the existing decorative / architectural and the material sources. As for the church of Maria SS. del Carmine di Niccone, the work of the last "survivors" of this workforce is also visible in the decorative element of the portal of the facade, now actually completely covered with ivy. There is very little news on the net but on a site of the "Catholic Church" dedicated to the description of the churches in the various Dioceses you can read: " entrance portal consisting of an opening surmounted by a round arch surrounded by a large molded frame ". This At first glance, the "entrance portal" appears to be in "pietra serena" even if it is not specified on the site ... as certainly are the entrance and interior steps; instead, "Lisciano Niccone" rather than "Niccone" is indicated as the location of the church. The church, as reported on an internal plaque, was consecrated in 1947 by Bishop Cipriani and commissioned by Don Pericle Tirimagni. Cement, the building material it replaced the stone was used to structure " two large concrete parallelepipeds protruding from the plane that houses the openings and the portal. These projections that occupy the facade for its entire height are decorated with a series of horizontal bands that are repeated from the base to at the peak ". Isotta Bottaccioli has a clear memory of Orlando Medici, known as "Guido", who worked incessantly to create the external "decoration" of the forepart. The church of Niccone, with the façade still visible in the 70s-80s and as it is today. Photo 1: http://www.chieseitaliane.chiesacattolica.it/chieseitaliane/schedaca.jsp?sercd=37995 Photo 2: Francesco Deplanu Isotta also remembers the instrument with which "Guido" medici worked, "beat" or "tapped", to prepare the decorative stones of the facade of the church of Niccone and the external steps in pietra serena and those that allow you to go up to the Presbytery. A different hammer from the one preserved and visible above, with a notched plate on the surface. A hammer that Isotta recognizes among the historical ones that were certainly used in Tuscany that can be traced on the web: the "bocciarda". This instrument was also called "bocciardà" in the marble quarries of Bassano del Grappa. Duilio Truffelli, in the memories of his son, used to call this instrument is the "liar", an evidently distorted modality of the local dialect. We report the definition of a company of the "Tuscan boulder" that has recovered the tools of the ancient "stonecutters": " Big hammer having the end of the mouth equipped with several points pyramidal one next to the other, used in the processing of stones to make them rough (beating). Also known as a grain hammer. ". "bocciarda" was to hit the stone with the notched part so that all the points touch together. The surface of the affected stone thus becomes dotted and is defined as an "orange peel". An estimate can be made of how many stones that adorn the facade have undergone the "beatings" based on the old images of the church: the ornamental bands are about 60 for each "tower", each band has between 4 and 6 stones on each side ( are 3 sides), this leads to a number between 700 and 1000 stones worked probably one by one since in the immediate postwar period modern technologies were not available. It was certainly a collective work of the "stonecutters". Isotta on the steps of the church of Niccone in the 1950s. The decorative stones of the façade are still visible. The "bocciarda" to "tap" the stone. Image from the web. The "beating" of the exposed stone in the decorative stones of the facade of the church of Niccone with its "orange peel" result. Details of some internal and external ornamental stones of the church, with signs of aging and flaking together with the visible "fine-grained punching" in the entrance step. Commemorative plaque of the consecration (1947). Niccone building with openings on the facade all decorated in pietra serena. As for the origin of the most characteristic material used by the "stonecutters of Niccone", ie sandstones, we have confirmation of at least two "facts". The first is the existence of a "microtoponym" mentioned by Bottaccioli that is visible in the "tablet" of the IGMI with relief from 1941, F. 120 I NO, where you can highlight the signs of a slope line represented by small wedges, with probable emergence of sandstones, at " i Giappichini ", near Molin de Vitelli. The second is a historical reference to a sandstone "quarry" right near the town of Niccone. In the text of Bernardino Sperandio, " Of the Umbrian construction and ornamental stones " a document is reported among the "Inventories" entitled " State of Mines, Mineral Sources, Quarries, Workshops existing in the Municipality of Fratta, province of Perugia, district of Perugia ", ASCU year 1861. This inventory indicates the " Quarries and Torbiere " of Fratta (cited in the text "Umbertide" also if in fact his name had not yet been changed). The document reports various types of stones, among these the " Strong sandstone or stone are used for use [...] " (the "pietraforte" in Tuscany is a very solid sandstone) and their presence is indicated as well as in the Parish di Romeggio, also a site in the “ parish of M. Migiano owned by the suppressed Eremo di Montecorona ”. Montemigiano above Niccone. One thinks that it is no coincidence that such a high presence of "stonecutters" has developed at Niccone. The town acts as a "link" with the road that connects the Tiber Valley and Tuscany where the "pietra serena" was also used as a "stone of art". It's still famous is the pietra serena ("boulder") Fiorenzuola, an area where the only quarries still remain economically active today. In Tuoro sul Trasimeno there were some valuable quarries in the past, if you re-read the Bottaccioli pass you can see that the quarries used by the Niccone stonecutters "proceed" towards the lake; area with a similar surface geological composition. Proceeding from Molin de Vitelli and then towards "la Mita" you arrive at border with the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, historically, and Tuscany today. In Tuoro this activity is remembered by the sculptures of the "Campo del sole" at Punta Navaccia. It is probable that the "stonecutters" of our area have borrowed knowledge and working methods from their Tuscan neighbors rather than from the ancient tradition of the "stonecutters" of the Eugubino, where limestone was and is the stone of art and construction. Limestone that needs another type of processing and that has a very different resistance to atmospheric agents. But here there is absolutely no security given what can be found in the quoted text by Sperandio quoted above. In the Gubbio, in fact, there are two specific types of sandstone, the " corniolo " and the " palombino ". The first is also called "boulder". The "Corniolo", mainly used since the 15th century, it is assumed that it came from the Scheggia area or from San Benedetto towards Pietralunga. Also it is mentioned that this stone when it was found it was “ set aside in the fields, in small boulders of gray-green colors until they took on a yellow-ocher hue ”. Harvesting action carried out in the winter by farmers since the Middle Ages. Those who know the hills that go from Niccone to Tuscany know well how it is common to find similar "boulders", which are usually present in our rural buildings. The “Palombino”, a less frequent and more compact straw yellow sandstone, was used instead in the 17th century and was extracted in the upper part of the Bottaccione. The Collegiate, Santa Maria della Reggia, (details and photos from 1929) with the external columns in evidence; the fountain rebuilt in 1978 and the main door of the Town Hall, all in pietra serena. The fountain that someone today calls of “One thousand lire”, due to the last restoration made with the last “lire” in 2001, after the changeover to the euro, has an ancient history. The previous restorations date back, as Bottaccioli tells us, to 1978 when a refurbishment took place by the “stonemason” Duilio Truffelli. Even before its placement under the fortress it was positioned, as told by prof. Sciurpa, leaning against the ancient church of Sant'Erasmo. Here, writes Sciurpa, << on 29 September 1849 it was decided to make “the necessary restorations to the public fountain to water the horses, located in the Upper Borgo along the Via Montonese ” >>. As mentioned in 1978 there was a remake of it by the Municipal Administration. Today the fountain it has been moved and still not repositioned due to the works to refurbish the square in front of the Rocca. Photo from: http://www.lorenzocoriophotography.altervista.org/landscapes/italia/umbria/dsc_1066-1000px.jpg.html Giampaolo Bottaccioli recalls that in Umbertide there was, in addition to the activity of working the most valuable stones, also that of working simple stones and pebbles from the Tiber river, smaller "pieces" used for different activities based on the size. It should be remembered that until the post-war period the same road that connected Umbertide to Niccone was also a road made of "breach". Shortly after the end of the bridge over the Tiber, in the direction of Niccone where the road has a crossroads for the Abbey of Montecorona, it was usual to see men in charge of breaking the stones of the Tiber into smaller parts. The "ciaccabreccia" (or "ciaccabreccia") Pàrise at work. Photo by Fabio Mariotti. They were the "ciaccabreccia" probably present along the river in more villages. We transcribe a part of the text "The Tiber and Umbertide" on pg. 46 referring to the work of the "ciaccabreccia": “For the stones and the pitrìccio the ciaccabreccia came into action : all day with a mazzétta he ciaccàva i sàssa and capàva the bòni to tira on the walls , 'all day long with a club he choped the stones; he put aside the best ones destined for construction ". In addition to this, in the text by Maria Cecilia Moretti you can also read a description, always in the dialectal language, of the tools for splitting stones: " A la Fràtta, 'a Umbertide', an old ciaccaìno used three hammers: a larger one for large stones , a mezzanòtta, 'an average for medium stones', ùna more migna plus picini stones ,' the smaller one for minute stones "; quàn s e'ra stew de da ta n sàsso grosso ... change the mazze'tta e déa ta n sàsso picìno , 'when he was tired of using the heavy wad he changed the wad and chopped the smaller stones.' He always knocked on the same point; in Pretola, the point where the blows fell was called the cacatìna ; the montòn de brécia , 'the heap of breccia', was growing. " The work of "ciaccabreccia" was certainly ancient, but it was found to coexist for a long time with the mechanization that started in the early 1900s, it was certainly present in the collection and processing of river stone as seen in this image from 1939. This document shows us the coexistence in the production process linked to the building material between the cart pulled by donkeys, manual work and the machine in action. We conclude by always specifying from the work of the Sperandio a synthesis of the others rock or construction materials present in our territory. As for the quarries and peat bogs, the "substances" indicated in 1861 were "white marble", "dark red or white marble", "cenerino marble", "red veined white marble", "white veined marble", "black marble" , "Sand quarry", "Clay quarry", "Pozzolana quarry", Quarry for Macine "as well as" Strong sandstone stones ". The "quarry for millstones" was located at the Parish of San Giuliano, or in the area of San Giuliano delle Pignatte, from whose church comes the 8th century ciborium. today moved to the Abbey of Montecorona. Precisely the Montecorona area, along the Nese stream, was characterized by the presence of "calcarenites", or "marbles". At Monte Acuto the calcarenites of "dark red marble" and "substances" of "pozzolana" emerged. Finally, sand and clay that were found in areas near the Tiber. SOURCES: PHOTO: -Francesco Deplanu and Fabio Mariotti (Municipal and personal archives). Photo of the "bocciarda" from the web. - Photo of the fountain after the 2002 restoration: http://www.lorenzocoriophotography.altervista.org/landscapes/italia/umbria/dsc_1066-1000px.jpg.html ORAL SOURCES - Bottaccioli Isotta, Bottaccioli Giampaolo and Bottaccioli Giovanna. TEXTS - Giovanni Bottaccioli: " Penetola, not all the dead die " - Municipality of Umbertide, 1985/2005. Fully visible and downloadable in the .pdf version prepared by "umbertidestoria" by clicking here . - “The Tiber and Umbertide” (curated by Sestilio Polimanti) by Maria Cecilia Moretti, Lorena Benedice Filippini and Fausto Minciarelli. Text extracted from Maria Cecilia Moretti, "The Tiber, a built and interpreted space" (1986); p. 46. - Roberto Sciurpa: Umbertide in the 20th century 1900 - 1946 - Ed. GESP, Città di Castello, 2005 (p. 354). - Bernardino Sperandio, Of the Umbrian construction and ornamental stones., Perugia, Quattroemme, 2004 (p. 265, pp 288-289). - Angelo Angeletti: “If only the stones are left to speak”, Digital book Srl, Città di Castello, 2019 8p. 41). LINKS - http://www.chieseitaliane.chiesacattolica.it/chieseitaliane/schedaca.jsp?sercd=37995 - https://www.umbriatourism.it/it-IT/web/umbria/-/campo-del-sole - https://www.etimo.it/?term=scalpello - http://www.prolocotuorosultrasimeno.it/campo-del-sole/ - http://www.comune.firenzuola.fi.it/museo-della-pietra-serena - http://www.frosinipietre.it/gli-strumenti-dello-scalpellino-parte-4/ - http://www.frosinipietre.it/gli-strumenti-dello-scalpellino-parte-5/ - https://www.bassanodelgrappaedintorni.it/pove-le-rocce-le-cavce-gli-scalpellini/ Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

Il massacro di Penetola 28 GIUGNO 1944 LE VITTIME / THE VICTIMS Avorio Antonio, anni 11; Avorio Carlo, anni 8; Avorio Renato, anni 14; Forni Canzio, anni 58; Forni Ezio, anni 21; Forni Edoardo, anni 16; Luchetti Guido, anni 18; Nencioni Conforto, anni 36; Nencioni Eufemia, anni 44; Nencioni Ferruccio, anni 36; Nencioni Renzini Erminia, anni 68. Il massacro di Penetola - voce di Paola Avorio 00:00 / 02:02 The massacre of Penetola - voice by Paola Avorio 00:00 / 02:24 28 GIUGNO 1944 Nella notte tra il 27 e il 28 giugno 1944, nel casolare denominato Penetola di Niccone, i cui ruderi potete scorgere davanti a voi, dodici persone sono state barbaramente uccise dai soldati appartenenti al 305° battaglione genieri dell’esercito tedesco, di stanza poco lontano da qui, in località La Mita, nota anche come La Dogana. Il casolare di Penetola era abitato dalle famiglie Avorio e Luchetti che nel giugno del 1944 ospitarono le famiglie Forni e Nencioni, sfollate dalle proprie case dell’abitato di Niccone, interamente occupato dalle truppe tedesche. Il comando tedesco era invece stanziato a Montalto, il castello che si trova in alto sulla collina di fronte a voi. Da li, il 26 giugno gli ufficiali tedeschi scesero a La Mita a dare ai propri soldati indicazioni su come raggiungere Penetola e il 28 giugno, dopo mezzanotte, 18 militari tedeschi armati bussarono alla porta del casolare e svegliarono tutti. Gli sfollati che dormivano nell’annesso, vennero derubati dei propri averi e.condotti dentro la casa con gli altri. Tutti vennero rinchiusi nella stanza rivolta verso il bosco. Gli animali furono fatti uscire dalle stalle. I soldati presero il fieno del pagliaio e il legname trovato sul posto, li accatastarono alle pareti della stanza dove erano state rinchiuse le 24 persone e alle mura della casa e, utilizzando della benzina, appiccarono un fuoco devastante. Solo dodici delle ventiquattro persone rinchiuse nel casolare sono sopravvissute: 11 superstiti appartengono alle famiglie dei mezzadri Avorio e Luchetti, nessun superstite tra le due famiglie degli sfollati Nencioni e Forni tranne la piccola Giovanna di 6 anni. 28 June 1944 On the night between 27 and 28 June 1944, in the farmhouse called Penetola di Niccone, whose ruins you can see before you, twelve people were killed by soldiers belonging to the 305th engineer battalion of the German army, stationed not far away from here, in La Mita, also known as La Dogana. The Penetola farmhouse was inhabited by the Avorio and Luchetti families who in June 1944 hosted the Forni and Nencioni families, displaced from their homes in the town of Niccone, entirely occupied by German troops. The German command was instead stationed in Montalto, the castle located high up on the hill in front of you. From there, on 26th June the German officers went down to La Mita to give their soldiers directions on how to reach Penetola and on 28th June, after midnight, 18 armed German soldiers knocked on the door of the farmhouse and woke everyone up. They robbed the evacuees who slept in the annex of their belongings and took them into the house with the others. Everyone was locked in the room facing the woods. The cattle was let out of the stables. The soldiers took the hay from the haystack and the wood found on the spot, piled them on the walls of the room where the 24 people had been locked up and on the walls of the house and, using petrol, set a devastating fire. Only twelve of the twenty-four people locked up in the farmhouse survived: 11 survivors belong to the families of the sharecroppers Avorio and Luchetti, no survivors from the two families of the Nencioni and Forni except little 6-year-old Giovanna. Testo tratto da: Paola Avorio, "Tre noci ," Petruzzi Editore, 2011 Immagine di sfondo: disegno di Antonio Renzini "Penetola" Un progetto a cura di Mario Tosti, Unitre di Umbertide, il Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertidestoria, con il Patrocinio del Comune di Umbertide; con la collaborazione di Pietro Taverniti, Massimo Pascolini, Sergio Bargelli, Corrado Baldoni, Francesco Deplanu, Sergio Magrini Alunno, Antonio Renzini, Luca Silvioni, Romano Vibi. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com EH Carr "Change is certain. Progress is not "

Lamberto and the Resistance curated by Isotta Bottaccioli and Francesco Deplanu After the 8th of September 1943 Lamberto Beatini, coming from a family of republican faith, at 19 he refused the call to arms of the Republic of Salò e together with a friend he went into the woods; after a few months he was captured and locked up in the prison of Perugia; Lamberto besides the fear of not leaving that place said "being imprisoned because you refuse war, weapons, violence, oppression, injustices is something that causes you pain and a lot of anger". He saved himself and over the years he became the "Maestrone", a man of the school so called because he was more than 1.90 cm tall. Years ago he told his second wife, Isolde, what happened in that period. Isotta recounts: “ rather than fighting alongside the Nazi-fascists, many young people preferred the bush. Making this courageous choice was very dangerous because we were considered deserters and, if caught, punishable by the death penalty ”. Lamberto made this choice one evening in September 1943 together with a friend of his from Umbria, Antonelli, left towards S. Cristina. The two walked through woods and fields and tired, they stopped behind a haystack not far from a farmhouse. They lay down on a pile of straw and suddenly fell asleep. During the night it started to rain but the two noticed it when they woke up wet and dirty. After a "sgrullata" they set off again and finally reached S. Cristina where, bravely, they were hosted by a relative of Antonelli. A different life began for Lamberto and his partner. Early in the morning they left the host family and were hiding in the nearby woods, returning at dusk. Some evenings, through shortcuts and away from the main road, they went to Lamberto's sister, Costantina known as Gosta, in Civitella Benazzone who, as soon as she saw them, began to make her good tagliatelle. With a full stomach they resumed their way back in the middle of the night. The mother Anna, to see her son again, following alternative routes to the normal ones because she was afraid of being followed, in the early morning she left Umbertide to go to S. Cristina. The road ahead was long and there were many climbs, but for her there were no obstacles, no weariness; the goal was too precious not to be reached at any cost. When the carabinieri knocked on the door of the Beatini family to ask where the deserter son was, the mother replied: << I wish I knew! I would run to him. I really want to see him again. >>. The two deserters spent three months in the bush and in December, perhaps due to a spying on them, they were discovered and taken to prison in Perugia. The stay lasted six months and marked Lamberto so much that when he recounted certain episodes, after so many years, his eyes were shadowed by so much sadness and sometimes tears. After having crossed the door of the prison that Lamberto called << college of Piazza Partigiani >>, his personal details were taken, his fingerprints were taken, everything he had in his pockets was removed, his belt and shoelaces were removed. While awaiting questioning, he was placed in a small cell with other inmates. A few days later he began his tiring interrogation. For a few hours he was asked the same question very firmly and harshly, always in the hope of making him fall into contradiction. So much was the mental fatigue and tension that from the high shoulders sweat was coming out of his coat. At the end of the long interrogation a graduate entered who abruptly asked Lamberto for his personal details. << I'm Lamberto Beatini, son of Antonio and Anna Gregori >>. At this name the Captain stood up and after a loud blasphemy he said \ u0026lt; \ u0026lt; Are you Anna's son? Do you know your mom is my milk sister? but what did you make me do ... >>. But by now Lamberto was in prison, the gear had been set in motion and the superior was also a prisoner of certain laws. For two or three days Lamberto was fasting because the food of the "college" just looking at him made his stomach sick. On the third day, hunger prevailed and he managed to eat a soup where bits of cabbage leaves floated among a few stars of fat. A once he removed 17 flies from the broth before eating it. " In his cell they put a man from Torgiano accused of insulting the fascist party. While he was reading a manifesto of the regime signed by the notorious Rocchi, he voluntarily made a huge burp. It happened that at that moment a fanatic fascist hierarch passed by who, taking the poor man for the collar of his jacket, scrambled him and denounced him.The man was tried and sentenced to a prison sentence.The unfortunate fell into a bad depression could not eat. Not far from Lamberto's cell, on the so-called death row, there was a convict. Nobody knew the reason for the sentence, but everyone thought it was for political reasons. The guards said that the young man knew he was going to die and every time they opened his cell, the young man changed. His body tensed and his complexion turned yellow, as if his blood stopped. This swing of very strong emotions made him lose all hair and hair. Once Lamberto saw him pass between two agents and I am impressed by his thin head, smooth, shiny as a billiard ball, by his thin and blood lips and by two black eyes without lashes and eyebrows that seem to come out of their sockets. That night Lamberto did not sleep because he always had before him the hallucinating visions of this young man. Fortunately, the war ended and the poor fellow was released from prison. Every time he recounted this episode on Lamberto's face one could read the suffering and also the anger at the bestiality of war and dictatorship. A different fate touches another young anti-fascist who was shot a few days before the liberation. This was Mario Bricchi, whose sister Gloria was a high school companion of Maria Teresa Beatini, nephew of Lamberto. " Isotta tells that Lamberto used to tell ... "When my daughter Anna asked me what was the best day of your life I replied: the day I got out of prison. Anna was upset because she knows how much I wanted it, the great love I feel for her. But Anna is a joy that I have tasted minute by minute since I learned it existed, for eight months he was the center of my thoughts, so his birth was a long and beautiful wait. My release was, however, the end of a great nightmare of which I was not sure I could get out alive. Often when i my companions slept, I too closed my eyes and began to dream. I dreamed of my future beautiful, serene, bright, full of girls and love; instead I opened my eyes and saw darkness, not a glimmer of light. Hope alternated with despair and resignation. A whirlwind of emotions me it invaded continuously. Being imprisoned at twenty for your ideas that you find human right, being imprisoned because you refuse war, weapons, violence, oppression, injustices is something that causes you pain and a lot of anger. I remember, still with sorrow and sadness, long afternoons in April and May, when behind the bars I glimpsed trees with their new leaves, when the spring air full of perfumes entered the cell, when you could hear the loving calls of birds and the voices playful of children playing in the street. It was the time of memories, of nostalgia, of sadness. Then I would lie down on my "straw mattress" and think of my family and my friends who free, they could be among themselves, be with their girlfriends, have lunch and dinner with their loved ones, look and touch the spring. Certain sensations, both good and bad, cannot be told, but must be lived to know what one feels and to be innocent in prison, at twenty years old, when someone like me who loves life, light, the heat of the sun, colors, people, freedom, love, is a condition that I do not wish on anyone. "... Isotta continues: "On June 13, 1944, the day of St. Anthony, the prison door opened for Lamberto and his friend Antonelli. Outside the prison door two stopped, looked 360 degrees and took a long sigh of relief. They were free together and began a journey that would bring them home. Passing by chance they arrived at Ponte Felcino in Ponte Valleceppi where grandmother Clorinda lived. They all presented themselves happy about his house, but immediately they cooled down because some German soldiers found him in the house. The moment was embarrassing, but grandmother Clorinda understood the situation and speaking and gesticulating he made the Germans understand that two of them were mentally ill. Which was not difficult because Lamberto, due to the absence of movement, was so swollen that it seemed swollen. He wore trousers that reached the calf of his legs, wore two shoes without very broken laces, the jacket covered the back and a little of the front, the sleeves reached just below the elbow. On the contrary Antonelli, also tall, was dry, lanky, frightened, I looked like a dead man walking. The fact is that the Germans, as if frightened, said goodbye and left. Grandmother Clorinda then greeted them with great warmth, kissing and hugging them, then, quickly, quickly, she began to cook. After being refreshed, they set out along the railway in the direction of Umbertide. In Ponte Pattoli They separated. Antonelli headed for Santa Cristina where he would find his family displaced by relatives, Lamberto continued in the direction of Umbertide. The road was very long, the boots became heavier and heavier, the damaged and swollen feet no longer fit inside the shoes and began to bleed; finally he arrived in Montecorona and felt relieved, in sight of the town he thought to the meeting that his loved ones. He headed for the house of "Guardengolo", a farmer who gave hospitality to his family and that of his brother Pietro. Meanwhile, from the loggia of the farmhouse, mother Anna and Pietro's wife Marietta saw at the end of the road a big fat man walking with difficulty. The two women, a little frightened because they were alone, wondered who he was and what he wanted. As Lamberto approached he made signs of greeting with his arms but the two women remained impassive. Only a few meters away did they recognize him. The mother Anna started running crying with joy and hugged her son in an embrace that never seemed to end. " On 23 July 1944 Lamberto, together with 21 other people from Umberto I, gave life to the Local Committee for National Liberation in the hall of the municipal council. After the war Lamberto yes he adapted to do many small jobs: it was important and necessary to bring something home because it was needed. He worked for the Land Registry, for the Municipality, then he began to study for the master's degree competition which he passed brilliantly. He taught in Colmotino di Cascia, in Reschio, in Civitella Ranieri, ad Umbertide ... then dissatisfied with the teaching he began to work in the secretariat of the elementary school, a job that he did with seriousness, commitment and great competence until 1979. We report here the letter of greeting from Director Candido Palazzetti when Lamberto left school. Maestro Beatini on the step and Director Candido Palazzetti on his left, to his right the other Director Spadoni. In the photos at the beginning we have we report the documents of the Anpi as a "partisan" and the card of the CGIL, the union close to the communist party to which Lamberto joined. Here under the public recognition that the mayor of Umbertide Celestino Sonaglia, in 1974, gave to Lamberto for his being a partisan. In the meantime Lamberto had committed himself body and soul to give life and strength to the section of the Avis of Umbria, donating from the very beginning in person, even directly, that blood that he did not want to shed. In 1959, in fact, Dr. Mariano Migliorati promoted a "Committee" to set up a first nucleus of donors for the hospital of Umbertide, a "hospital" that had already been downgraded to "nursing" under Fascism but was very active. and working with the help of the "medical doctors"; this even after the bombing, in fact, it continued to function in the Serra Partucci headquarters. The members of the Committee were Lamberto Beatini, Raffaele Mancini, Marta Gandin and Aurelio Nocioni. Two teachers and two Headmasters. Lamberto was the only member of the Committee who was also a donor, and had the card no. 1 of the Avis of Umbertide; gift up to the age limit established by law. He was elected among the first 5 members and also President. Office for which he was re-elected until 1986, when became "Secretary". Image from the Facebook page of Avis di Umbertide Lamberto always maintained an ideality together with an extraordinary humanity, a social and democratic vision lived and breathed in the family. In his desk he kept among other things the documents of his father Giovanni, probably obtained from his grandfather Costantino, a letter from Giuseppe Mazzini and the "santino" also from Mazzini where he, as a child, had written his name over the period in which he had followed with his father to Cantiano together with his family, when his father, a former officer in the First World War, played the role of stationmaster. Grandfather Costantino, in fact, was one of the young people of republican faith who tried to oppose the monarchy in Umbertide together with Leopoldo Grilli, who was the animator of the republican circle "Thought and action", Torquato Bucci and Raffaello Scagnetti. Lamberto and Celestino Sonaglia during the delivery of a "partisan" medal in 1974 Costantino Beatini Probably the letter is not complete, the final part seems to be missing at the bottom (let's imagine a sheet made up of six squares); it is thought that by their very existence these letters were dangerous and were introduced folded into several parts and perhaps sewn inside the clothes. The letter is from 1868, after the most famous organizations such as "Giovane Italia" and "Giovane Europa" an indomitable Mazzini did not recognize the Savoyard monarchy as legitimate. He therefore continued to profess and organize associations of "republican faith" such as, in this case, "the Universal Republican Alliance" in Lugano. In the text you can read: The purpose of the Section of the All (eanza) Rep (ubblicana) Univ (ersale) in Lugano should be: to pay homage to the principle that requires the political order of men of republican faith, wherever, few or many, are: they organize multiple means of safe introduction of letters and more from the Canton of Italy: help with the monthly quota of the brothers and with the offers obtained for just once, the coffers of the Alliance: Try to make Italians, belonging to any class e in general they should follow the rules contained in the circular of October 1865 if possible. Giuseppe Mazzini. Nov. 1868 ". Antonio Beatini with the black ribbon of the republicans The letter passed to Lamberto's father, Antonio Beatini, a republican who usually wore the black bow instead of the ties of the time as it was in use among the republicans. Antonio was a supporter of the entry into war against the Austrian Empire in 1915 and wrote in " Il Popolo: organ of the Umbrian-Sabine republicans " on February 6 of that year that it was necessary to go to war against Austria " not out of mania warmonger, but for the protection of the rights and interests of our country, always tampered with and outraged by it ". The newspaper carried on Mazzini's ideals, was born as a party newspaper aimed at aggregating and informing members and supporters. He was suspended for two months in 1915 due to the call to arms of many collaborators, it was then closed in 1922 with the arrival of fascism. Antonio also left as an officer despite the 5 children. The letter it then passed to Lamberto who grew up with different ideals but with the same seriousness and ideality. We conclude with a last anecdote reported by Isotta to make people understand the sensitivity and value that every living being had for Lamberto: " the episode that Lamberto told smiling with such grace is the episode of the little mouse that he managed to teach by becoming his friend. This episode Anna (the daughter), a friend of animals, had it described in a fourth grade theme whose title was: "the father tells", here is the transcript: \ u0026lt; \ u0026lt; I was going to buy candies and as I passed on the sidewalk, with the care of the eye, on the road, I saw a dead mouse. Immediately, frightened, I returned at home. There was my father who, seeing me upset, asked me what had happened. I replied that I had seen a hideous rat squashed with a pancake on the road. It remained a silent moment then he began to tell: “you know Anna, when I was there weren't many entertainments in prison and so if we wanted to play checkers, we had to build the pieces ourselves. We put a piece of bread in our mouth and after chewing it for a long time we made balls that we put to dry outside the bars. The next day instead of the balls there were only crumbs. Immediately I thought of a mouse and then I wanted to try to get him back. I put the balls back on the windowsill for wait for them to dry. The mouse arrived and a little fearful hesitated a little then seeing that I was indifferent approached the balls and began to gnaw. I went up to him, he looked at me with fearful eyes. I stroked him gently on the head and he mounted me on the arm. A few days passed and the little mouse and I were already good friends. He got into the habit, when I was lying on the cot, of mounting on my chest and scrape on my shirt. I had to unbutton myself and he would go inside and then fall asleep. In a short time his coat had become long long and shiny, i his teeth were sharp and he was in good shape. When I got out of the prison I looked for the little mouse but I couldn't find it. I would have taken it away. I was a little sorry but then he understood that the little mouse had to go home, he too had his father and mother. " Father had made me understand that even a mouse could be tamed and become a companion of man. >>. ". Sources: - Family archive of the Beatini-Bottaccioli family - Mario Tosti: " Beautiful works. Information, documents, testimonies and images on life and death events that took place in the Municipality of Umbertide during the Second World War . Edited by Mario Tosti. Municipality of Umbertide, 25 April 1995. - Roberto Sciurpa, The Blood of the Fratta. History of the Avis section of Umbertide, Gesp editrice - http://augustaem.comune.perugia.it/scheda.aspx?ID=12&cod=PORU - http://www.storiatifernate.it/allegati_prod/01-neutralismo.pdf - photo: Archive fam. Beatini-Bottaccioli

The Gregorian Cadastre The Gregorian Cadastre is a general geometric particle land registry of the Papal State: started by Pius VII in 1816, after the Napoleonic experience, it is defined in this way because it was completed by Gregory XVI in 1835. In 1816 Pius VII established the Congregation of Land Registers: the central body that was to establish uniform rules and procedures for the estimation of rural and urban funds. In the Papal State there was no uniform measure and it was decided to use the metric system introduced by the French system rather than the more complex “Roman rubbio”, made up of 3703 square architectural pipes. On the site of the "Imago" project that carried out the digitization of the Gregorian Cadastre it is specified "The linear measure adopted was therefore the census barrel corresponding to the meter and divided into 10 palms (dm), equal to 100 ounces (cm) or 1000 minutes ( mm). For the surfaces, the square of 10 boards (corresponding to the hectare, i.e. 10,000 m2), the board of 1000 square pipes (equal to 1000 m2) and the square pipe (1 m2) were adopted, in turn divided into palms , square ounces and minutes. Compared to the French period, the names changed but not the substance. " In addition to the rural funds, the mapping ("Map") of urban centers usually built at a scale of 1: 2000 assumes considerable importance, together with these two further copies on a reduced scale at 1: 4000 or 1: 8000 (the " Mappette "), with the original scale reproduction of the "block" or inhabited centers, placed in the margin or attached. The cadastral parcels were depicted in the "Map" ed identified by a number assigned to it within a unique numerical progression for each map. This was then described in the land registry or brogliardo, which also indicated the name of the owner. These are the pages web del with the Gregorian Cadastre and the "brogliardo" with the territory of the city of Umbertide after the Napoleonic age. Clicking here opens the page of the Gregorian Cadastre of the State Archives of Rome, at this point choose the "box" Perugia ", highlighted in the image in red, and then click on" Fratta "... so you can do it in analogous way for Pietralunga, Montone etc; alternatively click directly on the image below in this way the "Fratta" viewer of the "imago" project will open immediately, which has digitized the parts with the main towns and cities of the Gregorian Cadastre. To see the "brogliardo" with the number of the parcel visible on the map of the Gregorian Cadastre with the names of the respective ones owners and some property description items just click here to see the relative "brogliardo " always of the Cadastre of the "Ecclesiastical State". The Gregorian cadastre arrived considerably late, almost a century, compared to the census experiences of a large part of Italy. The move to this new tool hides a political struggle between the forces they wanted control of wealth and property information. The land registry, says Renato Zangheri, in his " Cadastre and ownership of the land ", is " an irreplaceable tool for ascertaining the status of the" ownership "of the land, which for many centuries was the fundamental means of production, the source of wealth and the main basis of power .... It is a rich and treacherous tool that must be used with caution but can provide abundant results. In Italy it is usually more refined, expressive and complicated than elsewhere. "Its structuring hides heated struggles over how to own land and pay taxes. In the rest of Italy, one of the targets among the owners of the property was the related property. to ecclesiastical institutions. Here, in the Papal State, the problem was different and less urgent because the Church held power as well as property. Il Brogliardo della Comunità di Fratta (l’odierna Umbertide), datato 10 agosto 1818, costituisce una testimonianza d'archivio di eccezionale valore per la comprensione della modernizzazione amministrativa dello Stato Pontificio e la situazione economica, sociale e architettonica del nostro paese. Questo sotto è il testo presente della pagina finale che suggella il documento e ci riporta i ruoli di coloro che lo hanno redatto: “Fratta l’ 10 agosto 1818 Ingegnere Giovanni Gambini Geometra censuario Ingegnere Gaspare Bertolli aiutante Agostino Cambiotti assistente Comunitativo Romualdo Agostini per Agostino Faloci indicatore illetterato, Comunità della Fratta lì 8 settembre 1818” “Immagine n. 3: Particolare delle pagine finali Brogliardo di Fratta in Progetto Imago dell’Archivio di Stato di Roma: https://imagoarchiviodistatoroma.cultura.gov.it/Gregoriano/sfoglia_brogliardi.php?Path=Gregoriano/Brogliardi/Perugia/062&r=001.jp2&lar=2560&alt=1440 Il cosiddetto Brogliardo di Fratta si colloca nel cuore della stagione dei rilievi sul campo avviati per superare i limiti dei vecchi sistemi descrittivi. Questo documento, oggi conservato fisicamente presso l'Archivio di Stato di Perugia, ma digitalizzato con il progetto “Imago”, certifica la conclusione delle operazioni di rilievo l’8 settembre 1818. Rilievi che saranno utilizzati per il Catasto geometrico Particellare definito “Gregoriano”. Nel Frontespizio del nostro Brogliardo possiamo vedere l’organizzazione dello Stato Pontificio stesso: “Stato Ecclesiastico, Provincia dell’Umbria, Delegazione di Perugia, Governo e Comunità di Fratta”. L'operazione a Fratta fu condotta da una squadra tecnica la cui struttura rifletteva la nuova professionalizzazione dei quadri statali: Giovanni Gambini: Ingegnere Geometra censuario, la cui attività di "campagna" lo qualifica, secondo i criteri del 1817, come “Ingegnere ordinario”, ruolo che analizzeremo successivamente. Gaspare Bertolli: aiutante Ingegnere. Agostino Cambiotti: Assistente "Comunitativo" (ossia appartenente alla Comunità… di Fratta), probabilmente incaricato del raccordo operativo tra la squadra e la comunità locale. “Romualdo Agostini per Agostino Faloci”: Faloci è indicato come "illetterato". La specificazione della non alfabetizzazione (“illetterato”) si riferisce forse alla non conoscenza del latino o, se quel “per” indica “al posto di” riferito ad una possibile firma negli atti relativi al Brogliardo, allora si deve intendere che Faloci non sapesse scrivere. Possiamo ipotizzare che Agostini e Faloci agissero come ponte tra la realtà del territorio e la prova documentale. A queste persone dobbiamo le informazioni che resero possibile il catasto di Fratta. In questo apparato burocratico dello Stato Pontificio, il Brogliardo fungeva da anello di congiunzione essenziale. Esso operava come registro descrittivo intermedio: raccoglieva in ordine progressivo i numeri di mappa associati alle particelle, permettendo di unire il dato grafico (la mappa) al dato amministrativo e fiscale (proprietari, colture e rendite), ponendo le basi la rappresentazione geometrica del Catasto Gregoriano che possiamo considerare finito nel 1835. Dal 1816 la “Congregazione del Censo" era l’Istituzione che gestiva le procedure fiscali e di rappresentazione del Territorio. L'Ingegnere Censuario emerse in questo periodo come figura centrale della riforma. Questa gerarchia tecnica, suddivisa tra Ispettori, Ingegneri in capo provinciali e Ingegneri ordinari , era una diretta eredità del modello francese del “Bureau des Ponts et Chaussées”, ovvero “l’Ufficio dei Ponti e delle Strade” introdotto durante l'occupazione napoleonica e mantenuto dalla Restaurazione per la sua indiscutibile efficienza nella gestione del territorio. L'organo propulsore di questa imponente operazione fu la Congregazione del Censo (o del Censimento), istituita da Pio VII nel 1801. A livello periferico, per il distretto di Fratta, le operazioni erano coordinate dalla Cancelleria del Censo di Perugia. I documenti di tale ufficio, fondamentali per la ricostruzione storica del territorio umbro, sono oggi conservati presso l'Archivio di Stato di Perugia. Le informazioni del Brogliardo, ad esempio, relative alla Chiesa della Madonna della Reggia ne Catasto Gregoriano ci permettono di sapere che con “S” è rappresentata la “Collegiata”, l’edificio nella particella n. 634 è la casa del sagrestano, edifici appartenenti tutti e due alla “Sagrestia della Collegiata di San Giovanni Battista di Fratta”. Sempre della medesima proprietà troviamo la parte di terra lungo il torrente Reggia denominato n. 632, mantenuto a “ripa cespugliosa mista”. Con i numeri n. 630 e 631, troviamo “orto” e “fondamenta di casa”, questa volta il proprietario risulta essere “Laziarini Vincenzo già di Andrea”. Sources: - Renato Zangheri, Cadastre and land ownership. Small Einaudi Library. Turin 1980. - Imago II project, 1997-2000, of the State Archives of Rome: http://www.cflr.beniculturali.it/Gregoriano/mappe.php?fbclid=IwAR3SPsbhE0yDSOzPk5MrT3LVf77oKvYwwqFhUhZzDbdA4DHi4DWrz-9JHdA Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com Renato Zangheri " (the Land Registry) ... it was very often a sign of contradiction, the terrain of political and class clashes "

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY FRATTA curated by Fabio Mariotti THE CASTLE OF FRATTA The castle within the walls was divided into three areas: the Terziere Inferiore , the Terziere di Mezzo , the Terziere Superiore which included the northern part of the castle (Rocca, north-west bulwark and was also called Terziere della Campana). The Terziere di Mezzo included the part towards the Tiber, the houses in front of the church of San Giovanni, the central square (square of the Marquis of Sorbello), the northern part of the Vicolo delle Petresche with the hospice of the Capuchin Fathers of Montone behind it, the part north of the middle road near the central square. It was also known as Terziere della Greppa. The lower Terziere (or Terziere della porta di sotto, also known as the door of the slaughterhouse) included the area around the southwestern bulwark, the southern part of the via delle Petresche (via Spunta current), the via regale (or straight, via Cibo), of the middle road and the San Giovanni road that led to the church of the same name. The castle walls In 1736 the Tiber, with its floods, ruined the central part of the west curtain and destroyed four houses built on that point of the walls. The budget of the defenders of Fratta amounted to 1,032 scudi. Wanting to hasten the reconstruction, they asked Clement XII for a subsidy and the pope replied that he would give five hundred scudi, however, when Fratta proved that he had found the rest. The defenders were able in a short time to find their part but, seeing that that promise from the pope did not arrive, they began to buy the timber for the armor, the bricks and the lime and entrusted the work to the master builder Bartolomeo Ferranti of Rome. They took action on September 15, 1739, but the pope had not yet paid the promised subsidy at the end of the year. The defenders gave the task to a Mariotti, a Frattegiano resident in Rome, and he replied that Clement XII was very ill and that the defenders of Fratta had to work hard to get the five hundred scudi. He adds that if the pope had died, it would have been much more difficult to obtain them. It is not known when the work was finished, but it was certainly done very quickly as winter approached. A plaque was affixed to the wall with the inscription "Clem XII Pont Max MDCCXXIYIX.", Which can still be seen about fifty meters before the bridge. The Tiber It had a different trend from the current one and was dangerous for two reasons: - the current was perpendicular to the road that led to the Niccone valley and to Città di Castello, even then of great communication, so it could have been cut. By 1758 he had come fifteen meters from the road and was threatening to cut it off. - if this had happened, the bridge would have remained dry, with evident damage to the town and with serious compromise of activities such as military defense, weir, mills, gardens, public wash house, sewage disposal. Work was done, using many large poles. In 1726 the bridge of the Reggia was consolidated, over which all the traffic, even heavy traffic, passed from Santa Maria to the church of the Madonna della Reggia and to San Francesco and Montone. The bridge was made of wood, except for the two brick ends and in 1770 the judiciary of Fratta decided to enlarge it. In 1787 the municipality incurred an expense to cover the top of the Rocca. The roof of the tower is rebuilt. The villages adjacent to the Castle The Borgo Superiore It is located north of the castle within the walls and includes the Castel Nuovo (formed by the two streets of the Boccaiolo and the one that leads from the Piaggiola to the market gate), the "Mercatale di Sant'Erasmo" (today's Piazza Marconi), the area of furnaces and the church of Santa Maria della Pietà. Palazzo Ranieri Owned by Count Curtio Ranieri, son of Costantino, it was in the Piaggiola road. In 1756 the count enlarged it. In front there was a public well (the widening that forms between the end of the Piaggiola and the Boccaiolo road) called the well of Sant'Agostino, near the church of the same name. Mill of the Fathers of San Bernardo (Castel Nuovo) It is located along the small road (now called del Molinaccio) which leads from the end of the Piaggiola to the Tiber. It was close to the castle walls and belonged to the Fathers of San Bernardo or Barnabiti. These had two small convents, one in Fratta and one in Migianella. In the Borgo Superiore there are still two tower-houses, one in the Mercatale area and another at the Porta del Boccaiolo. They consist of a bottom below and a room above. They were built for peasant use. The Lower Village It is also called "le Fabbrecce" because there are blacksmith shops and in the mill outside the Borgo, the scythes were rounded (as in the fourteenth century! Nothing had changed). It included the area of the street that led from the bridge of the Reggia to Piazza San Francesco, the Via di Santa Croce (now Via Soli) and the area outside the Borgo gate. At the beginning of the century, the road that began outside the San Francesco gate and led towards the Madonna del Moro was called the Caminella road; then strada del Piano (during the French occupation at the end of the century, strada Consolare del Piano); at the beginning of the twentieth century via Secoli. Along Santa Croce there was the Osteria della Corona, owned by Count Ranieri. The square was already called Piazza San Francesco. It changed its name later to go back to that name. Roads In 1790 work was carried out on the road to Montone, in the section under the convent of the Observant Friars of Santa Maria. The width is eight feet, like all the other roads leading to Fratta, the bracing of which is redone every year. The doors In 1788 an arm wrestling was put on the Porta della Saracina (there was still this mighty tower at the beginning of the bridge). Other works were done on the door of the market and that of the nuns. In 1790 the door of the Saracina is set up. In 1792 it was the turn of the bridge and work was done to lower the door to the market. Sources: - Renato Codovini - “History of Umbertide - Volume VI - 18th century” - Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2001 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2001 (Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli - Walter Rondoni - Amedeo Massetti - Fabio Mariotti). South-west bulwark of defense The plaque on the walls dedicated to Pope Clement XII The ancient houses on the Tiber. In the red circle the headstone - On the left, cadastral map of Fratta from the mid-1700s - Above, map of the medieval Fratta with the castle doors The cover of the 2001 Umbertide Calendar The historian Renato Codovini Il Castello di Fratta Il modo di vivere, di morire, la solidarietà e gli svaghi La chiesa di Sant'Andrea di Castelvecchio Il Castello di Fratta Le chiese minori di Fratta e i proietti L'Amministrazione e la Pubblica Sicurezza Gli appalti e le proprietà pubbliche Agricoltura, Commercio, Mestieri e Istruzione Il Tevere, i ponti, le mura del Castello Il sistema elettorale comunale L'Amministrazione e la Pubblica Sicurezza ADMINISTRATION AND PUBLIC SECURITY The municipal administration In the eighteenth century the public administration of Fratta has two different offices. From 1700 to 1787 the building located in today's Piazza Fortebracci, formerly the seat of the convent of Santa Maria di Castelvecchio (current seat of the Riuniti theater). From 1787 to 1799 in the palace of Castel Nuovo, formerly the seat of the convent of Santa Maria Nuova, suppressed in 1787. There are three administrative bodies: the judiciary, the council of twelve and the general council (or 42). The judiciary is made up of the four defenders, also called "priors" or simply "the magistrates". Once elected, they met and nominated the "chief magistrate" or "first prior". Person of great importance in social life, he came from the "first class". The election of the council was made between only two classes, the primary people of the place, civilians and landowners and the artists (craftsmen). The former are destined to obtain the rank of head of magistrate, the office of public chamberlain and the harangue of the council. The second the other three parts of the judiciary: the second, third and fourth prior who are distributed by seniority. The council of twelve met for decisions of greater importance, when they wanted to be sure that there would be no opposition to what was to be established. It was made up of the four defenders, the four counselors of the defenders, the three health conservatives and the chamberlain. He could not impose new taxes, vary the prices of abundance, discuss quarrels between citizens and the public administration, make decisions about wars, invasions, earthquakes, plagues. He was summoned by ringing the big bell with twelve taps. The council of 42 was the general council, that is the council of the twelve, increased by the representatives of the classes that had the right to be part of it and by the exponents of the major villas (hamlets). Organs: - Councilors (municipal). People who made up the two municipal councils (12 and 42). They were partially renewable, one third at a time, always removing the oldest ones. They belonged to the first and second classes. In 1798, following the French occupation, women were appointed municipal councilors for the first time. Three in Fratta and one in Preggio. - Defenders. There were four of them and they remained in office for four months. They were elected by means of a "bussolo" vote, but they did not receive any salary since theirs were an honorary office. Only at the end of the mandate were they compensated with a small sum as a gift, not exceeding one and a half shields. - Counsel for the defenders . There were four of them and each "on the sidelines" of a defender (or prior), to whom he gave advice. almost like today's personal secretary. They were chosen from among those who had been defender in the previous quarter, assuming that he had acquired some experience in the affairs of comitative government. - Gonfaloniere. First prior and head of the judiciary, he was called so only at the beginning of the restoration, after the end of the Roman republic. in August 1799. - Consular prefect of Fratta. Office of the French administration, reporting directly to the prefect of the canton of Fratta. He was the head of the commune of Fratta and also "president of the commune". - Prefect of the canton. Figure established in the last decade of the century, when there was the French invasion. The prefect was responsible for everything that took place in our canton, including the municipality of Preggio and Poggio Manente (San Paterniano) as well as Fratta. Employees and officials: - Archivist. Usually a notary. He drew up acts for the municipality but also for the citizens. - Balio. He was in charge of liaising between the judiciary and other community bodies and private citizens. He took four scudi a four-month period. - Camerlengo. Collection and payment clerk. He did not take any premium on the collection as he received a normal salary. - Chancellor. He had more or less the functions of today's municipal secretary. His office was called "chancellery" or "priority secretariat". - Commissioner and judge. Public official appointed by Perugia. His main task was to enforce the law and punish the guilty, but in the most difficult, delicate and controversial cases he had the order to send the guilty to Perugia subjecting them to the examination of the higher court. - Conservatives of health. Three people who remained in office for two years and had to belong to the first sphere, that is, to the first class. They spoke to the city council when called and their job was to give an opinion on what was being discussed in the meeting. - Donzello. Clerk to all minor duties, he had the lowest salary paid by the administration to an employee. - School teacher. His salary was paid partly by the municipal administration, partly by the parents of the children and another by the brotherhood of Santa Croce. - Doctor led. He was also paid by the municipality. - Moderator of the public watch . Supervisor, maintenance, loading and various checks of the public clock. - Portinari. Surveillance of the gates of the town who opened every morning and closed in the evening at about "two hours at night". - Preacher. Ecclesiastical, priest or friar, about three times a year he preached in the churches of the town. He stayed in Fratta for a few days, staying in a convent. - Praetor. Charge born at the time of the French invasion. - Commissioner. Charge that arose at the time of the French invasion. He kept the books of the canton's administration. - Scribe. Person in charge of copying documents, letters, reports of board meetings, etc. - Sindicators. We find this use in the first half of the century. The mayors controlled the community accounts and remained in office for one year. - Letter dealer. He was the postmaster, also hired by the municipality. - Public appraisers. We find them in the first half of the century. They were people responsible for estimating properties or various activities both for the interest of the municipality and for private citizens. They remained in office for a year. - Community representatives in Perugia and Rome. People involved in unraveling community affairs in these cities. Being well established in state offices, they had practice in public administration and were known by various employees. Management of the Municipality Revenue for taxes There were the chamber tax, the municipal tax, the privileged and fair tax, the allotment of the ground coffee. The community of Fratta imposed them on the population and then calculated its percentage on the sum; the remainder was sent to Perugia. The chamber tax was requested by the reverend Apostolic Chamber of Perugia, which kept a small sum and sent the rest to the central government of Rome. The privileged and fair tax related to the various privileges that the city of Perugia granted to its dependent communities. The ground tax concerned everything that was brought to the mill and was the most detested by the peasants. Then there was the focatico tax. It hit all the "fires", that is, the hearths, the families. It remained until the 1960s under the name of "family tax". In 1706 only eleven families paid for it; in 1728, fifty-seven. The "property tax" hit the owners of houses and land. In addition, there was the "undressing and jail tax". By "bare" was meant unnecessary clothing and by "galleys" a tax intended to strengthen the state's navy. Finally, there were other occasional taxes, such as the "tax on the million", introduced in 1713 by the papal government which needed as many scudi. Revenue for procurement They were preferred by the municipalities as they were easy to manage and made it possible to collect the maximum on set dates. The contracts were made known by posting a notice outside the door of the town hall: on the appointed day, the "piper" would station himself in certain points of the town, sound the trumpet and let people know the time and place of the competition. Which took place with the "virgin candle" method every three years. Procurement of the oven. Granted in 1710 to Ercolano Fanfani. It ensured the production of bread for the whole country. Wage contract. The prerogative of distributing the salt belonged to Perugia, which gave it out to the various communities. Fratta, in order to get the necessary, had to go and pick it up in Perugia or, when there was none in the warehouse, in some town on the sea road: Fossombrone, Fabriano, Jesi, Ancona. Contract of the oil shop and grocery store. It consisted in granting a contractor the service of selling edible oil and kinds of delicatessens in the municipal shop, at the prices established by the municipality and written prominently on a sign. Procurement of the land stamp. Those who wanted to occupy a part of the public land (for example street vendors) had to pay a certain fee. Procurement of the meat stamp. The "butchers" of Fratta had to "skin" the animals in the public slaughterhouse. After removing the skin (which was used for the sole of the shoes) they cut the animal and the pieces were stamped by the "meat boiler". The operation served to make it clear to those who bought which was ox and cow, calf, sheep or mutton. The "bollatore delle carne" made the butchers pay the stamp, then paid the municipality, in two or three installments, as established. Public procurement slaughterhouse. Whoever won the tender sold the meat in this shop for two or three years by paying the agreed sum, in half-yearly installments, to the municipality which had the purpose of keeping prices calm to favor the poorest population. Contract for damage given and deposit of pledges. The depositary of the "damage given" was assigned to the surveillance of public goods, movable or immovable, he noted, in his interest, the damage caused by citizens to public goods, brought these facts before the judge and commissioner. This was also joined by the contract for the "depository of the pawns" , that is the office that advanced money to whoever deposited a pledge. Procurement of measures. The possibility of having large quantities of goods weighed was the prerogative of the Noble College of Exchange of Perugia. The operation took place with a large scale, publicly owned, called "the big steelyard". Procurement of firewood. Those who intended to bring firewood into the village had to pay a right in money to the municipality. Who contracted the collection to a private citizen. Procurement of the foietta. The right to tax the sale of wine "al menuto", ie sold by glasses or foiette, was also contracted out by the municipality to third parties. Procurement of the cenciarìa. He charged the collection of rags. The contractor collected a fee from those who collected the rags and was also a collector. Contract for the pen . Collection of the excrements of the animals that passed through the country, assigned by means of a contract to the one who offered the highest price. Tiber wood tender. It used trunks and branches that were deposited under the bridge after the floods. Tiber fishing contract . It struck those who wanted to fish in the stretch of river under the jurisdiction of the municipality, that is, upstream of the bridge. Expenses The municipal administration of Fratta divided the expenses into "recurring expenses", "Occasional outgoings and expenses", "various gratifications". The "recurring outings" yes they distinguished in outputs for the achievement of the purposes of the institution and for alms. Among the former, the main item is the payment of employees and employees of each degree. A recurring exit was the seasonal arrangement of the roads which, both in the country and outside, they had to be bridged every November. Another expense was the annual cleaning of sewers, wells and fountains. It does not seem strange to consider among the recurring expenses also those "for alms", because at the time the municipality used to give money to some brotherhoods for the patronal feasts of Sant'Erasmo, San Bernardino and SSma Annunziata. He also bought wax (candles), "powder" (for the barrels), oil for lighting and other useful things in the processions. At Christmas and Easter the municipality also used to give gifts: to the representatives of the community in Rome gave two capons; to the four defenders, at the end of the mandate quarterly, two scudi. The "occasional expenses" were used, for example, to repair municipal-owned houses and farms, roads, bridges, town gates, to pay interest liabilities on debts, cops' living expenses. All those rewards, finally, that the It was common to give the refreshments offered in the form of gifts and tips to distinguished visitors to guests (for example for the arrival of the bishop), gifts to the commanders of the foreign troops of passage so that they did not do too much damage, donations to the convents. Public safety While the public administration was delegated, in Fratta, to the judiciary and to the municipal councils, in the eighteenth century public security was strictly the responsibility of the commissioner, who was appointed decenviral (that is, of the Perugian judiciary). The commissioner and ordinary judge, in this double capacity, had in his first role the competence over the public safety of the whole territory and the investigating power given to him by the Perugian executive. On the basis of this power, it resolved all issues relating to public order that arose in a territory of about five or six thousand inhabitants (Fratta and hamlets), up to the arrest of those responsible. For certain crimes he sent the guilty to Perugia, to his superior judicial body or criminal office, as it was then called. In the event of minor disputes (those which today, for example, are the responsibility of the justice of the peace) he invited the parties to go to a notary and in his presence formulate a "peace act" between them. In case of crimes of greater gravity (usually acts of banditry), where the powers and possibilities of the commissioner proved powerless, he asked Perugia to send one or more teams of cops. They, with the force of arms, were able to put an end to those emergency situations and to restore the normality of life, bringing the offenders to Perugia. In the village the behavior of the cops was rather heavy and savage and the population paid the price, but this was well tolerated by the "good government" for which the fear that they knew how to instill in the people was obviously convenient, as it facilitated their way to act. The cops also came in times of epidemic diseases and if there was to fight the bands of brigands. In these cases they also went to guard the border areas and blocked the road with large iron gates to prevent transit in both directions. During their passage they stayed at the Osteria della Corona where they could stay for several days, but they were always frowned upon by the population as they committed abuses of all kinds and even harassed the hosts and their families. The Count of Civitella, who owned it, decided for these reasons to close not only this tavern to the public but also the one located in the San Giovanni street. It is the first case of "lockout" of an exercise. The municipality then bought a house to be used for housing the cops when they came to Fratta. It was bought in 1770, in via di San Giovanni and became the office and residence of the commissioner-judge. In this way it was possible to free the two rooms of the town hall which had already been used for this purpose for several years. Security problems also arose at the time of French domination, due to the harassment carried out by those troops. The commissioner-judge could not move as he wanted in these situations: the military occupation had effectively nullified many of his possibilities. In May 1798, for example, the French soldiers of General La Vallette, coming from Città di Castello, committed various abuses, including the destruction of furniture and books from the convent of San Francesco. It is due to such vandalism that nothing has remained on the life of our convents whose friars had come to Fratta in the last decade of the 13th century. In December 1785 the central government of Rome forbids all games in taverns and taverns. In 1788 soldiers were sent to Fratta to oppose a gang of criminals. In 1791 it was necessary to arm other soldiers, in the face of new raids by brigands who escaped, in July, from the Macerata prison and considered very dangerous by the government which had made prizes available to those who had captured them. A great scourge of time was that of collecting grains, which were then sold outside the kingdom. To put an end to this illicit trade, the municipality issues a notification against the "grabbers of wheat products". On August 13, 1795, a decree tends to limit the underworld of our province by forbidding those who go to the Monteluce fair from carrying weapons. In 1788 an ordinance was issued against "wounders and those who insult in the streets, with or without weapons". On 26 March 1797 two companies of the Colonna regiment pass through Fratta, the Vespiccini company and the Colonnello company. On June 26, Corsican soldiers "fled from Faenza due to the French invasion, commending themselves to the mercy of this public". He is fed. On February 2, 1798, carriages from Cisalpini pass. Sources: - Renato Codovini - “History of Umbertide - Volume VI - 18th century” - Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2001 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2001 (Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli - Walter Rondoni - Amedeo Massetti - Fabio Mariotti). Today Teatro dei Riuniti, from 1700 to 1787 seat of the Municipality of Umbertide The town hall in the early 1900s Old photo of the church of S. Bernardino Ancient image of the Castle of Civitella di Civitella Ranieri THE WAY OF LIVING, OF DYING, SOLIDARITY AND LEISURE The way of life At the beginning of the eighteenth century most of the people of Fratta struggled in misery. The few owners (and this throughout the Papal State) had a good game to keep wages low, given the large supply of labor, fed by many poor people looking for work. There were other elements to burden this picture: the frequent famines, the extraordinary taxes to compensate for the various flaws in the central administration, the devaluations of the currency to fill the sudden cash gaps. The people were totally subject to higher taxes. He didn't feel the need to rebel, but he certainly felt the weight of it. The entertainment The Frattegiani's opportunities for recreation and distractions were not many and all more or less orchestrated from above. The theater, as the local academics society had a certain activity; patronal and religious festivals in general; the public joy in the cases of the most sumptuous marriages and in the passage through Fratta of the cardinal protector; the festivities in the immediate surroundings of the town. They could lock themselves up to play in the Osteria della Corona or in that of the Staffa but, above all, they had the greatest set of distractions and entertainment during the carnival period. It began on the day of Saint Anthony and ended on the "fat Saturday" with the midnight dinner, called "la sabatina", made up of fatty foods. Weddings They were characterized by three moments: the private policy, the notarial deed, the ceremony in the church. With the private policy, the families established the economic conditions under which they would allow the marriage of their children. The parties then went to the "notary", together with the witnesses, to ratify the agreement. Finally, the ceremony followed, celebrated "according to the rite of the Holy Roman Church", preceded by a public "denunciation". The marriage was registered by the priest in the special book which, in 1741, had the five baiocchi stamp of the reverend Apostolic Chamber. The processions They all had a religious character and there were no civil processions or parades. Their development was linked to the many festivals of the time; then there were others that originated from contingent events (rain, earthquake, disease, etc.). In the seventeenth century they were still called with the old medieval name of "lumi", for which going in procession was said to "go to the light" (taking place almost always in the evening, there was a great display of lights, with candles, "fàcole" of pitch , oil lights). They were planned a few days earlier by a certain fraternity which appointed a group of five or six brothers who were entitled to the honor of the organization. These were called "above" and had the task of looking for the necessary money in the "begging" done in the countryside or in the streets and squares of the town, especially on market or fair days. Elements common to all the processions were the presence of (lay) companies and (religious) congregations with their brothers, closed in their cloaks of different colors and shapes. The representatives of the community for the occasion wore the ceremonial dress (the purple rubbone), while the soldiers, often Corsican mercenaries, came specially from Perugia. Another element was the "machine", that is the large wooden scaffolding equipped with two large and long poles which served to support the statue of the saint for whom the procession was made and which was carried on the shoulder. Finally, the banners of religious and secular associations among which wooden sticks with cloth and fringes sprouted, carried by the sacristans of the churches, in the midst of a cloud of smoke, smells and sizzles of burning pitch released from the many "fàcole", candles, lights and a burst of barrels that framed that whole. In the end, those who had intervened wearing the "hood" were given food consisting of bread, cakes, torcoli, wine, the distribution of which often gave rise to "abuses and dishonesty" and several times the bishops of Gubbio suspended "the brothers' tycoon that go in procession ", and replaced it with distribution of candles. But given a certain rarefaction of the people in tow, everything returned as before. Parties and sweets In the eighteenth century there were about twenty feasts a year and they all had the common and main component of religiosity. The banners of the art corporations, religious fraternities (or companies), congregations (only priests) intervened together with that of the community of Fratta. These associations, together with the municipality, thought of the decorations, both of the town and of the churches. They were made with great pomp, of the drapery type (the "drapoloni"), of silk or damask, as well as they could consist of light weaves (structures) of wood or light metal, of various designs, covered with fabrics or flowers ( even fake), ribbons and lace at will. It was possible then, but only on major occasions, to the construction of real triumphal arches for the streets and gates of the town. Among the characteristic festivals there was the "flower festival of May", promoted by the company of Sant'Antonio. On such occasions, in the organizing church, there was always a "choir of musicians" and singers. On 8 September 1795, for the feast, the famous Frattegiano singer Domenico Bruni arrived in the church of San Francesco, passing through one of his numerous artistic tours that he sang among the amateurs of the town, without any compensation. In the evening, the houses were lit with candles in the windows and everyone waited for the climax of the "barrels and rays". The costume In the eighteenth century the "sumptuary laws" of the seventeenth century on the way of dressing were in force in the Roman ecclesiastical kingdom, which forbade citizens (not the rich) certain luxurious ways, discriminating and further distancing the various social classes. In 1703 Pope Clement XI issued an edict in which he ordered low-status women to renounce any adornment, imposing the use of ordinary fabrics and non-violent colors. It was then forbidden to those of the people and petty bourgeois (edict of Clement XII in 1730) to put gold and silver trimmings on headdresses, fabrics and ornaments. The way to die In the parish books we find various "systems" to pass on to a better life. In 1715, with a touch of romanticism, - "... died at 10 pm on the moon ...". There are also descriptions of violent deaths, such as "... assaulted by two brothers, one of whom took his gun and shot him in the chest and so wounded he fled the Tiber on the boat of Ascagnano". In 1740, for a woman who throws herself into the Tiber "... At other times she had done other wisdom". A woman dies "from a serious fall made on the precipitous stairs of her house". Another, certain "Francesca di Brizio found in the house all burned with the exception of the head". Then there are death records and testamentary dispositions which show the religious sentiment of the people. Sant'Antonio da Padova enjoyed a certain cult in our country, so much so that he had his own altar in the church of the Compagnia del Soccorso, in the monastery of Santa Maria Nuova. In 1722 a Frattegiana told the notary "I want to be buried at the altar of St. Anthony of Padua, my lawyer and protector dressed in the habit of St. Anthony ...". In another testament of 1794 we find instead the extreme will of a sinner (or presumed such). He explains how his funeral must take place: "... from the house where I live my body is to be taken directly to the church without any turn of the streets and this in order not to remind the public of the scandals given in my life. When it reaches the church it is immediately buried without to expose the corpse of such a great sinner to the public's view, without wax, or music, or other similar things that vanity has been able to invent ". Funerals and burials The dead person, after having received, sooner or later, the visit of his parish priest for the absolution and registration of the death in the parish books, remains entrusted to the relatives and is stripped, washed, then wrapped in a sheet, ready for the funeral (or fùnere, as it was said then). That was the responsibility of the parish priest of the parish to which the dead man belonged and, if he was in a company or in a congregation, the association sent its own representation of brothers dressed in "hoods". The dead man was placed on top of the bier, with the top layer covering him, then carried on the shoulder to the church. Often the testator, among other things, indicated the place of burial. In fact, the dead were buried in the rear part (cemetery) of the church, but some were placed in existing mounds under the floor. There was therefore a distinction between outside, where the poorest were buried, and inside, where the brothers of the lay companies and the wealthy were placed (noble sepulchres), while the truly rich had their chapel. The noble tombs, for the rich, were obtained in front of the altars (even the main one) or on the sides of the same. In the entombment, the simple burial of the corpse wrapped in a sheet was carried out. The box was used only exceptionally, when it was a person who had acquired a great human value in life, or for the rich or for those who died outside the country and whose body had to be brought back to Fratta, transported on the wagon to horses. The burial in consecrated land was conditional on the fact that the dying person had first confessed and communicated, with the exception of those who had died suddenly. In the latter case it was the priest who ascertained whether the deceased had confessed some time before and, in any case, had always lived as a good Christian. The unconsecrated land was near the church cemeteries. Solidarity Wheat mountain It was commissioned by Don Giuliano Bovicelli di Fratta, a priest in Rome where he held the office of secretary to Cardinal Sacripante. Bovicelli, in the year 1715, donated the sum of one hundred scudi to the brotherhood of San Bernardino, of which he was a brother, with whom "... he wanted and longed for a mountain of wheat to be created in order to buy grain for the poorest population ". The brotherhood immediately bought two hundred wheat "stands" and started this institution. The wheat mountain stored grain for harvest and then gave it free to the poorest during the winter and spring, when it was difficult to find it. After the legal institution of 17191a confraternity began looking for a suitable seat where to arrange both the grain and the administrative office of the mountain. He succeeded only many years later, in 1764, when he bought a small house owned by the company of the Most Holy Sacrament in the central square, called "del Marchese" (Piazza Matteotti). The pawnshop Poor people who needed small loans of money turned to it and brought their little things as collateral, that is, movable goods of all kinds. For this service the municipality requested a sum to be calculated as a percentage. This was truly negligible, that is, much less than what would have been paid by resorting to the loan of the Jews, then present in Fratta, whose interest rates were much higher. The community of Fratta was authorized to manage this institution by the municipality of Perugia, from which it had contracted it out and to which it had to pay a sum. annual. The municipality could therefore manage it on its own but could also subcontract it, as it did in the year 1748 when the Monte was sold under contract to Ubaldo Moretti di Fratta. Free study The community of Fratta could send "two young people to the Episcopal Seminary of Gubbio every year, to remain free there, as long as they have the necessary requisites and are suitable to set out on the Ecclesiastical Way". Assistance to the "exposed" The "exposed" were newborns abandoned at the door of churches or hospitals, sent by the community to the hospital of Santa Maria della Misericordia in Perugia. Here many foundlings die because the nannies cannot be paid. Those who take babies to breastfeed them "... Also have five or six in the chest", so nourishment is scarce and deaths are many. Before 1739 the external nurses received a "dirty" grain mine a year, too little for Cardinal Martino Enrico Caracciolo, apostolic visitor in that year to Perugia, who assigns each six paoli a month, plus a shield, a tantum, after the eighteenth month. These children went around with a tag attached to their neck to indicate the date of baptism and the name. Gifts for spinsters In the eighteenth century some local brotherhoods, including that of Santa Croce which was the richest, bestowed a dowry on a spinster. In this way, girls who had to marry but who could not afford the necessary expenses were helped in this way since 1612. The dowry, one a year, was granted upon written request to spinsters born in the village (such as their parents), attaching a certificate from the parish priest who attested to both the birth, the age and the patronage of these girls. The brotherhood then chose a certain and limited number of girls and subjected them to an examination. The vinciti-ice could have the dowry only if and when he got married. There was also a deadline, which was 35 years; if the girl did not marry by this age, the brotherhood would take back the dowry. Another reason why the dowry was denied was that the girl, before marrying, did not live honestly. The entertainment Theater Already in the seventeenth century an association of theatrical art lovers was operating in Fratta called "Accademia degli Inestabili". In 1746 it had to proceed with its reorganization, which suggests that it was in a strongly negative phase. On the other hand, public and private music teaching was very active. In particular in the oratories, where the youth met for religious representations, with singing and instrumental schools linked to the various religious functions of the feast days. The Fratta theater was located since 1746 in the town hall, in today's Piazza Fortebracci. On the first floor there were some offices and the council meeting room which was given to the "unstoppable academics" for their performances. It had two "lodges" which probably served for municipal councilors, but were open to the public for the theater. You entered via a stone staircase placed outside. In 1770 it was still in the hall on the first floor of the town hall but this room was by now insufficient for the activity of academics. They therefore decided to expand it and asked for two adjacent rooms that served as the office of the commissioner and judge as well as for the passing cops. In 1746 we know that they wanted to reconstitute a theatrical association on a different basis from the old one: perhaps the "unstable academics" had dissolved, in whole or in part, towards the end of the 17th century. In the mid-eighteenth century the members of the "Accademia degli Inestabili" were eleven, from the main families of the town, such as the Fabbri, the Francesconi, the Burelli, but then the number grew and other illustrious personalities took part, such as Dr. Prospero Mariotti, his son Annibale and doctor Giulio Fracassini. The academy had a coat of arms formed by a noble shield where a hand was drawn. He held three gold cords intertwined together that ended with leads like a small tassel and, all around, the motto "Difficile solvitur" (it will hardly melt). Outside the theatrical season (ie outside the carnival), the amateur dramatists of the country acted instead, who were mostly the academics themselves and the members of their families. The plays were performed to train young people in stage disciplines rather than to give entertainment to the population. In the mid-eighteenth century, dramatic companies of a nomadic nature were a rarity and the first came to play in Fratta in 1748. It was the company of Giovanni Gazzola, a professional "histrionist artist" who, after many difficulties in obtaining authorization, was able to delight the Frattegiani with the affected parts of Pulcinella, Brighella and Doctor Belanza. Our theater closed, like everyone else in the Roman kingdom, from 1791 to 1795 by order of Pope Pius IV, due to the political events of the time, centered on the invasion of Italy by the French army. It was then reopened with the works "The guilty woman" and "The corsair of Marseille", where that "corsair" must have been a clear reference to the work of Napoleon, the most interesting character in the political scene of the time. The theater was granted on request for dance parties, elementary school work, occasions in which the best children were rewarded. Sometimes it was then granted for the game of bingo, introduced in Perugino in 1796. In the first months of 1798 the "Viva Maria" movement arose. In mid-February Fratta was invaded by these rioters who did various damages to municipal and private property, tampered with the theater and dispersed the administration documents. Free time In 1730, the "ox hunt", or "fence game", a sort of bullfight between oxen and dogs in a town square, usually San Francesco. In 1760 we have news that hunting was practiced in the months of September and October, the so-called "birding" (with the net). In 1794 the game of the "ball" or "ball" appears in Piazza San Francesco. Sources: - Renato Codovini - “History of Umbertide - Volume VI - 18th century” - Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2001 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2001 (Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli - Walter Rondoni - Amedeo Massetti - Fabio Mariotti). Il modo di vivere, di morire, la solidarietà e gli svaghi Procession of the Madonna - late 1950s. (Corradi photographic archive) The facade of the church of San Francesco The opera singer Domenico Bruni Piazza Umberto I (now Matteotti) in the early 1900s. (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide). In 1700 it was smaller and was called piazza del Marchese. Annibale Mariotti Giuliano Bovicelli AGRICULTURE, TRADE, TRADES AND EDUCATION Agriculture In 1700 the permanent settlement in the countryside was much safer than in previous centuries and the construction of farmhouses was no longer based on the tower-house system, the house with a minimum surface area but developed in height, suitable for housing and also for defense. of the peasant and his household goods. Now the type of house developed on a flat level is adopted, with a greater base, lower height, overall higher airspace. It has a ground floor used for agricultural management and a first floor for the farmer's home. The land could be "arable", "canapinato", "cerquato", "gineprato", "gengato", "working", "olivato", "ortivo", "pergola", "grass", "sodivo", "fucato" "," Vlneat0 "," silvato "," boschivo "(or" buscato "). The "cerquato" land was held in great esteem because the oak was even considered a fruit plant due to the great need for acorns that were used for pigs but, at times, in cases of great famine, they were reduced to flour as an aid to feeding. Human. There was a dominance of the pergola over the vineyard, a fair extension of the olive grove and the presence of the "canapinato" in the places richest in water. The extension of the land was measured in the capacity (rubbia, mina, stara, cup) of seeds necessary to cover the ground. The owners are very few. We find noble families such as Ranieri, Degli Oddi, Bourbon di Sorbello, Florenzi, Antinori, Crescenzi, Zeccadoro who had lands in Fratta but resided elsewhere, for which they did not pay taxes. There were resident families, also very rich: Alberti, Albanesi, Bertanzi, Bruni, Agostini, Burelli, Gnoni, Fracassini, Guardabassi, Magnanini, Paolucci, Petrogalli, Reggiani, Vibi, Cambiotti, Cibo, Mavarelli, Ramaccioni, Montanucci, Falici , Bartoccini. The leases were of two kinds: a temporary type, stipulated for three, six and nine years and the type called "emphyteusis" which usually covered a period of three generations. These were the most used but there were some valid for a single "riculture", that is, for a single crop or a single agricultural year. There are three parties to the dispute, even if only two stipulators, namely the owner of the land and the tenant who makes the peasants work the land, excluded from the negotiation. The owner had to allow the tenant to have the peasant's family members live in the farmhouse; he had to give vines and olive trees to be planted in the year. If he did not provide them, the tenant was released from the "planting" obligation and the owner could not oblige him the following year. The tenant was required to keep the plants found in the delivery inventory, he could send the farmers away at his will and pleasure. It was up to him to pay, in addition to the rent, the duties, the gabelles, the chamber's taxes. He had to leave the sown land as he had found it at his entrance; he had to return the barrels but be careful "that they are of good smell and without any vice, as he receives them". At the end of the rent, the pigs and the large cattle were given back according to the estimate; the sheep and goat cattle were made at the head. The farmer had to sow wheat and fodder with his own seed, prune and undermine young and old trees, plant a certain number of vines and olive trees every year with the system of formoni and that of single holes. Do not cut fruit trees, only lumber that has died from the fire. He had to take part of the land product to the master's house and for this he was paid in kind or in foodstuffs. The must was divided in half. At Easter he had to give a certain quantity of eggs and "pancasciato"; he had to give gifts and obligations in chickens and eggs. In the eighteenth century there was no "colonial pact" specified and imposed by law as will happen later, but only unwritten agreements. Of the products of the fields, half went to the owner (dominical part) and half to the farmer. In the cases of three-way relationships (owner, tenant and farmer) the division took place between tenant and farmer; the master took the rent. The owner was responsible for the costs of pruning and undermining the vines, the formoni and the pits, the fees to the farmer when he was called to give his "assistance" to the harvest work, to sift the wheat and shovel it, to do various jobs of the cellar, when it brought to sell the products to the market, the appraisals and the taming of the cattle, the construction and the accommodation of the rural buildings. They produced cecio, red cecio, hemp, cicerchie, cherries, beans, broad beans, mulberry leaves, opium leaves, figs, cheese, wheat, corn, acorns, lenses, lentils, wool, flax, lupins, honey, hazelnuts, walnuts , barley, olives, panic, pears, peaches, peas, grapes, vetch, vein, wine. The farmer had to pay a tax called "collar" when he used the oxen that belonged to the owner to work the land. The peasant's give and take resulted from the "workers' book". On the hill farms, sheep and goats were kept, but also many pigs. The Commerce The aspect that characterizes the economy is the static nature of values. There is no inflation and the differences in the prices of some commodities are caused by momentary extraordinary factors. Another component is the painfulness of work, of wages stuck on the verge of a tiring survival. The economy is very poor, both at the territorial level (municipality of Fratta) and in the Papal State. Another aspect is the almost total concentration of productive activities such as agriculture, for example, in the hands of a few nobles who also took possession of a certain industrial activity (wool mills). There was also a small artisan industry (iron and figulina [terracotta]), but it was limited by a limited availability of capital, always insufficient as it was available in the family. The large payments were made with "bank coupons", generic receipts issued by banks (the "Monti"). The deeds were stipulated by the notary who certified that the buyer was putting the money on the table. Sellers - Bocci (silkworms): Mavarelli, woman Caterina Igi. - Hemp: Alessio Moriconi. - Calcina: Mariangelo di Paolo, Domenico Stoppa. - Construction material: Giovanni Maria Diamanti, Menco di Natale, Andrea Fanfani, Molinari, Domenico Salvatori, Fortunato Agostini, Ludovico Cristiani. - Fronda dei mori (mulberry trees): Antonio called "il Regnicolo", the "Stinco". - Timber: Andrea Bellagamba, Raffaele Scapicchi, Antonio di Giovan Battista, Paolo di Giorgio, Gio. Tomasso da Monte Castelli, Giuseppe Jotti, - Straw: Girolimo di Rondino. - Hides: Pietro Baldoni is a seller (and collector) of goat skins and "white bassettes". - Stabbio: Donna Carolina Gratini (1712) to the brotherhood of San Bernardino; Costantino di Vincentio, Angelino Mavarelli, Giulio Rovinati. Mattio Massi, Filippo Leonetti, Filippo Carocci. - Wine: they received monetary compensation for each barrel of wine. Santi di Cristoforo (1700), Francesco Franceschini, Federico Palazzari (1701), Pietro Martinelli (1715/1749), Francesco Mercante (1722), Antonio Jotti (1726), Costanza Martinelli (1727/1738), woman Elisabetta Jotti, known as " the Padella "(1733/1735), Bernardino Cantelli (1741), Elisabetta Falcioli (1741/1747), Fabrizio Brugnoli (1749), Donna Francesca d'Andrea (1751), Donna Margherita Massi called" the Margarita "(1756/1759 ), Giovanni del quondam Andrea (1759/1760), woman Virginia Ciangottini (1767), Tommaso and Clemente Ciangottini (1768), Antonio known as "il Regnicolo" (1780), woman Maria Antonia Mercanti (1782/1784). Gambattista Fanfani (1787), Gian Maria Bartolini (1789). Shops and shopkeepers 1702 - Gregorio Molinari: glass. 1706 - Francesco Luminati: wax. 1718 - workshop of "Fabbreccia", in Piazza San Francesco, on the side of the Tiber. 1722/1730 - Sante Mavarelli: bread, lard, lard, wax, fàcole and gunpowder. 1724 - cobbler's shop. There were hammer, pincers, ligiatore, knife, stick. 1732 - Pietro Spaccini: glass, dies for windows (to be placed between the glass). 1732 - Gaspare Martinelli: lead for the dies. 1741/1749 - Domenico Cerbonelli: wax, string, nails, incense. 1745 - Borgo di Sopra, market area, Vasaro Giovan Maria Martinelli. 1745 - Borgo di Sopra, master Antonio Vibi, arquebusier. 1745 - Borgo Inferiore, three blacksmith shops. 1748 - Agostino Bettelli: wax. 1753 - Gaspare Martinelli: lead for glass. 1765 - Ercolano Roni: eggs. 1767 / 1797- Vibi: lace, wax, etc .. 1770 - Silvestro Jlartinelli has a "cossi" shop. 1770/1776 - Domenico Mavarelli: wax, lead for paints, canvas bombage . 1779/1795 - Donino Passalbuoni: shoe shop. 1776 - Burelli: "spetie", wax and shellac. 1781 - Vincenzo Mavarelli: wax. 1788 - Guerrini: wax. 1788 - Ubaldo Perugini: oil. 1791 - Alessio Vioriconi: cloth for sacks. 1792 - Girolamo Ciangottini: wax. 1794 - piazza San Francesco, a potter's shop with an adjoining furnace. 1794 - Piaggiola, shoemaker shop. 1794/1797 - “between the doors”. small square at the south-west bulwark (Tiber), the butchery shop, municipal meat resale. 1795 - 1799 - Vincenzo Mavarelh: balance bills, nails, pins, centaroles, silk buds. Taverns and hotels -Osteria della Corona "with accommodation. It was located in Piazza San Francesco, in front of the church of Santa Croce. It was owned by the Counts of Civitella Ranieri. In 1738, a Perugia cop died there, hit by a harquebus." Osteria della Staffa " , with lodging, in the street of San Giovanni, inside the castle walls.It was probably the property of Count Ranieri.There were also the taverns of Antonia Mercanti, with lodging, of Giuseppe Carocci, of Sebastiano Cesaretti. In 1721 there is "the Osteria di Pier Antonio", managed by a certain Bruscatelli. Next to it stood a "palombaro", the classic peasant house. The villa (hamlet) consisted of only these two or three houses. Nearby was the chapel of the Holy Spirit. "L'osteria della Mita" was owned by the Marquises Florenzi di Reschio, who lived in Perugia. Towards Città di Castello there was "l'osteria di Montalto", on the level of the Tiber, along the consular road from Fratta to Niccone. It belonged to the Counts Degli Oddi of Perugia, also owners of the castle of Montalto. Finally, there was "1'osteria della Nese", on the river of the same name, on the border between Perugia and Fratta. Fairs and markets Fairs were held in the first week of June and took place in the square of the church of Sant'Erasmo, also known as "il Mercatale". Only the cattle for such occasions found place in another location, usually the large municipal lawn located beyond the Tiber bridge. In Civitella Ranieri the fair took place between 20 and 25 July. In Montalto, on May 28th. The post office In the eighteenth century the Upper Tiber Valley was crossed by two services with diligence (two "mail courses", as it was then called). One came from Città di Castello and was directed to Perugia, the other departed from Montone and was also directed to Perugia: they stopped in Fratta to change horses, to pick up the mail and any passengers. These "mail courses" arrived in Fratta early in the morning, first that of Montone, then that of Città di Castello, with a delay that could be half an hour compared to the fixed time. They reached Perugia about four hours later. In addition to the "scheduled" service, there was also a special "course", for urgent community mail, called "lo sped" or "celerifero" (a kind of "priority mail). Provided by a man on horseback who brought "bolzetta" (leather bag) only the parcels of the municipality for which the departure of the diligence could not be expected the following day. Trades Oil mills There was one near the Lazzaro ditch, on the border between the "Mercatale di Sant 'Erasmo" and the area of Santa Maria. He probably also had a millstone. In 1794 it belonged to the Mazzaforti brothers who rented it for four years to Ubaldo Cambiotti. In the area there were oil mills in Cicaleto, Migianella, Monte Acuto ("Molino with its press and vine, in whose stump there are three iron circles, the millstone with its trestle and on an iron stake but with a wooden wedge" ), Racchiusole, San Patrignano. Grain mills In the "villa" of Cicaleto, in the parish of San Giuliano, property of the Camaldolese friars of Montecorona. It was located one kilometer from the Tiber river, south of Fratta and remained active until the early decades of the twentieth century. It had its own dam, the grinding wheel, the "cialandro", the hopper, the iron blades. And the "fulling machine", the mechanism for beating woolen cloths by means of large wooden hammers that were moved by the water. Other grain mills were located in Molino Vitelli, Monte Migiano, Serra "di Partuccio", San Patrignano and the abbey of San Salvatore (inside, it was called "mill of the cloister" and drew water from a ditch). I calcined In Santa Giuliana, owned by Mariangelo di Paolo. He made mortar which he sold the soma to four baiocchi. Another on the coast of Monte Acuto, belonging to the Fracassini family. Furnaces They had one Angelo di Roso and Fortunato Agostini, who in 1751 sold bricks for the facade of Santa Croce. In Carpini and Montalto, of the Degli Oddi of Perugia, owners of the castle of the same name. It was demolished by a flood of the Tiber in 1760. A bit of everything'.. Archibugieri: master Giulio Castellani, master Giuseppe and master Antonio. Gilders: Antonio Gabriotti, in 1717 gives gold to the candlesticks and carteglories of Santa Croce; Giuseppe Ferranti, from Gubbio. Silversmiths: Silvestro Angelini, from Perugia; in 1743 he sold a chalice and a silver paten to the Confraternity of Santa Croce. Bastari: Pietro Profili, Tommaso Mischianti, Giacomo Botti and Fabio Urbani. Bottari and bigonzari: Alessandro Jotti, Angelo Ciangottini, Francesco Puletti. Calzolari: were gathered in the congregation of the art of shoe-making (which had its own chapel in the church of Santa Croce, at the altar of Saints Crispino and Crispiniano, protectors of the category): Pietro di Angelo, Ubaldo Moretti, Carlo Guerrini, Donino Passalboni, Antonio Mariani. Hatters: Passalbuoni, Giuseppe Benedetti from Città di Castello. There was also a shop in Castel Nuovo. Canapari: Giovan Carlo Montanucci. Tanners: Giulio and Panfilio. Designers: Brischi, Giuseppe Notari and Giovan Pietro Gigli. Fabbri: Lorenzo and Pietro Martinelli, Carlo Francesconi, Domenico Paganelli, Raimondo Rotelli, Pier Giovanni Lestini, Francesco d'Agostino, known as "Ferraccio". At the end of the eighteenth century two blacksmith shops were in the small open space at the beginning of the road that leads to the Borgo Inferiore, immediately after the bridge over the Reggia. In 1798 Silvestro Martinelli and Vincenzo Jotti are the "officials" of the art and university of blacksmiths. Carpenters: Carlo Bolisi (1720), Ludovico Franceschini (1724), Alessandro Jotto (1753), Giovan Lorenzo Gigli (1750), Francesco Moscatelli (1745) in Pierantonio, Giuseppe Jotti (1749). Founders: Gregorio Righi, from Perugia, melts and accommodates the bells of Santa Croce in 1717. Fornari: Bartolomeo di Lorenzo, Domenico Lauri, Giovan Battista di Giulio, Bernardino Tassi, Olimpia Tassi. Carvers: Marco Batazzi, Alessandro Igi. Slaughterers: Santino, Andrea, Giuseppe Schiavini; Angelino Mavarelli, Marino Farneti. Magnani: Michele Aragoni (1698/1710). Laborers and porters: Tommaso di Francesco, Santi Paoletti. Giulio di Goro, Domenico Salvatori. Marescalchi: Antonio Mazzanti. Measurers, estimators: Fabrizio Mazzaforti (barrel meter), Lodovico Franceschini (grain meter), Alessandro Jotti (timber estimator), Antonio Brischi (wine meter), Vincenzo Mavarelli (wine estimator). Molinari: Tommaso Mancini, Giuseppe di Antonio. Masons: Giovanni, known as "Miracle", Costanzo di Cesare, Antonio di Giovan Maria, Ventura Bartoccini (master mason), Ercolano Corsini, Domenico Farneti (master mason). Mason's tools were the hammer, the spoon, the hoe for making mortar, the hammer, the lead, the archipendolo, the shovel to scornigate. Organ builders: Carlo Balducci, Pietro Forti, Orazio Fedeli. Pyrotechnicians: 1786, Francesco Natali; 1787, Bernardino Brischi Painters: Antonio Gabriotti, Francesco Leonardi, Ubaldo Vitaliani, Giuseppe Ferranti, Francesco Cocchi, Giuseppe Bertanzi. Pollaroli: Pietro known as "1'Anitraro", Giambattista. Pruners: Antonio called Sciuga, Francesco di Antonio; Francesco Scalseggia. Embroiderers: Colomba Vespucci. Tailors: Guerrini, Crestina Francesconi woman, Francesco Moriconi, Mauritio Pucci, Margherita Massi woman. Stonecutters: Francesco di Vincenzo, Lorenzo Brischi, Francesco known as "Borzicchio", Domenico Mavarelli, "il Riccio". Segatori: Giuseppe Moretti, Tommaso di Pascuccio, Belardino known as "il Regnicolo", Paolo Pieroni, Panfilio di Francesco, Paolo Ercoli. Saddler: Fabio Urbani Stucchi: Giuseppe Notari (1753, works in Santa Croce), Giovanni Cherubini. Weavers: Maria Cristina Francesconi, Aurora Roni, Elisabetta Cantelli woman, Margherita Massi woman. There are no factories, woolen mills and cloth factories. The processing is done in the homes of private citizens as many have looms. Dyer: Gerolamo Martinelli. Vasari: Francesco Fussai (1709), Giammatteo Martinelli (1742), Silvestro Martinelli, Gaetano Martinelli. Painters: Giuseppe Ferranti Carriers and couriers: Paolo Cangelotti, Marino Rotelli, Tommaso di Marco, Andrea di Ercolano, Giovanni known as "Spaterna", Pietro Simone Cicutella. Education In the eighteenth century there was a school where the first elements of reading, writing and arithmetic were taught, held by a clergyman. He was paid by the community with a salary that was, at the beginning of the century, of about twelve, fourteen scudi a year. To these were added three shields from the confraternity of Santa Croce as schoolmaster and another twenty-five that the same corresponded to him "for the chaplaincy", the task of saying masses in the chapel of the brotherhood. The employment contract was stipulated between the municipality and the master before the notary. In case of vacancy, the parents of the children signed a policy with which they agreed to pay a small sum to the municipality, in favor of the teacher. The school was located in the Borgo Inferiore, in the premises of the Confraternity of Santa Croce. At the end of the century, the master took thirty-two scudi a year from the community. In addition to this he received eight scudi from the Confraternity of Santa Croce again for the school and the "chaplaincy", to which were added the sums from other confraternities for various religious or occasional services such as musical performances on the occasion of parties. However, the annual income was sufficient for a decent standard of living. A teacher taught grammar and rhetoric for a salary of seventy scudi a year. At the end of the century this school was located in Castel Nuovo, on the premises of the former monastery of Santa Maria Nuova, purchased by the community of Fratta. In 1700 the schoolmaster was Don Pietro Cardoni, from Nocera. He lived in the two rooms above the Santa Croce hospital that the brotherhood had reserved for him. The latter retained fifteen paoli a year from the salary she paid him for the rent: thirty paoli in all, that is, three scudi. As was customary at the time, the maestro also performed the "music service" for the company of Santa Croce. In early August 1719 Cardoni resigned. Don Matteo Silvestrini took over and the brotherhood also rents the rooms above the hospital to him. In 1725 the teacher is Don Pietro Burli. In the early months of 1730 the school teacher was a certain Fabbri, but in April he was replaced by Don Innocenzo Diamanti, for four years. Then the Abbot Giovan Battista Orlandini and Don Lorenzo Meuccio. From 1741 to 1750 the masters were Don Ubaldo Balducci, Don Gerolamo Passi, Don Francesco Tosoni, Don Gaspare Mazzaforti, Don Lorenzo Pellegrini, Don Modesto Spinetti. From 1750 we find don Arcangelo Mischianti (teacher of sacred theology is fra 'Francesco Maria Calindri, guardian of the convent of San Francesco), don Alessandro Dini born in Urbania, don Matteo Tosciliani, don Paolo Costantini, don Ubaldo Menghini, don Stefano Loretti, don Angelo Mavarelli, don Antonio Giuseppe Gnagneri, don Cristiani, don Giuseppe Angelini, the canon don Paolucci. In 1787 the school teacher was Don Ercolano Mavarelli. He took four scudi a four-month period. He is a canon of the collegiate church of San Giovanni. In 1789, Father Fulgenzio Maria, a minor of the observers of the convent of Santa Maria, born in Città di Castello, was the master. In 1790 there is the canon Pecchioli followed by Don Luca Brami. We then find Don Sebastiano Riccardi and Abbot Paolo Padoni. The teaching of music It could be public and private. The first was entrusted to the chapel masters and these, having graduated in music in some school, were called and paid by the various brotherhoods and religious congregations. Their dependence explains the term "di cappella", as the brotherhoods had their headquarters in a church where they owned a chapel with an altar dedicated to their protector. The major brotherhoods, of Santa Croce and San Bernardino, had their own teacher but he did not take a salary that would guarantee him economic security; for this he also carried out occasional work at other brotherhoods and churches, managing, among other things, to earn enough to live. In addition to public teaching, there was a private one. There was the custom of entrusting a young man, from early adolescence, to a teacher who undertook, for an annual fee, to teach him instrumental music and singing and, at times, also to read and write. The boy, however, had to leave his family and move to the house of the teacher, who became father-master, staying here for the established time, about ten years. All this was agreed through a notarial deed comprising many clauses. Sources: - Renato Codovini - “History of Umbertide - Volume VI - 18th century” - Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2001 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2001 (Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli - Walter Rondoni - Amedeo Massetti - Fabio Mariotti). Illustrations by Adriano Bottaccioli. Harvesting of wheat by hand (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) Peasant family (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) Sul paiaio (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) On the ox cart (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) Calesse (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) 1977. La Fornace (Giuseppe Severi Archive) 1975. Trace of a potter's oven in via Bovicelli (Giuseppe Severi Archive) Glimpse of Santa Croce Agricoltura, Commercio, Mestieri e Istruzione Le chiese minori di Fratta e i proietti La chiesa di Sant'Andrea di Castelvecchio Church of Sant'Andrea di Castelvecchio The ancient temple was located at the height of the current analysis laboratory in the old hospital of Umbertide The church, of very ancient origins dating back to the early twelfth century, stood in the Upper Borgo of Fratta, called Castelvecchio, right on the spot where the old hospital was built in 1870. It had a bell tower with two bells and several altars inside. One of these, dedicated to Santa Barbara, was built in 1735 (1). Despite the long life and the prestige it had held in the hearts of the faithful of Fratta, we know little of its characteristics. We do not know its shape and we are not able to know if it kept works of a certain value within it, which is possible given the long history of the temple. If we lack certain information on its origins and its structure, we have, on the other hand, detailed information on its end which coincided with that of the eighteenth century. The collapse, in fact, began much earlier, in the year 1751, when the parish priest, Archpriest Petrogalli, informed the Bishop of Gubbio that a part of the roof was collapsing and also the wall around the bell tower was about to do the same. The authorization for the "reduction" of the church arrived and as the collapses continued, it was further reduced to become a small chapel. In this capacity it was occasionally officiated for some time and later disappeared as the seat of the services of the cult. The "reduction" works were financed with the proceeds from the sale of the main bell (2) which also made it possible to embellish the altar of the church of San Giovanni Battista, where on 15 December 1752 the painting representing Sant'Andrea, painted by Benedetto Cavallucci of Perugia. Note: 1. See Umberto Pesci, History of Umbertide, Typography R. Fruttini di Gualdo Tadino, year 1932, p. 133 et seq. 2. Archpriest Petrogalli, with the Bishop's permission granted on 10 November 1751, had sold the main bell, weighing 220 pounds, to the Philippine Fathers of Montefalco for 38 scudi. Sources: "Umbertide in the XVIII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide - September 2003 THE MINOR CHURCHES OF FRATTA AND THE PROJECTS The minor churches The church of the Madonna del Moro was located just outside the Borgo Inferiore, in the center of a farm owned by the Savelli family, next to the farmer's house and a well. In 1746 the farm was sold to Bernardino Dell'Uomo with all the annexes and the small chapel followed the fate of the house and the fields. The instead, the small temple of the Madonna del Giglio was located near the Borgo Superiore, in a property of Donna Pellegrini Stella, widow of Giovan Francesco Paolucci. The lady contributed to the maintenance of the chapel with the sum of five scudi a year. On 16 September 1730 she made her will and ordered that, after her death, the heir, who was her nephew, Captain Giovan Tommaso Paolucci, should continue to pay the contribution. In the market area there was a small chapel, also called Chiesina del Boccaiolo , dedicated to the Blessed Virgin. The news comes from very few lines of a notarial deed (1) . The church, which we do not know precisely where it was, was enlarged by Marcantonio Stella who did not have it as a property, but was obliged to maintain it as well as to have one mass said a month and six masses on the 10th. December each year. In front of the church of Sant'Agostino, before entering the Piazza del Mercatale, on the left, stood the Monastery of Santa Maria Nuova with the chapel of Santa Lucia attached to it. When the Monastery was suppressed on July 21, 1787, it continued to be open to worship. It was also called the "church of the blacksmiths" because that corporation had obtained it for use by the Municipality, which in 1787 had become the owner of the entire former monastery. Towards the end of the century, in 1790, it underwent substantial maintenance work for an amount of 140 scudi advanced by Lorenzo Vibi. The intervention suggests that the chapel was still officiated. There is little news about the church of Calatola . It was located in the homonymous farm word, above the hill where the Bertanzi house stands (Villa Pace). The chapel almost certainly belonged to the same family. Church of Sant 'Agostino Shortly before entering Piazza del Mercatale (Piazza Marconi), to the right of whoever descends from Piaggiola, stood the convent of Sant'Agostino and the church of the same name, right in the center of Castelnuovo. The temple was regularly officiated by the Augustinian Fathers who had the responsibility and care of it; it housed several altars, including one dedicated to Sant'Antonio, and communicated with the premises of the convent in the west. Above the ceiling of the church there were two large rooms and on the north side, between the road to Montone and the apse, there was a vegetable garden cultivated by the friars. The church was a thriving center of religious life and faith as long as the Augustinians who were its soul remained there, but when they left Fratta, the church also took second place. The convent, in fact, was suppressed and in 1738 its property, which also included that of the church, passed to the Municipality. The Judiciary of Fratta, in the same year, asked the Bishop of Gubbio for authorization to sell the buildings adjacent to the church. The permission was granted especially since the transfer was destined to remain "in the parish" because the buyer was a priest, Don Silvestro Fanfani, who offered 110 scudi. It was a forced choice since the administrators needed cash to pay the salary of the school teacher, since for several years and after numerous attempts, they had not been able to rent those premises. The church, which showed signs of subsidence in the wall along the road, was the subject of a careful restoration with the construction of a sturdy support spur. Towards the middle of the century, therefore, it was still officiated and was entrusted to the Company of Death. Note: 1) The deed reads: "Remembrance of the faculty given by Mr. Giambattista Bartolelli from Città di Castello to the late Marcantonio Stella of this land to enlarge and expand the church of the Madonna SS.ma di Loreto in the Market. Deed of the notary Michelangelo Cenni di Gubbio , on 15 September 1690, without reserve of patronage ". The projectiles (foundlings) One of the many painful problems of the century, of the previous ones and also of the following one, was the plague of projectiles (or foundlings, or exposed). There were many, more than one can imagine, and in some cases, in addition to the doors of convents, churches and hospitals, where newborns were usually abandoned, revolving drums were also put into operation, communicating with some convent, to to deposit defenseless children, wrapped in poor clothes as best they can. Also in Fratta there was one (1) , near the “scortico”, in the inter portas square that led to the Tiber bridge. It was called "The wheel of the exposed". The painful phenomenon had deep social roots and did not bear the signs of the scarcity of the maternal sense. The mere thought of such a hypothesis would be an offense to feelings and history. The mother was certainly the first person to feel the agony of the dramatic detachment and to swallow drops of daily bitterness at the thought that the fruit of her breast would grow without affection and without caresses. But in a society such as the eighteenth century, in which infant mortality reached very high levels even in the most affluent families, and the darkest poverty gripped a large part of the population, the abandonment of one's creature to a destiny that was hoped to be generous with better assistance, paradoxically it could represent an act of love or, at the very least, an extra hope of survival. History hides, pitiful and discreet, a series of sufferings and dramas that have not touched the palaces of power, the only archives that an ancient and widespread historiographic theory has carefully consulted in its partial research. The Fratta projectiles were taken to Perugia, to the Misericordia hospital, which then sent them to Assisi, where Mons. Caracciolo, since 1739, had created a special hospice. The transport to Perugia, for the weak newborn, already represented a heap of hardships, especially in the winter period, but for the insiders it was a normal practice to be carried out, governed by a series of strict provisions, behaviors and remunerations. (25 baiocchi per trip, for the coachman). Several had to arrive in Perugia if the Prior of that city, on May 14, 1741, sent a recommendation to the Confraternity of Santa Croce which had asked for information on the matter. The letter was long, but we report the most pleasant part, to soften the tints of the drama: "In response from the highly esteemed Loro Loro around the reception and transfer of the Proietti from there to this Hospital of Perugia, there is no difficulty in bringing us those who were born in this Territory of Fratta to be this of the Territory of Perugia, only the diligence remains that they are not from another nearby Territory, or from Città di Castello, or from Gubbio, that these have their Hospitals and there is the order of Monsignor Caracciolo, as they will see to the notification sent to them, as well as being careful that they do not take legitimacy and comply in everything with those orders, to which the due penalties are imposed ". With all the good will it was difficult to establish the provenance and territorial belonging of the projectiles, and if we had some certainty about it, they would no longer be such. Those in charge of this sector did everything they could to entrust them to some local nurse who nursed them in the very first days of life, before making the journey to Perugia, but the death records are pitiless. In 1753 one of them was entrusted to the Briganti family of Polgeto: “Luigi dies, of an uncertain father and mother, ten days old, handed over to Veronica Briganti on January 21st”; "On February 18, 1753 Anna dies, of uncertain father and mother, handed over to Veronica Martinelli to nurse her on February 11"; "On May 9 Maria dies, of uncertain father and mother, handed over to Veronica Martinelli to breastfeed her". And the list goes on, but we prefer to stop here. Just to give an example, in the parish of Sant'Erasmo alone, in 1710, five were collected in front of the church door and six in 1720, to refer only to two years of a religious community that had 600 souls. Note: 1. There was also another one next to the convent of Santa Maria Nuova. The gardener who cultivates the adjacent garden testifies that it was visible until the end of the 1950s. Sources: "Umbertide in the XVIII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide, 2003 PROCUREMENT AND PUBLIC PROPERTIES Procurement Almost all of the taxes were contracted out to a debt collector through a regular competition. The obligation was introduced in 1729 by an Edict of Pope Benedict XIII which remained in force for a large part of the following century. The method used for the award was that of the "virgin candle" described in detail in another volume (1). Some contracts were extraordinary and remained in existence for the duration of the tax, as we have seen for the passage tax; others were fixed because the sector of activity subjected to the tax was permanent, such as that of supplies and some services, and were renewed every three years. They constituted the most reliable and most substantial income for the Municipality. All citizens duly informed by the notice of the announcement posted on the door of the Municipality and by the Balio tubatore could participate in the conduct of the race who, after scraping a few rings of tuba, read the main heads of the announcement through the streets of the castle and in the squares inter portas. In a council meeting of May 27, 1747 the contracts were discussed and thanks to it we were able to know not only which and how many there were, but also the amount that we wanted to obtain. We report them in the same order in which they were exhibited at that meeting: 1. Public Oven Contract 2. Tender for the Land Stamp 3. Procurement of the Carne Stamp 4. Public Slaughterhouse Contract 5. Procurement of the Damage Given 6. Contract of the Salara 7. Oil shop contract 8. Procurement of Measures 9. Procurement of Wood 10. Contract of the Stabbio 11. Procurement of the Foietta 12. Cenciaria contract 13. Tiber Wood Contract. Procurement of the oven The public oven belonged to the Municipality which did not manage it directly, but gave it to contract. In truth, in some short periods of the century, for reasons that escape us, the system of direct management was adopted. We can only exclude that they were of an economic nature, since the average annual gain obtained with self-management was about 40 scudi, while the contract yielded 90. Self-management lost 50 net scudi, to which they were owed add all the management hassles and worries. The contractor, in fact, in addition to the bread making was forced to provide for the purchase of the grain, its grinding; to the wood for the oven, all at his expense, and finally to the bread trade. It was a job that took a lot, especially in an era when there were still no electric ovens, special yeasts and various types of flour already packaged. The frequent change of management of the oven, moreover, indicates that the profit margins were not flattering. In 1710 the contract, always three years, was in the hands of a certain Pietro Antonio Marcellini who had inherited it from Ercolano Fanfani and Giovanni Antonio Agostini. The most lasting management was the one that goes from 1770 to 1781 held by Giovanni Antonio Agostini, perhaps a descendant of the manager we met at the beginning of the century. In the five-year period 1787/1791 the Municipality almost certainly managed it on its own with the results we have illustrated. In the following year the contract was won by Ubaldo Perugini. Towards the end of the century, in 1793, there was an attempt at competition by the Count of Civitella who was determined to open a bakery on the border of his county with the territory of the Municipality of Fratta, right at the point where today Viale Unità d ' Italia intersects with Via Roma, in the place then called Case Nuove. Giuseppe Palchetti had to manage it. The new exercise would have represented a serious blow to the public oven because Civitella did not apply duties to the activities inside its territory. The matter was resolved haphazardly in a meeting between the Count and the First Prior, at the end of which it was decided that things would remain as before. Procurement of the land stamp Even in those days whoever temporarily occupied the public land had to pay a tax to the Municipality. The most typical and recurrent case was that of the itinerant trade. As usual, the Camerlengo did not directly collect the sum and the entire sector was given out on a three-year contract to the highest bidder. In the middle of the century the contract yielded 38 scudi a year. Procurement of the meat and slaughterhouse stamp All the beasts had to be "skinned" at the slaughterhouse. The skins were then left to dry in the sun and the meat, cut into pieces, was subjected to the stamp by the "Bollatore delle Carni". The stamp was a guarantee of safety for the consumer and also of quality among the various types of meat (ox, cow, veal, sheep, mutton, pork, etc.), but above all a tax expedient. The Bollatore was the one who had won the three-year tender and not a veterinarian. Its only role was to withdraw the stamp duties from the butchers and to pay the Municipality an annual fee that was between 30 and 140 scudi per year. The slaughterhouse was also subject to the same regime. This is obviously the public slaughterhouse that the Municipality kept open for calming purposes, while the private butcher had fulfilled his obligation with the payment of the stamp on the meat. The management of the public slaughterhouse was subject to the normal procurement procedure and the winner undertook to pay a fee that averaged around 35 scudi per year (2). In addition to being a contract, the relationship could be configured as a "slaughterhouse rental", but the rules and procedures followed were those of contracts and not those of leases. Since they had to carry out the control function, the prices were agreed with the Municipality. Castrato, for example, had to be sold for 4 baiocchi (twenty quattrini) a pound, but from the first Sunday of Lent until the feast of St. John (24 June) it had to be sold for 21 quattrini a pound. Cow, sheep and goat meat sold for 12 quattrini a pound. The regulation of the contract of 1782 required that during the Christmas holidays all meat had to undergo a reduction, in line with the "social" function that the public slaughterhouse performed. Contract for the damage given and the deposit of the pawns The contractor was responsible for the surveillance and protection of public, movable and immovable property. When they were damaged ("damage given"), his task was to report the person responsible to the Commissioner Judge and to collect the compensation established, if the dispute had not been settled by amicable means. Part of the sum (usually a third) was due to him and the other part was paid into the coffers of the Municipality. It was a type of contract whose revenue was unpredictable and for this reason it was entrusted to the same contractor as the Depositeria dei Pegni, or Monte dei Pegni, as it was more commonly called. Debtors who could not meet their financial obligations often resorted to them, in the absence of the banks, to deposit an object of value and receive a sum in cash. At the set deadline, the depositary withdrew the pledge by paying the amount received with the interest and deposit rights. If this did not happen, as it often did, the pledge remained the property of the contractor who arranged for the sale and withheld the proceeds. The contractor had to have a fair amount of cash to secure the loans and had to be a skilled trader to make the valuation of the assets deposited. The contract paid the Municipality 6 scudi per year approximately. Contract for the salary, oil shop and grocery store Salt was a kind of monopoly in the Papal State and the sales regime was subject to government regulations. The purchase had to take place in the official "Salara", which for the Fratta Community was that of Perugia, or of Fossombrone, Iesi, Fabriano or Ancona, if it did not have one. The amount of the withdrawal was fixed at 36,000 pounds per year, and the local salary was also to serve the municipalities of Preggio, “Castelrigone”, the Badia di Monte Corona, “Pier Antonio” and Pian di Ronzano. For retail outlets, the usual procurement system was used, which in this specific case had a duration of two years, and the "Minister of the Salara", as the contractor was also called (3), had the strict obligation to cover the entire needs of the territory under its jurisdiction, since salt is an indispensable element of very large consumption. With the “Salara”, but in separate tenders, the oil shop and the grocery store were also contracted out. In the first, edible oil was sold and in the second, cured meats, lard and lard, salted meats and cheese. The prices of the products were set by the Defenders and had to be clearly visible on a sign posted in the shop. While we do not know how much the Community earned with the salt contract, the oil shop and the grocery store yielded 20 scudi a year (8 scudi for oil and 12 for other products). Procurement of weight measurements The possibility of weighing quantities of goods over 50 pounds was an exclusive prerogative that belonged to the Nobile Collegio del Cambio of Perugia, which held the monopoly right in this sector. Not being able to exercise it directly, the Noble College contracted it out to the various communities and these, in turn, to a local contractor through the usual tender procedure. "The large steelyard", as the scale was called, was considered a "public weigher" and the receipt issued attested not only the payment of the rights, but also the exact weight of the goods, to be asserted in court in case of disputes. The large steelyard belonged to the Municipality, which had to comply with all the provisions issued by the Collegio del Cambio and the Congregation of the Good Government (CBG) of Perugia. Even private individuals could equip themselves with a similar instrument, which had to be "stamped" by the contractor, that is, subjected to the control and payment of a tax, and was not valid in the event of a dispute, nor could it be lent to others, under penalty of seizure of the "steelyard". Weights under 50 pounds were carried out in all the shops of the time and in private homes, but the scales, in addition to the stamp duty, were subjected to bi-monthly checks. Other contracts Anyone wishing to bring firewood into the village had to pay a tax to the contractor as a "right of entry". The parcels were different in relation to the type of transport that could take place “a some”, that is, on the back of a donkey or mule, or in larger quantities of wagons. Payment in kind was also envisaged with the deposit of a piece of wood next to the entrance door to the castle. Generally the wood came from the cutting of the woods, but there was - also the “del Ponte” one, that is all the trunks that the floods of the Tiber piled up close to the pylons of the bridge. All this material that formed a kind of dam, with a lot of practical sense and foresight, was removed and sold on a systematic basis. Most of the time the contractor was unique, but the " wood of the Bridge " could have a different one from the official one. The streets of the town were haunted by the passage of beasts which, not being angels, deposited their excrements along the way, without much modesty. In an economic system in which nothing was thrown away and everything was recycled, even the “pen” was a useful material. The Municipality contracted out the collection and sale to the highest bidder who, in addition to making a profit, kept the streets of the town clean. The same thing happened with the rags whose collection was contracted out (contract by the cenciaria). The rags then ended up in Fabriano, where a thriving processing industry had existed since then. The pleasure of the "drop" of wine seems to have ancient origins and even goes back to Noah. For the taxman there could not have been a better opportunity. Thus the innkeepers and innkeepers who sold the wine by the minute had to pay the “foietta” tax. Even fishing, in the stretch of the river along the walls, did not escape the tax burden and the fishermen had to pay a kind of "license" to the contractor on duty. These latter contracts did not represent large revenues for the Community. The tax on the fishing license, for example, paid the municipality a shield a year. We do not know about the others, but we are inclined to believe that municipal finances could not be raised with rags, stabbing and wood. Various revenue A few more shields entered the anemic municipal coffers through the leasing of land, of the Shiites, of the houses and shops of public property, but it was very little. The sale of the crushed stone of the Tiber, the foliage of the poplars ( albaroni ), of the willows, of the elms and above all of the morigelsi, planted along the roads and the banks of the waterways, also gave some shields. The breeding of silkworms was widely practiced, even in small quantities in common houses, not to mention the massive production of maggots that were found in the area. The recycled materials of the renovated public properties were also sold, such as bricks, beams, tiles and bent tiles. The Rocca enjoyed direct financing from Perugia of 45 scudi a year, intended for the maintenance costs of the building and the entire complex of the castle walls . There were also chancellery rights at that time and those who needed declarations, certifications or copies of deeds were subjected to the payment of the expected fee. In any case, the proceeds deriving from the various items of income were very often not sufficient to cover the expenses of the Community and recourse to the loan was a constant practice even in those times. As there were no public credit institutions, private individuals were used, which were mostly religious communities. The loan was always guaranteed with the stipulation of a written deed, often with the endorsement of a guarantor and sometimes also with the deposit of a pledge by the guarantor himself. It happened that the Municipality had credits to collect, but they did not constitute an additional income, but the recovery of taxes not paid at the time by the defaulting taxpayer. Public properties In the century in question, the concept of "inventory" did not exist and therefore we do not have a detailed list of municipal property. From the various documents examined, however, it can be deduced that the patrimonial situation of the Municipality was approximately the following: L. Since 1725 there was a community of Monte Acuto with land on the coast of San Giovanni. We do not know for sure what the relationship between the Comunanza and the Municipality of Fratta was, but it is possible that it was a municipal property sold for use to farmers in the area. 2. In 1738 the Municipality became the owner of the church, the building, the gardens and the farm of the former convent of Sant'Agostino. The farm word “ Sant'Agostino ” had an area of 18 mines and three tables; farmhouse, cellar, barn and oven. The rent paid the Municipality 10 scudi a year paid in "two pays", that is, in two half-yearly installments. 3. In 1766 the Municipality owned the "shop of the bridge" which was located in the south-west bastion, that is in the small inter portas square near the bridge over the Tiber. It was rented to Silvestro Somigli with land under the public oven. 4. All the shiites under the castle walls were municipal property and also the environments in which commercial activities of public utility were carried out: oven, salary, flaying. 5. The seat of the municipal residence belonged to the Municipality, namely the Palazzo in the Rocca square and, subsequently, the former Convent of Santa Maria Nuova. 6. A house located in via San Giovanni di Bartolomeo Petrogalli was purchased by the Municipality in 1780. 7. Some registrations of 1798 certify that the following assets are sources of income for the Municipality, and therefore owned by it: • a vegetable garden attached to the municipal house; • a cellar under the municipal house; • a vegetable garden above the castle walls and under the Bruni house; • a vegetable garden in the word Porta Nova; • two pieces of land under the fortress; • two pieces of land at Boccaiolo, under the castle walls; • a shop known as the "old slaughterhouse"; • a large number of mori-mulberry trees on the municipal skies. Note: 1. For the same reason, Montone had to pay 2,500 scudi (Ascani A., Storia di Montone). The news is interesting because it can be deduced that at that time the territory of Fratta was smaller than that of Montone. 2. For the sake of completeness, we report the names of the contractors that result from the records in the Archives: 1774/76 Angelo Mavarelli, 1776 Angelo Nardi from Fiesole, 1779 Gismondo Contadini. 3. In 1745 the contractor was Mattia Degli Arrighi. After him the post was taken on by Bernardino Dell'Uomo. Sources: "Umbertide in the XVIII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide, 2003 Gli appalti e le proprietà pubbliche THE TIBER, THE BRIDGES, THE CASTLE WALLS Work on the area after the bridge The Tiber, silent and lazy, in some circumstances also knew how to be noisy and violent, so much so that, over the course of the century, it caused considerable damage to the banks and the castle walls. The banks along the Montalto area were the hardest hit, in particular the right one where the road to Città di Castello passed. The biggest damage occurred in 1760 when a brick kiln belonging to Count Degli Oddi, then owner of the castle of Montalto, and a long stretch of road were swept away by the current. "The city of Perugia, with the assistance of Mr. Domenico Tickets, factor of the castellano Degli Oddi, made a new road and built a double brush in the place of corrosion ..." But the most dangerous damage occurred to the north and south of the Fratta bridge, right along the castle walls. The river bed then followed a slightly different path, and upstream of the bridge, due to the erosions accumulated over time, the Tiber described a wide loop between the fields, moving away from the primitive route parallel to the road that corresponds to the current one. The current of the waters coming from the north direction rushed through the area of the bridge and threatened to dig an autonomous path, cutting the road and bypassing it on the right bank of the river. In 1758 the erosion reached only fifteen meters from the route of the via tifernate and the risk seemed to materialize with the breakthrough downstream. Fortunately, the phenomenon stopped, otherwise serious troubles would have been produced: the weakened castle defenses, the dry bridge, the compromised weir and large expenses for the adaptation of urban infrastructures to the new route (mills, public wash house, gardens and sewer system ). Therefore, a serious reorganization of the banks was urgent and the first systematic interventions began in 1753. In that year, the Sacred Congregation of the Waters of Perugia sent the engineer Antonio Felice Facci to Val di Chiana, then a marshy area, to carry out no better specified remarks. And since the Fratta was along the route, the technician was also in charge of examining the state of the banks of the Tiber around the castle. On the outward journey he stopped for two days, taking lodging at the Staffa tavern (1) at the expense of the Municipality; on his return trip, on February 17, 1753, he stopped again for three days, always in the same inn and always at the expense of the Municipality. We do not know the report that the engineer presented to the competent Authorities, but something concrete certainly suggested, if at the beginning of 1754 the first expense reports for works of a certain consistency appearing on the right bank of the Tiber, north of the bridge. . The trick used was to reinforce the bank with a palisade of large beams embedded in the ground and connected by thick planks behind which stones and bundles of glass were stowed. The "club" was also ingeniously built to drive the beams into the ground. It consisted of a castle of wooden planks from which a heavy oak trunk was lowered, shod at the edges, which hit the head of the pole. After each stroke the log was hoisted up again by six workers who pulled a sturdy rope wrapped in a pulley and the strokes were repeated until the desired depths were reached. All the timber was supplied by the Camaldolese of Monte Corona. The costs of the works, including technicians' fees, travel and reimbursement of expenses, reached high levels and in 1755 provisional tolls were imposed on every animated being who crossed the bridge. The table of tax levies has come down to us and we are reporting it for information for our readers. Surprisingly, they also paid the people at a rate equivalent to pigs, for reasons of weight and nothing else. People, 3 cash per person per day Beast unloads, cash 6 Charged beast, money 12 Horse-drawn carriage or wagon, baiocchi 4 Pigs, 3 bucks each Sheep, castrated and goats, 2 money each Vaccine, money 6 each In the same year there were important visits. The engineer of the Municipality of Perugia, Pietro Carattoli, the engineer of the Sacred Congregation of Waters, Antonio Felice Facci and a Jesuit, certain Father Ippolito, came to "recognize the state of erosion, draw up the map of the place and check the works". Syrians. The works continued uninterrupted throughout the year and beyond, so much so that on June 22, 1756 another inspection arrived, that of Don Pietro Tassinari. The monsignor left, on 10 July the Tiber organized another ruinous flood which, in addition to damaging the sheltered banks, took away a good quantity of planks stowed in the yard, later recovered in Ponte Felcino. The flood in July made it clear that the defense of the banks alone was not enough to prevent damage and around the sick area the commitment of the administration and technicians for more radical solutions intensified, with surprising timeliness. In March 1758, the engineer of the Municipality of Perugia, Pietro Carattoli, came back to Fratta and drew a new plan of the area in which the construction of an artificial canal was planned to bring the river back to its original layout, parallel to the road, so that close to the city walls it made a bend of 90 ° sufficient to harness the violence of the floods. The works began immediately in May and were almost finished by the end of June (2) . The work gave the desired effect: not only did it lighten the places from the damage of erosion, but the river immediately began to flow in a stable and definitive way in that riverbed which is still its natural bed today. Other floods occurred in 1773 and 1778 which threatened the Tifernate road and the Cistercian mill, but the works carried out considerably limited the damage. The use of manpower was massive and also involved women. Their task was to find the stones to be placed inside the "baskets", a kind of wicker containers, which were used by the workers in charge of sheltering the banks to stabilize the river embankments. The papers tell us that they were 19 and they received six baiocchi a day, almost as much as men. There was also a large group of woodcutters to saw the beams and boards, a team of cable workers to work the hemp and weave the ropes and ribs (sturdy bands of canvas), a handful of men who took care of the poles and these, in all likelihood, they must have been the workers at the poles of the castle of the mace, and a series of other figures of workers and artisans such as carters, masons, shovellers, etc. The most urgent and imposing works for the arrangement of the banks and to avoid damage to the castle were certainly those to the north of the bridge, but the intervention to the south was also necessary and in this sense, since 1752 (3 ), repeated requests were made which had no effect. In 1758, once the work to the north was completed, the pushes began again to fix the stretch of river from the bridge to the Schioppe, the cliff that was then also called "Punta della Genga" (4) . The practice went on very slowly due to evident contrasts between the Municipality, the frontists and the Perugian authorities who had to grant authorization to proceed, as well as an economic contribution. Since 1757 the three frontists - the friars of the convent of San Francesco, the Paolucci family and Count Ranieri di Civitella - had taken steps on their own to stem the banks along their properties. They were even willing to intervene on their own even in the most critical point of the situation, that is, at the mouth of the Palace into the Tiber, with the construction of a masonry "spur" or "guardian". The Municipality, although not very convinced of the solution, agreed because "you don't look a gift horse in the mouth", but Perugia rejected the proposal because it would have worsened the situation. On the contrary, the Sacred Congregation of Waters also contested the works of arrangement of the banks already carried out, inviting the frontists to demolish them. The result was a technical-juridical controversy which lasted for years and which had the sole result of paralyzing every initiative until 1789, when hostilities resumed. This time the experts came forward. The Municipality of Fratta, the city of Perugia and the Camaldolese friars (owners of the land on the right bank of the Tiber) chose Pietro Casimiro Fagliuoli as their expert; the convent of San Francesco, Paolucci and Count Ranieri commissioned the archpriest Don Bartolomeo Borghi, a great expert on the subject. But even the experts did not find an agreement and decided to resort to the arbitration of a well-known professional, a certain Virgilio Bracci, architect and engineer of the Sacred Congregation of the Good Government of Rome, who in those days was in Perugia. The meeting "in spite of the place" took place on 25 October 1789, in the presence of the archpriest Borghi and the abbot Luigi Pacini representing Fagliuoli. After two days of discussions, the dispute ended at the table with the lunch offered by the Camaldolese and a transaction was signed. It was a platonic agreement only because the commitments were never honored. Only two years later, the signed pacts were resumed with the decision to build at the mouth of the Reggia that triangular spur that the wise frontists had already designed in 1757. But when the work began, the Congregation of Waters of Perugia, still allergic to spurs, made it known that it did not intend to participate in the costs as it was due only to the frontists. One thing finally became clear: if the agreed works were to be carried out, the three owners had to bear all the expenses and the engineer Cristoforo Bartoli was promptly sent from Perugia to establish the boundaries of the land and share the shares. The bridges La Fratta was a fortress completely surrounded by water and the bridges were the only means of connection and communication with the surrounding area. Not only that, but since the surrounding countryside is crossed by the Tiber, the Royal Palace and the Carpina, other crossing systems were necessary to join the banks of the waterways and allow greater ease of movement and traffic in the fertile plain that it crossed. the valley. In some cases, considering the costs of a bridge, we relied on the ferry boats, but the Fratta was quite lucky and, in its immediate vicinity, had safe and stable tolls in masonry or wood. The bridge over the Tiber was a masterpiece of engineering, technique and aesthetic taste. It rested on three arches, which constitute the coat of arms of the Municipality of Umbertide and, even after the demolition of the drawbridge of the Porta Saracina, it had not lost its beauty and grandeur. Two sturdy doors guarded its entrances and the small church of Carmelo, located above the central pillar of the valley, invited peace and prayer when the road was all slower. The year of its construction is to be found between 1571 and 1588, at the will of the "Company of the Madonna della Reggia and Madonna del Ponte", entrepreneur of the two aforementioned sites (5) . Another bridge, the one over the Reggia stream in front of the Collegiate Church, played an important role in the town's economy. It connected Montone, the entire plain below and the Borgo Superiore with the center of Fratta and was also open to heavy traffic of animals and wagons. Its structural conditions were precarious because it was all made of wood with the exception of the two masonry heads on which the beams rested. The passage presented some difficulties because the bridge was narrow and without banks and on several occasions the Reggia had the bad taste of giving a few pieces to the Tiber. The spending resolutions for the restoration work were recurring, so much so that on April 4, 1770 the City Council decided to build it from scratch. The work was entrusted to Giovanni Tomassini, a Swiss from Lugano who lived in Gubbio, for a hundred baiocchi. The entrepreneur was known to Fratta because the previous year he had renovated the facade and the interior of the church of San Bernardino to the satisfaction of those who had commissioned the work. The new, wider bridge had sturdy sides and was suitable for carrying greater loads. It offered all the prerequisites of comfort, stability and safety. In the last years of the century the Judiciary of Fratta launched the project for the construction of a second bridge over the Reggia, the one that was to connect the center of the town with the Collegiate Church through a nave of the church of San Giovanni. The bridge will be built in 1807, but the first projects and intervention plans date back to 1794. In the surroundings, then, there were secondary but equally important bridges, such as the bridge over the ditch of Lazzaro and the one over the Fonte Santa. The latter, completely rebuilt in 1799. Further north, on the Montonese road, there was an ancient bridge over the Carpina built since 1294. To these bridges outside the castle must be added those that directly linked the area within the walls with the outside, such as the Piaggiola bridge, which allowed to cross the moat and access the Porta della Campana, and the bridge over the Reggia which allowed access to the Borgo Inferiore (Piazza San Francesco area). The Rocca had a drawbridge that descended over the Reggia and put it in communication with the lawn in front of it. In 1787 it still existed and was used. A note dated 3 September, signed by the Municipal Secretary Giambattista Burelli, stated: “Mr. dr. Giuseppe Paolucci Camerlengo to pay Angelo Gigli paoli four for refurbishment of the drawbridge of the Rocca, which with receipt are forty baiocchi ”. The walls of the Castle The most natural and spontaneous defense system among the ancients was to surround the castle, the village or the city with a robust wall. Sometimes ditches filled with water, palisades or other similar devices were also used in order to curb the impetus of the enemies and immobilize them in front of the obstacle in order to hit them with greater ease and precision from above. The walls therefore were born with the first urban settlements and have developed and strengthened with them, following their historical evolution. On more than one occasion, particularly in large cities, their successive and concentric walls are evident documents of population growth and urban sprawl. The castle of Fratta had only one wall of walls, robust and compact and nature had also endowed it with the natural defense of the water of the Tiber river and the Reggia stream in the area of its confluence with the older brother. Its inhabitants had built an artificial moat in the short stretch free from water, making the castle a fortified islet, with stone edges, among the safest in the area for very long centuries. The maintenance and repair of the city walls was always a meticulous commitment for the inhabitants and administrators of all times, well aware that it was a priority asset, essential for the survival of the community. For the Fratta the part most exposed to the wear and tear of the corrosive pressure of the waters was the stretch along the course of the Tiber. On several occasions it had suffered damage and had recourse to repairs, but the flood of 1736 was particularly devastating. He dragged out 1,600 square feet of walls and four houses that stood on them. The appraisal, immediately prepared for the repair of the damage, established the total amount of expenses at 1,032 scudi. It was a high figure that the local community, alone, could not have met and the Pope was turned to for the granting of an extraordinary contribution. Clement XII declared himself willing to provide 500 scudi on condition that the other 532 provided the inhabitants. And so it was. Having found the money, the reconstruction machine started with the purchase of the necessary material and the preparation of the construction site. The contract for the work fell to Bartolomeo Ferrati of Rome (6) and the direction was entrusted to Cesare Francesconi della Fratta. The excavation of the foundations began on 15 September 1739. Some financing problems arose immediately because at the end of the year the Pope had not yet granted the promised contribution. The Defenders of Fratta approached the representative of the community in Rome, a certain Mariotti, to act as intermediary for the handling of the file. We do not know if the choice was happy, the fact is that Mariotti made it known that "... the Pope was in a very bad state and almost sent to the doctors", taking care to add that if he died it would be more difficult to get the contribution and advised to get busy quickly, as if in the Roman Curia there were no offices in charge of dealing with the commitments undertaken, regardless of the Pope's health. Mariotti certainly did not have those "entrances" that his fellow citizens attributed to him and for which they paid him and he suggested asking others what they had rightly asked of him. It often happens that when you need a favor, the person you are addressing, instead of giving us a hand, submerges us under a heap of thoughtful advice, thankfully free. One thing, however, got it right: Clement XII died on February 16, 1740. A few years later, Mariotti was replaced by Giacomo Guadagni, a more authoritative and introduced Abbot who moved with greater agility in the offices of the Quirinale. The papers do not tell us what happened to the Pope's contribution that certainly arrived, otherwise we would have found traces of increased taxes in subsequent years and also on the reconstructed walls a plaque was affixed with the inscription "Clement XII - Pontiff Maximus - MDCCXXXIX" ( 1739) which testifies to a direct economic intervention by the Pope. The building intervention gave stability and safety to our walls precisely in that stretch where the thrust of the current was greatest, at the beginning of the sudden swerve of about ninety degrees that the Tiber makes before passing under the bridge. The abrupt change of direction makes us guess the nature of the ground below at that point. The castle of Fratta rises on a resistant conglomerate base that forces the Tiber to deviate its course in an almost unnatural way. Its consistency, as well as ensuring stability to the urban center and its walls, protects the buildings and their basements from the infiltration of humidity typical of the most permeable soils. The notarial deeds relating to the sale of properties located along the walls describe in a precise manner their characteristics and the neighboring strip of land. All the houses with the front in Via Diritta, in the rear part, bordered the fence, the municipal skids and the walls. The fence was not attached to the houses, but was separated from them for logistical reasons. Between it and the back of the houses ran a strip of land that formed a street or path. Later, in the west of the castle, the path will become Via delle Petresche and then Via Spunta. The space between the fence and the walls constituted, on the other hand, the "municipal shito", publicly owned which, in the distant past, was used for military defense purposes. At the beginning of the century, however, construction began on this area, reaching as far as the walls. The four houses that the flood of 1736 demolished are clear proof of this. The following graph reconstructs the characteristics of the castle walls. The design was made on the basis of what the notary Filippo Maria Savelli, della Fratta affirms, on 12 March 1768 in his notarial deed relating to the sale of a house. Note: 1. It is the only reference we have about the existence of this inn. In all likelihood it is the one that will be managed by Romitelli in the following century. 2. In a letter dated June 24, 1758 it is said: "... the work of the new cut is carried out almost to an excellent end". 3. Between 1752 and 1758 five reminder letters were written which can be found in the Augusta Library in Perugia among the "papers of Pietro Giacomo Mariotti". 4. The genga is a limestone rock for which the expression is scientifically more correct than others to indicate a cliff. It is used in the report of the engineer Cristoforo Bartoli of 1791 and in a notarial deed of the notary Giovan Battista Burelli, also of 1791. 5. In 1571 the Depositary of the “Company of the Madonna della Reggia (see the book Revenue and Expenses 1565/1571) and of the Madonna del Ponte” paid for some materials taken to accommodate (prepare) the pylon on which the church will have to support. In the year 1588, another recording tells us that a painting already existing in the Majesty which was at the beginning of the bridge is brought to the said Chapel. On that day the Confessor reminds us that the Chapel was not yet finished. In fact, it does not appear even in the drawing by Piccolpasso, dated 1565. 6. The Roman master mason came with a team made up of two masons and two unskilled workers (apprentices). He perceived in all (daily) paoli 14.50 (equivalent to scudi 1.45, i.e. baiocchi 145) divided by him as follows: baj 75 for him, baj 25 for each bricklayer and baj 10 for each boy, for a daily total of 145 baiocchi. Sources: "Umbertide in the XVIII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide - Gesp, 2003 Il Tevere, i ponti, le mura del Castello IL SISTEMA ELETTORALE COMUNALE Al centro della vita democratica del tempo c'era un bussolotto che faceva girare le palle. Di esso abbiamo ampiamente parlato in un altro volume, al quale rimandiamo il lettore per evitare di ripeterci. Qui esporremo solo le procedure tipiche dell'epoca, avvertendo che quanto diremo è il resoconto del rinnovo del Bussolo del 17 luglio 1783: "Rinnovare il Bussolo" era sinonimo di "predisporre la lista virtuale" di coloro che avrebbero dovuto amministrare il pubblico bene per i due anni successivi. Alla fine di ogni biennio esso veniva "rinnovato", inserendo nella cavità delle palle di legno poste al suo interno, un foglietto con i nominativi degli uomini destinati all'incarico. Non si trattava di eleggere solo i Difensori, che duravano in carica quattro mesi, ma anche i Consultori della Sanità, un triumvirato del primo Ceto con incarico biennale; i Sindacatori (Sindaci Revisori), una coppia con incarico annuale; i Terminatori e Stimatori (Quasi sicuramente si trattava di persone esperte nei confini catastali e nelle valutazioni dei beni mobili e immobili. Dopo la metà del secolo lentamente scompaiono), un'altra coppia con incarico biennale; i Portinari, due custodi, uno per la porta sud e l'altro per la porta del Mercato, che restavano in carica due anni; i Sindaci, una coppia con incarico annuale. Per questo motivo le palle, tutte uguali nelle dimensioni, erano contraddistinte da un'etichetta che indicava la categoria dei nomi contenuti: "Difensori, "Sindaci", "Portinari", ecc. per essere individuate al momento del sorteggio. Ma seguiamo da vicino il rinnovo del Bussolo del 17 luglio 1783 per avere un'idea diretta e precisa della procedura adottata. Si doveva, prima di tutto, rinnovare la Magistratura, ossia i Difensori, la carica più importante, che aveva una durata quadrimestrale e gli Imbussolatori avevano perciò a disposizione sei palle, entro ognuna delle quali dovevano inserire il biglietto con una quaterna di nomi. Ogni Ceto o "Sfera" indicava i suoi. Dei quattro, uno doveva appartenere al primo Ceto, ed era di diritto Capo di Magistrato, gli altri tre al secondo. Nella prima votazione furono indicati: Giuseppe Paolucci, Vincenzo Martinelli, Mattia Massi ed Angelo Gigli. Questa quaterna, di cui Paolucci del primo Ceto sarebbe stato il Capo, fu scritta in un foglietto, chiusa dentro la palla contrassegnata con l'etichetta "Difensori" e imbussolata. A questi signori, quattro mesi di governo cittadino da scontare quando sarebbero stati estratti, non li toglieva nessuno. Si passò alla seconda quaterna seguendo la stessa procedura e furono indicati: Angelo Cristiani, Giovan Battista Guerrini, Giovanni Montanucci e Silvestro Martinelli. La terza quaterna dette il seguente esito: Giuseppe Bertanzi, Angelo Ciangottini, Filippo Legnetti e Vincenzo Iotti. Man mano che veniva definita una quaterna, e dopo aver compiuto le operazioni di rito, si imbussolava la palla. A questo punto il Bussolo conteneva già tre palle. La quarta votazione dette il seguente risultato: Giuseppe Cerboncelli, Vittorio Ceccarelli, Pietro Crosti e Maurizio Pucci. La quinta votazione sentenziò: Giovan Battista Burchi, Lorenzo Gigli, Ubaldo Perugini e Pietro Bruni. La sesta e ultima votazione indicò: Giovan Maria Criacci, Gabriele Dell'Uomo, Donino Passalbuoni e Antonio Martinelli. Ora nel Bussolo si trovavano tutte e sei le palle dei Difensori e ogni quadrimestre ne sarebbe stata estratta una che conteneva i quattro componenti della "Giunta" cui spettava la guida del Comune. Si passò alla designazione dei tre Conservatori della Sanità, tutti possidenti appartenenti al primo Ceto, che dovendo restare in carica due anni, come il Bussolo, non vennero imbussolati. Lo stesso criterio fu usato per i tre Terminatori e Stimatori e per i due Portinari. Le due coppie di Sindicatori, con incarico annuale, furono nominate, scritte sul foglietto, chiuse nella palla e imbussolate. A questo punto nel Bussolo c'erano otto palle che diventarono dieci con le due coppie di Sindaci. Le operazioni erano terminate ed il Bussolo, completamente rinnovato, conteneva dieci palle. Al suo interno fu inserito anche il foglio degli "Spicciolati", una lista di riserva, divisa per ceti, da usare nel caso in cui, al momento dell'estrazione della palla, uno dei nomi ivi compresi non fosse più in grado di accettare l'incarico o perché malato o passato a miglior vita. Le elezioni erano finite e per due anni tutti i principali ruoli del governo cittadino erano assicurati dentro le palle. Riflessioni "elettorali" I metodi con cui venivano scelti gli amministratori e gli altri titolari di incarichi importanti nella Fratta del 1700 non sono nemmeno lontani parenti del sistema elettivo attuale. Ci siamo espressi con termini quali "elezione" e "sistema elettorale" solo per usare un linguaggio di uso comune e perciò comprensibile a tutti. Non sarà sfuggito ai nostri lettori che non esiste il minimo accenno alla procedura con cui veniva eletto il Consiglio Comunale Generale. L’accenno non c'è, perché non l'abbiamo trovato. Ma si può ragionevolmente affermare che quel Consiglio fosse l'espressione delle indicazioni assembleari dei due Ceti, riuniti separatamente, come avverrà nel secolo successivo. Non si hanno notizie nemmeno circa la sua durata e il rapporto distributivo dei Consiglieri tra i due Ceti, ma è legittimo sostenere che esso durasse quattro anni e che i membri del secondo Ceto fossero in misura doppia di quelli del primo, come nel secolo successivo. Anche la proporzione tra i Difensori legittima un'ipotesi simile. Del resto in un sistema politico immobile, come quello dello Stato Pontificio, in cui il precedente costituiva prassi duratura per il futuro, non è da escludere che i meccanismi in vigore agli inizi del secolo XIX fossero gli stessi del secolo precedente. L’avvicendamento avveniva quasi certamente con sostituzioni di aliquote quadrimestrali, in modo che al termine della legislatura il Consiglio fosse completamente rinnovato. Pur nei limiti di una rappresentanza ristretta, il sistema era ingegnoso e finalizzato ad assicurare continuità e stabilità all'amministrazione del territorio. Le notizie sugli organi di rappresentanza sono comunque pochissime. Dati i tempi, era infatti superfluo trattare un argomento che si giocavano tra loro solo una ventina di famiglie. Il paragrafo precedente dedica un ampio spazio al resoconto della riunione consiliare del 17 luglio 1783, che si occupò del rinnovo del Bussolo. È una delle rare occasioni in cui il secolo, avaro di notizie politiche, diventa generoso. Prima ancora, i1 20 ottobre del 1743, ci fu un'altra importante riunione consiliare che offre molti spunti di riflessione. Il rinnovo del Bussolo, nella sua disarmante trasparenza e semplicità, dovrebbe aver creato non pochi problemi, litigi laceranti e destabilizzanti ricorsi. Si viveva, insomma, in un clima di incertezze e di sospetti anche perché, in assenza di una normativa precisa, ci si rifaceva alle usanze e alle disposizioni precedenti. Le une e le altre venivano invocate, quando faceva comodo, dai personaggi più abili e interessati. Le cose stavano arrivando ad un punto di non ritorno e nella riunione dell'ottobre 1743, il Consiglio nominò una Commissione paritetica, composta da tre Consiglieri del primo Ceto e da tre del secondo, per elaborare una nuova bozza di Regolamento sul rinnovo del Bussolo e su altri problemi, da sottoporre poi all'approvazione del Consiglio Generale. I poteri conferiti ai Commissari erano ampi e andavano dal ripristino delle prassi "passate", all'adozione di misure nuove da adattarsi "alle circostanze de presenti tempi". La Commissione, presieduta da Filippo Maria Savelli, era composta da Cesare Francesconi, Bartolomeo Petrogalli, Domenico Franceschini, Francesco Guerrini e Carlo Vibi. La bozza di Regolamento, riportata per intero alla fine di questo capitolo, i1 6 dicembre del 1743 era pronta e si presume che fosse sottoposta all'esame del Consiglio Generale nella riunione successiva. I sette capitoli di cui si compone, nel loro stile involuto e tra ardite contorsioni concettuali che fanno invidia a un'odalisca, denunciano molti aspetti del costume del tempo. Senza dubbio, ci sarà stata anche la necessità di maggiore trasparenza e di moralizzazione della vita amministrativa, ma certe sassate impietose, scagliate con troppo disordine, sono sospette e sorprendono non poco: "... perché attesa la scarsezza degli uomini intelligenti e capaci e la molteplicità delle persone meno idonee, ne avviene che il più delle volte fannosi risoluzioni poco profittevoli agli interessi pubblici... ". Possiamo concordare sulla "idoneità", dal momento che non tutti sono portati per la vita politica; meno sull'intelligenza che è una dote di più difficile lettura; quanto alla posposizione del bene pubblico al privato, è un problema di etica politica e non di attitudini o di intelligenza. La furbastria ha un albero genealogico lungo e ramificato ed in questo il `700 ha anticipato i tempi. Senza dire che un giudizio del genere, approvato dal Consiglio comunale, si ritorceva con effetto autolesionistico su se stesso ed in particolare sul primo ceto, costituito al massimo da quattro decine di famiglie e sul secondo che ne contava poche di più. Non sappiamo se quel regolamento si applicò veramente. Il resoconto del rinnovo del Bussolo, riportato nel paragrafo precedente, ad esempio, ne è la violazione palese a distanza di soli quarant'anni dalla sua adozione. In quella circostanza, tutte le indicazioni avvennero per "ballottazione", cioè per votazione consiliare, ed era proprio quello che esso vietava, affidando ad una Commissione ristretta di soli tre imbussolatori la scelta dei nomi, con l'obbligo strano di mantenere la massima segretezza. È chiaro che si sarebbe trattato del segreto di Pulcinella, anche in considerazione del fatto che il mercato delle persone "intelligenti e capaci" disponeva di pochi scampoli di rimanenza. L'introduzione di un accorgimento inutile sta forse a significare che 1'ufficializzazione delle quaterne dei Difensori o degli altri incarichi del biennio, sollecitava attese del turno "amico" o più "arrendevole" o comunque del momento più opportuno per effettuare poco commendevoli manovre. Così, affidandoci alla riservatezza degli Imbussolatori, si salvava la forma ma la sostanza rimaneva immutata, come spesso succede tra gli umani, e l'estrazione sarebbe diventata davvero una tombola. Il Regolamento, inoltre, dava per scontata una prassi che a distanza di due secoli appare poco chiara, quando affermava che i quattro Difensori dovevano essere "uno per Sfera". Nel lessico usato, sembra assodato che il termine "Sfera" sia sinonimo di "Ceto" ed i ceti che godevano del diritto elettorale attivo e passivo erano solamente due. Come mai le "Sfere" diventano quattro? L'unica spiegazione plausibile è riposta nel fatto che mentre la prima sfera era molto ristretta ed omogenea perché l'appartenenza richiedeva il solo requisito del "possesso", la seconda era più eterogenea in quanto agli Artisti appartenevano non solo gli artigiani, ma anche i commercianti e i professionisti (medici, chirurghi, farmacisti, veterinari, avvocati, notai, preti, ecc.). Non si può escludere, pertanto, che all'interno di questo Ceto una prassi condivisa e consolidata stabilisse che i tre Difensori spettanti appartenessero ad ognuna delle tre categorie costituenti la "Sfera". Un'altra constatazione che ci convince della non applicazione del nuovo Regolamento sta nel fatto che il Bussolo avrebbe dovuto contenere 17 palle, invece ne furono inserite solamente 10, e non figurano più alcuni incarichi importanti come quello di Ufficiale della Madonna SS.ma della Reggia. La nomina dei "salariati" aveva procurato molte "turbolenze" a causa delle raccomandazioni, un vezzo dalle lontane radici che qualcuno fa risalire alla nostra Religione che ha codificato il ruolo intermediario dei Santi presso Dio (N.d.R.: Avere qualche Santo in Paradiso) e sotto questo profilo occorre riconoscere che le nostre radici religiose sono lontane e resistenti. Per eliminare il vezzo delle raccomandazioni vengono dettate misure severe quanto inutili e inapplicabili poiché è difficile stabilire il limite tra la raccomandazione e la segnalazione dei titoli di capacità e di merito, richiamate dal Regolamento, se non si precisano i sistemi per documentarli. Tanto per finire ricordiamo che le disposizioni regolamentari stabilirono la possibilità di imbussolare "padre e figlio" e "due fratelli", purché in palle diverse "attesa la suddetta mancanza di persone capaci". Non si può certo dire che quei Signori Consiglieri mancassero di autostima. Del resto basta dare uno sguardo all'elenco dei Difensori per accorgerci che gli intelligenti e i capaci appartenevano solo a un paio di decine di famiglie. Adesso si capisce perché quelli bravi erano tanto pochi! RIUNIONE CONSILIARE DELLA COMUNITÀ PER DECIDERE SUL NUOVO BUSSOLO E CAPITOLATO RELATIVO In Dei Nomine Amen - Die 20 Octobris 1743. Convocatum et celebratum fuit publicum et generale Consilium per illustris Comm(unitatis) Insignis Terrae Fractae Perusiae more solito intimati cum interventu, et assistentia per Ill(ustris) Dom. Francisci Ghezzi Commissarii, in quo quidam Consilio interfuerunt infras(criptii)… Illu. Dom. Joseph de Sabelli Caput Officii Laurentius Martinelli Anselmus Donatuti Petrus Ant. Guerrini Ill. Dom. Philippus de Sabellis Franciscus Guerrini Carolus de Vibis Joseph Andreas Milanesi Dom. Franciscus Francisconi Joseph Matthias Cristiani Joseph Bernardinus de Homine Petrus Joseph Lestini Raimundus Rotelli Bartholomeus Petrogalli Caietanus Molinari Laurentius Gigli Philippus Roni Dominicus Franceschini Constantinus Pignani Augustinus Bettelli Franciscus Passalboni Carolus Ant. Francesconi Dominicus Paganelli ... de Consilio... et notum in eo habent ed illud totum representa ; et pro absen. si qui... promittentes. Et omissis aliis de voluntate reperiuntur infrascripta videlicet. Dom. Dominicus Franceschini in aringo eius med. ... dixit.... Intra. Vedendosi questo nostro Consiglio posto in molta confusione attesi i vicendevoli ricorsi fatti da diverse persone circa la Rinnovazione del Bussolo, numero dei Difensori, ed altre cose appartenenti a questo Consiglio, e non potendo fare a meno che questa Comunità non sia per risentirne gravi pregiudizi da questa discrepanza di voleri, sarei di sentimento pro bono pacis, ed in vantaggio del Pubblico et del Privato, che si eleggessero sei persone delle più capaci e dare a questi la facoltà di accomodare le differenze suddette; col darli anche l'arbitrio di rimettere in pristino molte buone e sagge disposizioni del nostro Statuto e rispettivamente de Signori passati Superiori, concedendoli anche la libertà di accomodare tali procedimenti alle circostanze dei presenti tempi e di fare insomma tutto ciò che li parerà opportuno per bon regolamento di questa Comunità con sottoporre poi alla Sag... questa loro... acciò si degni approvarlo e perché abbia la piena forza e debba essere osservato da tutti ed in tal modo credo che si darà fine alle liti e si rimetteranno gli animi in quiete, come tutti desiderano. Rimettendomi... [seguono due righe in latino]. A chi pare e piace di aprire il suddetto Aringo e di dare alli signori Difensori la facoltà di nominare sei persone tre della prima Sfera, tre della seconda in effetto suddetto, dia la palla bianca in favore, e a chi non piace, la negra in contrario. Tunc distribuitis et re... fuerunt reperta nota albe ri dece et nove, et unum nigrum... Post modum vigere... nominarunt... Cesare de Francescani, Bartholomeus Petrogalli, et Philippus de Sabellis, et Dominicus Franceschini, Franciscus Guerrini et Carolus de Vibis. Iterum de... A chi pare e piace di lor signori di approvare gli uomini nominati come sopra e dargli tutte le facoltà necessarie et opportune come sopra, dia la palla bianca in favore e a chi non piace, la negra in contrario. Tunc distribuitie e recollectis de more suffragia fuerunt reperta vota alba favorabilia viginta…" MODO DI FORMARE IL NUOVO BUSSOLO Capitolo I Primieramente, a tenore delle enunciate facoltà, si determina e stabilisce che essendo già determinata l'estrazione delle Palle degli Officiali di questa Comunità un mese prima che termini l'amministrazione delli Difensori estratti nell'ultima Palla, debba radunarsi il Consiglio nel modo e forma che dirassi in appresso ed ivi il Signor Capo d'Offizio dovrà nominare per primo un bussolatore uno della sua Sfera, il secondo e terzo Difensore un altro per ciascuno della sua Sfera, e dandosi il caso che alcuna delle persone nominate non fossero presenti al Consiglio, dovrà immediatamente mandarsi a chiamare da Donzelli ed in caso di legittimo impedimento dovrà nominarsi altro in suo luogo e, stabiliti che saranno gli imbussolatori, dovranno questi, doppo licenziato il Consiglio, rimanere in Palazzo col Signor Commissario e Segretario per formare il nuovo bussolo, quale dovrà rifarsi perpetuamente per soli due anni, sotto pena di nullità, e dovrà farsi di comune consenso, invocato prima l'aiuto dell'Altissimo e prestato il solito giuramento di prescegliere i più atti ed idonei, rimossa ogni privata passione e di tener segreta l'elezione fatta conforme costumasi e ritenuta convenientemente la facoltà al Capo Imbussolatore di prescegliere i Capi, in caso che il secondo e terzo imbussolatore non volessero convenire col primo e richiedessero che si ballottassero per voti le persone da eleggersi. Il Bussolo poi dovrà contenere sei Palle delli Difensori da durare ciascuna mesi quattro; una Palla delli tre Conservatori della Sanità o Consultori della Comunità da durare tutto il biennio; due Palle degli Officiali della Madonna SS.ma della Reggia, da durare un anno l'una; due Palle delli Sindacatori; altre due delli Stimatori Pubblici; altre due delli Portinari; due delli Sindaci, parimente da durare un anno per ciascuna, conforme si è sempre costumato, col fare anche i nomi de Spicciolati. Capitolo Il Delli Difensori e Conservatori della Sanità Dovranno in ogni palla imbussolarsi quattro Difensori cioè uno per Sfera delle persone più capaci e discrete e che possiedono qualche stabile di proprio, giacché nelle presenti circostanze non puol pienamente adempirsi la mente del nostro Statuto che determina che nessuno possa essere eletto Difensore che non possieda almeno 30 di Scovere, determinandosi ancorché oltre alla possidenza debba essere ancora unita la capacità, ad effetto, che siano ben regolati i pubblici affari, il tutto sotto pena della nullità, a tenore del medesimo Statuto. Si dovrà inoltre formare, come si disse, la Palla delli tre Conservatori della Sanità, o Commissari della Comunità, quali dovranno durare per fin che saranno compite le Palle delli Difensori, e questi dovranno sempre essere della prima Sfera, sotto pena di nullità, e persone non imbussolate se sia possibile in altri Offizi, la incombenza dei quali sarà di intervenire al Consiglio tutte le volte che saranno invitati, e di sopra intendere alla custodia delle porte in tempi di contagi e sospetti, di attendere alla restaurazione delle mura, ponti e fonti con l'assenso però dei Difensori, sotto pena a quelli che ricusassero di comparire al loro Uffizio d'uno scudo per ciascuna volta da applicarsi dal Signor Commissario, non essendo scusati dal legittimo impedimento dichiarandosi inoltre che non potranno gli Imbussolatori sotto la pena suddetta aggiungere alcuna persona al numero dei Consiglieri, né mutarle dalle loro Sfere e gradi ma solo sia lecito agli stessi Imbussolatori l'imbussolarsi per loro in caso di mancanza di persone. Capitolo III Delli Consiglieri particolari delli Difensori Per miglior provedimento degli affari pubblici si determina e stabilisce che ogni Difensore debba avere il suo Consigliere e questi debbano essere quelle persone medesime che sono stati Difensori nella Palla immediatamente antecedente, per essere essi meglio informati dei pubblici interessi e dandosi il caso che nella prima Palla che si estrae finito il Consiglio, uscisse per Difensore alcuno delli Difensori della Palla antecedente, in tal caso anche il suo Consigliere debba proseguire nel suo officio per altri quattro mesi, se pure questo accidente non si dasse in uno dei tre Conservatori della Sanità nel qual caso dovrà surrogarsi dalli Signori Difensori altro nel suo luogo. Il che dovrassi sempre osservare quando per accidente o per mancanza di Soggetti una delle persone fosse imbussolata in Offici contemporaneamente. L’incombenza poi per tutti suddetti Consiglieri sarà di dire il loro parere in tutti li consigli dopo che dal Segretario sarannosi proposti gl'affari da risolversi e non potranno consigliare fuori del luogo destinato e se prima non averanno prestato il solito giuramento de bene et fidate liber consulendo e se non volessero consigliare vi potranno essere forzati sotto pena d'uno scudo d'applicarsi come sopra, restando dopo di loro la facoltà alli Conservatori della Sanità di dire il loro parere approvando il sentimento di Consiglieri secondo le sarà dato dalla coscienza, sempre però prestando il suddetto giuramento, senza di cui non devrassi scrivere il sentimento e consiglio veruno. Capitolo IV Del modo di convocare e celebrare il Consiglio Perché attesa la scarsezza degl'uomini intelligenti e capaci e la molteplicità delle persone meno idonee, ne avviene che il più delle volte fannosi risoluzioni poco profittevoli agl'interessi pubblici, si determina e stabilisce a tenore delli statuti e disposizioni, che in tutte le occorrenze della Comunità debba convocarsi il Consiglio composto di dodici Persone ed inoltre con l'intervento del Signor Commissario, e questi saranno li quattro Difensori, li quattro Consiglieri, li tre Conservatori della Sanità, ed il Camerlengo del Pubblico e questo Consiglio avrà tutte le facoltà di risolvere, determinare, decidere e far tutto ciò che puol fare il Consiglio Generale fuorché in materia di nuove imposizioni, prezzi d'Abbondanza, introduzione di litigi ed altri gravissimi emergenti per i quali dovrassi convocare il Consiglio delle 42 persone, senza intervento del Signor Commissario a solo fine di ben digerire le materie d'importanza da discorrersi nel Generale Consiglio, e tutto ciò a tenore di diverse risoluzioni fatte nei Pubblici Consigli ed approvate dalli Presidi di Perugia fin dal 1620, come si raccoglie da libri dei suddetti Consigli e dallo Statuto rispettivamente a quali si rimanda. Per convocare poi e celebrare validamente il suddetto Consiglio si determina che il giorno avanti debbano per ordine delli Signori Difensori invitarsi dalli Donzelli tutti quelli che dovranno intervenire e dandosi l'accidente che qualcuno fosse legittimamente impedito, li Signori Difensori avranno la facoltà di surrogare un altro della medesima Sfera nel luogo della persona impedita il che parimente dovrà farsi tute le volte che nel Consiglio dovesse trattarsi dell'interesse particolare d'alcuna delle 42 Persone sopra nominate, non volendo che la persona interessata possa in nessun conto intervenire al Consiglio sotto pena di nullità del medesimo a tenore delle suddette statutarie disposizioni. Stabilito poi che debba farsi all'ora determinata il giorno seguente il Consiglio, dovrà la sera innanzi dalli Signori Difensori farsi dar ordine al Campanaro del Pubblico che suoni all'Ave Maria, senz'altro segno, mezz'ora prima dell'ora determinata per il Consiglio si diano dodici tocchi alla Campana del Pubblico, che sarà il segno della convocazione del Consiglio delli 12 lasciando nel solito stile il modo di convocare il Consiglio Generale, come costumasi di presente. In caso poi che le persone che dovranno intervenire al Consiglio delli 12 ricusassero d'intervenirvi all'ora determinata, non avendo legittimo impedimento da approvarsi dal Signor Commissario si determina e stabilisce che debbano essere puniti nella pena di uno scudo di moneta romana da applicarsi dal detto Signor Commissario, nella qual pena parimente incorreranno quelli che non avendo riguardo al luogo e alle persone ardissero discorrere temerariamente profferendo parole ingiuriose contro alcuno dei presenti in Consiglio, qual pena dovrà duplicarsi in caso che l'ingiuria fosse fatta ad alcuno delli Difensori, volendo che si discorra con tutta la modestia e solo degli affari pubblici nel luogo destinato e non altrove, tenuto conto di ogni umano rispetto, conforme ordina il suddetto Statuto al quale si rimanda. Attesa poi la suddetta mancanza di persone capaci si determina e stabilisce a tenore degli ordini ultimamente emanati da Mons. Enriquez Giud. Dep. della Sagra Consulta, che possano imbussolarsi due fratelli, padre e figlio d'una medesima casa, in diverse Palle però, e che questi nel Consiglio delli 12 abbiano unitamente il voto per non diminuire in modo alcuno il numero dei voti che dorassi sempre mantenere integro; determinando che nella ballottazione il partito s'intenda vinto per voti otto favorevoli e non altrimenti. Capitolo V Delli salariati Perché nel elezione di Medico, Chirurgo, Predicatori ed altri salariati sono in questa Comunità varie volte accadute varie turbolenze ed inconvenienti a cagione delle raccomandazioni procurate dai medesimi concorrenti, si determina e stabilisce che non possa essere ammesso alcuno a pubblici uffizi quando voglia impetrarli con loro commendatizie, ma si abbia solo riguardo a requisiti e meriti del concorrente, e perciò ne meno alcuno del Consiglio possa far pratica per unire li voti dovendo ciascuno votare a tenore de dettami della propria coscienza, avendo così altre volte decretato li Signori Superiori con lettere; a quali essi determinandosi in oltre che li salariati, dovendosi riproporre, si faccia due mesi prima che spiri l'anno dal giorno della loro elezione, acciò rimanendo esclusi possa la Commissione provvedersi d'altro soggetto che presti la debita servitù a se stessa ed agli abitanti del luogo. Capitolo VI Della rinnovazione di alcune pene Si stabilisce in oltre, che qualunque persona commettesse fraude in pregiudizio di privativa, che gode questo Pubblico nei suoi proventi, o de i detti loro appaltatori, possa e debba dal Consiglio de i 12, coll'attestato d'un testimonio degno di fede, procedere unitamente col Signor Commissario a privare il suddetto defraudatore di Medico, Chirurgo, Maestro di Scuola e d'ogni grazia e favore che potesse concedere questo luogo e ciò a onore di quanto anno altre volte stabilito li Signori Superiori, qual pena dovrà anche infliggersi contro quelli che senza legittimo impedimento e privi di sufficiente privilegio, vi ricusassero di accettare gl'Uffizi Pubblici, non essendo giusto che riceva benefizi da questa Comunità chi si mostra ingrato in servirla nelle sue occorrenze. Capitolo VII Del acompagno del Magistrato nelle pubbliche funzioni Si determina finalmente che in congiunzione, cioè in occasione, delle solennità dei nostri SS. Avvocati (Santi Protettori del paese), ed altre solite Sagre Funzioni debba sempre portarsi il Magistrato in Corpo a visitare le chiese consuete, ancorché sia sospesa quella ricognizione che era solita darsi in tal congiunzione, cioè occasione, e acciò a tenore del costume sin ora osservato e molto più perché non si manchi di prestare il debbito onore all'Altissimo e nostri SS. Avvocati e Protettori e in tal congiuntura debbano i salariati e Consiglieri necessariamente intervenire all'accompagno del Magistrato, assieme con gl'altri uomini della Comunità con abito e ferraiolo negro e con quella maggior decenza che li sarà permesso, altrimenti potranno essere rigettati indietro e puniti ad arbitrio del Signor Commissario e ciò per maggiore decoro del Pubblico e di tutto il Paese. Quali capitoli come sopra stabiliti approvati che benignamente saranno dalla Sagra Consulta, vogliamo che siano inviolabilmente osservati, né sia lecito ad alcuno il mutarli senza il preventivo assenso della detta Sagra Consulta e del Generale e Particolare Consiglio. In fede li abbiamo sottoscritti di nostro carattere adì 6 dicembre del 1743. Io Filippo Maria Savelli Deputato mano propria Io Cesare Francesconi Deputato ma. pr. Io Bartolomeo Petrogalli Deputato ma. pr . Io Domenico Franceschini Deputato ma. pr . Io Francesco Guerrini Deputato ma. pr. Io Carlo Vibi Deputato ma. pr. [Seguono poi sei righe che si riferiscono alla stesura del documento stilate da un notaio, quasi sicuramente il notaio Burelli, e datate 17 giugno 1794, cioè 51 anni dopo. Esse sono siglate con il timbro "IBBN" che è quello di Burelli (Iohannes Baptista Burelli Notaio)]. FONTI: “Umbertide nel secolo XVIII” di Renato Codovini e Roberto Sciurpa – Comune di Umbertide, 2003 Il sistema elettorale comunale