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Lamberto and the Resistance curated by Isotta Bottaccioli and Francesco Deplanu After the 8th of September 1943 Lamberto Beatini, coming from a family of republican faith, at 19 he refused the call to arms of the Republic of Salò e together with a friend he went into the woods; after a few months he was captured and locked up in the prison of Perugia; Lamberto besides the fear of not leaving that place said "being imprisoned because you refuse war, weapons, violence, oppression, injustices is something that causes you pain and a lot of anger". He saved himself and over the years he became the "Maestrone", a man of the school so called because he was more than 1.90 cm tall. Years ago he told his second wife, Isolde, what happened in that period. Isotta recounts: “ rather than fighting alongside the Nazi-fascists, many young people preferred the bush. Making this courageous choice was very dangerous because we were considered deserters and, if caught, punishable by the death penalty ”. Lamberto made this choice one evening in September 1943 together with a friend of his from Umbria, Antonelli, left towards S. Cristina. The two walked through woods and fields and tired, they stopped behind a haystack not far from a farmhouse. They lay down on a pile of straw and suddenly fell asleep. During the night it started to rain but the two noticed it when they woke up wet and dirty. After a "sgrullata" they set off again and finally reached S. Cristina where, bravely, they were hosted by a relative of Antonelli. A different life began for Lamberto and his partner. Early in the morning they left the host family and were hiding in the nearby woods, returning at dusk. Some evenings, through shortcuts and away from the main road, they went to Lamberto's sister, Costantina known as Gosta, in Civitella Benazzone who, as soon as she saw them, began to make her good tagliatelle. With a full stomach they resumed their way back in the middle of the night. The mother Anna, to see her son again, following alternative routes to the normal ones because she was afraid of being followed, in the early morning she left Umbertide to go to S. Cristina. The road ahead was long and there were many climbs, but for her there were no obstacles, no weariness; the goal was too precious not to be reached at any cost. When the carabinieri knocked on the door of the Beatini family to ask where the deserter son was, the mother replied: << I wish I knew! I would run to him. I really want to see him again. >>. The two deserters spent three months in the bush and in December, perhaps due to a spying on them, they were discovered and taken to prison in Perugia. The stay lasted six months and marked Lamberto so much that when he recounted certain episodes, after so many years, his eyes were shadowed by so much sadness and sometimes tears. After having crossed the door of the prison that Lamberto called << college of Piazza Partigiani >>, his personal details were taken, his fingerprints were taken, everything he had in his pockets was removed, his belt and shoelaces were removed. While awaiting questioning, he was placed in a small cell with other inmates. A few days later he began his tiring interrogation. For a few hours he was asked the same question very firmly and harshly, always in the hope of making him fall into contradiction. So much was the mental fatigue and tension that from the high shoulders sweat was coming out of his coat. At the end of the long interrogation a graduate entered who abruptly asked Lamberto for his personal details. << I'm Lamberto Beatini, son of Antonio and Anna Gregori >>. At this name the Captain stood up and after a loud blasphemy he said \ u0026lt; \ u0026lt; Are you Anna's son? Do you know your mom is my milk sister? but what did you make me do ... >>. But by now Lamberto was in prison, the gear had been set in motion and the superior was also a prisoner of certain laws. For two or three days Lamberto was fasting because the food of the "college" just looking at him made his stomach sick. On the third day, hunger prevailed and he managed to eat a soup where bits of cabbage leaves floated among a few stars of fat. A once he removed 17 flies from the broth before eating it. " In his cell they put a man from Torgiano accused of insulting the fascist party. While he was reading a manifesto of the regime signed by the notorious Rocchi, he voluntarily made a huge burp. It happened that at that moment a fanatic fascist hierarch passed by who, taking the poor man for the collar of his jacket, scrambled him and denounced him.The man was tried and sentenced to a prison sentence.The unfortunate fell into a bad depression could not eat. Not far from Lamberto's cell, on the so-called death row, there was a convict. Nobody knew the reason for the sentence, but everyone thought it was for political reasons. The guards said that the young man knew he was going to die and every time they opened his cell, the young man changed. His body tensed and his complexion turned yellow, as if his blood stopped. This swing of very strong emotions made him lose all hair and hair. Once Lamberto saw him pass between two agents and I am impressed by his thin head, smooth, shiny as a billiard ball, by his thin and blood lips and by two black eyes without lashes and eyebrows that seem to come out of their sockets. That night Lamberto did not sleep because he always had before him the hallucinating visions of this young man. Fortunately, the war ended and the poor fellow was released from prison. Every time he recounted this episode on Lamberto's face one could read the suffering and also the anger at the bestiality of war and dictatorship. A different fate touches another young anti-fascist who was shot a few days before the liberation. This was Mario Bricchi, whose sister Gloria was a high school companion of Maria Teresa Beatini, nephew of Lamberto. " Isotta tells that Lamberto used to tell ... "When my daughter Anna asked me what was the best day of your life I replied: the day I got out of prison. Anna was upset because she knows how much I wanted it, the great love I feel for her. But Anna is a joy that I have tasted minute by minute since I learned it existed, for eight months he was the center of my thoughts, so his birth was a long and beautiful wait. My release was, however, the end of a great nightmare of which I was not sure I could get out alive. Often when i my companions slept, I too closed my eyes and began to dream. I dreamed of my future beautiful, serene, bright, full of girls and love; instead I opened my eyes and saw darkness, not a glimmer of light. Hope alternated with despair and resignation. A whirlwind of emotions me it invaded continuously. Being imprisoned at twenty for your ideas that you find human right, being imprisoned because you refuse war, weapons, violence, oppression, injustices is something that causes you pain and a lot of anger. I remember, still with sorrow and sadness, long afternoons in April and May, when behind the bars I glimpsed trees with their new leaves, when the spring air full of perfumes entered the cell, when you could hear the loving calls of birds and the voices playful of children playing in the street. It was the time of memories, of nostalgia, of sadness. Then I would lie down on my "straw mattress" and think of my family and my friends who free, they could be among themselves, be with their girlfriends, have lunch and dinner with their loved ones, look and touch the spring. Certain sensations, both good and bad, cannot be told, but must be lived to know what one feels and to be innocent in prison, at twenty years old, when someone like me who loves life, light, the heat of the sun, colors, people, freedom, love, is a condition that I do not wish on anyone. "... Isotta continues: "On June 13, 1944, the day of St. Anthony, the prison door opened for Lamberto and his friend Antonelli. Outside the prison door two stopped, looked 360 degrees and took a long sigh of relief. They were free together and began a journey that would bring them home. Passing by chance they arrived at Ponte Felcino in Ponte Valleceppi where grandmother Clorinda lived. They all presented themselves happy about his house, but immediately they cooled down because some German soldiers found him in the house. The moment was embarrassing, but grandmother Clorinda understood the situation and speaking and gesticulating he made the Germans understand that two of them were mentally ill. Which was not difficult because Lamberto, due to the absence of movement, was so swollen that it seemed swollen. He wore trousers that reached the calf of his legs, wore two shoes without very broken laces, the jacket covered the back and a little of the front, the sleeves reached just below the elbow. On the contrary Antonelli, also tall, was dry, lanky, frightened, I looked like a dead man walking. The fact is that the Germans, as if frightened, said goodbye and left. Grandmother Clorinda then greeted them with great warmth, kissing and hugging them, then, quickly, quickly, she began to cook. After being refreshed, they set out along the railway in the direction of Umbertide. In Ponte Pattoli They separated. Antonelli headed for Santa Cristina where he would find his family displaced by relatives, Lamberto continued in the direction of Umbertide. The road was very long, the boots became heavier and heavier, the damaged and swollen feet no longer fit inside the shoes and began to bleed; finally he arrived in Montecorona and felt relieved, in sight of the town he thought to the meeting that his loved ones. He headed for the house of "Guardengolo", a farmer who gave hospitality to his family and that of his brother Pietro. Meanwhile, from the loggia of the farmhouse, mother Anna and Pietro's wife Marietta saw at the end of the road a big fat man walking with difficulty. The two women, a little frightened because they were alone, wondered who he was and what he wanted. As Lamberto approached he made signs of greeting with his arms but the two women remained impassive. Only a few meters away did they recognize him. The mother Anna started running crying with joy and hugged her son in an embrace that never seemed to end. " On 23 July 1944 Lamberto, together with 21 other people from Umberto I, gave life to the Local Committee for National Liberation in the hall of the municipal council. After the war Lamberto yes he adapted to do many small jobs: it was important and necessary to bring something home because it was needed. He worked for the Land Registry, for the Municipality, then he began to study for the master's degree competition which he passed brilliantly. He taught in Colmotino di Cascia, in Reschio, in Civitella Ranieri, ad Umbertide ... then dissatisfied with the teaching he began to work in the secretariat of the elementary school, a job that he did with seriousness, commitment and great competence until 1979. We report here the letter of greeting from Director Candido Palazzetti when Lamberto left school. Maestro Beatini on the step and Director Candido Palazzetti on his left, to his right the other Director Spadoni. In the photos at the beginning we have we report the documents of the Anpi as a "partisan" and the card of the CGIL, the union close to the communist party to which Lamberto joined. Here under the public recognition that the mayor of Umbertide Celestino Sonaglia, in 1974, gave to Lamberto for his being a partisan. In the meantime Lamberto had committed himself body and soul to give life and strength to the section of the Avis of Umbria, donating from the very beginning in person, even directly, that blood that he did not want to shed. In 1959, in fact, Dr. Mariano Migliorati promoted a "Committee" to set up a first nucleus of donors for the hospital of Umbertide, a "hospital" that had already been downgraded to "nursing" under Fascism but was very active. and working with the help of the "medical doctors"; this even after the bombing, in fact, it continued to function in the Serra Partucci headquarters. The members of the Committee were Lamberto Beatini, Raffaele Mancini, Marta Gandin and Aurelio Nocioni. Two teachers and two Headmasters. Lamberto was the only member of the Committee who was also a donor, and had the card no. 1 of the Avis of Umbertide; gift up to the age limit established by law. He was elected among the first 5 members and also President. Office for which he was re-elected until 1986, when became "Secretary". Image from the Facebook page of Avis di Umbertide Lamberto always maintained an ideality together with an extraordinary humanity, a social and democratic vision lived and breathed in the family. In his desk he kept among other things the documents of his father Giovanni, probably obtained from his grandfather Costantino, a letter from Giuseppe Mazzini and the "santino" also from Mazzini where he, as a child, had written his name over the period in which he had followed with his father to Cantiano together with his family, when his father, a former officer in the First World War, played the role of stationmaster. Grandfather Costantino, in fact, was one of the young people of republican faith who tried to oppose the monarchy in Umbertide together with Leopoldo Grilli, who was the animator of the republican circle "Thought and action", Torquato Bucci and Raffaello Scagnetti. Lamberto and Celestino Sonaglia during the delivery of a "partisan" medal in 1974 Costantino Beatini Probably the letter is not complete, the final part seems to be missing at the bottom (let's imagine a sheet made up of six squares); it is thought that by their very existence these letters were dangerous and were introduced folded into several parts and perhaps sewn inside the clothes. The letter is from 1868, after the most famous organizations such as "Giovane Italia" and "Giovane Europa" an indomitable Mazzini did not recognize the Savoyard monarchy as legitimate. He therefore continued to profess and organize associations of "republican faith" such as, in this case, "the Universal Republican Alliance" in Lugano. In the text you can read: The purpose of the Section of the All (eanza) Rep (ubblicana) Univ (ersale) in Lugano should be: to pay homage to the principle that requires the political order of men of republican faith, wherever, few or many, are: they organize multiple means of safe introduction of letters and more from the Canton of Italy: help with the monthly quota of the brothers and with the offers obtained for just once, the coffers of the Alliance: Try to make Italians, belonging to any class e in general they should follow the rules contained in the circular of October 1865 if possible. Giuseppe Mazzini. Nov. 1868 ". Antonio Beatini with the black ribbon of the republicans The letter passed to Lamberto's father, Antonio Beatini, a republican who usually wore the black bow instead of the ties of the time as it was in use among the republicans. Antonio was a supporter of the entry into war against the Austrian Empire in 1915 and wrote in " Il Popolo: organ of the Umbrian-Sabine republicans " on February 6 of that year that it was necessary to go to war against Austria " not out of mania warmonger, but for the protection of the rights and interests of our country, always tampered with and outraged by it ". The newspaper carried on Mazzini's ideals, was born as a party newspaper aimed at aggregating and informing members and supporters. He was suspended for two months in 1915 due to the call to arms of many collaborators, it was then closed in 1922 with the arrival of fascism. Antonio also left as an officer despite the 5 children. The letter it then passed to Lamberto who grew up with different ideals but with the same seriousness and ideality. We conclude with a last anecdote reported by Isotta to make people understand the sensitivity and value that every living being had for Lamberto: " the episode that Lamberto told smiling with such grace is the episode of the little mouse that he managed to teach by becoming his friend. This episode Anna (the daughter), a friend of animals, had it described in a fourth grade theme whose title was: "the father tells", here is the transcript: \ u0026lt; \ u0026lt; I was going to buy candies and as I passed on the sidewalk, with the care of the eye, on the road, I saw a dead mouse. Immediately, frightened, I returned at home. There was my father who, seeing me upset, asked me what had happened. I replied that I had seen a hideous rat squashed with a pancake on the road. It remained a silent moment then he began to tell: “you know Anna, when I was there weren't many entertainments in prison and so if we wanted to play checkers, we had to build the pieces ourselves. We put a piece of bread in our mouth and after chewing it for a long time we made balls that we put to dry outside the bars. The next day instead of the balls there were only crumbs. Immediately I thought of a mouse and then I wanted to try to get him back. I put the balls back on the windowsill for wait for them to dry. The mouse arrived and a little fearful hesitated a little then seeing that I was indifferent approached the balls and began to gnaw. I went up to him, he looked at me with fearful eyes. I stroked him gently on the head and he mounted me on the arm. A few days passed and the little mouse and I were already good friends. He got into the habit, when I was lying on the cot, of mounting on my chest and scrape on my shirt. I had to unbutton myself and he would go inside and then fall asleep. In a short time his coat had become long long and shiny, i his teeth were sharp and he was in good shape. When I got out of the prison I looked for the little mouse but I couldn't find it. I would have taken it away. I was a little sorry but then he understood that the little mouse had to go home, he too had his father and mother. " Father had made me understand that even a mouse could be tamed and become a companion of man. >>. ". Sources: - Family archive of the Beatini-Bottaccioli family - Mario Tosti: " Beautiful works. Information, documents, testimonies and images on life and death events that took place in the Municipality of Umbertide during the Second World War . Edited by Mario Tosti. Municipality of Umbertide, 25 April 1995. - Roberto Sciurpa, The Blood of the Fratta. History of the Avis section of Umbertide, Gesp editrice - http://augustaem.comune.perugia.it/scheda.aspx?ID=12&cod=PORU - http://www.storiatifernate.it/allegati_prod/01-neutralismo.pdf - photo: Archive fam. Beatini-Bottaccioli

Storia, memoria ed identità Umbertide. Il sito si propone di divulgare la storia, la cultura e la memoria di coloro che hanno abitato ad Umbertide (Pg) per contribuire alla costruzione di una identità culturale comune nel rispetto dei principi Costituzionali. Questa divulgazione è e resterà senza sc HISTORY AND MEMORY UMBERTIDE Virtual place of memory and identity in motion Who we are We are a group of history lovers and scholars who want to create a space for the transmission of documents, memories and traditions of our city. The aim is the development of a shared identity that is inclusive of those who lived and those who live in Umbertide. The cultural and economic aspects, together with the Second World War, over time they have shaped the city, with its architectural elements and its spaces, but also the rural territory which for centuries has maintained its characteristic of scattered "settlement" and polyculture. For about 70 years, the scenario has been rapidly evolving. We are convinced that knowing the past, or who we were, will help understand how the life of the population will be structured, that is who we will be. Knowing allows you to have "new eyes" to see ... and think. Scopri le nostre pagine dinamiche Ogni pagina è un percorso, un grande contenitore dinamico, anche con decide di approfondimenti, sempre in possibile crescita perché la ricerca non deve avere una fine. Ogni pagina è un piccolo "sito" specifico all'interno di "Umbertidestoria". Pagine strutturate in modo da facilitare la navigabilità e quindi la fruizione. La Fratta di Carta Prima della progressiva standardizzazione della cartografia tra '700 ed '800 si sono prodotte rappresentazioni del territorio e di città mosse da diverse esigenze... Montecorona Sabbianiani Estratti a cura di Giuliano Sabbiniani sulla storia, vita e produzione della Tenuta di Montecorona dal suo libro “Montecorona – la Tenuta e la sua gente”, Gruppo editoriale locale, Digital Editor srl, Umbertide - 2021"... Memoria e Tradizioni La sezione delle nostre tradizioni e della memoria da preservare, curata da Sergio Magrini Alunno... Video di Storia e Territorio Raccolta di pagine con video si luoghi storici architettonici e particolari fonti storiche della storia e del territorio di Umbertide... Ricordi umbertidesi Nuova pagina del sito nella quale intendiamo dare spazio a tutti coloro che vorranno condividere con noi i loro ricordi e i personaggi caratteristici nella Umbertide di una volta anche con documenti e foto d’epoca... Fratta del Quattrocento Prima pagina dinamica che raccoglie i vari aspetti del sito su uno specifico periodo storico: il XV secolo dell'antica Fratta... Approfondisci la "memoria" ad ottanta anni di distanza dal bombardamento del 1944... Visita "OTTANTANNI" la sezione dedicata al progetto con UNITRE di Umbertide, IL CENTRO SOCIO-CULTURALE S. FRANCESCO con il Patrocinio del COMUNE DI UMBERTIDE. OTTANTANNI Il 1944 In costruzione.. In questa sezione il progetto "Ottantani" per il ricordo della tragedia che colpì la nostra città il 25 aprile 1944. Tragedia che si lega in modo più vasto al territorio dell'alta Umbria per il periodo del passaggio del fronte nel 1944. Progetto a cura di Mario Tosti, Unitre di Umbertide, il Centro Culturale San Francesco, con il Patrocinio del Comune di Umbertide. Con la Collaborazione di Corrado Baldoni, Mario Bani, Serio Bargelli, Sergio Magrini Alunno, Massimo Pascolini, Antonio Renzini, Luca Silvioni, Pietro Taverniti, Romano Viti. Gennaio In costruzione... Aprile In costruzione... Luglio In costruzione... Ottobre In costruzione... Febbraio In costruzione... Maggio In costruzione... Agosto In costruzione... Novembre In costruzione... Marzo In costruzione... Giugno In costruzione... Settembre In costruzione... Dicembre In costruzione... .... o visita le nostre pagine tematiche di raccordo... ... o scopri le nostre pagine tematiche tradizionali , strutturate come raccordo degli articoli singoli, a volte ancora da sistemare, da dove puoi accedere a specifici approfondimenti.. Nel tempo sostituiremo le pagine tradizionali con quelle dinamiche... "work in progress"! STORIA vai alla pagina STORIA PER TEMI vai alla pagina MEMORIA vai alla pagina TRADIZIONI vai alla pagina ARRIVI E PARTENZE vai alla pagina CALENDARI vai alla pagina TESI DI LAUREA vai alla pagina ALBUM vai alla pagina The information from the birth of the first residential agglomerations to the first archive news, The rapid time of political changes from the Middle Ages to the history of the twentieth century, the architectural remains, our monuments and works of art, the slow pace of changes in the territory that have come to define our landscape, the structuring of traditions, family memory ... all this defines the identity of a place and of the people who live there. Please help us to remember by sending photos (with date and place if possible), reporting errors on our texts, suggesting improvements or writing your memoirs, possibly with historical and contemporary sources, to build a vision of our future. Those who choose to send us images can choose to do overwrite, with the "water mark" technique, your "name and surname" or "family archive ..." on your photos, this to prevent the images from being used once on the web beyond the cultural purposes that we aim. For the same reason we have applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark over the historical photos of Umbertide which have been on the web for some time and in various private archives; in this way we try to avoid that further disclosure on our part favors purposes that are not consonant with our intentions. We come out publicly with parts that are incomplete and to be improved. Ours is an ongoing project that needed to be shared in order to grow. For now, thank you ... Adil, Adriano, Alberto, Alessandro, Alessandro C., Andrea Levi, Anna, Anna Maria, Brunella, Diego, Dritan, Fabio, Federico, Francesco, Giovanna, Giovanni, Giulio, Imperia, Isotta, Mario, Miriam, Loredana, Kalida, Paola, Silvia, Simona, Tiziana, Valentina RV, Valentina P. and all those who have sent us photos or supported. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com EH Carr "Change is certain. Progress is not " The information from the birth of the first residential agglomerations to the first archive news, The rapid time of political changes from the Middle Ages to the history of the twentieth century, the architectural remains, our monuments and works of art, the slow pace of changes in the territory that have come to define our landscape, the structuring of traditions, family memory ... all this defines the identity of a place and of the people who live there. Please help us to remember by sending photos (with date and place if possible), reporting errors on our texts, suggesting improvements or writing your memoirs, possibly with historical and contemporary sources, to build a vision of our future. Those who choose to send us images can choose to do overwrite, with the "water mark" technique, your "name and surname" or "family archive ..." on your photos, this to prevent the images from being used once on the web beyond the cultural purposes that we aim. For the same reason we have applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark over the historical photos of Umbertide which have been on the web for some time and in various private archives; in this way we try to avoid that further disclosure on our part favors purposes that are not consonant with our intentions. We come out publicly with parts that are incomplete and to be improved. Ours is an ongoing project that needed to be shared in order to grow. For now, thank you ... Adil, Adriano, Alberto, Alessandro, Alessandro C., Andrea Levi, Anna, Anna Maria, Brunella, Diego, Dritan, Fabio, Federico, Francesco, Giovanna, Giovanni, Giulio, Imperia, Isotta, Mario, Miriam, Loredana, Kalida, Paola, Silvia, Simona, Tiziana, Valentina RV, Valentina P. and all those who have sent us photos or supported. Who we are We are a group of history lovers and scholars who want to create a space for the transmission of documents, memories and traditions of our city. The aim is the development of a shared identity that is inclusive of those who lived and those who live in Umbertide. The cultural and economic aspects, together with the Second World War, over time they have shaped the city, with its architectural elements and its spaces, but also the rural territory which for centuries has maintained its characteristic of scattered "settlement" and polyculture. For about 70 years, the scenario has been rapidly evolving. We are convinced that knowing the past, or who we were, will help understand how the life of the population will be structured, that is who we will be. Knowing allows you to have "new eyes" to see ... and think. 2019 | the "Collegiate" - S. Maria della Regghia About 1920 | the fourteenth-century fortress and the market The Abbey of Montecorona during the flood of the Tiber in 2005. By clicking here you can to download the photo in original resolution. For a study of the extent of the flood in Umbria you can see the IRPI report here ( Authority of Basin of the River Tiber).

History by themes In this section, with its subsections, you will find the contributions of history buffs, the actual documents and specific topics attributable to a longer time, determined by the economic system that rather than the city has shaped the countryside, the landscape . Our intent is to present all the different "perspectives" with which we can reconstruct the "history" of our country. The "short time" in fact, guideline of the research reported in the subsections described above, gives us back a story focused on the birth and history of the main agglomeration of Fratta / Umbertide, but there allows you to see only institutional-political events, however much they can be added together in a millenary diachronic sequence. While the development and consequences of economic structures need to be recognized an investigation you seek with a "long time. So it appears to us it is essential to reflect on the lining, the basic economic cell of the agricultural world for centuries, together with the territory that becomes a "landscape", slowly modified for centuries by generations of men and women. The sections of the " Gregorian Cadastre " and " Territory and Mezzadria " have the claim to analyze the "long times" with complex processes that have transformed our territory. This historical cut inevitably extends the object of study to the entire Tiber Valley and Central Italy, from which we have to "cut out" our specific space of interest. Space that has followed the typical historical processes, always of central Italy, also for what concerns the "sociolinguistic" perspective ... and here is the section that tries to investigate our " Dialect ". Section that he will not have to deal with reporting idioms or the language of common use, but will have to show how the "dialect" is a historical stratification. Finally we want to return to our country by analyzing what has distinguished it the most: water and road networks. " The Tiber and the water mills of the territory ", because rising on the banks of the great river has characterized the layout of the urban agglomeration with its strategic value, ways of life and use of agricultural land; The great dam on the Tiber , the work of Mario, Marco and Matteo Tosti, brings back to "life" an impressive hydraulic work of medieval Fratta; " Railway " that passing through Umbertide, as for other places in the Umbrian plain, changed the fate of the city. Some profiles of historical figures have been included in the subsection " Biographies Historical ", alongside it is a page of historical biographies of the twentieth century . To complete the claim to have an overall historical look, the section on " Castle and rural lordships " and that relating to " Monuments and Museums " which will have to highlight the works of art of our residential nucleus and its territory, "symbols" of identity for all of us. among the works of art could not miss an in-depth analysis and rich in archive materials on the Deposition of Signorelli, granted by professor Valentina Ricci Vitiani. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

L'arrivo degli aerei e la prima ondata La prima sosta e la seconda ondata CRONACA, MINUTO PER MINUTO, DEL BOMBARDAMENTO DI UMBERTIDE DEL 25 APRILE 1944 di Mario Tosti dal suo libro “IL NOSTRO CALVARIO” con la collaborazione di trecentoquarantacinque testimoni L’ARRIVO DEGLI AEREI L’udito come difesa: perché sono i rumori ad annunciare i fatti. Dalla cadenza degli scarponi, dal bussare alle porte, al sibilo sinistro degli aerei. I rumori hanno un linguaggio diverso, secondo i tempi; e quelli del tempo di guerra sono udibili immediatamente per un vigile senso di attesa e di allerta(1). Un brontolio lontano annuncia l’approssimarsi di aerei. Prima stazione Gesù davanti a Pilato è condannato a morte Gesù innocente è abbandonato dal potere imperiale. Crucifige! Crucifige! Il paese impotente è lasciato in balia dell’arbitrio della barbarie. 1) Eliana Pirazzoli, dattiloscritto, 1986 L’attacco I quattro aerei che, stanchi del carosello, avevano accennato a lasciare il girotondo, hanno davvero deciso di dirigersi verso il paese(1). Dei primi due(2), uno vira verso il Faldo(3); l’altro, abbassatosi sulle schioppe, segue il Tevere(4) verso Montecorona(5). Entrambi puntano verso Sud, come per tornare da dove sono venuti. Gli altri due li seguono a distanza. La maggior parte di quanti si erano fermati ad assistere allo spettacolo, vedendo gli aerei scomparire dietro i tetti, verso Pian d’Assino, riprendono il cammino interrotto, pensando che lo spettacolo sia finito. Non sanno che è il prologo di una tragedia immane. Altri cominciano a capire. I due aerei, scesi minacciosi da Montaguto, hanno attirato l’attenzione della Vera (Vibi) che, dalla finestra sul Tevere, stava buttando sul fiume i fondi del caffè appena colato, per non sporcare il lavandino di marmo bianco. Corre verso la camera della mamma che è a letto, inferma(6). Anche i ragazzini cominciano a capire. Lamberto (Maccarelli) stava piantando i fagioli nell’orto con il nonno; ha riconosciuto che sono degli Alleati quegli apparecchi che continuano a volare da diversi minuti sopra la sua testa nel cielo bellissimo, di pieno sole. Capisce che stanno per bombardare. Corre in cas per avvertire la mamma e la sorella che fanno le maglie: dapprima le donne ninnano un po’. Si radunano tutti nell’atrio in fondo alle scale. Il nonno vorrebbe uscire verso la bottega di Conti. Lo convincono a restare lì. L’Antonina, la mamma di Lamberto, comincia a piangere. Il nonno Giuseppe (Fiorucci) la consola: “Sta tranquilla, ‘ché i travi en de ferro...”(7). 1) Fabrizio Boldrini, Domenico Mariotti, Francesco Martinelli 2) Amedeo Faloci 3) Franco Mischianti 4) Paolo Mazzanti 5) Franco Mischianti 6) Vera Vibi 7) Lamberto Maccarelli LA PRIMA ONDATA (1) I due aerei, giunti sopra Montecorona, virano verso Poggio Manente. Il primo, pilotato dal capo-pattuglia Jandrell, punta il muso rosso verso il ponte sul Tevere. Segue la traiettoria ottimale secondo la tecnica militare: deve essere obliqua rispetto all'asse della strada, di quel tanto necessario ad indirizzare gli ordigni alla base del ponte, in modo che l'onda d'urto si espanda dal basso all'alto, per aggredire l'arco lungo la direttrice di minor resistenza; centrare la carreggiata raramente genera danni irreparabili rispetto alla transitabilità della campata(2). La direzione di avvicinamento deve lasciare il sole dietro le spalle, per evitare abbagliamenti. In questo caso, la traiettoria così determinata ha anche il vantaggio che il tratto più basso della picchiata, sviluppandosi sopra i tetti, mantiene il bombardiere fuori del tiro di eventuali armi antiaeree, che i ricognitori possono aver sospettato ai margini del centro storico. Nei piloti è del tutto marginale la preoccupazione per l'incolumità dei civili. Non sono bastati decenni di dittatura, quattro anni di guerra e di miseria, per risparmiare ad un paese inerme il colpo di grazia. Si è deciso di infierire. Ecce homo. Dalla stazione, già quasi deserta(3), si riesce a vedere la testa del pilota con la cuffia di cuoio(4) che sfreccia sopra la casa del contadino della "Commenda", la rivendita di vino e latte di Civitella(5). Il cacciabombardiere compare all'improvviso alla gente in piazza, che guarda in su, attratta dal rombo crescente, paralizzata, nelle gambe e nella mente: piomba in picchiata(6) verso di loro, nero contro il cielo pieno di luce. Crepita la mitragliatrice, per dissuadere l'antiaerea che non c'è. Adriano Zurli, militare dell'aeronautica, non appena ha sentito un paio di raffiche, si è reso conto del pericolo; insieme a Gigi de Torello (Luigi Carlini) salta negli orti dietro le case di Via Roma e fugge risalendo la Regghia(7). Ugo Forni, arruolato in aviazione, è in casa di Mogi (Alessandro Romitelli), il gestore del Dopolavoro della ferrovia. Quando ha sentito il crescendo della picchiata, ha fatto riparare tutta la gente del caseggiato nel fondo della Lisa (Baldoni)(8). Anche Secondo, alla Caminella, esperto perché convalescente per ferite riportate in prima linea, capisce che stanno per bombardare(9). Seconda stazione Gesù si carica la croce sulle spalle Prima scarica La vista delle bombe All'improvviso due cilindri luccicanti, simili a grossi maiali(10), abbandonano la pancia del "picchiatello"; fanno un paio di capriole(11), come se vogliano indugiare; poi precipitano, lasciando una scia rossastra(12) in mezzo ad un frastuono assordante. Brizio (Boldrini) ed i suoi amici le guardano più curiosi che impauriti(15). "Ma queste en bombe!!" urla all'improvviso la Pomeìna (Armando Silvioni), facendo gelare il sangue(16) a quanti sono in piazza. "Bombardano!" ripete Sganapìno (Giuseppe Galmacci) guardando in alto(17). Sembrano una coppia d'uova(18). "Buttono ji ovi d'oca!", conferma puntando l'indice un ragazzino, più esperto di pollai che di macchine da guerra, dalla collina della Serra(19). Anche al Faldo, vedendo cadere quei cavulìni, non sanno paragonarli ad altro di conosciuto che ad una coppia d'ovi d'oca: comuni, innocue uova, solo più grosse del normale. Le bombe non hanno mai abitato qui(20). La Pia (Gagliardini), in casa dietro le scuole, visti cadere dall'aereo che si abbassa quei due cavolini, incuriosita chiede ad Alfredo (Briganti): "Che ha lasciato cadere quell'apparecchio?". "Fuggi, sono bombe. Fuggi via!(21)". A Muzio (Venti) sembrano dei bijittìni, uguali a quelli che hanno buttato nei giorni scorsi per avvertire la gente del pericolo(22). Ognuno, da dovunque li guardi, ha la sensazione che gli ordigni puntino sulla propria testa. Tuttora sono in pochi - perlopiù giovani - ad avere l'istinto di fuggire. I ragazzini delle magistrali scattano dove le gambe li portano, rispondendo ciascuno alla propria indole e prestanza. Nino (Grassini) si rifugia dentro il locale più vicino: il negozio di alimentari di Palchetti, in piazza, a pochi metri da dove si trovava(24). Brizio (Boldrini) sfreccia veloce verso Piazza Mazzini, gira per il mercato, mentre Sergio (Celestini) gli grida qualcosa correndo al di là della Regghia(25): per la velocità - lui è l'ala sinistra della Tiberis, un fulmine! - non è riuscito a curvare verso il mercato ed è filato dritto verso la piazza della Collegiata. Bruno (Burberi) indugia qualche attimo. Ramiro, quando era arrivato a casa tutto trafelato per aver visto i ricognitori, aveva trovato Bruno Righetti che voleva fare una saldatura su un pezzetto di macchina per cucire: gli aveva detto del pericolo e che avrebbe riparato il pezzetto se stava fuori a far da sentinella; prima però era salito in casa per avvertire la mamma e per mangiare un boccone. Mentre stava portandosi alla bocca un pescetto in bianco, la mamma, che nel frattempo era andata in terrazza, con voce eccitatissima gli ha urlato. "Ramiro, che è `sto rumore?". Lasciando il pesce, lui è stolzato in terrazza ed ha visto, all'apparente distanza di trenta metri, la sagoma di due ordigni che lasciavano una scia rossastra; sente il fischio delle bombe ed il rombo dell'aereo in picchiata, che non può vedere a causa del sole che ha di fronte(26). La grossa bomba / che pare d'argento, / per i riflessi della luce del sole / girando su se stessa, / piomba giù(27). La maggior parte della gente è rimasta bloccata, attonita(28): non riesce ancora a credere che stia arrivando la morte sul paese; sugli amici; sui famigliari; su di sé! Gli ordigni sembrano ancora galleggiare sopra le teste della gente in piazza, come sostenuti dalla volontà delle persone atterrite. Poi planano via, fino a scomparire sibilando dietro la casa di Burelli(29), verso il Tevere. Al di sopra delle bombe sta sopraggiungendo anche l'aereo che le ha sganciate, preceduto dal crepitio delle pallottole delle mitraglie sui tetti(30) e dal ruggito parossistico dei motori che vogliono risalire; anche la fusoliera, adesso diventata d'argento nel riflettere i raggi del sole, scompare dietro le case. Galeno è sulla soglia del suo "salone"(31), attonito, col camice bianco ed il pettine in mano(32). Forse cerca il suo amore(33). Due amichette vestite da piccole italiane non sono ancora tornate a casa dalla scuola; si sono fermate a parlare lungo il Corso. Hanno alzato lo sguardo verso l'aereo che è appena passato proprio sopra le loro teste. Tutte contente esclamano: "Oh ... quant'è bello!"(34). Il boato Qualche attimo di silenzio, ancora nell'illusione che nulla sia vero, che si sia trattato di un'allucinazione, che tutto sia finito. Invece, un tuono(35), un boato immane, indicibile, più sconvolgente di un terremoto, scuote tutto: case, corpi, sentimenti, ragione. Quando sentii il rumore / lo credetti un tuono dapprima / ma lungo e nero e sempre / più forte. / Un grido di cielo squarciato / rauco interminabile / adunco / sopra le case dentro la terra / nel soffitto nei pavimenti nei muri / in ogni più piccola cosa / e dentro di me(36). Le due bombe si sono schiantate sulla riva destra del Tevere(37), a nord della campata centrale del ponte(38), all'altezza dell'osteria di Lisetti in via Spunta(39). Il terribile rumore investe l'Elena (Boriosi) sul portone di casa, dove è appena arrivata, dopo essere ridiscesa di corsa per le scale, con il libro che la sorella Rina intendeva restituire alla Gina Borgarelli(40). Sono le 9 e 45. È iniziata la più grande tragedia della storia del paese(41). L'onda d'urto Lo spostamento d'aria dispiega la sua forza tremenda. Fa sbalzare Toto (Antonio Silvestrelli) dentro la barbieria dello zio Virgilio (Occhirossi), in direzione opposta a quella che intendeva percorrere verso le volte della parrucchieria di fronte(43). Nell'osteria di Via Spunta vola via il cappello di Natale (Bucaioni), che stava innaffiando la colazione con un bicchiere di vino; lui resta lì, immobile, rendendosi conto di essere sotto un muro robustissimo(44). Si spalanca la porta della cucina a piano terra in Via Mancini; cadono detriti dal soffitto sulla farina che la Batazzi sta impastando sopra la spianatòra(45). Frullano all'improvviso le pagine del vocabolario di latino, sotto gli occhi dell'Ornella (Duranti) e della Wilma (Borri)(46). Il verdone in gabbia le guarda, ammutolito. Il terrore fa perdere il lume della ragione alla Lidia (Tonanni), una sartina che sta provando un vestito alla sora Virginia (Santini), in Piazza San Francesco. "Io voglio mori' co' la mi' mamma!", arùga verso la cliente, quasi come sia lei la responsabile di quel pandemonio. E la Virginia, poveretta, a giustificarsi: "Sta calma! ... Guarda... che ci sei venuta da te!"(48). Nello stesso momento, in Via Soli, la mamma della Lidia, 1'Annetta (Taticchi), e la Martina (Maddoli) sono sbattute per terra(49)". La Marietta (Beatini) è impietrita davanti alla porta della cartoleria di Tommasi; vi cerca rifugio proprio mentre la lastra di vetro della vetrina le cade davanti, frantumata dalle vibrazioni(50). Tutti i vetri si rompono: quelli del Corso(51), del Comune(52), delle scuole elementari "Garibaldi"(53), delle case al mercato(54). La terra trema. Sempre più gente strilla: "Bombàrdono, bombàrdono"(55). I sassi e le schegge I ciottoli del pitrìccio sono catapultati dappertutto. Cadono sassi fino all'ultimo piano dell'abitazione di Lorenzo (Andreani) in via Cibo, dove la mamma stava accudendo alle faccende di casa, verso il Tevere(56). Precipitano in piazza(57); sulla torre(58); davanti alle chiese di piazza San Francesco, alla pompina della Caminella(59). Una svecciata di sassi raggiunge Bruno (Burberi), che si è deciso a scappare verso la Collegiata; cerca protezione svoltando nel primo vicolo, Via Alberti, e s'infila nel negozio di verdura della Pierina(60). Brecce saltano sui tetti di Via Mancini, emulando il precedente crepitio delle pallottole sparate dalle mitraglie(61) degli aerei verso i camion tedeschi davanti al Capponi(62). Una gragnola di sassi neri colpisce le vetrine del Bar Giardino, sotto lo sguardo attonito delle due bambine - Giovanna e Carla - assorte nello scartare quel torroncino per cui avevano interrotto il loro cammino verso la tempesta del vicolo di San Giovanni (63). Giorgio (Toraci) e Renato (Pecorini), in Via Alberti, di fronte al forno di Bucitino, stavano giocando con le figurine di carta del presepio, che si possono ribaltare dai fogli dove sono incollate. Sobbalzano allibiti al rumore delle sassate sui coppi del tetto. La Madonna che stavano sollevando dal foglio, si strappa e resta lì, abbandonata a terra. Fuggono per le scale, per ripararsi in una nicchia molto robusta(64). Una pioggia di ghiaia cade sulla casa del Faldo, dietro la quale hanno fatto riparare gli anziani, sdraiati nel fosso(65). Verso il "Mulinello", una scheggia spezza il grosso ramo di un noce(66). Un masso enorme si schianta fra Via Stella e la Collegiata, a qualche metro da Franco (Mischianti), che è sbalzato a terra. Si mette al coperto, rifugiandosi nella barbieria di Palazzoli in Piazza Mazzini(67). Una pietra. colpisce la bicicletta di Umberto (Dominici), l'apprendista fotografo, che sta correndo davanti alla chiesa(68). In direzione opposta Maria Maddalena (Marzani), con la lettera per il fratello al fronte, sta svoltando in bicicletta verso Reggiani, in mezzo ad una bufera di sassi e ad un frastuono indescrivibile(69). Non può scappare Guerriero de l'Elena (Boldrini), che ha fatto salina; si trova nei fondi del Sellàro, lungo la Regghia, insieme ad Elio (Caprini), a Osvaldo (Baroni) ed al Ministro (Alfiero Silvioni). Il rumore dello scoppio e dei sassi che cadono sui bandoni della stalla ha fatto imbizzarrire i cavalli, che sferrano coppie di calci, impedendo ogni possibilità di fuga. Un macigno cade vicino e sfascia un carro(70). La nube Le colonne di fumo, scaturite dalla radice del lampo dell'esplosione, si fondono fra loro in una nube, che si gonfia sempre più lenta e minacciosa man mano che cresce a dismisura. Un gran polverone(71) segue la tempesta iniziale di sassi ed invade il paese. Il terrore Il boato ha risvegliato tutti quelli che hanno assistito alla scena, sbigottiti, pietrificati; finalmente scappano. Anche molti di quanti l'hanno solo sentito, intuiscono e fuggono verso punti più sicuri. Nella sartoria di Palmiro (Maccarelli) all'inizio del ponte sul Tevere, presi dal loro lavoro, gli apprendisti non avevano dato importanza al rumore degli aerei, anche perché li avevano sentiti spesso. Scossi dal gran boato della bomba caduta vicino a loro, tutti sono usciti di corsa, spaventatissimi(72). La vetrina della bottega di calzature economiche, nello stesso palazzo, si è frantumata e le scarpe esposte sono volate verso le commesse, che non avevano posto tanta attenzione a quel ronzio; si mettono a correre, tenendosi per mano, in direzione della piazza; ma quasi subito il fumo le separa; si perdono(73). Baldo (Ubaldo Gambucci) è lì davanti, perso; accenna ad andare dentro la bottega di mercerie, dove sono la Menchina e l'Adriana del Sellàro (Cecchetti); va in qua e in là, senza decidersi(74). Suo figlio Gigetto (Luigi Gambucci) stava facendo firmare un mandato ad un cliente di Montecastelli, Eusebi, allo sportello dell'Ufficio Postale. Tutti hanno l'istinto di scappare, ma si fermano titubanti sul portone, non osando avventurarsi fuori, in quell'inferno di pietre; Gigetto trattiene a forza 1'Itala (Boldrini), tirandola dentro per un braccio(75). Sopraggiunge l'Elda (Bebi Ceccarelli), la direttrice dell'ufficio, con le figlie: è rimasta attardata, per portar via dalla cassaforte gli stipendi dei maestri(76). Vorrebbe uscire, mentre la figlia Marianella vuole rimanere al coperto. Di fronte alla Posta, in Comune, la Peppa (Ceccarelli), che era andata a ritirare la tessera per la carne della macelleria Bebi, fugge per le scale con la Piera e l'Ada (Bruni)(77). II Commissario fa chiudere il portone, impedendo a chiunque di uscire(78). L'atrio del municipio s'intasa di persone accalcate. Peppino (Grilli) e Pietro de Sciuscìno (Bartoccini) si ritrovano sulle spalle di Agostino (Bico)(79). La Lea (Rapo), che stava spolverando, aveva visto gli aerei andare verso Montecorona; quando uno di essi era riapparso lasciando cadere due "ovini", lei è fuggita in cucina tirando per un braccio il nonno. Lui completamente sordo, non si era accorto di niente: stava cercando di accendere il fuoco nel focolare, per cuocere il dolce per il compleanno della nipotina. Per festeggiare l'evento, la mamma aveva già disposto sulla spianatora tutto l'occorrente per il dolce delle quattro tazze - di farina bianca, gialla, latte, zucchero - da cuocere con la teglia coperta, i carboni sotto e sopra. Ora fuggono per le scale(80). La Dora (Silvestrelli) aspettava il dottor Valdinoci che avrebbe dovuto visitare il babbo, a letto con una gran febbre. Aspettava anche le frittelle che la mamma stava cocendo con un po' di pasta del pane, prima di portare le file nel locale per la lievitazione al forno di Quadrio Bebi. Vista la bella giornata, aveva aperto la finestra della camera del babbo per cambiare l'aria; vi si era affacciata, verso il fiume. All'improvviso ha sentito uno strano rumore sempre più forte; ha visto un oggetto o due venire dal cielo; poi lo scoppio. Tutti, di corsa, si sono rifugiati nel passetto delle scale, sotto gli architravi, come da tempo stabilito. Vi hanno trovato Lazzaro (Bottaccioli) con la Stella, che pregano ad alta voce(81). II fratello della Dora, Spinelli (Renato Silvestrelli), ed il Boca (Vantaggi) sono partiti come frecce - il primo in bicicletta, il secondo a piedi - verso Via Roma; si ficcano entrambi sotto un vecchio banco da lavoro nel bugigattolo da ciclista(82). La Sunta (Baruffi) corre verso Fornacìno, senza zoccoli, che ha perso per strada(83). Anche Rolando (Paneni) ha scalciato via gli zoccoli e fugge scalzo verso il macello(84). Un carrettiere, sorpreso davanti alla Collegiata, scappa abbandonando il carretto ed il mulo che lo trainava(85): ha ben altro cui pensare che rispettare la regola di legare la bestia dietro il carro! Don Luigi si è alzato di scatto e si è rifugiato di corsa in un adito che dalla chiesa conduce alla sagrestia. Chiama nel suo improvvisato rifugio altre persone che sono entrate in chiesa, spaventate dalla bomba e da un'intensa raffica di mitraglia. In tutto sono in cinque: tre uomini ed una giovane donna che, stringendosi al collo un bambino, grida e piange disperatamente(86). In cima alla Piaggiola, dove avevano continuato a lavorare tranquillamente - "Tanto ... gli aerei sono tedeschi" - Renato (Caseti) si precipita per le scale, cavalcando il boato e scavalcando la ringhiera. Corre verso la Pompina e si allontana, verso Santafede ed il Fosso di Lazzaro(87). Nello stesso punto, lo scoppio ha sorpreso l'Elvira (Rossi), nipote di Quadrio. Era uscita da casa con la cognata Peppa (Giuseppa Gallicchi) per comprare la conserva nel negozio dello zio, perché avevano dato i punti della tessera annonaria; ne avrebbe approfittato per salire al piano sopra la bottega per fare una visita allo zio malato. Ma ha deciso - quando uno non deve morire, non deve morire! - di passare prima, con sua cognata, a prendere i buoni in Comune per ritirare le uova dalla Sandra (Migliorati). "Uh, Peppa, è il bombardamento!", adesso urla. La sora Adalgisa (Castelletti) le fa entrare dentro il negozio di argenteria. L'Elvira, incinta dell'Anna di sette mesi, si inginocchia: "Pater nostro, salve regina, rechemetèrna..." ...ma finché [Dio] non ha voluto, [il bombardamento] non ha smesso. Fuori vede tutta la gente correre: sembrano impazziti quelli che a frotte fuggono con le mani sui capelli(88). Fiordo, il carrettiere, si butta dentro la buca dove stava scavando la rena(89). Nella bottega di Quadrio, Amleto, che aiutava a vendere nella bottega del suocero, ha capito; aggrappato al bancone con le mani, le braccia tese ed i polsi in avanti, grida a tutti: "State fermi ... calma ... è il bombardamento"(90). Mentre si sente fortissimo il rombo dell'aereo che rimonta dopo la picchiata, Ramiro ha già preso la mamma per la mano e fugge per le scale, urlando continuamente: "Via! Via! Piano! Piano!". Dopo aver sostato qualche secondo dentro 1' entrone, si dirige verso il Roccolo; mette la mamma al riparo in un fosso asciutto e prosegue verso la collina per osservare cosa facciano gli apparecchi(91). È curioso di verificare, in particolare, se le bombe scoppiano come le disegna Walter Molino nelle tavole della "Domenica del Corriere": con questo intento, tiene spalancate le palpebre degli occhi fra i pollici e gli indici, per evitare che l'istinto le faccia chiudere al momento della deflagrazione(92). Alle ceramiche Pucci, `l Moro, il muratore che lavorava sul tetto, era stato incaricato di stare in allerta e di dare l'allarme appena avesse visto arrivare degli aerei. Ma le bombe sono state più rapide della sentinella. Tutto il personale è scappato e vede l'inferno sopra il paese. Le schegge arrivano fin laggiù. Una quarantina d' operai si riversano verso i campi fra la strada ed il Tevere, cercando di allontanarsi più possibile(93). Altri si riparano, tutti rannicchiati, tra cumuli di argilla. Una grossa lamiera, scagliata chissà da dove, dopo aver volteggiato in aria, si abbatte latrando a pochi metri dal riparo del ragioniere (Martinelli)(94). Menco de Fornacìno (Domenico Fornaci) si rifugia nel sottoscale, fra gli attrezzi da lavoro(95). I bambini La Giovanna (Pazzi), uscita da scuola, è sotto il portone di casa per ripararsi dai calcinacci, senza rendersi conto di cosa sia quel can-can, con tutta la Qente che fugge verso la Piaggiola. Qualcuno la fa rifugiare dentro la casa della maestra Peppina, in cima alla salita(96). In fondo alla Piaggiola, Stefanino (Marsigliotti) passa di corsa davanti al negozio del babbo; gli urla che va fuori del paese, senza riuscire a farsi sentire. Si unisce alla folla che fugge verso il Roccolo(97). La Marisa, che ha fatto salina, aveva ripreso la strada di casa verso la Piaggiola e la piazza, perché a quell'ora la scuola doveva essere finita. Un signore, di fronte a questo finimondo, la dissuade dal proseguire per il centro e le grida di andare verso la campagna(98). Un altro signore prende per mano un bambino che sotto la torre - imbambolato - non sa che fare(99). Lorenzo (Andreani), che stava tornando a casa con il mazzettino di odori dell'orto della zia Lucia, è rimasto annichilito in mezzo alla strada. La mamma di Tonino (Traversini), un suo compagno di scuola, l'afferra per la mano e lo tira dentro un portone per farlo riparare(100). Massimo (Valdambrini), sei anni, era solo vicino a casa; la mamma era a fare spesa ed il babbo al lavoro. Lo prende la moglie di Annibale (Trentini); insieme corrono verso Pinzaglia e Navarri, lungo la "cupa"(101). A1 contrario, davanti alla caserma dei carabinieri, è un ragazzo ad aiutare la mamma, che si è bloccata, terrorizzata: le gambe le si piegano e non si regge in piedi per la paura(102). Un bambino della Badia, appena scappato da scuola, è rimasto solo; si è rifugiato in un androne vicino all'asilo. Spaurato, piange - a bocca larga - come una vite tagliata. Due donne, che sono scese per le scale appena dopo aver sentito il boato che sembrava venire dalla stazione, lo rincuorano(103). La Rita (Tosti) insieme a due amiche - Maria (Tosti) e Paola (Corbucci) - stavano attraversando il ponte sul Tevere per tornare a casa al Corvatto, dopo aver lasciato le scuole elementari. Si erano messe ad ammirare gli aerei che giravano alti sopra le loro teste. Quando la bomba è caduta sul pietriccio, fra la fine del ponte ed il Molinaccio, scagliando sassi tutt'intorno in mezzo ad un rumore tremendo, la Rita si è messa a correre verso casa tenendo per mano le sue compagne. Ferruccio (Bartolini) e Serafino (Pucci), che si trovano vicini a loro, urlano di buttarsi a terra. Ma la Rita vuole tornare a casa per non far preoccupare la mamma malata; continua a correre con le sue compagne, senza ascoltare lo stradino del Comune che grida di buttarsi nel fosso(104). Alla quarta elementare, nella scuola delle monache, il dettato era stato interrotto all'improvviso dagli apparecchi sempre più bassi e dal fischio della bomba. Tutte le scolare erano corse alle finestre verso Via Spoletini per guardare. "Via, via! Lontano dalle finestre" ha gridato suor Letizia, ammaestrata dai bombardamenti cui aveva assistito a Roma(105). Le ragazze della quinta, sedute in fondo all'aula grande vicino al terrazzo, dove sono state radunate insieme ad altre classi per la momentanea assenza di alcune maestre, si sono alzate di colpo e gridano, con le mani alla testa: "La mi' mammina!"(106). Le fanno fuggire tutte verso il patóllo, facendole riparare sotto la capanna dei Carbonari. Una bambina si acquatta sotto la bura di un carro, con le mani sulle orecchie per attutire i botti ed i fischi. In un cantone prega inginocchiata Suor Filomena, la cuoca"(107). Poco lontano, Maria (Bico Corradi), con l'Elda febbricitante in braccio, è riparata sotto una grossa nicchia con la signora Renzini: tutte pregano e dicono le litanie(108). Dalle elementari di Via Garibaldi, le ultime classi ancora rimaste dentro l'edificio si riversano fuori della scuola dall'uscita verso l'asilo, opposta al lato dove è caduta la bomba. Anche i bambini che si trovavano a scuola al piano terra della palazzina con la torretta in Via Fratta, scappano verso Civitella(109). Lo scoppio della bomba ha frantumato il vetro della finestrina a mezzaluna sopra il portone in fondo alle scale dell'Avviamento, che è caduto davanti alla marea di scolari che stava fuggendo. Tutti insieme hanno fanno dietro-front: chi era primo della fila si è ritrovato ad essere l'ultimo. A furia di spintoni e gomitate risalgono le scale ed escono a valanga dalla porta posteriore della scuola, diretti verso il Tevere. Qualcuno grida di stare nascosti, perché potrebbero mitragliare. La professoressa Simoncini si raccomanda di aspettarla ed a modo suo cerca di correre, sgambettando, ma inutilmente(110). Celestino (Caldari) non è più un bambino: ha 49 anni. Gli dicono di fuggire, vedendolo immobile. Lui risponde, serafico: "A mo so' vecchio... chi me tocca!"(111). Ostinata inconsapevolezza Tanti di quelli che hanno solo sentito lo schianto senza aver visto nulla, non si rendono ancora conto di cosa stia succedendo. Continuano a rifiutare la realtà. Qualcuno pensa a quello spericolato di Bice Pucci, che ha voluto salutare la zia Mariannina rasentando più del solito i tetti con il suo aereo(114). "Che matti!!! Ne sarà caduto uno sul pietriccio!", pensa Alfredo (Ciarabelli), il renitente alla leva nascosto da un paio di mesi nella casa dei Grilli, fra Via Cibo e Via Mariotti(113). Tanti altri immaginano la stessa cosa(114). "È caduto 'n apparecchio tul Tevere", si spiegano dentro il negozio di alimentari della Rosina de Pistulino (Tosti), nella strada che porta alla torre. Ma la Rosina intuisce la verità e fa riparare tutti dietro un buzzo di conserva, tra i vetri sbriciolati a terra(115). L'Argentina (Ramaccioni) continua tranquillamente a cucire, nella sua casa vicina alla pompina, credendo che ne abbiano combinata un'altra delle loro i tedeschi accampati all'inizio della strada dei cipressi(116). "Ma ch'è ... tona? Eppure era sereno!", commenta rivolta al nipote la nonna, appena tornata dal forno, mentre va ad aprire gli scuri per vedere cosa stia succedendo(117). “... vecchia rode tozzi! ["la Vecchia" rode i tozzi di pane secco]" ripete un bambino di quasi due anni: ha collegato il rumore delle bombe a quello dei tuoni, che crede siano causati da una vecchia che sgranocchia pane indurito(118). "Forse bombardano a Castello!", cerca di raccapezzarsi una ragazzina nei pressi della stazione, guardandosi intorno spaesata senza aver neppure fatto caso agli aerei. Non le passa nemmeno per la testa che il nostro paesino inerme giustifichi un'operazione militare(119). Consapevolezza In fondo al Corso - dove hanno sentito gli aerei, visto le bombe, sentito il boato, l'onda d'urto, i vetri rotti, i sassi - tutti hanno capito. Le domande sbigottite, che rimbalzano ovunque, fanno precipitare tutti nella tragica verità: "Bombàrdono, scappàmo!" grida terrorizzato Bruno (Villarini) dalla finestra(120), con il coro di tutte le scolare dietro; la Rina de Schiantino, che corre per strada insieme a tutti i colleghi della sartoria di Maccario, gli fa eco: "Scappàmo! Bombàrdono!„(121). "Bombàrdono!" urla Peppone de Pùmmene (Giuseppe Agea) sopra il ponte della Regghia della Via Tiberina (122), mentre scappa verso la Collegiata(123). Davanti al macello la gente che fugge verso la collina del Roccolo grida, come in un coro stonato: "Via, via ... che bombàrdono!!"(124). "Bombàrdono!" "Bombàrdono!" "Bombàrdono!", urlano dappertutto, come un'eco ossessionante, mentre fuggono, impazziti. Chi dentro il portone più vicino. Chi verso spazi aperti, lontano dalle case: verso il Roccolo, la Regghia, Civitella, Taschino, la Carninella. Bombardano!!! Bombardano. Davvero! Anche nel nostro paese inerme. Anche qui è arrivato il fuoco violento di un mondo impazzito. Anche qui si può morire, senza ragione, come in ogni parte del mondo quando l'uomo perde la ragione. "Ne arriva un altro! Scappiamo!". Seconda scarica Terza stazione La prima caduta di Gesù sotto la croce Il tenente Pienaar punta il suo falco pellegrino sul ponte del fiume e sgancia la seconda coppia di bombe. La casa di Bruno Gli ordigni sono(125) per Bruno (Villarini), il sarto, e per le sue scolare, che si stanno scapicollando giù per le scale. La Gigina (Mischianti), sulla cinquantina, l'unica attempata del gruppo, lascia passare gli altri che possono correre più veloci: "Fuggite voialtri che sete più giovini e aéte più da campà'!"(126). Sua figlia la scavalca insieme alle amiche, tenendo in braccio la nipote del fidanzato: un batuffolo di capelli ricci che stava per portare all'asilo(127). Tenera anticipazione dell'essere mamma(128). Sono arrivati all'ultima rampa di scale, quando l'apocalisse sopra di loro cresce fino al parossismo: una bomba centra la casa(129), che precipita seppellendo tutti nel buio della morte. Per loro tutto è finito! Cessano di vivere la Giulia, la Cecilia, la Ida, la Rina, la Viulìna(130), la piccolissima Anna Paola; e Bruno(131). Non c'è più "filo" per allungare la trama delle loro vite(132). Solo la mamma Gigina, sbalzata verso Via Cibo dalla finestra delle scale(133), trova miracolosamente scampo sotto un trave, in cima alla collina di macerie. Dentro la stessa bara di sassi muoiono Angelo, il calzolaio, e la moglie Luisa, che abitavano al piano inferiore(135). Lui era il "medico delle scarpe", che andava a piedi a lavorare con la valigetta, non avendo né una bottega né un piccolo laboratorio in casa. Il suo organetto ha rantolato l'ultima nota, schiacciato in mezzo alle pietre; i nipoti non saranno più rallegrati dalle sue melodie(136). La Felicina è schiacciata da una trave proprio sullo scalino del negozio di alimentari, preso in affitto dalla Pastàra all'angolo fra Via Spunta ed il Corso(137). I1 crollo coinvolge anche le due abitazioni adiacenti. Demolisce un'ala della casa verso il ponte, dove la Vera (Vibi) assiste terrorizzata a quest'inferno abbracciata alla mamma, a letto inferma; la polvere impedisce di vedere cosa accada; diventa difficile respirare(138). Nel portone a piano terra sono rimasti intrappolati Nello del Flemma e l'Armida de Caldaro, che ha finito il tempo per partorire(139). Dalla bottega del calzolaio del ponte, lì di fronte, nessuno può scappare. Il banchetto da lavoro è saltato e tutti sono restati senza parole, come imbambolati; un polverone ha invaso tutto e non si vede più niente. "Semo armasti chiusi dentro!", sussurra Aldo (Frambois) posando una mano sulla spalla di Peppino (Lisetti), apprendista come lui, che ha cercato nel buio, tastoni(140). Nell'edificio verso piazza, i genitori del maestro Bernacchi sono sprofondati nel baratro che si è aperto sotto di loro, mentre lui, Benedetto, stava porgendo una tazza di caffè alla moglie Marianna, malata, chinandosi verso il letto su cui era coricata(141). Silvano, il nipotino, è salvo solo perché l'angolo estremo del pavimento su cui si trovava ha resistito; è rimasto in piedi sopra due mattoni, miracolosamente restati al loro posto, di fronte al vuoto, tra fumo, polvere, calcinacci. Ma non può respirare; allora tenta di spostarsi; mette un piede in avanti; sprofonda come in una voragine; si aggrappa e scivola... si aggrappa e scivola... sempre più giù(142). Per fortuna la seconda bomba della coppiòla non è esplosa(143). La Polda, colpita alla testa da uno sciacquone caduto dal piano superiore, spira(144) dietro il portone d'ingresso della stessa casa, dove si era recata per aiutare la suocera Peppa. Pochi attimi prima, nello stesso punto si trovava il figlio Gigino, che era dal barbiere (Taticchi) quando è caduta 1a prima bomba. D'istinto si era dato a correre verso il Corso anziché verso Piazza San Francesco, che era la via naturale di fuga; si era rifugiato dietro quel portone dove abitavano i nonni, in via Cibo, per ripararsi dai sassi; dopo qualche attimo, non sentendosi sicuro, era corso verso piazza"(145). Anche l'altro figlio, Peppino, vent'anni, era dentro la barbieria con i1 fratello; come lui, è fuggito per il Corso, verso piazza. Vuole allontanarsi dalle case: si precipita dentro il bar Pazzi, corre verso il retro, salta negli orti, si lascia cadere sulla sponda del Tevere; e poi di corsa verso il Faldo, inseguito dai botti delle bombe(146). Nella barbieria di Gilì (Virgilio Occhirossi) tutti erano corsi verso Via Spunta, sul retro, che dava l'impressione di essere il punto più protetto; ma quando Toto (Antonio Silvestrelli) era giunto sulla porta, la seconda coppia di bombe è esplosa proprio in fondo al vicolo; lo spostamento d'aria gli ha sbattuto violentemente la porta sul petto; per un attimo si è sentito mancare'(147). La moglie di Schiupitino si è riparata nel retrobottega del negozio di alimentari al Corso, sotto un arco, con la figlia Emma. Con loro c'è Mario (Mariano Vestrelli), il falegname, che si è raccomandato: "Dite con me `l paternostro ... 'ché morimo tutti!"(148). Lo spostamento d'aria ha scardinato il braccio di chiusura della porta, rompendogli le coste ed interrompendo la sua preghiera(149). La maggior parte dei sarti di Maccario ha seguito Fausto (Ciocchetti) perché lui sa meglio come comportarsi sotto le bombe, dopo tre anni di guerra: è da poco tornato dalla Croazia, in licenza prolungata perché ha da poco perso il fratello maggiore(150). Ma lui, prima di essere soldato, è fratello di Peppino, che lavora nel salone di Galeno: anziché correre in direzione della Caminella, verso i campi liberi, si dirige verso la barbieria(151). II percorso è ancora del tutto sgombro(152). Come la mandria dietro al capobranco, i suoi compagni lo seguono in Via Mariotti, sotto l'arco di Fiordo: la Rina de Schiantino (Santini), Mario (Lozzi), Peppino (Rapo), di soli quattordici anni. In particolare non si stacca da lui la Nunziatina (Bendini), che di Fausto è innamorata(153). La fuga ed il destino si stanno sgranando lungo gli anelli di una catena d' affetti. L'Elda (Bartocci) si è divisa dai compagni. Ha imboccato il vicolo di San Giovanni, per rifugiarsi nell'ingresso dell'albergo Capponi: nel fitto fumo nero, intravede due soldati che hanno indossato la maschera antigas. La donna di servizio dell'albergo accende una candela che rischiara un po' 1'ambiente(156). Nella bottega di Quadrio tutto è diventato scuro. Amleto accende un fiammifero cercando di aprire la porta del retrobottega. "Ho la mia famiglia di sopra!!" pensa a voce alta. Ma la porta non si apre, perché dal lucernaio posteriore è venuto giù qualcosa(157). Davanti alla porta del suo forno s'intravede, tra il fumo, la sagoma di Luciano, il nipote di Quadrio. Non ha seguito gli amici nella corsa verso 1a salvezza: non l'hanno potuto tenere. "Vado a casa ad avvertire la mi' mamma!", ha insistito(158). Ora, per sollecitare la fuga dei familiari, li chiama urlando dalla strada, in mezzo al caos della gente che scappa alle sue spalle. Mentre la Lea (Rapo) fuggiva, il boato della seconda bomba, ancora più tremendo della prima, ha fatto volare lontano il cappello del nonno, che si preoccupa di riprenderlo; incrocia la mamma e la sorella Mariolina che stanno correndo verso casa. Tutti insieme rientrano e si rifugiano sotto il letto matrimoniale(159). L'Ornella e la Wilma, abbandonato sul tavolo il vocabolario di latino, sono corse verso la finestra sulla piazza ed hanno visto una colonna di fumo salire dal Tevere(160). Peppino (Baiocco), l'apprendista di Bruno, si è acquattato nell'orto sopra il Tevere, sul retro della trattoria di Ntonio de Ragno; da lì ha visto volare mattoni e pietre della sartoria dove intendeva salire un minuto fa, per riunirsi alla sorella Giulia. Ma era tornato indietro; al rumore degli aerei aveva ripreso il portone per salire; poi era rivoltato di nuovo, proprio nel momento in cui una lasca impressionante aveva fatto sobbalzare tutto. Era fuggito verso piazza dove si stava già diffondendo un gran polverone(161). È il finimondo(162). E una macchia rossa, in alto, / coprì il sole / il cielo gli alberi il fiume / i giochi i volti i sorrisi i baci / i miei occhi / la mia mente(163). Consapevolezza tardiva Alfredo (Ciarabelli) si era diretto in cucina per vedere dalla finestra verso il Corso se era davvero caduto un aereo; quando ha sentito il secondo boato, ancora più grosso, ha capito e non si muove più: è come stordito. Non ricorderà niente di quello che sta per succedere(164). Finalmente tutti hanno capito. Ma ormai nessuno ha più scelte. Chi si trova all'aperto, continua a fuggire a perdifiato, spinto dal terrore. Chi non è già riuscito a guadagnare l'aria oppure, al contrario, ha avuto l'istinto di ripararsi dentro un portone, resta paralizzato dove si trova, aspettando immobile che quest'inferno finisca al più presto(165). Invece è solo l'inizio. La corsa di Brizio (Boldrini) è arrivata sotto la torre(166). Sergio (Celestini), davanti alla Collegiata, ha sentito il babbo chiamarlo dal lato di Via Roma; è corso verso di lui, ma ha proseguito la fuga imboccando il ponte della Regghia verso la piattaforma. Il fronte d'urto della seconda bomba lo ha sbalzato in aria per un salto senza fine; ha l'impressione che gli sia scoppiata dietro le spalle, davanti alla Collegiata(167). Da Peppolètta, si radunano tutti nella cantina scavata sotto il livello della strada, dove il babbo aveva messo anche un'accetta, nel caso fosse stato necessario aprire un varco verso la Regghia'(168). I piloti si sono resi conto di aver mancato l'obiettivo per pochi metri(169). Forse non si rendono conto di aver colpito a morte il Borgo di San Giovanni, che è caduto per la prima volta nella sua storia millenaria: in sacrificio per l'umanità, come Cristo. Terza scarica Il tenente Lombard ripete l'esatta traiettoria del collega che l'ha preceduto. La casa dell'Elena La terza coppia di bombe precipita sibilando; esplode(170) a pochi metri dalla seconda, sulla casa dell'Elena (Boldrini), dove non c'è più nessuno. Saltano in aria le ricevute delle cambiali e le bombe a mano celate nella scatola di scarpe presa in consegna qualche settimana prima, nella convinzione che contenesse solo libri. Gliel'aveva data Tonino (Taticchi), comunista, quando era stato avvertito di un'imminente ispezione da Milio (Ramaccioni), anticomunista ma amico(171). Quarta stazione Gesù incontra sua madre Madre e figlia - la Delma e la Franca - incontrano l a morte, travolte dai detriti, nel fondo dei Fiorucci dove si erano rifugiate(172), mentre fuggivano dalla loro casa di fronte, all'inizio del vicolo di San Giovanni(173). La Delma non ha saputo trarre frutto dagli insegnamenti della mamma Abigaille, capace di interpretare i sogni e prevedere il futuro ai clienti del botteghino del lotto, che gestiva con la sorella Desdemona al Corso(174). Sotto il vicino arco di Fiordo cadono tramortiti a terra Ciocchetta e la Nunziatina(175), i giovani sarti innamorati(176); i loro compagni di fuga - Peppino, Mario e la Rina - senza rendersi conto di cosa possa essere accaduto, storditi ma illesi, li trascinano dentro la porta di un fondo appena spalancata dallo spostamento d'aria(177). La mamma e la sorella di Orlando (Bucaioni), il pescatore di ranocchie, sono fuggite verso il ponte; quando sono state in fondo al vicolo di San Giovanni, la mamma si è rifugiata nel portone di Ciarabelli e la sorella in quello precedente, l'ingresso dell'albergo Capponi. La mamma si è sporta un attimo per controllare se la figlia fosse al sicuro, rimanendo ferita in modo non grave per il crollo della casa dell'Elena(180). Sotto i detriti è rimasta leggermente intrappolata la Tuta (Lozzi), insieme al carretto con la biancheria che stava riportando dal fiume(181). Toto (Antonio Silvestrelli), dopo essersi ripreso dallo stordimento per la seconda bomba, era uscito dal retro della barbieria di Gilì (Virgilio Occhirossi); con gli altri ha cercato di fuggire in Via Spunta verso il ponte, proprio in direzione del nuovo scoppio. Rientrati precipitosamente nella barbieria, sentono un lamento provenire dall'esterno: fra la polvere trovano una fiolina (Giuseppina Mariotti) che piange, accucciata in un cantuccio dove la nonna l'ha fatta riparare (182). Brizio sta girando per la Fontesanta, dietro la casa di Broccatelli(183). I piloti scrivono sul diario di aver colpito i binari appena ad est del ponte: è segno che già non vedono più l'area intorno all'obiettivo(184). Difatti, dalla collina del cimitero è scomparso alla vista il campanone sopra le poste, avvolto dal fumo(185). Quarta scarica Tocca al tenente Mitchell ripetere la traiettoria che ha portato a sfiorare per due volte il ponte; si butta in picchiata, colpendo a pochi metri da dove sono esplose le bombe precedenti, vicino alla testata est. La casa di Moscione Mitchell centra la casa mediana della schiera verso ponente del vicolo di San Giovanni: quella di Peppe de Mosciòne (Bernacchi), operaio alla fornace. Gli ordigni sterminano tutta la sua famiglia: cinque f iglioli - Anna Maria, Raffaele, Benedetto, Valentino, Angela(186) - insieme alla loro mamma, la Sunta(187). "Un gelo s'apprese al loro volo ... e lasciarono cadere le a1i"(188). Erano tutti secchi come filigèlli, forse per costituzione; forse per la miseria. Eppure, nonostante l'apparenza, la donna allattava sia l'Anna Maria, sua figlia, che un altro bimbo, Brunello (Giancarlo Bruni), come balia. Per questo, ogni giorno venivano a prenderla a casa e la portavano di là dal Tevere, per attaccare il figlio di latte al suo seno; cercavano di nutrirla con abbondanza affinché il latte bastasse per entrambi i bambini(189). Le bombe hanno demolito anche le due case adiacenti. In quella verso la piazza, muore un'altra Sunta, la moglie di Selleri, il calzolaio(190). Dopo aver riempito le brocche alla pompa degli archi di piazza, era salita dalla Bruna (Brunori), una vicina di casa. «Quando hanno sentito gli scoppi, si sono buttate entrambe per terra, ma il pavimento è sprofondato sotto di loro(191). Sono precipitate dal terzo piano. La Bruna ha avuto la fortuna che alcune travi, dopo aver attutito la caduta, hanno formato una specie di tetto che l'ha riparata dai calcinacci. Così si è ritrovata nella stalla, vicino alla sua giovane amica ed alla cavalla(192) di Vitorio (Vittorio Giulioni): entrambe morte»(193). Nella casa vicina, ancor più verso piazza, Luciano (Bebi) è entrato nel portone, vedendo che i suoi tardano a scendere. È salito al primo piano e dalla porta grida: "Mamma! Mamma! Fuggi! Teta! Scappàte!"(194). Ma Quadrio è a letto: non se la sentono di lasciarlo solo e l'aiutano ad alzarsi. Intanto suo genero Amleto, il radiotelegrafista, con la freddezza del militare di carriera abituato al pericolo, cerca di portare in salvo verso la torre la suocera, che stava servendo in bottega(195) la Rina de Sciuscìno (Bartoccini)(195). Dalla porta del forno, perché quella della bottega - verso il ponte - è bloccata, scappa la Maria (Migliorati), insieme alla Rina. Mentre corre fra detriti e sassi si accorge che è rimasta senza una scarpa. La Maria vorrebbe dirigersi verso casa, che è vicino alle monache, ma in piazza della Collegiata il bancario Martinelli le dice di andare verso il mercato, non verso la ferrovia, perché è pericoloso(197). Nella casa adiacente a quella di Mosciòne, verso il ponte, muoiono Pasqualino e Angelino, i due figli(198) della Sunta, che la moglie del calzolaio aveva lasciato a letto. Soli, in mezzo al cataclisma, aggrediti dall'orco. La casa di Ulisse Nella casa di fronte, quella di Ulisse, a metà della schiera verso sud del vicolo di San Giovanni, si riversano le macerie delle case dirimpettaie. All'ultimo piano, la mamma Adele ha fatto riparare sotto l'architrave di cucina Gino de Bargiacca (Igino Corbucci), costretto dalla nascita su una sedia. Nel trambusto, il ragazzino si ritrova a terra sotto il tavolo(199). I suoi muscoli atrofizzati si caricano di un'altra croce. Quinta stazione Simone di Cirene aiuta Gesù a portare la croce L' androne a piano terra è pieno di gente, scesa dai piani superiori o entrata da fuori. Vi si è appena rifugiata l'Elda (Bartocci), la sartina di Maccario, che, separatasi dagli altri colleghi, non si sentiva sicura dentro l'albergo Capponi. Proprio sulla soglia ha incontrato la moglie di Paolino, il ferroviere, con la figlia Argentina di quattro anni in braccio ed il trippone con il nascituro; la bambina non riusciva a respirare per la polvere del crollo precedente; allora la mamma Marcella ha deciso di uscire(200) proprio nel momento in cui le case di fronte sono crollate su di loro(201). Anche dentro l'androne di Ulisse (Violini) è arrivata la morte: l'ingegnere romano che stava passeggiando nel vicolo(202), riparatosi lì dentro, è stato scaraventato dallo spostamento d'aria in fondo al piccolo corridoio di fronte al portone(203). La Sandra (Violini), che cuciva nel suo appartamento, era scesa in fondo alle scale - il babbo Ulisse aveva istruito così le figlie - dove ci sono muri e volte robustissimi. Ha visto l'Augusta, un'anziana vicina di casa che si era riparata dentro il portone di fronte, quello dei Brunori, dall'altra parte del vicolo. "Augusta, venite di qua... ch'è più robusto!", le ha detto. "No cocca! A mo' sto di qui!", ha risposto lei(204), un attimo prima di essere seppellita(205). Accanto all'Augusta, un gruppo di persone è sommerso dal crollo dei piani superiori: la Mimma(206), che abita lì dal '34, quando lei ed il marito Astorre (Coletti) erano venuti a casaiòlo lasciando il podere di Palazzone(207); la Cesira (Ceccagnoli), rifugiatasi dentro l'androne insieme all'Adriana (Fileni), che stava accompagnando all'asilo; Bronzone (Antonio Feligioni), sfollato da Milano. 1) Gianna Feligioni 2) Franco Pucci 3) Rolando Fiorucci 4) Giuseppe Feligioni 5) Francesco Martinelli 6) Orlando Bucaioni 7) Luigi Carlini 8) Tita romitelli 9)Domenico Fornaci 10) Francesco Martinelli 11) Mario Tacconi 12) Giuseppe Feligioni, Willelmo Ramaccioni 13) Ramiro Nanni, Come io, Ramiro, vissi il bombardamento… , manoscritto del 1979 14) Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli ed immagine del cruscotto del P40 fornita da Andrea Gragnoli 15) Fabrizio Boldrini 16) Bruno Burberi 17) Antonio Silvestrelli 18) Franco Villarini 19) Nello Minelli 20) Marino Giulietti 21) Pia Gagliardini 22) Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli ed immagine del cruscotto del P40 fornita da Andrea Gragnoli 23) Muzio Venti 24) Egidio Grassini 25) Fabrizio Boldrini 26) Ramiro Nanni, Come io, Ramiro, vissi il bombardamento… , manoscritto del 1979 27) Olimpio Ciarapica, da una poesia del 1952 28) Silvana Bartoccioli 29) Fabrizio Boldrini 30) Maria luisa Rapo 31) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 32) Fabrizio Boldrini 33) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 34) Irma Mariotti, intervista raccolta da Leonardo Tosti il 25 aprile 1994 35) Olimpio Ciarapica, da una poesia del 1952 36) Maria Letizia Giontella, “Poesia a tre voci e tre cori” , Comune di Umbertide, Concorso Nazionale XXV aprile, Centro Culturale San Francesco, 1983 37) Dante Mariucci, testimonianza raccolta dalla nipote Francesca – V elementare - 1985; Franco Mischianti, Renato Silvestrelli, Franco Villarini 38) PRO, London, Operation Record Book, Detail of work carried out by 5 S.A.A.F., 239º stormo aereo “Wing Desert Air Force”, 5º squadrone aereo 39) Orlando Bucaioni 40) Elena Boriosi 41) Olimpio Ciarapica, da una poesia del 1952 42) Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli ed immagine dell’aereo fornita da Andrea Gragnoli 43) Antonio Silvestrelli 44) Orlando Bucaioni 45) Dina Batazzi 46) Ornella Duranti 47) Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli ed immagine dell’aereo fornita da Andrea Gragnoli 48) Lidia Tonanni 49) Bruno Tonanni 50) Fabrizio Boldrini 51) Romano Baldi 52) Domenico Baldoni 53) Italo Lotti, Domenico Manuali, Giovanni Migliorati 54) Cesira Baldelli 55) Irma Mariotti, intervista raccolta da Leonardo Tosti il 25 aprile 1994 56) Lorenzo Andreani 57) Fabrizio Boldrini 58) Franco Anastasi 59) Gianna Burzigotti 60) Bruno Burberi 61) Maria Luisa Rapo 62) Renato Silvestrelli 63) Giovanna Mancini 64) Giorgio Toraci 65) Dante Mariucci, testimonianza raccolta dalla nipote Francesca – V elementare – 1985 66) Italo Ciocchetti 67) Franco Mischianti 68) Umberto Dominici 69) Maddalena Maria Marzani 70) Guerriero Boldrini 71) Orlando Bucaioni 72) Elda Bartocci 73) Ada locchi 74) Adriana e Domenica Cecchetti; testimonianza indiretta del fratello Giuseppe 75) Luigi Gambucci 76) Dina Conti, Luigi Gambucci 77) Giuseppa Ceccarelli 78) Piera Bruni 79) Lidia Corradi 80) Lea Rapo 81) Dora Silvestrelli 82) Renato Silvestrelli 83) Assunta Baruffi 84) Rolando Paneni 85) Ada Locchi 86) Don Luigi Cozzari, lettera per il 1º anniversario, 1945 87) Renato Caseti 88) Elvira Rossi 89) Giancarlo Guasticchi 90) Maria Migliorati 91) Ramiro Nanni, Come io, Ramiro, vissi il bombardamento …, manoscritto del 1979 92) Giovanni Bico 93) Giuseppe Mattioni 94) Francesco Martinelli 95) Domenico Fornaci 96) Giovanna Pazzi 97) Stefano Marsigliotti 98) Marisa Pazzi 99) Emilio Panzarola 100) Lorenzo Andreani 101) Massimo Valdambrini 102) Franco Caldari 103) Ines Guasticchi 104) Rita Tosti (la mamma è morta qualche mese dopo) 105) Giovanna Bottaccioli 106) Lidia Corradi 107) Giovanna Bottaccioli 108) Lidia Corradi 109) Giovanni Duranti 110) Margherita Tosti, manoscritto del 1985 111) Annunziata Caldari 112) Luigi Gambucci 113) Alfredo Ciarabelli 114) Aldo Fiorucci 115) Ines Biti 116) Luciano Ramaccioni 117) Emilio Gargagli 118) Mario Tosti 119) Marcella Casi 120) Egino Villarini 121) Rina Santini 122) Lea Rapo 123) Giuseppe Agea, testimonianza indiretta della figlia Elisabetta 124) Emilio Gargagli 125) Flora Grandi, lettera dell’11 settembre 2003; Franco Mischianti 126) Ines Guasticchi, Franco Mischianti, Egino Villarini 127) Guerriero Massetti 128) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 129) Orlando Bucaioni, Franco Mischianti 130) Flora Grandi, lettera dell’11 settembre 2003; Nella Palchetti Palazzetti 131) Vittime: Giulia Baiocco, Cecilia Boldrini, Giuseppina Grandi, Anna Paola Massetti, Ida Mischianti, Rina Romitelli, Bruno Villarini 132) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 133) Franco Mischianti 134) In alto: Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli In basso: pianta d’Umbertide, con il bersaglio, la fiammata dello scoppio nel punto di caduta della seconda coppia di bombe ed il fumo della prima 135) Vittime: Angelo Mischianti, Luisa Rondini 136) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 137) Vittima: Felicia Montanucci 138) Vera Vibi 139) Anna Caldari 140) Giuseppe Lisetti 141) Vittime: Benedetto Bernacchi, Marianna Manuali 142) Silvano Bernacchi 143) Renato Silvestrelli, Silvana Bernacchi 144) Vittima: Leopolda Sabbiniani 145) Luigi Romitelli 146) Giuseppe Romitelli 147) Antonio Silvestrelli 148) Emma Gagliardini 149) Guerriero Gagliardini 150) Carolina Frati 151) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 152) Giuseppe Rapo 153) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 154-155) Foto gentilmente messa a disposizione da Gianfranco Ciocchetti 156) Elda Bartocci 157) Maria Migliorati 158) Fernanda Martinelli 159) Lea Rapo 160) Ornella Duranti 161) Giuseppe Baiocco 162) Sergio Ceccacci 163) Maria Letizia Giontella, “Poesia a tre voci e tre cori” , Comune di Umbertide, Concorso Nazionale XXV aprile, Centro Culturale San Francesco, 1983 164) Alfredo Ciarabelli 165) Egidio Grassini 166) Fabrizio Boldrini 167) Sergio Celestini 168)Sergio Ceccacci 169) PRO, London, Operation Record Book, Detail of work carried out by 5 S.A.A.F., 239º stormo aereo “Wing Desert Air Force”, 5º squadrone aereo 170) Silvano Bernacchi 171) Fabrizio Boldrini 172) Vittime: Delma Tognaccini, Franca Fagioli 173) Adriana Ciarabelli, Annunziata Fiorucci 174) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 175) Amelia Lozzi 176) Vittime: Annunziata Bendini, Fausto Ciocchetti 177) Giuseppe Rapo 178) Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli. In basso: pianta d’Umbertide, con il bersaglio, la fiammata della terza coppia di bombe ed il fumo di quelle precedenti 179) In alto: Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli. In basso: pianta d’Umbertide, con il bersaglio, la fiammata della quarta coppia di bombe ed il fumo di quelle precedenti 180) Orlando Bucaioni 181) Amelia Lozzi 182) Antonio Silvestrelli 183) Fabrizio Boldrini 184) PRO, London, Operation Record Book, Detail of work carried out by 5 S.A.A.F., 239º stormo aereo “Wing Desert Air Force”, 5º squadrone aereo 185) Domenico Mariotti 186) Vittime: Anna Maria, Raffaele, Benedetto, Valentino Bernacchi, Angelo Palazzetti 187) Vittima: Asssunta Palazzetti 188) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 189) Giancarlo Bruni 190) Vittima: Assunta Caprini 191) Wanda Guardabassi 192) Vittorio Giulioni, testimonianza indiretta di Fernando Marchetti 193) Bruna Brunori, testimonianza raccolta dal nipote Matteo – V elementare – 1985 194) Fernando Martinelli 195) Francesco Martinelli 196) Virginia Tosti 197) Maria Migliorati 198) Vittime: Angelo Selleri, Pasquale Selleri 199) Elisabetta Bellarosa 200) Elda Bartocci 201) Vittime: Marcella Mazzanti, Argentina Merli 202) Vittima: Alfonso Ferrari 203) Margherita Violini 204) Vittima: Augusta Orlandi 205) Margherita Violini 206) Vittima: Giulia Pierotti 207) Rina Alunno Violini THE THIRD WAVE (1) The last four "picchiatelli" must lighten the load, now only ballast that prevents the return to base. Lieutenant Jandrell has decided to keep the Regghia bridge as a target, between the Collegiata and the square, which can still be glimpsed from above. Less and less convinced, the pilots start to unhook their bulky appendages, almost reluctantly. It's 9:53. Ninth discharge The bombs that Lieutenant McLachlan drops - they seem the violins playing "Rapastello" (2) - crash into Via Guidalotti (3). A bomb demolishes the house of Tommasi, the veterinarian (4). Inside is his mother - Sora Rosa, elderly and heavy - who had refused to follow her great-grandchildren with their mother Rachel, fled as soon as they heard the first bombs (5). Sora Checca, her daughter-in-law, remained with her. Afraid of it devices closer and closer, they were facing the window in Via Guidalotti to ask for help. On the road Hamlet was running; he, shocked, had whispered that his family members were already all dead; he had headed the appointment towards the end, under the father-in-law's house Quadrio (6). Finally Sister Rosa was convinced to escape. For the already damaged staircase (7), Sora Checca tried to get off, pulling her mother-in-law by the hand. For the shock wave, the first was ruined by hitting the face on the wall; the second (8) is dead (9). The other bomb stuck, unexploded (12), in front to the adjacent shoe shop, from where Paris (Giovanni Miccioni) he had already fled at the first outbreak, to look for his daughter Peppina at school (13), followed by Peppolétta (Ceccacci) (14). The other two shoemakers had stood still, petrified. The explosion in the house next door sparked inside the shop its tremendous strength. Selleri, seated in front of the work desk, was thrown from the chair e stripped of clothing (15). Tenth station Jesus is stripped The shoemaker is all crevelàto (16). It loses blood from the ears, eyes and body, due to the displacement of air and the rubble (17). His colleague Pierucci, the Carbonaro (18), remained dazed, but unable to move. From inside the Palazzoli barbershop, Menchino (Pucci) he despairs: "Oh God ... I committed it!" (19). It just has saw the bomb hit his representative office building sentance of agricultural machinery, from where he had left when the planes had arrived, to go and taste the usual breakfast: a fried egg (20). Tenth discharge Lieutenant Powell is already in a dive when he notices that the cloud of the last outbreak adjacent to the bridge on the Regghia it has almost completely hidden the objective. Recall the plane ahead of time, resulting in lengthen the trajectory of the bombs. The pair of bombs falls on the rubble of the houses of the hamlet of San Giovanni already demolished: he digs two craters on the mass of debris from the Bucaioni house (21) and resets the amount he was still standing. It is the coup de grace for Selleri's little sons, the shoemaker: they are pulverized. Without realizing what is happening, Peppino (Rapo), the little tailor apprentice who had stayed close to his two wounded comrades, it is covered with rubble up in the chest (23). A few tens of meters, under the bed marriage, her sister Lea cries out: "Mom! Amàzzime you ... don't make me 'mad' from them! "(24). The Borgo di San Giovanni, which has become a hellish volcano, gasps in the last spasms of agony. The bombs, burst at the base of the pre-existing cloud, they do to erupt into the sky a black, gigantic mushroom, above the crater. Towards the Calvary the lens of Doctor Balducci's camera opens, which has reached the fields beyond the Milordìno's house. The image of the dying country is fixed on his film. Eleventh Station Jesus is crucified The third stop Even the bridge in the square cannot be seen anymore from the sky. Lieutenant Jandrell no longer knows what to fish for. Upon returning to the airport from the field of Cutella, he will have to show some scalps in the game bag! He can't go back empty-handed. On the ground, the prolonged silence due to the uncertainty of the squadron once again stimulates to flee. Whoever is in the area of the Collegiata has the feeling that the danger has gone away: the last bomb has gone off inside the historic center, further back than that previous, that from Via Guidalotti had thrown stones all around them. The instinct is to get out of cover. Pierucci, the shoemaker, recovering from his daze, separates from Selleri, who cannot get up from his banquet. He leaves the shop and he goes, swaying like a drunk, towards the tower and the market. From the barbershop in Palazzoli, where he had placed himself under cover, peeps out Franco (Mischianti). He does not hear planes arriving; runs towards the market, passing in front of the still intact octagonal church (26). Elisa (Pucci) follows him, with the hairdresser's white cloth still on her shoulders (27). Many notice her for that unusual outfit, drawing encouragement to imitate her. Palmiro (Santarelli), one of the pupils who remained behind the sacristy of the Collegiate, is convinced: he runs away with her, towards the market (28). Other comrades follow him, taking different directions. Ines (Biti), the clerk of the Fornaci fabric shop, has also decided to flee, who saw Elisa running across the square. He tries to convince Checchina (Fornaci) that it is not necessary to stay indoors, although the vaults of the shop should be safe: "Better outside than under the rubble !!". Calmly, Ines takes off her apron, closes the door with the padlock. Together they run towards the market, with the speed allowed by the shorter leg than the other of the young lady (29). 1) Gianna Feligioni. 2) Lauro Beccafichi. 3) Fabrizio Boldrini. 4) Franco Anastasi, Renato Silvestrelli. 5) Venanzia Riccardini. 6) Paola Banelli. 7) Venanzia Riccardini. 8) Victim: Rosa Boncristiani. 9) Umberto Tommasi. 10) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli and image of the P40 dashboard provided by Andrea Gragnoli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target and the smoke of the bombs already fallen. 11) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the ninth pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 12) Piero Baldelli. 13) Giuseppina Miccioni. 14) Cesare Ceccacci. 15) Victim: Giuseppe Selleri. 16) Orlando Bucaioni. 17) Pompeo Selleri. 18) To Ines Biti. 19) Elisa Manarini. 20) Elisabetta Bartoccioni. 21) Orlando Bucaioni. 22) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi, with cloud derived from the photo by Roberto Balducci, on an image taken from the Photo Library of the Municipal Archives. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the tenth pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 23) Giuseppe Rapo. 24) Maria Luisa Rapo. 25) Bruno Porrozzi, Umbertide in the images, Pro Loco Umbertide Association, 1977, p. 91. Photo Roberto Balducci. 26) Franco Mischianti. 27) Ines Biti, Palmiro Santarelli. 28) Palmiro Santarelli. 29) Ines Biti. THE FOURTH WAVE Now even the bridge in the square has been completely engulfed by the smoke of the bomb that exploded a few meters away. Lieutenant Jandrell has no choice: he decides to aim against the Regghia bridge that leads to Santa Maria. Better than nothing! Eleventh discharge Lieutenant Stubbs obeys the squadron leader: swoops towards the goal, anxious to get rid of the load. The bombs fall in front of the Collegiate Church (1), very close to the target: one remains unexploded, while the other touches the sacristy of Pòngolo, breaking up (2) a clove. A huge crater opens onto the square (3). Don Luigi and his companions startle with fear, for the roar of nearby bombs and the noise deafening of the windows that break and shatter to the ground; the walls of the antisagresty and the house above, collapsing, they darken around them (4). A splinter, shot off by the explosion (5), mows Pierucci, the shoemaker, who was continuing to pace, unsteady, to get away from the Paris shop: he collapses lifeless (6) on the ground towards the tower, near a plant (7). Perhaps, while the bombs were falling, he would have thought about when, in 1921, he was forced under threat of a revolver, shouting: "Long live the Fascio, long live Italy (8). He was the first to suffer the arrogance of fascism and the last to be mowed. The elementary school kids, who were still left behind the Collegiate and the sacristy for the sense of security given by the their bulk (11), are hit by the tremendous crash, very close. The others, who had recently left that shelter, are taken in full from shock wave. Palmiro (Santarelli), blocked in the escape from the noise of the plane in beaten, he protected himself behind a tree trunk in the market (12). Carlo (Porrozzi) has just turned at the corner of Via Roma where Zurli's shop is. It is invested from a huge heat; he feels himself being lifted and catapulted several meters. He falls to the ground, injuring himself at knees (13). Vittorino (Tognaccini) is run over from behind from the blast of the explosion, as he runs towards Uncle Giosuè's tavern (14). Mario (Alpini) is hit in the side by a big guy stone; keep running up the Piaggiola towards the shoe shop - between Piazza delle Erbe and Via Grilli - of the father, who lowered the shutter up almost at the bottom. He went to the market, having seen that from Via Guidalotti one could not pass because they had hit the house near the Busattis (15). Ines (Benizi), who helps the Viglino at home, rides madly towards Piazza Marconi; the Maria Pia is perched on the handlebars; the Lucilla (Corbucci) le chases on foot, recommending to wait for her (16). Maestro Marsigliotti, all dusty for him burst, tries to take cover inside the door of the first house in Via Roma, towards the Regghia (17). A brick has landed on the pot in the kitchen of Via Bremizia, where Ersilia (Cecchetti Pinzaglia) he had put the broth back; he made the lid shine and fell among the boiled meat (18). In the notary's house, his daughter Maria (Zampa Leonardi) and the woman who helps her around the house they went down to the basement to take refuge in a dark basement. Cats around to them, as they did not realize what was happening. The bomb dropped in front of the sacristy shook the house like an earthquake: Maria imagines what oscillation there must have been now on the upper floors, which had already swayed frighteningly under their feet when the first bombs fell, much further away (19). La Dina (Galmacci) arrived at the bottom of the Piaggiola: the blast of air threw her into the door of Palazzo Baglioni; he finds himself without a coat and without shoes (20). The oratorians who watched from Santa Maria were hit with particular violence by the shock wave, which found fewer obstacles than the others in its path; Peppino (Gagliardini), who had leaned out of the ditch just at that moment, went all black (21). Twelfth discharge It is up to Lieutenant Wright to deliver the final blow. The last two bombs hit the house of the Gagliardini (22), even at almost half kilometer from the original goal of the bridge on the Tiber. The shock wave makes theirs fly bed (23) above Mariotti's roof, verso Via Roma (24). In the nearby house of the podestà Guardabassi, at the corner of Via Roma and Via XX Settembre, a little girl is thrown from the terrace inside the flight of stairs: roll up, arrive until the end. The old mayor assures us that those just fallen are the last bombs: maybe he counted the planes and the blasts. You can escape (25). Miss Fornaci and her saleswoman, Ines, they turned the stone cippus round that limits the passage to the market to pedestrians only; when the plane arrived they stooped down behind the wall towards the stream, under the first plant towards the Regghia. The fighter-bomber it rises, with a deafening roar, barely above their heads (26). The blast sent the doors open of the basements of the house where the master Marsigliotti had just found shelter; if it they were just looking for the keys, to take refuge there more safely. Every good thing came into view: lard, oil, flour and other gold, hidden there to escape the clutter. There is no time to think about the famine suffered in the past months, not even in the face of that abundance so close. The tragedy has re-established the scale of values. But for a short time: tomorrow there will be nothing left (27). Menco de Trivilino (Domenico Baldoni) from the post office arrived at the curve of the Marro, towards San Benedetto. As he glances back towards the smoke-filled town, he realizes that the last few pilots have seen nothing; they unhooked blindly. Antonio (Baroni), displaced by Capeccio, runs in the opposite direction in search of his mother who had gone to the center of the town wounded to death (29). Roberto Balducci has moved further towards the pine forest of Civitella. Photograph the last newborn mushroom, which emerges next to the pre-existing gigantic cloud (30) already dilated. It is the symbol of our ordeal. It's 9:54 am. The agony of the Borgo di San Giovanni was consumed in nine minutes (31). The heart of our country has been erased (32): it has now become a tomb. Twelfth Station Jesus dies on the cross Jesus died again: on the Calvary of St. John, next to dozens of crosses from which as many victims of ignorance, selfishness and violence dangle. The sun went out and darkened on the earth. Final strafing The rumbling of the bombs stopped. The silence that replaces them sharpens the feeling of deafness. From the temporary shelters on the outskirts, people come out who had not managed to escape: only now do they feel like doing so, encouraged by the absence of explosions. Man gradually regains possession of his rational abilities, overcoming the unconsciousness of the animal instinct. The primal terror experienced in the midst of the storm, in the eye of the storm, is gradually taking over, along with awareness, fear and dismay. From the Santa Croce area they all pour towards the Caminella and the Tiber; they instinctively lie down on the ground near Baldino, who is deaf and has not realized what is happening. He looks astonished at that stream of desperate people pouring towards the river, asking himself repeatedly aloud: "Ma ndu'va all these people?!" (33). Many crouch in a ditch full of nettles, without feeling the slightest discomfort. To get further away from hell, they climb over the embankment that separates them from the neighboring farmer - Secondo - while the low-flying planes still pass, strafing. A boy rolls to the ground and pretends to be dead (34). The final strafing is not a surprise for the pilot colonel Bice Pucci who, shortly before, in directing people to the Tiber, had recommended to Lidia (Tonanni): "Take off your red shirt ... after the machine gun bombardment ... "(35). In the bullfight of Piazza San Francesco the roles have been reversed: it is the sacrificial bulls who wear the muleta to incite the matadors. The red robe has also become a further concern for Vera (Vibi); if it is thrown on before going down - with yes and one shoe - along the pile of rubble which, from the terrace on the first floor of her house, slopes down to the street. She managed to support her mother (36), partially paralyzed, in her nightgown. While they are machine-gunning, he goes towards San Francesco, up to the Caminella, where he makes his mother sit under a tree (37). The crackling of the machine guns that followed the explosions of the bombs (38) is a further scar. At the Filippi furnace, at the bottom of the Piaggiola, they hear the gusts (39). Romolo (Romitelli), the tinsmith, swears: "Listen to these filthy ... they also machine guns!" (40). If it makes sense, in the inhuman logic of war, to destroy a bridge - and whoever has the misfortune of being nearby - with the aim of harming the enemy, it really has no justification for raging against defenseless people. Some foiled have the courage to justify everything: war is war. The planes leave Five or six planes, before leaving, go to the Hornbeam to unload some shiny objects. "Oh my God! ... they are bombing again!", The seminarians looking out from the Montone wall scream in dismay, before realizing that they are tanks (41). «Also in Monestevole, between the houses of Palombi and Ferranti, two planes, zigzagging in the sky, drop two large envelopes. As soon as they are unhooked, they look like bottles to the kids on top of the Valcinella toppétto. They believe they are bombs. They plug their ears, but as soon as they touch the ground they raise a small cloud of dust; there is a muffled thump, not a pop. The distance is considerable, but they run to see. In their pre-adolescent minds, this is a day of wonders, of celebration. They run from one hill to another, as if exalted. And it is not their discouragement or bewilderment; on the contrary, they feel the sweet sensation of being the protagonists of unusual and, in their own way, heroic events. Perhaps in Umbertide there will also be some dead; but they are not affected in their affections. The country is far away, stranger. Eight kilometers, in their eyes, are one stellar distance. Sweaty, out of breath, here they are where did those two big envelopes, close by to the house of Pulcinelli. They find two soldiers on the spot fascists, who, having found that it is empty containers, they leave again; but first they shoot you with the gun a few shots, perhaps to poke around thickness of the metal. The kids have the green light for watch. They are strange, very elongated, armed stems of pipes, electric wires, unions. They can contain a few quintals of gasoline. Maybe even more. The comments are wasted. Tonino says: "But these English have had judgment ... the drums did not drop them where they are grazing beasts, but here where there is nothing ". The petrol scattered around puts you in a good mood. It seems to smell the threshing. It is indeed a day of wonders "(42). Airplanes make a final low-flying turn (44) to check what happened; maybe they try disgust for having broken the quiet of those brown roofs of ancient, and the idyllic texture of those lace of vines stretched out among the stuccoes on the fields. Finally, get rid of any ballast - even the weights on the conscience - take a ride, all together, for, regain altitude. Then, in single file they disappear southwards, behind Montecorona (45). The fly-blind game is over. Umbertide is all landed (46). From this moment they will be remembered as "the twelve apostles" (47). Strange apostles, who have fulfilled their mission - of death or of freedom? - leaving 67 dead, three dying (48) and thousands of survivors with the death in the soul, scattered along the Calvary of San Giovanni. It's 5:10 am. The line of red-billed peregrine falcons points south. Perhaps he blushed more: from the shame of the evil they have sown. Doves crouched under the foliage of Elceto "hold the olive branch between their beaks that they cannot bring back to town after the flood: the time has not yet come for them to take off again. The Kittyhawk enterprise will not go down in history as a stage of progress: of course, the Wright brothers did not imagine the exploits of their great-grandchildren! In the flight diary the pilots note: "239 Stormo Wing DesertAir Force, 5th Air Squadron Operation no. 225 of 25 April 1944 A bomb narrowly missed the central section of the bridge to the north. A bomb narrowly missed the eastern access of the bridge to the south. A bomb hit the railroad tracks in the east access area of the bridge, interrupting the line. The other bombs fell in the inhabited area to the west of the country, east of the bridge. Leave seven houses on fire. Light anti-aircraft shots from Perugia airport [Sant'Egidio]. Visibility: haze Total flight time: 26 00 hours ". This is all for the war technicians: terribly little for those who have suffered, helpless, their exhibition. But war is also a drama for the pilots. Several of them, who are bringing death, will lose their lives in other missions (49); like Lieutenant Facer, who is about to expire after being shot down, just the day before yesterday, in the Fabriano sky. Others will see the end in the face, managing to escape it by a miracle, like Captain Pienaar, who in three months, on August 15, 1944, will live a bad adventure. At 4:41 pm, he will take off on a mission with his navigator, Lt. AR Lockhart-Ross. Arriving a few kilometers north-east of Lechfeld, at 9150 meters above sea level, he will veer left and right to ensure there is no danger. It will dive at 90 degrees towards Gunzburg-Leipheim airport, near the Danube, a few kilometers from Ulm. Suddenly it will frame a twin-engine aircraft fast approaching its tail in the rearview mirror. Pushed to the maximum the power, it will release the tanks of long range in order to exploit to the maximum the superior speed of its "Mosquito"; it will begin to turn to starboard rather than port, as is normally done when aiming for the target. As soon as this maneuver starts, it will suffer fire from the 30 mm cannon of the German plane, from a distance of about 120 meters. Captain Pienaar will see pieces of his plane fly away. Hit on the left aileron and rudder, his "Mosquito" will have a sudden deviation and will begin to spiral under the acceleration of gravity. The pilot will try to recall the aircraft, but the jammed valves will not respond to commands. When the attacker has approached 500 meters at very high speed, he will not be able to tack to starboard. Subjected to no less than a dozen unsuccessful attacks by the Messerschmitt 262, at extraordinary speed, Pienaar will see it rise and disappear against the sun each time. Fortunately, the navigator will be able to identify the route of the German plane from a trail of white vapor left behind. With the strength of desperation the South African pilot will dive into a large cumulus cloud, managing to disappear from the sight of the German. For 40 minutes the life of the two men inside the "Mosquito" will hang by a thread. With all the instruments out of order, they will be able to fly over the Alps by just 150 meters. Despite the blocked valves, the broken radio, the useless landing gear, the plane will be able to land on its belly in Udine, with only 67 liters of fuel in the tank, enough for seven minutes of flight. Pienaar and Lockhart-Ross, will be decorated for the extraordinary feat (50). But also the pilots of the 5th squadron who, like him, will return home safely will be victims of the war. Not only for the time they will have spent in lands far away from their country and from their loved ones. Afflicted by hardships and fears. Kind to obey the orders of others, perhaps without sharing them, perhaps without understanding them, perhaps without even asking the problem of judging the effects of their actions. They will also be victims for the time they will have to live, if they reflect on the terrible tragedies caused by their raids; if they imagine the victims' judgment. Who knows if any of them, even at this moment, during the flight back to Base Camp will turn a thought to those ants who are now chaotically crossing, as if mad, around the coordinates of the target? You / soldier of the night / who go / from one border of a country to another / from shore to shore / from river to river / listen ... (51) . Chances are they have neither the time nor the inclination - poor pilots! - to listen to our laments, while they are risking their lives, hanging from those trabiccoli. They are certainly not dabbling in pleasure flights. Lieutenant MWV Odenaal will be scanning the horizon to identify as soon as possible if another plane will go up, in attack action, from Perugia airport, like the Bf 110 of three weeks ago. Passing over Spoleto, they will all turn a thought to Lieutenant DR Barret, their companion whom they saw plunging towards death, on his first and last mission. Lieutenant Stubb, flying over the Rieti airport, will experience the bad feeling of last April 8 when, with his plane hit, he returned with his heart in his throat to the base. Two days later the same thing happened to him during a raid on a bridge. He and Captain Odenaal were hit by anti-aircraft. Not to mention Captain Spies who, not even a month ago, was forced to make a crash landing and spent a couple of weeks avoiding falling into the hands of the Germans. In short, there is no one among them who has not recently had nasty surprises: it is unlikely that there is room within their conscience to worry about others. It is likely that they are concerned only with avoiding attacks and arriving safely on the ground, in time to have lunch. They are not posing any problems above all because they are the last wheel of a perverse mechanism, forced to obey a distant, invisible engine. The gear cannot oppose the motion of the system: it cannot think, decide. He has no conscience; therefore it has no responsibility. It is the perverse engine that is primarily responsible; when it was started, no one can stop it until it has overwhelmed and crushed everything and everyone, in a pulp of flesh and blood, where nothing is more recognizable and judgeable. Every single tragedy is the inevitable result of the state of war: of every war, at any time. Because war is the negation of civilization, of law, of values, of feelings. In addition, to make its effects even more perverse are the soldiers and their infernal machines, which make mistakes and fail more often than you think. Violence is seldom efficient: evil cannot give birth to good. For completely opposite reasons, even the inhabitants of Fratta today have no time to think about anything else: they have to save their skin and bury the dead. But in the future, coldly, they will look for the reasons for too many inexplicable facts: the bombs scattered over the country, without any apparent logic; the trajectory of the dive, which crossed the inhabited center; the final strafing; the seven houses on fire, helpless, strategically insignificant, flaunted as macabre booty in the flight log of the raiders. Victims will be able to interpret these absurdities as the result of Lieutenant Jandrell's eagerness to show that he managed to do some damage to make a career; at the cost of telling some bombs. But they can also think the worst: the choice of fatal trajectories for civilians, the scattered bombs, the machine guns against the flies, the trophy of the burning houses could be the signs of an abominable terrorist bombing (54)! The fundamental rule of the war right to preserve the safety of civilians could appear to be circumvented. If that had been the case, all twelve apostles would have betrayed Jesus - humanity - by becoming accomplices in his crucifixion. Twelve Judas! With the mitigating factor - for individuals - of having acted without their own will and, in any case, not on their own initiative. April 25, / day of pretended glories, / of questionable and non-existent magnitudes for many, / day of upheaval, grief and ruin for others. / The helpless and defenseless country. / Death, rushing and hissing from the sky, / is satisfied in a few moments, / with an orgy of the blood of innocent victims. / A black cloud has enveloped Umbertide. / When the impiety has ceased / heaps of ruins / have obliterated hearths, houses / and many friends and people. ... like shadows they vanished / from a reality that was yesterday / and now no longer exists. / They were men, who wanted to live / who would have done without war / and the glories and manias of the Nation. / They have been erased for the mistakes of others / for the drunkenness of greatness of a wrong society / which reduces men to slaves and defenseless / without care of their intentions, / freedom and will (55). 1) Fabrizio Boldrini. 2) Emma Gagliardini. 3) Roman Children. 4) Don Luigi Cozzari, letter for the 1st anniversary. 5) Cesare Ceccacci, Renato Silvestrelli. 6) Victim: Antonio Alunni Pierucci. 7) Umberto Tommasi. 8) Francesco Pierucci, 1921/22 - Fascist violence and crimes in Umbria, Caldari Typography, Umbertide, 1975, p. 42. 9) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli, with an image of the P40 dashboard provided by Andrea Gragnoli. Below: Umbertide plant, with a still different target and the smoke of bombs already dropped. 10) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the eleventh pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 11) Avellino Giulianelli, Domenico Manuali. 12) Palmiro Santarelli. 13) Carlo Porrozzi. 14) Vittorio Tognaccini. 15) Mario Alpini. 16) Maria Pia Viglino. 17) Franco Villarini. 18) Maurizio Pucci. 19) Maria Zampa. 20) Dorina Galmacci. 21) Warrior Gagliardini. 22) Saints Improved. 23) Warrior Gagliardini. 24) Emma Gagliardini. 25) Ornella Bellarosa. 26) Ines Biti. 27) Franco Villarini. 28) Bruno Porrozzi, Umbertide and its territory , Pro Loco Umberride Association, 1983, p. 73. 29) Domenico Baldoni. 30) Giuseppe Lisetti. 31) Ramiro Nanni, Like I, Ramiro, I experienced the bombing. .., manuscript from 1979. 32) Elena Boriosi. 33-34) Amedeo Faloci. 35) Lidia Tonanni. 36) Giuseppe Lisetti. 37) Vera Vibi. 38) Silvano Bernacchi. 39) Giorgio Toraci. 40) Bruno Burberi. 41) Luigi Braconi. 42) Mario Bartocci, manuscript from 1986. 43) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant covered entirely by the smoke of the exploded bombs. 44) Luigi Braconi. 45) Fabrizio Boldrini, Luigi Braconi. 46) Amelia Picciolli. 47) Bruno Tonanni. 48) Registry of the municipal registry. 49) Letter from Lieutenant Mitcbell to Mario Tosti dated March 1986. Beautiful works! , Municipality of Umbertide, 1995, p. 53. 50) MJ Martin, Neil D. Orpen, South African Forces World War II ; Eagles victorious: operations of 'the South African Forces, Air ops in Italy , Cape Town, Purnell, 1977. 51) Maddalena Rosi, "You", National Competition 25th April , Municipality of Umbertide and S. Francesco socio-cultural center, 2002. 52) PRO: Public Record Office, London, Operation Record Book, Detail of work carried out , SAAF, 239th "Wing Desert Air Force", 5th air squadron; Taken from: Mario Tosti (curator), Beautiful works !, Municipality of Umbertide, 1995, p. 50. 53) Edda Vetturini, "Memories of wartime (Bastia Umbra 1940/45)", Proceedings - Properziana del Subasio Academy - Assisi, Series VI n. 22, 1994. 54) Sante Migliorati, Egino Villarini. 55) Olimpio Ciarapica, from a poem of 1952. La terza e quarta ondata THE FIRST STOP The last plane of the first quartet has rejoined the others, who continue to turn above Romeggio. They delay (1), to evaluate the result of the attack and reflect on what to do. The hurricane of piercing hisses, followed by explosions (2), momentarily subsided. It's 9:46. Brizio (Boldrini), having arrived at the market, at the corner of Broccatelli's house, turn towards the Fontesanta. He turns, looking towards the center: behind the fortress, a large, gray, dense cloud has swallowed other bombs which inflate it, spreading it over the town. He feels the need to sit down: his legs begin to tremble; slowly he catches his breath (3). Sitting on the side of the road, the desperate Lina (Foni Roselletti) cries, screams, invokes her hired husband: "Teo is in the square!". They try to console her, assuring her that there were no cars in the square (4). The archpriest, Don Luigi, curled up in the corridor towards the sacristy of the Collegiate, listens, wondering in terror if the sequence of bomb blasts - fallen, now near and far - is over (5). La Cesira (Romitelli), who had escaped from the Quadrio oven at the first outbreak, had thrown herself to the ground at each dive, as her son had suggested (6); now she runs quickly home. In the same way Menco de Traversino (Domenico Traversini) flees by the tree; he had dropped the spade in the garden of Sor Dino (Ramaccioni) and had fled towards the station, throwing himself to the ground at the arrival of each hiss and resuming running after the explosion. He is headed for the Migno-Migno, where he recently married his wife (7). A safer refuge Franco del Capoguardia (Anastasi) noted that the pairs of bombs fall at regular intervals, of about thirty seconds one from the other (8); after three blows he deduced that, if the neighbor had spared him, he would have had time to flee towards the tower. Thirty seconds have lasted three hours since then. Hearing the last boom not far away, he fled from the Duty Office in Via Guidalotti to the tower, followed by all the others (9). Even the receiver was convinced, thinking: "The heads of all the people who flee, certainly think more than mine alone (10)". They were lucky, because they decided to escape at just the right time, during the truce. The silence between one bomb and the next, more prolonged than the previous ones, pushes anyone who has been blocked by that hellish noise outdoors: whoever can escape by the shortest route towards the air and the light. Others are looking for a safer place. Tommasi, from the stationery shop below, yells at Ornella (Duranti) and Wilma (Borri) to get off, to take refuge in the vaulted room on the ground floor. The two girls obey, although Sora Checca (Duranti) had for some time instructed her daughter, showing her the main wall where to take shelter (11). Escape from the crater In the post office they are all crowded in front of the exit: customers, employees and the Ceccarellis. La Menchina della Posta (Domenica Burzacchi Lotti), mindful of her husband's recommendation to take shelter as soon as possible in a place covered by vaults or arches or architraves, runs away towards the vault of Via Grilli (12). The Ceccarellis run out in the opposite direction, towards the Collegiate. Gigetto (Gambucci) instead stops; he rethought the special package containing the money for the salaries of the masters (13), which Peppe della Fascina (Giuseppe Venti) brought with the cart from the station to the post office (14); climbs the stairs to close the safe (15). Outside the Quadrio oven, the people flee towards the square, extricating themselves among the debris that clutter the road: they are almost mad. Maria (Guasticchi Feligioni) - she does not imagine that her husband, Bronzone, is buried a few meters from her - desperately asks for help to get the old Lazzaro de Botaciólo down the stairs, in whose house she had been housed together with her displaced family from Milan. He sees a friend of his pass - Baldo (Ubaldo Gambucci) - who, in the midst of all that confusion, does not hear it (16). Panic has taken over; everyone becomes deaf, even in the brain, responding to the instinct of survival. Upstream (17) Luciano (Bebi) went down the stairs to check that the way out remains free; precedes the mother who is slow to follow him. The door is stuck. From the street Amleto, the radio-telegraph naval marshal yells at him to open the door: "Open ... open ... (18)". From the inside, Luciano replies that he can't do it, because something has fallen that blocks the exit (19). Meanwhile, Quadrio's daughters try to escape from the back in their nightgowns (20); Father hears their cries for help. He calls all the Saints, but no one answers (21). The radio operator hears screams coming from the next door, towards the square. They are the Capucìni - the parents and their daughter Lidia (Mariotti) - who have come down from the upper floors in flames and beg to open. The door is stuck. Finally Hamlet manages to force the opening; accompanies them through the arch of Via Mancini and the arches of the slaughterhouse in the square (22) to put them all in via Alberti (23), up to the Rocca (24). A blond boy (Umberto Bellarosa), who was fleeing from the "Tiberina" towards the Collegiate Church, arrived in front of Reggiani, could not resist returning home, upstream, in Via Mancini. Look under the arch: the old woman de Piandàna, with the bread table on her head, goes here and there like a sleepwalker, in the midst of the dust that obscures everything (25). Giovannino (Migliorati) also had the instinct to return to his house, in front of the nuns, after abandoning the teacher and his companions who fled in the opposite direction, towards the station. When he turns towards Via Spoletini, someone pushes him inside the door of the house before the level crossing (26). Nina and her husband, Valentino (Ciammarughi), were working the field near the Ramaccioni, near the Tiber. When the bombs arrived, the first thought was to go to the nuns' kindergarten, a few tens of meters from home, where Pierina, the daughter, was. They ran across the field to rejoin the child. Arriving at the school garden net, he can't get over it because of how upset he is; his wife gives him some insult as he climbs the net which, under the weight of both of them, lies down to the ground letting them pass. They immediately see their daughter walking towards them, completely calm, not at all frightened by the noise and confusion (28). Instead, a little fiery with red hair (Fausto Fagioli) cries and cries, because his mother has not come to get him: it almost seems that he has the presentiment of having lost her, together with his sister Franca (29). Even Linda (Guardabassi), when the hum of the airplanes became more insistent, fled in the middle of the fields towards the nuns' kindergarten where she had left her daughter. For the great fear of the bombs dropped above her head, when she found herself in front of the Carbonaro gorge she went straight and overtook it with a jump. Arriving at the kindergarten, Imperia sua is not found, until she escapes from under Sister Adele's skirt, where she has found ample refuge (30). Escape from the periphery From the outskirts of the historic center everyone flees to the countryside. The Boca and Spinelli do not feel safe under the counter in the cyclist's closet. They go out to flee to the countryside. The first starts running towards Peppolétta, with his head down; he notices a fountain pen on the ground but does not pick it up, remembering that at school they taught that it can disguise a bomb (33). The second, who runs away next to him, at the height of the road that leads from Via Roma to the station, because of his speed he cannot avoid a cyclist - Cannéto (Ruggero Bartolini) - who is shouting: "Oh God i mi 'fiulini !! ". Both of them tumble to the ground. Nearby the General (Mario Giornelli), standing on his chariot, whips the mule towards the countryside. Ennio (Montagnini) and Santino (Migliorati), who took shelter behind the wall of the house of the teacher Checca, call Spinelli (Renato Silvestrelli). "Lie down like the rest of us and lie on your stomach". He obeys, trying to take the position they taught in school (34). Umberto (Dominici) flees to the mechanic's shop in Peppino (Rondoni), at the beginning of Via Roma, where his younger brother Claudio works; takes him by the hand; together they run towards the Regghia joining the multitude of terrified people who pour into the countryside (35). The tide becomes more and more impressive (36). The terror is so immense that the wife of Misquicqueri (Nello Migliorati), who ran away from home with her daughter Francesca a few months old wrapped in a blanket, only when she stopped towards the Roccolo, out of breath for the race, she realized that she had lost his creature on the street. Desperate, she retraces the journey backwards until she finds it, on the ground: there are no bombs capable of detaining her (37). It went better for Maurizio, by a year. All frightened, he was wrapped in a cloth by his sister - Gianna (Feligioni), a young seamstress - who carries him in her arms running along the Piaggiola towards the market (38). Adriana (Ciarabelli), who was surprised by the bombs inside the restaurant of Ntonio de Ragno (39), escapes along the same road. He joins the crowd running towards the Madonna del Giglio, where Nellino de Pajalunga's father cries, despairing because his mules have escaped (40). Many people covered in dust and bloody arrive at the ditch of Santafede (41). Each small street is swarming with people who arrive, out of breath and shocked, from the square and the market (42). Maria and Santina de Pistulino (Tosti) are all white, candid, from dust (43). Little Luciana de Zùmbola (Sonaglia) was thrown to the ground by a blast of air. She is hurt, but the fear is stronger than the pain: she gets up and, turning back, she sees a large white cloud towards the square (44). Celso (Mola) reached the top of the Roccolo hill: he ran along the Regghia, through a green wheat field two palms high, with a short white nightgown; he tried to crouch down to hide his intimacies, but each subsequent outburst dissolved his modesty and pushed him to other sgalànci (45). From the station area, a girl runs away along the road of the oaks that leads in the direction of the pine forest, up to the Navarri farm. Following his father's instructions, he put the gold chains in his pocket and loaded the ham on his shoulder. He throws himself into the ditch where Marino de Caldaro has his work to do to force his wife Maria to crouch: she wants to keep her head up to look, without realizing that the ants are invading her (46). Rolando del Buffè, who had fled with his mother from the station, has already arrived at Caldarelli's house (47). Powerless from the periphery From the outskirts we witness, helpless, the agony of the country devastated by the blazes and the red-hot winds of its convulsions. Roberto Balducci, the doctor, has fled from his house near the station, towards the fields, in the direction of Civitella; he took his camera, sensing that the most terrible tragedy in the history of the country is unfolding. Massimo (Valdambrini), a child sheltered between the two crags where the Cupa is collected towards Pinzaglia and Navarri, is still speechless for the tremendous spectacle just interrupted: the hisses of the bombs that hurt the ears and the brain, the crashes of the explosions that they made everything tremble; the whistles of the splinters that reached up there; the shades and the planks that flew in the air (48). "Keep your head down!", Repeatedly recommend teachers to schoolchildren who have repaired in the small trenches dug in the lawn behind the elementary schools (49). Next to them Bruno de Chiocca (Tarragoni), who has come out of the school where all his companions have remained, peers in the direction of the square, embracing the trunk of the walnut that shelters him (50). From the church of Santa Maria the boys of the oratory watch astonished, crouched in the ditch between the football pitch and the house of Pippo del Caporale (Renato Caporali). Don Giovanni (Dottarelli) had them repaired below the edge of the field, recommending that they lie down with their stomach raised off the ground (51). Every now and then they take a look at the town that disappears more and more, in the midst of clouds of dust. Guerriero de Schiupitìno (Gagliardini) looks with binoculars; his brother Peppino felt the ends of his hair brushed by the movement of the air of the bombs (52) that sparkled and rotated before falling (53). From the loggia on the hill, other children enjoy the show, heedless of the anguished faces of adults (54). The Simoncini girls who escaped from the goodwill took shelter of a crag for a while; Zina (Corbucci) instead has crouched in the middle of a field and someone yells at her to move from there, because they could see her. They take them into the stable of Secondo, a farmer near the Tiber. Professor Ciangottini says to stay calm and to pray: then they begin to say the Hail Mary, all together, aloud, or only within themselves (55). Other boys of the same school, who escaped through the arch of Piazza San Francesco, sought shelter behind the embankments and in the holes of the sand miners, to admire the planes from safety as they swooped down from Civitella, dropped the bombs and went up to Corvatto , veering towards Montalto to rejoin all the others (56). Rodolfo (Panzarola), on the other hand, realizes that the show is the most tragic thing that can happen; he feels anguish and anger for this havoc against his country (57). Emilio (Baldassarri) does not go for the thin and fords the river at a run, to run home towards the Niccone (58). In his house in Piazza San Francesco, in front of the school, a boy is not at all afraid; he would like to see what happens, but his mother does not intend to leave the cellars of Ciammarughi, where they took refuge after hearing the loud noise and the stone-throwing on the roof. The son, impatient and eager to see, tries to convince her with a subtle blackmail: "Yes, I die [if I die], it's your fault!". He won it: they go out. When they arrive at the Caminella, they find a group of Neapolitans screaming like obsessed (59). Ermelinda (Rondoni Valdambrini) prays behind the bank of Secondo: she is quite right! She must thank God for being able, when she heard the first blow, to escape like a hare from the tobacconist's in the square, where she had gone to buy salt: the second bomb fell behind her, as she ran over the Regghia bridge. towards Piazza San Francesco. As soon as she crouched behind the shelter, she heard the whistle of a splinter that crashed to the ground, touching her head (60). From Ceramiche Rometti, Pietro (Corgnolini), a sixteen-year-old boy, saw the planes circling in a row, one after the other, swooping down on the town from the east and, in the ascent after the dive, disappear behind the flames and clouds of smoke rising to the sky after the explosion. He is not afraid: he is not realizing what is happening and what effects may follow (61). Rina had prepared the cake for breakfast, at the Palazzone farm, near the Gamboni lock; he was dusting it from the ashes on the loggia, summoning the men who were hoeing the grass in the garden. At the sound of planes and bombs, she ran to the window on the opposite side of the house to look toward the center. He witnesses the collapse in dismay (62). Don Luigi is standing at the door of the sacristy (63). He has looked out to scrutinize the movements of the planes, but immediately withdraws when he hears them approaching again (64). The archpriest does not imagine that they are called Kitryhawk, "peregrine falcons": he would shudder at the mere thought that a bird of prey could be attributed the qualities of a pilgrim. The train that was coming from Pierantonio stopped shortly after the toll booths on the straight. It is full of people: in addition to the students there are people heading to a fair in the Upper Tiber. Everyone rushed out; the crowd was such that someone broke the windows to get out. A carabinieri marshal has stationed himself on a stack of crossbeams: pathetically points in the air a "91-38 musket with fixed bayonet" towards the planes that are turning again from the top of Montecorona to strike towards the center of Umbertide, almost in the direction parallel to the straight (65). In fact, the squadron has made its decision: another quartet of steel birds, each with its own pair of 500-pound bombs (66), is about to rage, taking over from the one who has just returned to formation. 1) Luigi Gambucci. 2) Candido Palazzetti, Umbertide , Scholastic Patronage, Umbertide, 1958. 3-4) Fabrizio Boldrini. 5) Don Luigi Cozzari, letter for the 1st anniversary. 6) Tita Romitelli. 7) Domenico Traversini. 8) Franco Anastasi, Ramiro Nanni, How I, Ramiro, lived the bombing .... 1979 manuscript. 9) Franco Anastasi. 10) Luigi Gambucci. 11) Ornella Duranti. 12) Italo Lotti. 13) Luigi Gambucci. 14) Muzio Venti. 15) Luigi Gambucci. 16) Ines Guasticchi. 17) Giovanni Migliorati. 18) Adriana Fileni. 19) Francesco Martinelli. 20) Linda Micucci. 21) Adriana Fileni. 22) Domenico Mariotti. 23) Warrior Boldrini. 24) Lidia Mariotti. 25) Umberto Bellarosa. 26) Giovanni Migliorati. 27) Photo kindly made available by Adriana Fileni. 28) Piera Ciammarughi. 29) Concetta Mariotti. 30) Linda Micucci. 31-32) Photo kindly made available by Adriana Fileni. 33) Bruno Advantages. 34) Renato Silvestrelli. 35) Umberto Dominici. 36) Luigi Carlini. 37) Anna Migliorati. 38) Gianna Feligioni. 39) Adriana Ciarabelli. 40) Emilio Gargagli. 41) Ada Locchi. 42 Luciana Sonaglia. 43) Italo Lotti. 44) Luciana Sonaglia. 45) Graziella Gagliardini. 46) Anna Bartocci. 47) Rolando Fiorucci. 48) Massimo Valdambrini. 49) Maria Duranti. 50) Bruno Tarragoni Alumni. 51) Giorgio Pacciarini. 52) Giuseppe Gagliardini. 53) Willemo Ramaccioni. 54) Angelo Chiavini. Testimony taken from Yesterday, today ... the thread of memory , Lucignolo Aggregation Center - Committee of Memory, Umbertide, 2003. 55) Margherita Tosti, manuscript of 1985. 56) Giuseppe Golini. 57) Rodolfo Panzarola. 58) Giuseppe Golini. 59) Mario Destroyed. 60) Ermelinda Rondoni. 61) Pietro Corgnolini. 62) Rina Alunno Violins. 63) Maria Migliorati. 64) Don Luigi Cozzari, letter for the 1st anniversary. 65) Rolando Tognellini. 66) Ramiro Nanni, How I, Ramiro, lived the bombing ... , manuscript of 1979. THE SECOND WAVE (1) The clouds of dust raised by the first four bombs, falls north of the longitudinal axis of the bridge, yes moved to the south-east, pushed by a slight north wind; have risen right on the most critical point of the dive. Neither the railway bridge nor those of the national road on the Tiber and on the Regghia. The pilots, who they could see them clearly when they arrived now they can only picture them under the blanket of smoke. For hit the target should go into it: a leap into dark. Too risky! You have to give up any big target of the national road. Lieutenant Jandrell is irritated: he has failed his own mission on the last day he wanted to wear a success as Commanding Officer of Base Camp. Command to fall back on a new goal, even of minor importance, as long as it is visible (2): the bridge over the Regghia that connects the square to the Collegiata. Fifth discharge Captain Spies, in a wide circle, went over the Serra, where does the dive start. Ramiro has come to the smooth [on the edge] of the farmhouse Fontesanta; thinks the squadron commander delayed the continuation of the attack because he has saw many people running away (3). But this concern is perhaps incompatible with the precautions that pilots they must have to protect their skin (5). The fighter-bomber drops black, similar things beak-tailed suppositories (5), which strike the wing east of the post office building. La Ines (Biti), left the shelter of the conservatory buzzo in the shop of Rosina de Pistulìno (Tosti), it was barely returned to the Fornaci fabric shop. He was about to take the bag and the keys from the desk to close the shop and leave, despite the refusal of Miss Francesca (Fornaci), the Checchina. From behind the glass door towards the square, he sees the post building collapse: it is hit by a very strong explosion, a terrible gust and a lot of smoke (9). The corner between the square and the alley of San Giovanni crumbles, burying Galen, the barber, the foreign customer and the two apprentices Peppini: fiolo de Poggione (10) and `l Roscìno (11), blond, curly, with the serum above the cheekbones (12), which after a few moments followed the fate of Fausto, the elder brother who wanted to go to his aid (13). All the people present in the affected building had just come down the stairs from the floors above the barbershop (14). Italo's mother (Grandolini) is missing, who went to mass (15). There is Lina (Violini), a mathematics student in Pisa, with her father Severino; the shock wave makes her heart burst. The father, protected by a beam, feels the desperate grip of his daughter (16) who expires embraced at his ankles (17). Lodina (Donnini), the wife of the head of the bank's office, came down from the mezzanine floor together with her children - the youngest child in her arms and the other by the hand (18) - and Maria (Giovannoni), a young girl who 'helps around the house. The children die immediately (19), close to the mother, who remains almost unharmed. The girl is thrown under Lina's body (20). In the central part of the building still standing, Gigetto (Luigi Gambucci) was climbing towards the safe of the Post Office; in front of him the bombs, which fell very close, have ripped from hinge a stair window, which is ruined on the landing. Everything has gone black; dark full. It is the darkness of death that in that at the same moment he grabbed his father Baldo (Ubaldo Gambucci) (21), a few tens of meters. For a moment he was unable to take that step in more than he has rescued one of his mates escape, around the corner of Via Stella. His watch was blocked by the swarm of splinters very small that have hit it, instantly of death: 9.50 am (22). Next to Baldo (Gambucci) the boy from twenty years old (24), possibly a Jew, who had just separated from their father in front of the Capponi Hotel where they are guests (25). A few meters away lies Virginia (27); math's teacher. He had tried to join the flight of the women of the family Ceccarelli (28), who were thrown by the blast on the wall of the buildings in front of the post office, all shot to death (29). Sixth station Veronica wipes the face of Jesus It is carnage. How many tears, on how many faces, must be dried! Better luck fell to Picchiottino: his cage is was thrown from the window to under the table (30). Looks speechless; even less than men do realizes what ever is upsetting the quiet tran of greenfinch. A bottle of perfume flew from Galen's barbershop to land - miraculously intact - on the roof of the Sor Igi's house, at Corso (31). The dust storm has invaded the fruit shop della Pierina in Via Alberti, obscuring it; then Bruno (Burberi) seeks escape towards Piaggiola (32). Sixth discharge Seventh station Jesus falls the second time Those who have remained in the Borgo di San Giovanni now find themselves permanently trapped, closed by the rubble at the top and at the end of the alley: he can only wait for the end of the lottery of death. Everything is shrouded in smoke. Luciano feels trapped (33): he searches desperately protection by fixing the head inside the mixer bread, near the door (34). Above him, Lieutenant Jooste drops two bombs that do not hit the house but, rushing into the alley of San Giovanni, they undermine it from below (35): the terrible explosion guts the oven e the shop, on which the upper floors collapse. Above the tomb of the young people (36) land the elderly, lingered in the escape; Quadrio fell with his bed from the upper floors, gliding over the debris (37). He and Fernanda, mother of Luciano (Bebi), are only wounded, covered by a few rubble. The shock wave also demolishes the house next to the oven, towards the square, and dig the one in front. Under the first die, embracing each other (38), the spouses (39) who manage the Virgil's trattoria. Crouched in a corner she remained s epolta la Bettina (40), who had taken refuge from them (41). From the top floor she sinks into the restaurant and the embroiderer ends her days (42). In the house opposite, Amalia dies, the little girl who has recently returned to the village from the icy refuge of San Cassiano. Spira in the arms of the grandfather, who remained protected under a beam (43). Grandmother Marianna also lost her life (44), with the inseparable tobacco paper in her pocket to smell (45). Seventh discharge Another plane, flown by Captain Odenaal, after a dive almost parallel to the straight, drops a couple of bombs over the station, which continue towards the center and crash into Via Guidalotti, behind the house of the teacher Elide (Franchi), the wife of the band director musical (46). The intersection between Via Alberti and the alley is hit that connects Via Guidalotti to Piazza delle Erbe: the rear part of the Porrini house crumbles (47) and the Marzani, where they die embraced (48) the Barbagianni spouses (49). The corners of the osteria delle Balille and the Venanzia inn (51). Here they also pour the rubble of the building opposite, imprisoning how many had gathered at the bottom of the stairs (52). "The Franks had run away from the kitchen, when they had seen all the glass fall on them for the outbreak at the post office; they had taken the fiola - Giuliana, one year old - from the high chair. The purse with the money, ready on a nail in the back the door remained in place. They had crowded in behind the door, together with the patrons of the inn, terrified. They wanted to escape to the market. Two German soldiers they had stopped him, making it clear that it would be too dangerous. Elvira (Nanni), who had gone up to take the bag, did not have time to get back down and was blocked by the rubble on the landing, under a beam that made a hut. It is on the second floor, in the collapsed corner, towards piazza delle Erbe (53). Linda (54), displaced from Turin with her sister Mafalda, who works at the Ration Cards Office of the Municipality (55), did not understand the law: she wanted to go out at all costs, because she had the eldest daughter, Silvana, at school . She managed to escape, holding her youngest son, Giancarlo, three years old, by the hand. But it was overwhelmed by the rubble just outside the door. From inside the door you can hear the moans of the fiolo, close to the mother who shows no signs of life "(56). Eighth station Encounter between Jesus and the women of Jerusalem Women beat their breasts and moan to Him. "Do not weep over me. Weep over yourselves and your children" (57). Linda can no longer cry, neither about herself nor about her children. The same fate befell another woman, the butcher's wife (58). She, Maria, had spoken from the window of the house with Quinto, her husband, who was facing that of the town hall opposite. When the planes arrived, he had tried to get out of the house; Elvira (Caprini) had tried to hold her back, but to no avail. She passed, running from Via Alberti towards the square, in front of the shoe shop in Via Grilli, while the owner, Lilo (Angelo Alpini), was lowering the shutter to protect himself. He had tried to pull her by the hand: "'ndu gite, vinite [where you go, come] inside, ché càdon le bombe!". There had been nothing to do. "No! I have da gì da la mi 'Giovanna", she insisted, resuming the race towards elementary school, where she thought her eldest daughter was (59). He did not know that they had had it repaired in the house of the teacher Peppina, just a stone's throw away. After a few meters; Maria was mowed right under the vault: a splinter (60) of the bomb dropped at the corner of Piazza delle Erbe passed it from side to side, also wounding the mother of Chirico, the head of the railway depot, who stood behind (61). The veterinarian and the mother of Maestro Pino, leaning their hands against the wall, protected Ornella and Wilma with their bodies from all the stationery stuff that fell on the floor from the shelves (62). In the back room of the Palchetti food shop, a few meters from the explosion, everything has become dark; on the shoulders of Nino (Egidio Grassini), lying on the ground as they had taught at school, pats of lard fell from the ceiling. Several times he had tried to get up to go out in the back, in Piazza dell'Erbe, but the hiss of successive bombs had blocked him to the ground, as if crushed by the shock of the explosion (63). Nearby, other people, who had been locked in Municipality, they had looked for a way out through the woodshed overlooking Piazza delle Erbe; but to no avail, because the door was jammed. The displacement of air of the last bomb opened the door wide. Neither they immediately take the opportunity to escape through the vault; among them Gigino (Fagioli), wounded in the forehead, again he does not know that he has lost his wife and daughter. They pass by to Pazzi's wife, who is asking for help, agonizing; but, taken by terror, they do not stop (64). She is on the ground (65), leaning with her back against the wall near the urinal; leaking blood (65) that is runny on the plaster of the wall, leaving indelible traces as a warning to the survivors. Maria has not no longer even the strength to speak. Plead with it look an acquaintance to bring the little one to safety Gabriella, the daughter he has in his neck (67). The Steak is that takes the daughter, waiting for the opportune time to bring her to safety towards the countryside (68). Maria does understand that she would like to be taken back, out of the vault, on the opposite side of the outbreak. Down there, the Menchina della Posta and others, recovered from daze (69), they try to please her, dragging his heavy body outside the vault, in Via Grilli (70). Even the elderly woman who had been injured by the same splinter, try to get busy. They ask her to do more strength, to pull with both hands; she responds with his Neapolitan accent: "Nun` o tengo cchiù [I don't have it anymore] "He has a torn arm (71). Eighth discharge The pair of bombs dropped by Lieutenant Hooper falls behind the rubble of the Quadrio kiln and demolishes the house of Simonucci, the Town Accountant. All those who took shelter from the upper floors remain buried at the bottom of the staircase in Via Mariotti, towards the vault, thinking it was the safest place. In vain Marinetta (Trotta) tried to convince them to run away (73). Bengasina (74) dies with Polda, the girl who helps her with housework (75). Near them, three other women lose their lives: Gina, a teacher of literature, cheerful, cheerful, smiling; aunt Esterina, rustic, scapeciàta, grumpy (76); Giovannina, who had gone to class (77). The collapse overwhelms other inhabitants of the building, on the upper floors: an embroiderer and her son (78), who has returned for a few days on military leave from Spoleto, in aviation as a reconnaissance photographer (79). Hamlet, who had unsuccessfully tried to get in touch with his family from the alley of San Giovanni, was no longer able to return to the entrance to the oven, because a mountain of rubble now prevented access from the square. So he tried to enter from the back of the house, through the arch where there is the Maurino (Luigi Fagioli) staircase. He fell (80) there, hit by a ledge (81). A hero (82). First he sacrificed himself for the others, bringing them to safety. Then he thought, in vain, also about his family. In the end he fell, like Jesus, who redeemed all men. Ninth station Jesus falls for the third time In the nearby hairdresser, where Gina (Borgarelli) sought consolation for her terror every time there were alarms, Velia curled up under an arch, helpless in the face of the flames and gusts of dust released from the crater of Via Mariotti, through the small door towards the back of the Corso (83). When the first bombs fell he was washing Elisa (Pucci )'s head (84). Loredana (Trentini) was waiting to do her hair, obeying her mother who had been scolding her for a few days: "Me sembri` na capeciòna, with all `sti ciùrci". They were all paralyzed by the tremendous noise of the planes and by the glass of the door that fell to the ground (85). The external wall of the building at the rear of the hairdresser's, connected to Simonucci's house through a passage above the arch, collapsed, causing the kitchen of Tilde, wife of Paris (Giovanni Miccioni) to fall. Luckily she had gone to drain the lupins in the toilet, towards the Corso, instead of on the kitchen sink, as always (86). The second stop The second aircraft quartet also rejoined the formation. It's 9:51. The storm broke out six minutes ago. The dust cloud has invaded the entire historic center; up there, from the cockpits, you can no longer see anything. Lieutenant Jandrell realizes the mission is compromised. He consults with the other pilots. The opinions excited to decide on what to do, exchanged through the radio, grant a longer respite (87): on the ground, whoever can take advantage of it. At the same time in Città di Castello the alarm bellowed (88). From the crater La Velia sees that no one is moving from the pharmacy opposite; remains curled up under a hairdresser's arch, trying to squat even more (89). Instead Loredana (Trentini) and Elisa (Pucci), taking advantage of the prolongation of the quiet, sometimes leave the place. The first runs away, towards the Piaggiola, dodging a woman with a clique of hair behind her head, on the ground there at the vault, who seems to be dead. She is Pazzi's wife. Dina (Galmacci) cannot avoid beating her up. Taking advantage of the momentary silence, she comes running from the vault, after having escaped from the back room of Palchetti, in piazza delle Erbe (90). Elisa flees in the opposite direction, towards the Collegiate Church. Menchino (Domenico Pucci), her husband's cousin, sees her running with curlers on her head in the direction of home, instinctively to reunite with her son Franco, a few months old; he makes her enter the Palazzoli barbershop at the corner of the Reggiani palace, already full of people, pulling her by the arm: "Where are you going? Can't you see that bombs are falling everywhere!" (91). Others take refuge in the shops adjacent to the barbershop, where Eusebia sells the shards and Grattasassi the fabrics (92). Opposite, at the beginning of the bridge towards the Piazza, where Tonino's (Grilli) Shell petrol station was, some German soldiers got out of a truck. They shout: "Korre! Korre!" (93). On the opposite side of the square, some of the schoolchildren crouched behind the Collegiate Church run away, each to his home. Another boy, frightened by the tiles falling all over the place, runs away from the Boca basement towards the platform; he passes by a German who is cursing, pointing his gun at the sky. He throws himself in the middle of the nearby cornfield, for fear that the pilots will notice the soldier's intentions and shoot at him (94). The children Many children have watched bewildered at the end of the world (95). When he saw the first plane above the square drop things that looked like shaving soaps, the cylindrical ones, Simonello (Simonelli) felt his mother Giuseppa (Migliorati) dragged into the door of the teacher Lina (Barbagianni). Another twenty people took shelter there. Many have prayed. Father John did nothing but shout "Calm, calm" interspersed with curses, while he closed the door which opened at each explosion. Simonello asked several times: "Mom, will we die?", But he was not so afraid, because he felt safe under his protruding belly for the little sister who is about to be born (96). In the arms of an adult, in front of a window in Via Roma, Maurizio (Burelli), who has just turned two, has just imprinted in his mind the indelible image of a threatening plane and a terrifying din (97). With each bomb explosion, little Laura jumped on the bed, together with the knock of a window (98). Another girl cries, Dora (Silvestrelli); so far he has trembled with fear, like his house on the Corso where it is sheltered (99). Peppe (Magrini) is in bed - he has a fever - and listens, motionless and wide-eyed (100). Quinto de Pistulino (Tosti) is seated at the end of Via Soli, a few tens of meters from the crater, on the edge of a stuffed demijohn, supporting his twenty-month-old son. He keeps it dangling between his legs, squeezing his chest with his hands, to protect him from the impressive roars that make everything vibrate, even in the bowels (101). An enormous mushroom of smoke has engulfed the country and rises higher and higher (102); it is blown by the wind towards the "alberata" [Via Cesare Battisti], the tobacco factory, the Tiber (103). Yet, there is still someone who refuses to accept the tragedy: Santino has to forcefully persuade his mother Ida, a janitor in the kindergarten, to take refuge inside; she is lingering to withdraw the flower shards from the windows for fear that, falling, they will be ruined (104). In the crater of San Giovanni, night fell everywhere; ahead of time. Those who are not already dead can barely breathe from the dust and debris. Wait for the end (105). 1) Gianna Feligioni. 2) Avellino Giulianelli. 3) Ramiro Nanni, How I, Ramiro, lived the bombing ... , manuscript from 1979. 4) Giuseppe Cozzari. 5) Marinella Roselli. 6 Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the smoke of the bombs already fallen. 7) Top left: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli, with an image of the P40 dashboard provided by Andrea Gragnoli. Bottom left: Umbertide plant, with the target and the smoke of the bombs already fallen. 8) Top right: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Bottom right: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the fifth pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 9) Ines Biti. 10) Annunziata Caldari. 11) Maria Luisa Rapo. 12) Class III E, Mavarelli-Pascoli State Middle School, Voices of memory , Municipality of Umbertide and San Francesco Cultural Center, Umbertide, 2002. 13) Italo Ciocchetti. 14) Victims: Galeno Monfeli, Mario Arrunategni Rivas, Giuseppe Ciocchetti, Giuseppe Pierini. 15) Francesco Martinelli. 16 Victim: Lina Violini. 17) Margherita Violins. 18) Elda Villarini. 19) Victims: Domenico Donnini, Gianfranco Donnini. 20) Maria Giovannoni. 21) Victim: Ubaldo Gambucci. 22) Luigi Gambucci. 23) Photograph kindly provided by Luigi Gambucci. The watch was recovered from the pocket of father Ubaldo, a victim of the bombing. 24) Victim: Licinio Leonessa. 25) Franco Caldari. 26) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the sixth pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 27) Victim: Virginia Cozzari. 28) Dina Bebi. 29) Victims: Elda Bebi, Marianella Ceccarelli, Rosanna Ceccarelli, Giulia Bartoccioli. 30) Ornella Duranti, Margherita Tosti. 31) Giovanni Angioletti. 32) Bruno Burberi. 33) Francesco Martinelli. 34) Fernanda Martinelli. 35) 'Domenico Mariotti. 36) Victims: Luciano Bebi, Maria Domenica Bebi, Tecla Bebi, Anna Banelli. 37) Adriana Fileni, Domenico Mariotti. 38) Pia Galmacci. 39) Victims: Veronica Cozzari, Realino Galmacci. 40) Victim: Elisabetta Boldrini. 41) Dorina Galmacci. 42) Victim: Assunta Porrini. 43) Mario Cambiotti. 44) Victims: Amalia Cambiotti, Marianna Mastriforti. 45) Maria Luisa Rapo. 46) Bruno Tonanni. 47) Sergio Celestini. 48) Magdalene Maria Marzani. 49) Victims: Antonio Barbagianni, Zarelia Tognaccini. 50) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the seventh pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 51) Fausta Olimpia Pieroni. 52-53) Walter Biagioli. 54) Victim: Rosalinda Renga. 55) Piera Bruni. 56) Maria Chiasserini. 57) Luke 23, 28. 58) Sergio Celestini. 59) Mario Alpini. 60) Mario Alpini, Annunziata Caldari. 61) Giovanna Pazzi. 62) Ornella Duranti. 63) Egidio Grassini. 64) Giuseppa Ceccarelli. 65) Victim: Maria Renzini. 66) Ramnusia Nanni. 67) Paola Banelli. 68) Giovanna Pazzi. 69) Italo Lotti. 70) Mario Alpini, Sergio Celestini. 71) Italo Lotti. 72) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the eighth pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 73) Joy Simonucci. 74) Elena Boriosi. 75) Victims: Bengasina Renato, Elvira Mortini. 76) Class III E, Mavarelli-Pascoli State Middle School, Voices of memory , Municipality of Umbertide and San Francesco Cultural Center, Umbertide, 2002. 77) Victims: Armede Gina Borgarelli, Ester Borgarelli, Giovanna Pambuffetti. 78) Victims: Neodemia Barattini, Mario Scartocci. 79) Class III E, Mavarelli-Pascoli State Middle School, Voices of memory, Municipality of Umbertide and San Francesco Cultural Center, Umbertide, 2002; Fernando Scartocci. 80) Victim: Amleto Banelli. 81) Domenico Mariotti. 82) Elio Caldari. 83) Velia Nanni. 84) Elisa Manarini. 85) Loredana Trentini. 86) Giuseppina Miccioni. 87) Domenico Manuali. 88) Alvaro Tacchini (curator), Venanzio Gabriotti - Diary , Institute of Political and Social History Venanzio Gabriotti, Petruzzi Editore, Città di Castello, 1998, p. 192. 89) Velia Nanni. 90) Dorina Galmacci. 91) Elisa Manarini. 92) Celestino Filippi. 93) Maria Migliorati. 94) Luigi Guiducci. 95) Giuseppe Magrini. 96) Simonello Simonelli. 97) Maurizio Burelli. 98) Laura Corbucci. 99 Dora Silvestrelli. 100) Giuseppe Magrini. 101) Mario Tosti. 102) Renato Silvestrelli. 103) Sergio Ceccacci. 104) Saints Improved. 105) Silvano Bernacchi, Vera Vibi.

The Stonecutters of Niccone And the "ciaccabreccia" of the Tiber curated by Francesco Deplanu This is a beginning, a research perspective with few news and sources that we intend to follow, however: workers and jobs lost in our territory linked to physical and productive characteristics that have changed over time. We have news of the stonecutters of Niccone da Giovanni Bottaccioli who in 1985 fixed his memories on the " stonecutters " of the hamlet where his family came from within his text on the victims of Penetola . In fact, among the victims of the Forni family there was Canzio and Ferruccio was also killed for the Nencioni family: both stonemasons. In this regard Bottaccioli wrote: “ As I have already mentioned, Canzio was part of that large group of Niccone stonemasons, for whom it is necessary to say a few words since their work was in demand and very important. In fact, most of the stonecutters of the municipality and neighboring municipalities were concentrated in the hamlet of Niccone. I list them according to my memories: Giuseppe Medici and his son Orlando (Guido), Menotti Nencioni, the Testerini brothers (Dante, Primo, Secondo), Canzio Forni and Ferruccio Nencioni (victims of Penetola), Magino Faloci, Antonio Nanni, Carlo Mattioni , According to Magrini and, the only living ones, Marino Baccellini and Duilio Truffelli; the latter is the rebuilder of the Rocca fountain, which was rebuilt in 1978 by the municipal administration. Their specialty was the processing of “sandstone” or serena stone which they extracted mainly from the “Giappichini” quarries near Molino Vitelli, “Fariale”, near Mita and from Monte Acuto. This type of stone was used for pavement of sidewalks, for gutters, fireplaces, columns and doorposts, stairs, window sills. Some important works of these stonecutters are the facade of the parish church of Niccone, the external columns of the Collegiate church, the door of the town hall and some chapels of the various cemeteries scattered throughout the territory. ". Giovanni had also kept some instruments of the Medici family, the family of his wife Renata, a beloved lifelong companion: hammer and chisel dating back to the end of the nineteenth century and left by him father Orlando. It is the action that is done with the tool that gave life to the name of their trade: “scalpére” is in fact a Latin term which means to carve, engrave, the term “chisel” and then “stonemason” derived from it. According to what Giovanni's nephew Giampaolo Bottaccioli reports, the chisel was hardened "with water" and not with "oil." That is, the tip was hardened with a series of successive immersions in water. Giampaolo also remembers the "acute ”Characterizing the hamlet of Niccone since the morning when he was little: the intermittent noise of the chisels on the stone. Again thanks to the Bottaccioli family, thanks to the availability of Giovanna, daughter of Giovanni and Renata, we were also able to photograph the 1893 hammer, which had belonged to Giuseppe Medici and then to his son Orlando, known as Guido. They were important tools, prepared precisely for the processing of stones and were passed from father to son. The gesture of hitting the chisel to model the yellow sandstone and the more gray one, that is the pietra serena, bent the metal giving us the sense of fatigue, blow by blow, which allowed their achievements. This instrument was the "mallet" or "stonecutter's mallet": it was composed of an untempered iron head with two quadrangular mouths and a central eye for grafting the wooden handle. The work of the stonemason in our areas probably did not have the same distinction that existed in other parts of Italy between real "quarrymen" and "stonecutters", the type of possible works and the realizations visible in the area. Our "stonecutters" moved among the roles of laborers, workers for structural work, craftsmen for the precise realization of architraves or other simple decorative elements and, if necessary, they had to respond to requests for skill and sensitivity almost from artists for the realization of more complex decorations. Surely the "bulk" of the activity was aimed at the construction of steps, sidewalks, building finishing stones, etc ..., and it was a tiring job: sitting on the ground with the constant risk of being hit by a splinter in the eye. Isotta Bottaccioli remembers the immediate and peremptory warnings to go away for this reason that they received as children when they got too close to the "stonecutters". Angeletti Angelo, in his book “ If only the Stones are left to speak ”, where he tells his childhood and the life he took to Montemigiano, also reports the child's games they played at Niccone: " Every now and then, interrupting the game, I would start looking at the stonecutters who, sitting on the ground, beat and beat with strange hammers on large stones and hit their hands and their faces thick with dust and sweat, but above all their eyes amazed me, because they reminded me of those of the rabbits my grandmother raised, so red they looked like burning coals. "(Cit. P.41). The precise indications of Giovanni Bottaccioli should be confirmed at least by working documents or indications of payments, if any, especially as regards the external columns of Santa Maria della Reggia. We are left with the existing decorative / architectural and the material sources. As for the church of Maria SS. del Carmine di Niccone, the work of the last "survivors" of this workforce is also visible in the decorative element of the portal of the facade, now actually completely covered with ivy. There is very little news on the net but on a site of the "Catholic Church" dedicated to the description of the churches in the various Dioceses you can read: " entrance portal consisting of an opening surmounted by a round arch surrounded by a large molded frame ". This At first glance, the "entrance portal" appears to be in "pietra serena" even if it is not specified on the site ... as certainly are the entrance and interior steps; instead, "Lisciano Niccone" rather than "Niccone" is indicated as the location of the church. The church, as reported on an internal plaque, was consecrated in 1947 by Bishop Cipriani and commissioned by Don Pericle Tirimagni. Cement, the building material it replaced the stone was used to structure " two large concrete parallelepipeds protruding from the plane that houses the openings and the portal. These projections that occupy the facade for its entire height are decorated with a series of horizontal bands that are repeated from the base to at the peak ". Isotta Bottaccioli has a clear memory of Orlando Medici, known as "Guido", who worked incessantly to create the external "decoration" of the forepart. The church of Niccone, with the façade still visible in the 70s-80s and as it is today. Photo 1: http://www.chieseitaliane.chiesacattolica.it/chieseitaliane/schedaca.jsp?sercd=37995 Photo 2: Francesco Deplanu Isotta also remembers the instrument with which "Guido" medici worked, "beat" or "tapped", to prepare the decorative stones of the facade of the church of Niccone and the external steps in pietra serena and those that allow you to go up to the Presbytery. A different hammer from the one preserved and visible above, with a notched plate on the surface. A hammer that Isotta recognizes among the historical ones that were certainly used in Tuscany that can be traced on the web: the "bocciarda". This instrument was also called "bocciardà" in the marble quarries of Bassano del Grappa. Duilio Truffelli, in the memories of his son, used to call this instrument is the "liar", an evidently distorted modality of the local dialect. We report the definition of a company of the "Tuscan boulder" that has recovered the tools of the ancient "stonecutters": " Big hammer having the end of the mouth equipped with several points pyramidal one next to the other, used in the processing of stones to make them rough (beating). Also known as a grain hammer. ". "bocciarda" was to hit the stone with the notched part so that all the points touch together. The surface of the affected stone thus becomes dotted and is defined as an "orange peel". An estimate can be made of how many stones that adorn the facade have undergone the "beatings" based on the old images of the church: the ornamental bands are about 60 for each "tower", each band has between 4 and 6 stones on each side ( are 3 sides), this leads to a number between 700 and 1000 stones worked probably one by one since in the immediate postwar period modern technologies were not available. It was certainly a collective work of the "stonecutters". Isotta on the steps of the church of Niccone in the 1950s. The decorative stones of the façade are still visible. The "bocciarda" to "tap" the stone. Image from the web. The "beating" of the exposed stone in the decorative stones of the facade of the church of Niccone with its "orange peel" result. Details of some internal and external ornamental stones of the church, with signs of aging and flaking together with the visible "fine-grained punching" in the entrance step. Commemorative plaque of the consecration (1947). Niccone building with openings on the facade all decorated in pietra serena. As for the origin of the most characteristic material used by the "stonecutters of Niccone", ie sandstones, we have confirmation of at least two "facts". The first is the existence of a "microtoponym" mentioned by Bottaccioli that is visible in the "tablet" of the IGMI with relief from 1941, F. 120 I NO, where you can highlight the signs of a slope line represented by small wedges, with probable emergence of sandstones, at " i Giappichini ", near Molin de Vitelli. The second is a historical reference to a sandstone "quarry" right near the town of Niccone. In the text of Bernardino Sperandio, " Of the Umbrian construction and ornamental stones " a document is reported among the "Inventories" entitled " State of Mines, Mineral Sources, Quarries, Workshops existing in the Municipality of Fratta, province of Perugia, district of Perugia ", ASCU year 1861. This inventory indicates the " Quarries and Torbiere " of Fratta (cited in the text "Umbertide" also if in fact his name had not yet been changed). The document reports various types of stones, among these the " Strong sandstone or stone are used for use [...] " (the "pietraforte" in Tuscany is a very solid sandstone) and their presence is indicated as well as in the Parish di Romeggio, also a site in the “ parish of M. Migiano owned by the suppressed Eremo di Montecorona ”. Montemigiano above Niccone. One thinks that it is no coincidence that such a high presence of "stonecutters" has developed at Niccone. The town acts as a "link" with the road that connects the Tiber Valley and Tuscany where the "pietra serena" was also used as a "stone of art". It's still famous is the pietra serena ("boulder") Fiorenzuola, an area where the only quarries still remain economically active today. In Tuoro sul Trasimeno there were some valuable quarries in the past, if you re-read the Bottaccioli pass you can see that the quarries used by the Niccone stonecutters "proceed" towards the lake; area with a similar surface geological composition. Proceeding from Molin de Vitelli and then towards "la Mita" you arrive at border with the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, historically, and Tuscany today. In Tuoro this activity is remembered by the sculptures of the "Campo del sole" at Punta Navaccia. It is probable that the "stonecutters" of our area have borrowed knowledge and working methods from their Tuscan neighbors rather than from the ancient tradition of the "stonecutters" of the Eugubino, where limestone was and is the stone of art and construction. Limestone that needs another type of processing and that has a very different resistance to atmospheric agents. But here there is absolutely no security given what can be found in the quoted text by Sperandio quoted above. In the Gubbio, in fact, there are two specific types of sandstone, the " corniolo " and the " palombino ". The first is also called "boulder". The "Corniolo", mainly used since the 15th century, it is assumed that it came from the Scheggia area or from San Benedetto towards Pietralunga. Also it is mentioned that this stone when it was found it was “ set aside in the fields, in small boulders of gray-green colors until they took on a yellow-ocher hue ”. Harvesting action carried out in the winter by farmers since the Middle Ages. Those who know the hills that go from Niccone to Tuscany know well how it is common to find similar "boulders", which are usually present in our rural buildings. The “Palombino”, a less frequent and more compact straw yellow sandstone, was used instead in the 17th century and was extracted in the upper part of the Bottaccione. The Collegiate, Santa Maria della Reggia, (details and photos from 1929) with the external columns in evidence; the fountain rebuilt in 1978 and the main door of the Town Hall, all in pietra serena. The fountain that someone today calls of “One thousand lire”, due to the last restoration made with the last “lire” in 2001, after the changeover to the euro, has an ancient history. The previous restorations date back, as Bottaccioli tells us, to 1978 when a refurbishment took place by the “stonemason” Duilio Truffelli. Even before its placement under the fortress it was positioned, as told by prof. Sciurpa, leaning against the ancient church of Sant'Erasmo. Here, writes Sciurpa, << on 29 September 1849 it was decided to make “the necessary restorations to the public fountain to water the horses, located in the Upper Borgo along the Via Montonese ” >>. As mentioned in 1978 there was a remake of it by the Municipal Administration. Today the fountain it has been moved and still not repositioned due to the works to refurbish the square in front of the Rocca. Photo from: http://www.lorenzocoriophotography.altervista.org/landscapes/italia/umbria/dsc_1066-1000px.jpg.html Giampaolo Bottaccioli recalls that in Umbertide there was, in addition to the activity of working the most valuable stones, also that of working simple stones and pebbles from the Tiber river, smaller "pieces" used for different activities based on the size. It should be remembered that until the post-war period the same road that connected Umbertide to Niccone was also a road made of "breach". Shortly after the end of the bridge over the Tiber, in the direction of Niccone where the road has a crossroads for the Abbey of Montecorona, it was usual to see men in charge of breaking the stones of the Tiber into smaller parts. The "ciaccabreccia" (or "ciaccabreccia") Pàrise at work. Photo by Fabio Mariotti. They were the "ciaccabreccia" probably present along the river in more villages. We transcribe a part of the text "The Tiber and Umbertide" on pg. 46 referring to the work of the "ciaccabreccia": “For the stones and the pitrìccio the ciaccabreccia came into action : all day with a mazzétta he ciaccàva i sàssa and capàva the bòni to tira on the walls , 'all day long with a club he choped the stones; he put aside the best ones destined for construction ". In addition to this, in the text by Maria Cecilia Moretti you can also read a description, always in the dialectal language, of the tools for splitting stones: " A la Fràtta, 'a Umbertide', an old ciaccaìno used three hammers: a larger one for large stones , a mezzanòtta, 'an average for medium stones', ùna more migna plus picini stones ,' the smaller one for minute stones "; quàn s e'ra stew de da ta n sàsso grosso ... change the mazze'tta e déa ta n sàsso picìno , 'when he was tired of using the heavy wad he changed the wad and chopped the smaller stones.' He always knocked on the same point; in Pretola, the point where the blows fell was called the cacatìna ; the montòn de brécia , 'the heap of breccia', was growing. " The work of "ciaccabreccia" was certainly ancient, but it was found to coexist for a long time with the mechanization that started in the early 1900s, it was certainly present in the collection and processing of river stone as seen in this image from 1939. This document shows us the coexistence in the production process linked to the building material between the cart pulled by donkeys, manual work and the machine in action. We conclude by always specifying from the work of the Sperandio a synthesis of the others rock or construction materials present in our territory. As for the quarries and peat bogs, the "substances" indicated in 1861 were "white marble", "dark red or white marble", "cenerino marble", "red veined white marble", "white veined marble", "black marble" , "Sand quarry", "Clay quarry", "Pozzolana quarry", Quarry for Macine "as well as" Strong sandstone stones ". The "quarry for millstones" was located at the Parish of San Giuliano, or in the area of San Giuliano delle Pignatte, from whose church comes the 8th century ciborium. today moved to the Abbey of Montecorona. Precisely the Montecorona area, along the Nese stream, was characterized by the presence of "calcarenites", or "marbles". At Monte Acuto the calcarenites of "dark red marble" and "substances" of "pozzolana" emerged. Finally, sand and clay that were found in areas near the Tiber. SOURCES: PHOTO: -Francesco Deplanu and Fabio Mariotti (Municipal and personal archives). Photo of the "bocciarda" from the web. - Photo of the fountain after the 2002 restoration: http://www.lorenzocoriophotography.altervista.org/landscapes/italia/umbria/dsc_1066-1000px.jpg.html ORAL SOURCES - Bottaccioli Isotta, Bottaccioli Giampaolo and Bottaccioli Giovanna. TEXTS - Giovanni Bottaccioli: " Penetola, not all the dead die " - Municipality of Umbertide, 1985/2005. Fully visible and downloadable in the .pdf version prepared by "umbertidestoria" by clicking here . - “The Tiber and Umbertide” (curated by Sestilio Polimanti) by Maria Cecilia Moretti, Lorena Benedice Filippini and Fausto Minciarelli. Text extracted from Maria Cecilia Moretti, "The Tiber, a built and interpreted space" (1986); p. 46. - Roberto Sciurpa: Umbertide in the 20th century 1900 - 1946 - Ed. GESP, Città di Castello, 2005 (p. 354). - Bernardino Sperandio, Of the Umbrian construction and ornamental stones., Perugia, Quattroemme, 2004 (p. 265, pp 288-289). - Angelo Angeletti: “If only the stones are left to speak”, Digital book Srl, Città di Castello, 2019 8p. 41). LINKS - http://www.chieseitaliane.chiesacattolica.it/chieseitaliane/schedaca.jsp?sercd=37995 - https://www.umbriatourism.it/it-IT/web/umbria/-/campo-del-sole - https://www.etimo.it/?term=scalpello - http://www.prolocotuorosultrasimeno.it/campo-del-sole/ - http://www.comune.firenzuola.fi.it/museo-della-pietra-serena - http://www.frosinipietre.it/gli-strumenti-dello-scalpellino-parte-4/ - http://www.frosinipietre.it/gli-strumenti-dello-scalpellino-parte-5/ - https://www.bassanodelgrappaedintorni.it/pove-le-rocce-le-cavce-gli-scalpellini/ Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

The crosses in the fields curated by Francesco Deplanu We are made of history ... of millenary traditions handed down from gesture to gesture ... One shot shows us a field at the end of the harvest in the southern area of Umbertide, in front of the so-called “Skyscraper”. If we look at this photo from an economic history perspective, we can see a productive world modified by mechanization. Change that we can immediately identify in the "round bales". Mechanization began well before, in the early 1900s and led to a sharp decrease in workers in the fields. This contributed to a radical change in the type of settlement: from scattered to centralized. Here it meant the beginning of a clear growth of the city settlement and also the extension of the inhabited area in a southerly direction, especially starting in the 60s ... up to "eating" the "fields" and the houses rural. If we place ourselves in the respective "immaterial culture", however, we also see a folkloristic-religious sign, of a simple religiosity that has been handed down for centuries: the " feast of the holy cross " or " Inventio Crucis ". A cross intertwined with blessed olive branches to protect the harvest, to "guarantee" one's life, manage the fear of the future to protect one's labors. In short, a propitiatory rite. The origin dates back to the recovery by the Emperor Heraclius of the "True Cross" from the hands of the Persians in 628 AD, but it is claimed that, with the celebration of this "recovery", a festivity of the spring period already present since the fourth century after Christ has definitively crystallized, in short, more than two centuries earlier. It was celebrated in May or September? In central-northern Italy, the "feast of the holy cross" is usually "celebrated" on May 3, although the religious feast is located in September. In fact, in the Gallican custom, starting from the 7th century AD. C., the feast of the Cross was held on May 3 but the feast in this month, already formally secondary to the Catholic rite, the Roman liturgical calendar was removed in 1960/1962, following the reforms of the "Missale Romanum" which took place with John XXIII. But it wasn't there the recovery of nature in September ... and in the countryside they continued to celebrate in May. These spring rituals, functional to propitiate the trend of agricultural life, took place during the period of the " Rogations ", or two holidays: the greater on April 25 and the lesser of three days in May, where with prayers and processions the deity was asked for clemency for the harvest. This is attested in different parts of Umbria, for example in Trevi, as well as in numerous areas of Italy. Today the processions of the " rogations " have completely disappeared ... however "the crosses in the fields" remain, even in our countryside. The current state of archival research it does not allow us to attest in what period the rituality of the "feast of the holy cross" was defined in a stable form in the area around Umbertide; there remains even the doubt that for the less recent past there may be a "secular" documentation that reports this aspect, because it belongs to the culture of the humble of those who could not write or had a "voice". Rather, the diocesan archive for past centuries should be investigated, as well as the secondary elements present in photographic sources from the early 1900s. and finally the oral sources. Fortunately, the memory remains by prof. Angeletti in his 2019 text " If only the stones speak " that fixed some moments of the "rogazioni" in Montemigiano, above Niccone, during the period of the world conflict. We are also certain that in the "Fratta" the rituality of the "rogations" existed for some time since in the period of French domination, and then specifically Napoleonic, the "Seminary", dependent on the Diocese of Gubbio, closed to celebrate the days dedicated to this holiday. Cesarina Giovannoni, in her unpublished graduation work “ Events of an Umbrian country in the French age. Fratta (now Umbertide) from 1796 to 1814 ", in fact, it lists these holiday periods. In a note, a "Table of holidays in the schools dependent on the Episcopal Seminary of Gubbio" appears, where it is indicated that the school was closed for the month of May for “ The three days of the Rogations, on the 15th eve of St. Ubaldo but only after lunch and for the feast of the saint, on the 26th for the feast of San Filippo Neri ”. In April the 25th of the month was already indicated as a holiday for the " Feast of San Marco Evangelista ". There persistence of the tradition of the "cross in the fields" is also visible in this other photo, near Niccone along the road that leads to Mercatale di Cortona, between the Niccone stream and the state road. Here we see how in a similar way the historical changes, that is, the cultivation of tobacco and modern irrigation technology, have not made this millennial custom disappear. The "holy cross" stands out on the hills with the Montalto castle in evidence. And then several crosses are visible in various plots that rise towards the Castle of Civitella Ranieri ... to propitiate the harvest of different types of crops. In the northern area of Umbertide known as the "Petrelle" it can be seen in the grasses ... and also in the first meters after the limit with the Municipality of Montone, at the crossroads of S. Lorenzo, you can see a cross between the fruit trees. But the custom is present throughout the territory as they are also found near the town of Spedalicchio di Umbertide, in the plain and at the beginning of the road that climbs towards S. Anna. Finally they can be seen again in the plain south of Umbertide, near the stadium and with Monte Corona in the background. But always observing in the perspective of "immaterial culture" we see how rites and traditions adapt, overwriting previous customs, even with deeply different cultural and religious systems. In fact, propitiating the divinity to protect the fruit of one's work is an action ancestral. In short, we are a complex stratification of "stories" ... Stories that have the common dominator in the connection between the material life and the spirituality of the men who have inhabited this territory, linked by the need to survive. In fact, ingratiating yourself with the divinity to protect the fruit of your work is not an urgent need that dates back only to the origins of Western Christianity: the " rogations " in fact incorporated the " Ambarvali " of the Roman period (a term that we can translate as "around the field ": etymology: from Latin ambarvalĭa, neutral term pl., comp. of the pref. ămb- 'around' and a derivative of ărvum 'field'). It was Pope Liberius in the fourth century after Christ who pushed to replace and incorporate in the Christian religious and ritual sentiment the festivities of the "Ambarvali" which continued to take place in the countryside on April 25 and early May. For the date of April 25 another Roman holiday is connectable and "superimposable" and was always linked to another "propitiation", that is a functional ritual to remove the scourge of rust: the Robigalia . This time, these rituals took place in a wood dedicated to the secondary divinity goddess with a double aspect of the “rust of wheat” (Robigus). Like most of the geniuses of vegetation and rustic life he was fatal and at the same time propitious, male or female. In this case, the sacrifice of animals was present in ancient Rome. In short, various propitiatory rites in the same period of the year and with the same dates, in the period of the "masses", date back to the Roman cultural system and refer to the same function. Detail of the inscription (also reachable by clicking on the image) from: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Inscrição_dos_sacerdotes_arvais.jpg What we can see is that even in the pre-existing "pagan" rites of the Roman world the request addressed to the deities was the dominant feature. We insert here a translation of the inscription relating to the "Ambarvali" in ancient Latin where you can see the request to the "cruel Mars" to "pass over", or to save the harvest. The Latin text of the above inscription can be found in several online sources, the Italian translation is taken, however, from the wikipedia page cited at the bottom, together with the image of the inscription of "carmen arvale" present only in the Portuguese wikipedia. « [...] enos Lases iuvate snow lue rue Marmar [si] ns incurrere in pleores Satur fu fere Mars limen sali sta berber. [sem] unis alternnei advocapit conctos enos Marmor iuvato. Triumpe triumpe triumpe "Oh Lari help us, do not allow Mars, that the ruin falls on many, Be sated, cruel Mars. Go beyond the threshold. Stand still there. Call upon all the gods of the harvest. Help us oh Mars. Triumph, triumph, triumph, triumph and triumph ! Similar invocations were also present in the "Rogations" which were still established liturgically until a few decades ago. In the "Blessing" of the Roman ritual of the CEI we can still read them among the "Other blessings for special occasions" (Appendix 1), specifically in the "supplications", to which they had to be answered every time "hear us Lord", the phrases: " Give us a forgiving season", "Give us the fruits of the earth", “Give everyone wisdom prosperity and health ". As far as we know during the Rogations in Monteleone di Orvieto the "invocations" for the blessing of the waters were declaimed ": " From lightning and storms, deliver us, O Lord; from the scourge of the earthquake, deliver us O Lord; from plague, hunger and war, deliver us O Lord; for the mystery of your holy Incarnation, deliver us O Lord. " This latest news comes by Fernando Corgna who wrote " Monteleone d'Orvieto: History of the town, of the churches and of social and religious life ". In Umbertide Prof. Angelo Angeletti tells some aspects related to the "invocations" that were recited during the processions between Montemigiano and Niccone when he was a child, in the period between the Second World War: << in spring the Rogations were made which had St. Vincent as patron saint, celebrated, honored and invoked to implore good harvests and to avert the many calamities that could put bread at risk; for this reason, in April, in the most delicate period for the countryside, the Rogations were recited ... >>. During the ceremonies, the men of the countryside listened to the Latin of the litanies and responded more heartily to what they heard precisely, that is the fear for the harvest, or that they really managed to understand in the language of the liturgy: << There were other things that left me perplexed: they were the litanies sung during the procession to which people responded in unison "Free nos Domine! " But when the priest sang "A plague, a fame et bello" the "Libera nos" dropped in pitch almost to become little more than a murmur because, after the invocation to keep away the plague and hunger on which everyone was dying. chord, that "beautiful" sounded somewhat out of tune; much clearer and more shared was the "Libera nos", when the priest sang "a fl agello terraemotus, a sudden death" and everyone, absolutely everyone, would have liked to respond a hundred times to the invocation "a folgore et storm": that was the prayer really important sung by men and women as they watched their fields and vineyards. >>. That deliver us from "beautiful", or rather from "war", was not understood, while it was well understood the reference to natural disasters. We are stratifications of stories ... always in our territory, in fact, we can see that the same need for propitiation of products by one's own work is easily traceable also in the previous agro-pastoral economy society of the period between the fifth and fourth centuries BC. Here the bronzes of the Umbrian-Etruscan world, found in Monte Acuto, in the shape of bovine, sheep and other animals served as " thanks and request for protection for the donor's breeding " Luana Cencaioli quotes, reporting the opinion of D. Monarchi in his work on the “ Votive bloodline of Grotta Bella ”. We conclude by showing below the entrance to the sanctuary of Monte Acuto seen from the south and from below. In the votive cabinet, the traces of which have been identified inside the "enclosure", immediately after the entrance highlighted in the photo, the votive statuettes now preserved in the Museum of Santa Croce in Umbertide were recovered. The need for "propitiation", or to invoke protection for the livestock that is found in the "bronzetti of Monte Acuto", belongs to that same need to protect ourselves from the uncertain and frightening future that has taken on different forms over time based on one's own religious reference system… and which we find in our “crosses of the fields”. PHOTOS: Francesco Deplanu, images taken between May and June 2020. SOURCES: - Roman Church Liturgy: http://www.liturgia.maranatha.it/Benedizione/a1/A2page.htm -Carmen Arvale: https://latin.packhum.org/loc/149/1/0#0 http://www.mikoflohr.org/data/texts/CIL_6_2104/ https://it.qwe.wiki/wiki/Carmen_Arvale https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Inscrição_dos_sacerdotes_arvais.jpg -Rogations and Ambarvali: Angelo Angeletti: “If only the stones are left to speak”, Digital book Srl, Città di Castello, 2019 (pp. 54-55). https://www.garzantilinguistica.it/ricerca/?q=ambarvali http://www.treccani.it/encyclopedia/rogazioni_%28Encyclopedia-Italiana%29/ https://www.storiaromanaebizantina.it/ambarvali/ http://www.webdiocesi.chiesacattolica.it/cci_new/documenti_diocesi/207/2016-05/12-451/CAL_LIT_estrà_SULLE_ROGAZIONI_pag170_171.pdf https://storiediterritori.com/2020/05/18/un-tempo-questa-era-la-settimana-delle-rogazioni/ https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tradizioni_di_Monteleone_d%27Orvieto Robigalia http://www.treccani.it/encyclopedia/robigalie_%28Encyclopedia-Italiana%29/ -Unpublished thesis by Cesarina Giovannoni: “ Events of an Umbrian town in the French age. Fratta (now Umbertide) from 1796 to 1814 ; "1968. (p. 38). - “ Umbrians and Etruscans. Border peoples in Monte Acuto and in the territory of Umbertide ”, edited by Luana Cenciaioli, Ministry for Cultural and Environmental Heritage Archaeological Superintendence for Umbria - Municipality of Umbertide, 1996; (p. 41-44). Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

RUGGERO CANE RANIERI by Alvaro Gragnoli Story of a captain of fortune, Ruggero Cane Ranieri, and of a large family of Fratta Perugina. The Counts of Civitella Ranieri and Montegualandro, patricians of Perugia, nobles of Velletri and Marquesses of Sorbello. Background Little is known about the origins of Fratta, today Umbertide (1), as well as other small towns in the Upper Tiber Valley. It can be assumed that until the fall of the Roman Empire it was nothing more than a small village located near the Tiber, from which it obtained fish and water for the cultivation of the surrounding fertile lands. Precisely because the Roman Empire guaranteed security, it certainly did not need any particular defenses, so it can also be assumed that its location was not the current one. The discovery of some Roman tombs near the current S. Maria di Sette could suggest that the small village could be found in those parts, but the researches of historians (2) have not led to certain conclusions. With the fall of the Western Roman Empire following the barbarian invasions, it is presumable that the survivors take refuge in a place that adds a natural defense to what the inhabitants could have opposed. The islet placed at the confluence of the Reggia torrent on the Tiber is proposed as the ideal place. In the struggle that pits the Lombards, intent on conquering Italy, against the Byzantines determined to defend the territory that connects Rome to Ravenna, the area finds itself as a natural outpost on the line of an unstable border. Traces of fortifications, which emerged during the restoration of the fortress, were found in the basement of the current Teatro dei Riuniti, and can be attributed to the Lombards. But the lack of any document does not allow, to date, nothing but suppositions albeit supported by archaeological elements of difficult dating. The coat of arms of the Ranieri family On the right, the portal on the walls with the ancient coat of arms The arrival in Italy of the Ranieri family Certainly around the year one thousand the territory that goes from the borders with Gubbio to Lake Trasimeno was granted as a fief to the Ranieri family who arrived in Italy following the emperor Ottone. And it is one of these, Umberto, (or Uberto) who in the late 10th century. the construction of the castle of Civitella begins, which will take the name of the family, and the re-foundation of the Fratta is attributed to him (3). The first document of which we have memory bears the date of 12 February 1189 and is an act with which the Marquis Ugolino di Uguccione Ranieri subdues the castle of Fratta and all its lands in Perugia (4). At that time the Ranieri lineage is very powerful and has already divided, due to the succession, into the three branches of Gubbio, Orvieto and Perugia. In 1206, in Perugia, Monaldo and Glotto dei Ranieri donated the land of Monteluce for the construction of a female monastery that would be part of the Franciscan movement and of S. Chiara. The influence of the family is now very strong and has taken a notable position in the struggles for the power of that city. He is at the side of the Baglioni against the Raspanti and their allies Michelotti and pays a painful toll of blood when the Raspanti, previously ousted, regain power at the end of the century. XIV, killing about 300 people and, among others, many members of the Ranieri family. The destruction of the castle of Civitella The castle of Civitella alla Fratta, stronghold of the Ranieri, was completely destroyed. Ruggero Cane, son of Constantine, has not yet returned to Perugia from exile where he is and, "The misfortune of his own did not occur, because God reserved it for great & heroic enterprises, after having enriched it with all those qualities, which can adorn the soul and the person in excellence, of a Knight" (5) By Ruggero Cane Ranieri, a great military leader and certainly the man who gave more prestige to the family, we do not know the place or date of birth, because his parents had not returned to Perugia from the exile they had been forced to by their rivals since 1361, but we can assume it can be placed around 1380. In 1398 the collaboration in arms begins with the Fortebraccio da Montone arm He embarked on a career in arms and in 1398 he was alongside Braccio Fortebraccio da Montone (6) in the service of Macerata. He has already gained considerable experience in commanding mercenary troops if in 1402 we find him in the service of Nicolò d'Este with 300 horses. Take part in the battle of Casalecchio di Reno won by the Visconti against Bologna. It then passes to the service of the Malatesta of Rimini and then of Florence. In 1407, after having fought for the king of Naples Ladislao d'Angiò with 1500 knights, he was called by Braccio Fortebraccio to the siege of Ascoli Piceno, and made a "miserable havoc on the life and possessions of the Ascolani, leaving them a bloody memory of brutal cupidity "(7). In 1412, called by Carlo Malatesta, he was in the service of Venice, in command of fifty cavalry squads (8) in the war that opposed the Republic to Prince Sigismund of Hungary, for control of the Alpine passes and Dalmatia. The troops of the Hungarians are under the command of a great captain who has escaped from Florence, Filippo Scolari (Pipo Spano Fiorentino) (9) and are achieving notable successes. Arm Fortebraccio da Montone In the battle of Motta di Livenza, August 1412, Carlo Malatesta is wounded and his troops, believing him dead, disband and flee towards the Tagliamento, leaving the way open for the conquest of Venice. Roger engages in a furious battle on the bridge over the Livenza river (10). As a modern Orazio Coclite has it destroyed behind him to prevent any escape route for his soldiers, and thus allows Carlo Malatesta to rearrange his troops and counterattack the Hungarians who, now certain of victory, have abandoned themselves to looting, making them massacre. More than 1500 Hungarians and Bohemians are killed along with their commander general and five out of six Hungarian flags are captured. ... ..the whole Italian camp runs in dismay: the Hungarian follows them as a sure winner and the tall lion flies with the wind: In this peril a pure man of arms Rogier Can perugin not already a coward he made a wall of his body in Venice. To the river he ran and raised his banner, spoiling the bridge, so that everyone stopped; and among them he seemed a leopard ... (11). He did not have the same luck in the siege of Feltre in November of the same year. He commands 1000 horses and 500 infantrymen but is beaten by the arrival of Marsilio da Ferrara in command of 800 horses, and by the Feltresi who have come out to counterattack. In 1417 he is again in the service of Braccio da Montone who, having become lord of Perugia with the battle of S. Egidio (12), is besieging Castel Sant'Angelo in Rome and whose troops are decimated by the plague, but is forced to leave the city with the arrival of the Angevin troops called by Pope Martin V. Always in the service of Braccio in 1419 he attacks Gubbio to take it away from the Montefeltro. He manages to enter the city through a door opened to him by Cecciolo Gabrielli who, however, is immediately locked up after his entry along with 50 horsemen. The result is a violent fight in the streets but still manages to save himself. A few days later he occupied Assisi and then placed himself at the siege of Spoleto. The following year Pope Martin V appoints him governor of Montalboddo, today Ostra, in the Marche region. In 1421 he marries with great pomp with Giuditta Colonna with whom he will have two daughters, one of whom, Marzia, will marry Malatesta Baglioni. Secondly married Altavilla di Ottaviano degli Ubaldini (13) who will give him two daughters and a son. In June 1424, with the death of Braccio in the battle of L'Aquila (14), he was advisor to his son, Oddo, but then accompanied him to Montone because Perugia wanted to return to papal power. In the same year, the inhabitants of Ostra kicked out their representatives from the city and put their trust in the Montefeltro family. In August the city of Perugia appoints him as its ambassador to the Pope to agree on the return of the city under his banner and protection. Once Perugia returned under the dominion of the Pope, we find him among the five members of the Arbitrio, demonstrating the prestige achieved. Vincenzo Armanni, in one of his letters addressed from Gubbio on December 28, 1668 to Michele Giustiniani, as well as extolling the noble origins and military skills, writes of Ruggero: " He still honored, faithful, and frequent services to Bernabò Visconti Duca of Milan in very important affairs, in which he was often employed, & in those maximally, which he had to negotiate twice with the Pope in Rome, who was sent Ambassador there ". Venice endows him with a notable pension in recognition of the great services rendered to that Republic. With weapons and diplomacy, Ruggero Cane regains possession of the territory of Civitella and in 1433 begins the reconstruction of the castle but will not see the end because death takes him in Perugia in April 1441, two months after the sumptuous marriage. of Constantine, the only legitimate male child, with Pantasilea daughter of Ranuccio Farnese. His funeral was equally sumptuous as a chronicler recounts it: “ On April 18, if el corrupt (the funeral weeping ed.) Of the death of Rugiere de Costantino dei Ranieri was commenced; I went around the city 25 servants on horseback all dressed in flags, first the standard white with the red cross, and the one who wore it was all armed as when he was captain of the Venetians, and you can with their arms. and on the 21st of the dictum made and corrupted great, and out dressed among men and women 70 persons; and buried in Santo Lorenzo, and placed the flags in the choir. and on the 22nd of the dict I made him a sequio with all the religious orders, which was a very beautiful thing ”(15) demonstrating the great esteem he enjoyed, his portrait was placed in the Baglioni room in Perugia (16). On his tombstone was affixed the inscription: O RUGGERO CANE RANIERI AMONG THE CAPTAINS OF VENTURE MISTY MEMORY YOU WOULD BE IF HE CAUGHT THE MUDLANGES OF THE HUNGARIANS THEY DID NOT HAVE CRYED YOU TERRIBLE AND GREETED VENICE HIS LIBERATOR (17) Plaque dedicated to Ruggero C. Ranieri in the castle of Civitella Around 1480 in Perugia the struggles between the nobles for power are rekindled. This time the Ranieri, increasingly powerful (18), are allies of the Oddi and adversaries of the Baglioni. The latter prevail, kill some components of their rivals and damage the fortifications of the castle of Civitella not yet completed by their son Constantine. In 1495 the Ranieri, with the help of the Duke of Urbino, regain possession of the castle and Raniero, grandson of Ruggero Cane, manages to complete the reconstruction. A date affixed to an old door, 1519, suggests that it is the date of completion. The lordship of the Ranieri over the castle of Civitella is confirmed by various popes in different eras; from Martin V in 1426 to Clement X in 1671 (19). The history of the Ranieri family e its importance in Italy and in Europe The story of the Ranieri family, told through the documents preserved up to 1951 in Umbertide in the family property and then transferred to the State Archives of Perugia (20), reveals to us how important it was in Italy and in Europe. Here we want to mention some such as Tancredi, who died in 1645, who was an officer in Flanders for the Archduke of Austria Matthias of Habsburg in 1610 and governor of Romagna; Constantine IV known as the Ferrarese was lieutenant general of cavalry and governor of the papal arms in Ferrara, where he later died; Constantine V (+1742) known as the Traveler who fought in Gaeta and took part in the defense of Turin with the Austrian general W. Philipp Lorenz von Daunn, was Innocent XIII's waiter of honor and chamber gentleman of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. Giovanni Antonio, in 1859 took Altavilla Bourbon of the Marquis of Sorbello (21) as his wife and in 1906 Ruggero inherited from his maternal grandfather, for himself and his descendants, the surname and arms of the Bourbon del Monte di Sorbello, which he passed on to his sons. In 1995 the “Uguccione Ranieri di Sorbello Foundation” was founded in New York in memory of Uguccione Ranieri di Sorbello (1906-1969), journalist, writer and diplomat. A trust to enhance the cultural heritage of the Ranieri di Sorbello family through historical-cultural initiatives and events. Since 2012, all the activities of this foundation have passed to the "Ranieri di Sorbello Foundation" based in Perugia. Currently, in the castle of Civitella Ranieri in Umbertide, during the summer, artists from all over the world and of the most varied disciplines are hosted, giving them the opportunity to express their potential. This is possible thanks to the “Civitella Ranieri Foundation” founded by Ursula Coming and directed since 2007 by Dana Prescott. Since its inception it has hosted over 800 fellows and guests from all over the world. View from the top of the castle of Civitella Ranieri today NOTE: 1. The name was changed in 1863 following a resolution of the municipal council on the directive of the Ministry of the Interior to avoid misunderstandings between too many municipalities with the same name. The council initially decided on the name "Umberta" but sparked half a revolt among the population. A new council was convened and this time the name "Umbertide" was well accepted by all. 2. See “History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide” by Antonio Guerrini- Tipografia Tiberina- Umbertide 1883; and “History of Umbertide” by Priest Umberto Pesci - R. Fruttini Typography - Gualdo Tadino 1932. 3. Vincenzo Armanni, in his "Of the letters of Mr. Vincenzo Armanni written in his own name", published in Macerata in 1674 for the types of Giuseppe Piccini, on page 297 et seq., Speaks extensively of the Ranieri family present in our area since 970. He speaks of it as a very powerful family, like the Baglioni of Perugia and owner of many castles in various parts of Umbria. In their honor Fratta will carry, and still carries, the initials FOU, (Fratta Oppidum Uberti) in the city coat of arms. 4. U. Pisces op. cit. page 10 5. see Armanni's letter cited above note 3 6. He will always remain his faithful ally "nor can one say how fruitfully with valor, and with the council he assisted in the most arduous undertakings to the arms of Braccio Fortebraccio, that great leader of armies and famous conqueror of the city" (V.Armanni letter a M. Giustiniani quoted) Ariodante Fabretti; Biographies of Capitani Venturieri dell'Umbria; vol. 1 °; 1842-Angiolo Fumi- Montepulciano- 7. Ariodante Fabretti; Biographies of Capitani Venturieri dell'Umbria; vol. 1 °; 1842-Angiolo Fumi- Montepulciano- 8. Cesare Crispolti; “Perugia Augusta” - Perugia MDCXLIII- Heirs Tomasi & Zecchini- page 314 9. In his "Perugia Augusta", Cesare Crispolti claims that he had been bribed by Venice and that, on returning to Hungary, King Sigismund had him killed by pouring molten gold into his mouth, almost a Dante's retaliation, to punish him for his greed for gold. The accusation and the heartbreaking death are disproved by history. The Scolari, great and ferocious leader in the service of Sigismund of Hungary, led the war against the Turks of the Ottoman Empire again in 1417 and in 1422 the year in which he died. In recognition of the great services performed, he was buried in a chapel next to the one that hosted the royals of Hungary. 10. Armanni p. 316. For Fabretti it is the Tagliamento 11. Ariodante Fabretti op.cit. Page 167 12. It took place on 12 July 1416, a sunny and very hot day, in S. Egidio near Perugia and it was not just a clash between two armies but two schools of thought on how to conduct a battle. Braccio's opponent, Carlo I Malatesta, was a follower of the Sforza school which provided for massive and continuous attacks with heavy cavalry. Braccio's tactic, called “braccesca” from his name, involved continuous and fast attacks on the opponent's weak points with small groups that then returned and replaced by others. Thus he always kept his opponent busy while his troops had the opportunity to cool off and rest. After seven hours of continuous skirmishes, the army of the Malatesta, now tired and thirsty, was overwhelmed. Braccio thus crowned his dream of becoming the lord of Perugia. 13. The Armanni op.cit., Pages 301-302, underlines this marriage to demonstrate the importance of the Ranieri family which was related to a lineage whose nobility was equal to that of Charlemagne, like the king himself he recognized. 14. In that battle Braccio was seriously wounded and died a few days later refusing any treatment and closing himself in stubborn silence. Manzoni, in the tragedy "Il Conte di Carmagnola", referring to Braccio, will make Nicolò Piccinino say: "... that for all he is still called with wonder and terror ..." 15. A.Fabretti- op.cit. p. 298 16. A. Fabretti- op.cit. page 168 17. A. Fabretti- op.cit. page 297 18. G. Vincioli. Historical-critical memories of Perugia in portraits of 24 illustrious men in arms and of 24 cardinals of the same city. Foligno 1730 p. 105 19. Vincioli page 107 20. The documents of the Sorbello marquises are found in the “Ranieri Sorbello Foundation” in Perugia 21. The castle is located in the Niccone valley and was part of the possessions of the Bourbons of Monte Santa Maria Tiberina Published on nr. 57/58 of "PAGES ALTOTIBERINE" published by the "Historical Association of the Upper Tiber Valley" year 2016 Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

THE "REGINA ELENA" KINDERGARTEN It was inaugurated in 1905 with the mayor Ciro Mavarelli by Amedeo Massetti A room used as a kindergarten already existed in Umbertide in the nineteenth century. In 1904 the municipal council had confirmed Maddalena and Marina Mavarelli (wife of Francesco Mavarelli) in the supervisory commission on this institution. In the council meeting of February 12, 1905, the report by the design engineer and director, Gustavo Scagnetti, on the conclusion of the construction works of the new kindergarten building was read. Mayor Ciro Mavarelli communicated to the municipal council (Vittorio Ramaccioni, Giacomino dal Bianco, Tertulliano Marzani, Avenerio Natali, Gustavo Scagnetti, Romolo Fabbri, Astorre Ramaccioni, Giuseppe Conestabile Della Staffa, Cesare Torzoni, Giovanni Ramaccioni, Giovan Battista Burelli, Stanislao Simoncini, Aristide Reggiani, Antonio Gnoni and Geremia Carlani) the final state of the works, to be paid in 20,422.96 lire. The councilor Cesare Torzoni intervened, recalling how the construction of the new building had been entrusted by private negotiation to the Cooperative of the Masons of Umbertide for the sum of 16,900 lire as a flat rate and now this significant increase could not be explained. Engineer Scagnetti, who was also a municipal councilor, clarified that the increase in expenditure was due to the fact that the Provincial Health Council had imposed changes to the project, which had to be carried out while the works were being carried out. These consisted in raising the classrooms, modifying the floors and replacing the designed perimeter wall with an iron balustrade, so as not to impede the illumination of the classrooms. In addition to this, the new building had to be adapted to the master plan, which the engineer did not know before compiling the project but which the previous administration had wanted to respect; this had led to a notable increase in the length of the surrounding walls. Then there was the increased depth of the foundations, the completion of the bathroom and the kitchens on the ground floor, works that were only foreseen in the project in later times. The council took note of Scagnetti's report, approved it with the changes that had taken place and instructed the council to provide for the related obligations. The new kindergarten was named after Queen Elena of Montenegro, wife of King Vittorio Emanuele III of Savoy, king of Italy It was inaugurated in October 1905 by the mayor Ciro Mavarelli. A commemorative postcard was printed for the occasion. PHOTO: Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide, Giuseppe Severi Archive, Fabio Mariotti SOURCES: Historical archive of the Municipality of Umbertide

The population over time Le linee di indagine I "numeri" del Piccolpasso Il Giorgi ed il popolamento sparso I "dati" della Diocesi nel 1808 I censimenti del Regno d'Italia Lo spostamento verso la città L'esubero dei lavoratori e la "morte" della mezzadria L'immigrazione L'immigrazione neocomunitaria The radical change in the resident population followed a growing trend motivated by the need to search for a better place to live, a possibility linked to job opportunities. Seasonal jobs and the development of engineering have laid the foundation for being an attractive place. Local emigration is the result of displacement flows from North Africa and South America but also from European "history". The fall of the Berlin wall triggered Albanian emigration to Italy, and today the second "foreign resident population" in Umbertide has Albania as its starting country. The enlargement of the EU in 2006-2007 has given way to an increase in "neucomunitari" residents from Romania, the third place of origin of foreign residents in Umbertide. The first sudden "detachment" of the resident population immigrated to Umbertide, already full-bodied because in a ratio of about 1/16 compared to the total resident, it certainly happened between 2002 and 2006. According to the survey " Umbertide Economy and society: the municipality and the territory " of the Umbra Research Agency, it went from 905 foreigners residing in the municipality to 1666. Based on ISTAT data referring to 31 December 2005, the population from Morocco it reached 501 units (299 males and 202 females). Residents from Albania reached 394 people (210 males and 184 females) ; from Algeria 140 (97 males and 43 females); From UK 77 (38 males and 39 females); from Romania 73 (29 males and 44 females); from South America 80 (32 males and 40 females). The dynamics linked to the enlargement of the European Union have also influenced the radical change in the population of Umbria, especially that relating to 2006-2007 which saw the enlargement extend to Romania and Bulgaria. The enlargement in 2007 led, in fact, to a notable increase of "neo-community" residents in the demography of the Municipality of Umbertide. Above all, the Romanian population increased exponentially: it went from 48 residents (21 males and 27 females) in December 2004 to 234 residents (108 males and 126 females) and in 2016 there were 459 residents (176 males and 283 females). Le linee di indagine (edited by Francesco Deplanu) As regards the demography of the territory, we propose a diachronic path, from the sixteenth century. to date, in search of significant trend lines even if exposed to the diversity of sources and survey times. We believe, however, that we can identify two "lines" of trend: 1) the change of an almost millennial form of settlement, from "scattered" to "centralized", 2) the inversion from being a land of emigration, starting in the 1960s, to being a "land of arrival", from the end of the 21st century. This attempt will not be able to give certain indications. This is because both for the vastness of the time considered that due to the lack of cognitive demographic interests in the surveys that reached us from the sixteenth century to the nineteenth century, as well as the differences in the forms of survey: from the castle to the countryside, from the “fires” to the “people.” As regards the sources, after the "Council of Trent" up to the unification of Italy it is above all the Dioceses and parishes that can give us important information. Only with the Kingdom of Italy and the contemporary ISTAT data of the Italian Republic can we get a less uncertain idea of the evolution of demography as a whole. For centuries the population of Fratta it remained in an extremely limited number. Piccolpasso in 1565 shows us in fact between 300 and 400 inhabitants. Giorgi's map, from a few decades later, always shows us a small amount of population within the walls, but it gives us a new "datum." That is, most of the population lived around the walls, and it was distributed in a "sparse" manner. Settlement that was consequence of an economic system, sharecropping, which will characterize the distribution of the fine population to the second half of the twentieth century. We can dare to find a line of union between the sixteenth and twentieth centuries, regardless of the increase in the population in approaching us, or in the constant division of the population between "countryside" and "city walls". scattered settlement linked to the exploitation of the territories: the system sharecropper. Since then, but concentrated in the last 70-80 years, we can identify two "revolutions" that have changed the use of the territory and the Umbertidese demography. The first great revolution was the crisis and then the end of sharecropping, which led to the abandonment of the countryside and the growth of the urban fabric, as well as the emigration of the population. Emigration lasted until the 1970s; internal and abroad. The second great revolution depended on another change in the production system: mechanization in the primary and secondary sector, which made the local production system attractive for some areas of the world, from seasonal to metalworking jobs. This second major demographic change transformed us from a land of emigration to a land of immigration. Let's start with "order": Piccolpasso in " The plants and portraits of the cities and lands of Umbria under the government of Perugia ", he spoke of 80 fires connected to the castle: " Fratta dei Sigli di Uberto fires about 80. ". Historians in general hazard a number of 4-6 "souls" for "fire", we can consequently think of a population of 320 to 480 people. Piccolpasso, "The plants and portraits of the cities and lands of Umbria subject to the government of Perugia" by G. Cecchini, Publisher of the National Institute of Archeology and Art History, Rome 1963. Image from "Central Institute for the Single Catalog of Italian Libraries and for bibliographic information": https://manus.iccu.sbn.it//opac_viewImagesManuscript.php? ID = 69561 Giorgi's Charter from the mid-16th century it is instead a "thematic map" which had the intent to represent the numerical entity of the "souls" present in the various parishes (two sheets obtained from two copper plates (475 x 680 mm each) of the Diocese of Gubbio. " Diocese of the city of Gubbio, described by the Most Reverend Don Vbaldo Georgii Clerico Evgubino ... " It is the representation of the data that the bishop Mariano Savelli, in 1567, asked to indicate to the parish priests with the number of families belonging to their parish and the distances that separated from the parish church, under the penalty of 50 florins as a fine for “reluctant” parish priests. Perhaps the final figures are at the end of 1570. The Charter (98 x 68 cm) is a real demographic census of the Diocese of Gubbio according to what was established in the Council of Trent, 1563, for the reorganization of the parishes. The Charter was created with data regarding the state of souls, with the location of parish churches, parish churches, inhabited areas, villas. On the map there is a division into squares and rectangles that roughly delimits the parish district, usually with numbers indicating the distance in miles from the parish. In the southern area, where our "Fratta" insists, we see that the percentage of dispersion of the rural population is very high, this suggests to "sharecropping". In contemporary documents there is also talk of "vinea" which indicates the cultivation of the vine practiced on the ground. Surely this spatial distribution of the population, with scattered settlements, speaks to us of a new tranquility of being able to live outside the city walls compared to past centuries and of a productivity of such places. It does not describe the territory, where it is cultivated or wooded, but the distribution of the population. With some precision, however, it is also possible to obtain the number of inhabitants of the various places, as well as of the entire diocese which had more than 20,000 inhabitants, taking into account that each "house" indicated 5 people. In the quadrant of the parishes around “La Fratta” they are identifiable 42 “houses” outside the walls and 22 inside. Within the walls of ancient Fratta, with the parish of San Giovanni in good evidence, considering this "rule" to be true, there are 22 "houses", or about 110 people. walls in the countryside. Since the houses in the quadrant are 42. For the same counting system there are 210 people outside the walls, about 320 people in the parishes of Fratta. Very similar to that of Piccolpasso. "Diocese of the city of Gubbio, described by the Most Reverend Don Vbaldo Georgii Clerico Evgubino ..." Image from "Lithographic copy of Giorgi's map published in 1574" by the Flag-waving Group of Gubbio with the contribution of Enrico Passeri Financial Advisor of the Azimut Group ", 2005 Until the Kingdom of Italy we have no univocal and easy to interpret data while the contemporary age, with its large population movements from the countryside to the city in the post-war period and the immigration flows of the last decades, can be investigated in more detail. These will be the events on which we will focus in order to better understand in which direction the identity of our country can go. For this at the end of the page you will find the references to the subsections of "arrivals", with the first stories of the people who arrived with the immigration phenomenon and of the "departures", with the first stories of our emigrants especially in the period 1950-70. However, we know, for example, that in the register of souls of the Diocese of Gubbio of July 1808 it appears that in the "Fratta" there were 346 inhabitants in the parishes of San Giovanni Battista and of Santa Croce (with Sant'Erasmo) 1051 inhabitants, both urban and rural, there were therefore 1397 souls in total. The source is a post by the local historian Cece di Gubbio . However, it is impossible to compare these data with those of about 50 years later, with the Kingdom of Italy, which present more than 10,000 inhabitants in the municipality of Umbertide. This is because the Diocese does not correspond to the whole territory of the "Comunità di Fratta" Institution (denomination of 1808) and there should be other parishes under the Dioceses of Città di Castello or Perugia, with the relative documents. Other information on the settlement of Umbertide in the nineteenth century comes to us from Renato Codovini thanks to the reworking made by Fabio Mariotti in our section on " Fratta-Umbertide 800 ". During the Napoleonic rule, in 1812 the" Maire "Magnanini communicated as a population of the Community of thicket "about 1,000 inhabitants", to specify after a few days a smaller number, 790 inhabitants. The first more precise indications in the following decade they do not come from a secular source, but from a religious one. Codiovini informs us: " In 1833 we have a first" state of souls ", a statistical survey wanted by the bishop, made by the parish priests house by house and therefore quite reliable. From this we learn that the inhabitants of the town are 825 gathered in 205 families, with an average of 4 people per family. Of these, 140 belong to the parish of S. Erasmo and S. Croce united and 65 families to that of S. Giovanni Battista. ". The fluctuations of the population, however limited, may depend on which parishes or settlements are counted. Certainly the population was not only minor, but was still mainly present in the rural settlements and in the smaller villages of the surrounding area. The evolution of the population from the Kingdom of Italy to today However aggregate, why total, these are the general data of the Umbertidese population from the unification of Italy to today. They serve as a basis for reflecting on the population movement of the last 150 years, even if they do not give us the measure of the significant movement of inhabitants from the countryside to the city. Year Residents 1861 10.184 1871 11.174 1881 11,537 1901 13.007 1911 13,248 1921 14,588 1931 15,647 1936 15.146 1951 16,077 1961 14,497 1971 13,498 1981 14,183 1991 14,379 2001 15,254 2016 16.607 According to prof. Bruno Porrozzi who dealt with it in his book " Umbertide and its Territory. History and images. " In the 1950s our town began to develop towards the south-east of the still well-defined central nucleus near the "Fratta" as the city center is still called by older people . The majority of the population was still in the countryside but would later move to the urban area. In the countryside characterized by polyculture "p greased " from farmhouses, farms and modest hamlets, it was inhabited essentially by families of sharecroppers and other nuclei, linked to some extent with agriculture (blacksmiths, farriers, carpenters, masons, small traders, brokers, etc.); everyone worked to provide the citizens with supplies . "With the birth of an artisanal and industrial development in the 1960s, together with the change in the rules on sharecropping in 1964, the population shifted towards the center. At the beginning of the 1980s, prof. Porrozzi " In the Municipality of Umbertide, sixty-one sharecroppers with one hundred and fifty-nine units currently operate in agriculture, thirty companies with one hundred and twelve permanent employees, fifty-six companies with temporary workers, three hundred and seventy-nine companies directly managed with seven hundred and sixty units. Five cooperatives have been set up (CAU , Molino Popolare Altotiberino, Fratelli Cervi, CIZAUP, Alto Tevere Tobacco Producers), which employ a few dozen permanent workers. ". In this modernized context, the population had chosen to move towards the city center. The synthesis more significant than the changes, however, is not only the doubling over twenty years of downtown population from 4780 a 8629 people, out of about 15,000 inhabitants of the Common, but they are data concerning the work sector from the primary sector compared to the secondary sector . Within 30 years, this relationship is reversed completely; these are the numbers: we passed by 4957 agricultural workers in 1961 just 1359 in '71, and even a 1104 workers in 1981. While in the face of 1363 workers in industry in 1961, you grow up to 1960 employees in '71 and 2249 in 1981; with a clear shift of workers in the service sector not taken into consideration by the data of prof. Bruno Porrozzi, in “ Umbertide and his Territory. History and images ". To understand which sector of the primary sector was affected, let's insert a new graph between sharecroppers and direct farmers even if with only the data of 1970 and 1982: in 1970 there were 1340 sharecroppers and in 1982 alone 159, in 1970 they were counted 918 direct farmers which will be reduced slightly in 1982 or a 760 direct workers. In short, it was the sharecropping that died. The resident population of Umbertide which had reached 16,077 units in 1951, began to abruptly decline. In 1971 only 13,498 residents were registered ("Umbertide economy and society: the Municipality and the territory ", p. 22. AUR data processing on ISTAT data). The need for emigration from 1950 to 1970 If you also consider Giovanni's studio De Santis " Anthropo-geographical features of the << Alta Valle del Tevere >> area" in " The upper Tiber Valley ", extracted from " Umbria Economica" , year III, n. 4 - 1982 printed thanks to the then "Banca Popolare di Spoleto", we can see how from 1951 to 1971 the population of the Municipality of Umbertide decreased by 14.4 percent, from 16,077 to 13,498 a significant migratory flow towards foreign destinations and the Roman area generated by the inability of the production system to "maintain" the population. It influenced greatly in the precarious agricultural production system, innervated for some time from the cultivation of tobacco, the "peronospera tabacina", second Paola Laura Ciabucchi " Shadows and lights of industrial development in the Upper Tiber Valley " which reduced the cultivated area in the Upper Tiber Valley by 50% and reduced the number of employees from 1664 to 217. From that moment there was a need to grow industrial areas in our areas, allowing the current industrial development. Industrial development, which together with seasonal agricultural work and the normal tendency of emigrants to move to where they exist emigrated nuclei of the same areas has favored an inversion of trend in the population leading to the current situation of more than 16,000 inhabitants, substantially identical to 1951. In particular, the evolution of the engineering system, born connected to agricultural production already before the war, saw the birth of several companies and in 1963 the birth of Metalmeccanica Tiberina. The agricultural production system first, with seasonal jobs also linked to the cultivation of tobacco, and today the engineering and "automotive" sector, which grew alongside several large companies in the area, have acted as a catalyst for many people coming both from abroad and from other Italian regions. Current Population Growth: Immigration In fact, in recent decades, in this Umbertidese population has increased the number of "foreign" families; the definition that follows is that of the ISTAT legislation which identifies foreign residents without "citizenship": this research it does not identify the situation of naturalized immigrants, a recent phenomenon. In about 15 years it has rapidly gone from less than a thousand resident foreigners to more than 2700 according to the latest Census which was also distributed with a division by nationality of arrival. For 2020 we only have the aggregate data of 2611 people residing in Umbertide with non-Italian citizenship: Foreign resident population on 1st January 2002- Total 905 Foreign resident population as of January 1 - 2016 -Total 2703 Sources http://demo.istat.it/str2002/index03.html http://demo.istat.it/pop2019/index.html http://www.comuni-italiani.it/054/056/statistiche/popolazione.html Also from the same Istat source of the 2016 census it is possible to know which are the different nationalities of origin of resident foreign citizens: four, Moroccan, Albanian, Romanian and Algerian are over 100 units. In short, a substantial part of the resident population in Umbertide is the bearer of varied histories and cultures. The awareness of how the past has structured the traditions in addition to the rural and urban territory in which they live today should be everyone's heritage, especially from the second generations who, in addition to bringing their own cultural and experience baggage, will have to feel part of the social fabric general as completely as possible. If it is possible to trace a synthesis of these last 40-50 years, it can be seen that in the last decade of the last century, 1980-2000, a stable community residing in Umbertide has materialized, in order of magnitude, Moroccan, Albanian, Algerian and the United Kingdom. In the following twenty years the Moroccan and Albanian communities have grown, while the Algerian ones have remained stable and the United Kingdom; the Romanian community, on the other hand, ranks third in terms of total attendance. As for the flows of the largest community, that of Morocco, emigration to Italy, rather than to France as had traditionally occurred previously, developed after the oil crisis of the 1970s. On the basis of the general indications that should be compared with those of Umbria, there are two main regions from which to leave for Italy: Chaouia and Tadla, located in the central area of Morocco, two of the 16 regions then abolished in 2005. The Moroccan community in our territory has grown steadily, in 2005 there are 501 residents, in 2016 the residents are registered 757 people. Different speech, as written above, for the Algerian community which appears to have decreased since 2005, where there were 126 residents, while to date are indicated in number of 140. Stable in absolute numbers, but relegated by one "place", it now ranks fifth among the nationalities of foreign residents, it is Great Britain, with 77 people in 2005 and 78 residents in 2016. After the data and numbers of the demographic change we can continue in the "memory", with the singles screw e stories of the old and new people from Umberto I. By clicking on the "hot words" highlighted in yellow the first stories of who left and who arrived . SOURCES: - Bruno Porrozzi, Umbertide and his Territory. History and images. Ass. Pro Loco Umbertide, publishing Cartolibreria 10+ 10 of Venti Maurizio, Umbertide - Simona Bellucci, Umbertide in the 20th century: 1943-2000, Nuova Prhomos Editions, 2018. - Paola Laura Ciabucchi " Shadows and lights of industrial development in the Upper Tiber Valley " in " The Upper Tiber Valley ", extracted from "Umbria Economica, year III, n.4 - 1982 print of the "Banca Popolare di Spoleto" (p. 87 -89) - John De Santis " Anthropo-geographical features of the << Alta Valle del Tevere >> area" in " The upper Tiber Valley ", extracted from "Umbria Economica, year III, n.4 - 1982 print of the "Banca Popolare di Spoleto" (p. 55) - AA. VV., “ Umbertide Economy and society: the municipality and the territory ” of the Umbra Research Agency (AUR), 2008. - “Lithographic copy of Giorgi's map published in 1574”, by the Flag-waving Group of Gubbio with the contribution of Enrico Passeri Financial Advisor of the Azimut Group ”, 2005. - Maria Oda Graziani, "The Georgi card", Municipality of Gubbio and Ass. Sbandieratori Gubbio with the contribution of Enrico Passeri Financial Advisor of the Azimut Group, Graphic Art Gubbio, 2005 - http://demo.istat.it/str2002/index03.html - http://demo.istat.it/pop2019/index.html - http://www.comuni-italiani.it/054/056/statistiche/popolazione.html - " THE MOROCCAN MIGRANT AS DEVELOPMENT AND INNOVATION AGENT IN THE COMMUNITIES OF ORIGIN ", European Commission - Directorate-General for Justice and Home Affairs, Exodus edizioni srl, Milan 2002 (pp. 96 and following can be downloaded at the link: https://www.puntosud.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/migrante-marocchino_ITA.pdf) - h ttp: //leg15.camera.it/cartellecomuni/leg14/RapportoAttivitaCommissioni/testi/14/14_cap05_sch04.htm - https://www.umbertidestoria.net/fratta-umbertide-dell-ottocento - https://manus.iccu.sbn.it//opac_viewImagesManuscript.php?ID=69561 Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com Marc Bloch: «The good historian resembles the ogre in the fairy tale: where he smells human flesh, there he knows that he is his prey. " I "numeri" del Piccolpasso Il Giorgi ed il popolamento sparso I "dati" della Diocesi nel 1808 I censimenti del Regno d'Italia Lo spostamento verso la città L'esubero dei lavoratori e la "morte" della mezzadria L'immigrazione L'immigrazione neocomunitaria

GUIDUCCINO DELLA FRATTA An experienced Frattegian administrator vulgar language and fourteenth-century poetry curated by Fabio Mariotti Conference held in Umbertide in November 1974 by Prof. Ignazio Baldelli of the La Sapienza University of Rome on Guiduccino della Fratta (Transcription from the original recording) From a paper manuscript in the State Archives of Perugia, S. Maria Valdiponte 28. (1363-67) cc.125-132-1375-76 cc.166-182 I want to start with some general considerations. In recent years, Italian culture at the highest levels has taken a strong interest in the regional aspects of its components. An illustrious scholar, Carlo Dionisotti, recently published a fundamental book on the relationship between geography and culture (Ed: “Geography and history of Italian literature”). I am not saying that all this was unknown until recently, but it was certainly strongly overshadowed as the culture of each country is strongly related to social and political reality. In the past century, all the forces of Italian culture and reality tended to unity; it is natural that in such a perspective, the regional aspects were strongly overshadowed and the accent was placed on what united the Italians, on the common aspects and therefore on certain voices and on certain great movements that had meant linguistic unity and Italian culture. However, it is certain that only in the last decades, since 1930, in Italy has systematic attention been paid to the regional components of Italy, and there has been a growing interest in a composite unity, made up of notable regional traditions, of different aspects, even if often in the millenary history of Italy these different aspects have sometimes sought a common denominator. Undoubtedly, all this must be related to the best Italian regionalism. We know that in the Italian regions, even as a political institution, there are serious periods: at a certain moment it could happen that instead of just one mafia we could have many small mafias and this would be one of the biggest misfortunes for the Italian reality. But many men of culture have confidence. Such a perspective - our trust in the regions - looks towards the ancient and takes the right of contemporary society from the ancient. Since the pre-Roman origins there has been a composite Italian reality; literature and culture in the vernacular was not born as a unitary one but was born first in the great Benedictine abbeys of the center-south, then in the municipalities of the center-north. If we look with a minimum of attention to the Perugian or Florentine culture of the thirteenth or fourteenth century we are faced with very different manifestations, sometimes contrasting, always very lively. This liveliness of the literary and artistic culture of our cities and regions gives us hope for an active, lively and non-provincial future of the regions. In a perspective of this kind, what has been maturing in the conscience of the Italians, what is the position of Umbria? Umbria has its own unitary physiognomy albeit in this larger unit, in what the Spaniards call the small homeland, in comparison with the large homeland, or the small homeland in accordance with the large homeland. Does our small homeland have an interesting cultural and linguistic physiognomy in that larger reality that is Italy? We are sure so, but first another consideration is needed. At first glance, some might consider the claim to the region, to regionalism absurd at a time when we are talking about Europe. Instead this is in perfect agreement. When men unite or attempt to unite in larger units each one must seek strength, his identity in the most immediate, regional roots in the truest sense of the word. In this broad, motivated and composite perspective of the kind I have said, what is the position of Umbria? I would say a position of extreme interest as the most ancient Umbrian culture, of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, is characterized by a strongly popular tone. Certainly very different from the Tuscan refinement, from the pedagogical, teaching, wisely Ambrosian tone of Lombard culture, but a popular tone in the Franciscan sense of the word. I use the term "Franciscan" with perfect conscience. The most revolutionary, most active movement in Umbria is Franciscanism for what it has catalysed around it political, ideal and cultural forces. In Umbria the most interesting literary manifestation of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries is the "lauda". That lauda of which today we are able to indicate various centers of active production, of different sign. A more revolutionary, Christocentric "lauda", as developed in Todi and Assisi, is contrasted by a more orthodox average "lauda". Perugia will espouse the interests of the Church for many decades in its expansion action beyond the Tiber, where Ghibelline traditions will be created, of rebellion against the Church, of rebellion against the bourgeoisie, of a popular character. All this produces a medium-popular type of literature: the "lauda" that chooses the ballad as a musical metric scheme makes a significant choice. Choosing the ballad among all the possible metric-musical schemes that the Italian and European culture offered at that time, means choosing the meter and the music of the most popular tone. Recalling Perugia, alongside the "lauda", we have the production of legal-administrative prose (the great municipal statute of Perugia was probably written in 1342 in the vernacular and is presented in one language, in a style that is attentive to the concrete reality of life daily); or a novel, the novel by Corciano and Perugia which offers us a medium-popular ideal. It is quite interesting to study such documents on a social and literary level. In this period there is an effort to recover classical traditions, especially French, translated on an actively democratic and popular level. The difficult equilibrium of Umbria, and of Perugia in particular, will tend to end rather tragically in 1370. Returning to the theme, it is of particular interest to refer to that family culture characteristic of the time. A "bastard" of accounts preserved in the State Archives of Perugia has handed down the accounting of a "gabelle" contractor, certain Guiduccino della Fratta (La Fratta was renamed, in the last century, Umbertide), which should not be seen as a naive and inexperienced minstrel. He was a man who handled considerable sums of money, having contracted out the municipalities of Montone, della Fratta, for a sum of 1000 florins, which, translated into lire, are currently 60-80 million. to be interested, with his partners, on a fairly conspicuous financial level: his actions, at a certain moment, went from Fratta to Marsciano. Guiduccino, therefore, was an important person even if he was not at the level of the great bankers of the fourteenth century. his accounting results in important payments even if we, on an anecdotal level, are more interested in the extreme care with which our Guiduccino treated his mount, the one he called his nag, which allowed him to travel between Montone, Romeggio, Fratta, Marsciano .... Here are some examples: ("Quisste sleep and the d. And the quail I Guiducino ò esspese. En prima espese a di xxx de November when I went to the Fracta wing for d. And to draw and put an iron of the ronccino and en j sheets of wine and en la provenda ii s. "). ("Item espese en lo trombadore when I el menaie to have the ordene of the dicta galbella of the casstello de Montone and dela Fracta and de Romeggio xxxii s. And vi d. Banned"). ("Item expended on the twelfth day of the dicto month in the arbergo d'Armanucciuo dala Resena x f.). (Item espese en vino to do honor to Fractegian cierte that I fommo ser Nicolò and I iiii s. "). ("Item paddles a day xviii of gienaio for the galbella de Montone won twelve gold florins of the quails had twelve of them from Sepolino de Luca and ten paddles of the d. Dele gallbelle caught xxii gold florins"). ("Item espese en axis, enn agute, elglie maiesstre that aconciaro the usscia and the fenesstre and 'l mangdoio, e' n palglia for the roncino, and the quail d. Espese Vagnuolo tavernaoio, and the quail d. Him die ser Pietro xxvi ll . iiii d. "). ("Item espese a di xxiii de marco en doie ferre nuova, en chiuov for the roncino and plump to make poltrilglia en glie pieie xxii s."). ("Item paddles in tormentina, in oil, in fat de casstrone to make the onhuento for the pies of the roncino xv s. (1)"). Note read: d. (to denare); ll (for livere); f. (for florins); s. (for solde). As can be deduced from certain peculiarities, the language used is that typical of the territory that goes from Perugia to Fratta. In the morphological system of ancient Perugia we note the presence of the neutral plural in "a", while the masculine plural in "i" does not exist; plural masculine and feminine, on the other hand, are united by the ending in "and". In the accounts of Guiduccino the vernacular is used and this constitutes a rather remarkable novelty as most of the accounts of this kind, throughout the century, are still kept in Latin. This means that Guiduccino - like many others - had a strong sense of the vernacular of his country, and therefore preferred it to Latin. Guiduccino, however, knew Latin, as evidenced by the transcription of "Adoro te devote", albeit in a somewhat approximate way. The choice of the vernacular is always a positive choice: Latin is the tradition, but men who have an interest for daily activity, they turn to the vulgar. Boccaccio's leading scholar has made a rather interesting observation; most of the codes that contain the "Decameron" have all passed through the hands of Italian bankers. We must not think of the "Decameron" as it appears to us from the cinema, but as a business book, the book that attracted bankers and the practical world of fourteenth-century Italy. Guiduccino is a small banker in the area and therefore has a very strong interest in the vulgar. But it is not only this that Guiduccino left in his account book, in his "bastardello": he also transcribed, if not composed, some poetic documents of considerable interest. Let me open a parenthesis. Many times some of the oldest documents of Italian poetry have been handed down to us through rather unusual roads. The literature in the vernacular is looked upon with a certain contempt by the university centers and by the men of the highest culture and therefore was not preserved from time with the same care given to the Latin texts. The book was a precious object, of very high cost: therefore the great ecclesiastical communities, princes, some notaries, universities could possess it. The parchment was used for important texts (St. Augustine, legal texts) while a work in vernacular written around the 11th-12th century was reported on some fragments of parchment, but in most cases it was not preserved or preserved. Then we find many of the most interesting texts of the origins of Italian culture and literature, from time to time, rather casually in certain half pages left blank. There is a codex by Gratian, a medieval jurist, in which when a chapter is finished, you go to a new page, leaving half a page blank. In this half page we come across a man of revolutionary culture who has a sense for the vulgar and hands down a text written in those centuries. Some of the most ancient rhythms of Italian poetry - Cassinese rhythm, Laurentian rhythm, Marche rhythm of S. Alessio - are handed down rather casually in this manner. Other documents were saved, just as casually, through the "guard" of the code, a large piece of parchment placed to protect the code itself. On these "guards" there are very important ancient texts. A notary from Umbertide must have had one of these codes at hand because he made a mess of it: there are 7-8 "bastardelli" linked by pages of the same 11th century code. The ways in which this ancient literature is handed down in the vernacular are casual to exceptional. I myself was lucky enough to discover the oldest existing Tuscan text in America, written at the end of the 11th century, in the "guard" of a codex of the Philadelphia library. There is a legal provision of the municipality of Bologna which prohibits notaries from leaving blank pages in documents to avoid tampering. And it is precisely in these blank pages that we find the most unexpected things in the study of ancient codes. The notaries of Bologna in the 13th century were men of particularly refined culture as the many pages that remained blank in the transcription of the documents were filled by them with extremely interesting copies of vernacular texts. In these Bolognese memorials - dated 1286 - there is a sonnet by Dante who was just over 20 years old in that year, but was so famous that a notary to fill a half blank page transcribes the sonnet of the Garisenda. And, if it was difficult for high-level vulgar texts to be saved, this was even more difficult for texts of a popular tone, considered negligible and therefore not transcribed. The Bolognese notaries have transcribed, along with songs by Jacopo da Lentini, even popular ballads. We said that Guiduccino was a man of good taste, he too had a blank page or two in his "bastardello" and he transcribed 4 ballads and a couple of prayers in Latin. The 4 ballads are not otherwise known and they are certainly all by the same author because they are united by a thematic element: loving fidelity. The ballads were written close to Umbertide since there are linguistic elements that certainly recall the region I was talking about before; and here they are: THE “You will never have pity cruel woman of me? and you know that 'l cur te de, and already do not aim at the time that was gone. If you thought about time how much is nobel thing, it is not yet in time to give your servant pose? and you are not flat and yet me dul de te that I brought you fe and tu en ver me always cruelty. Averaie tu maie pity Flee as much as you know that I too will follow you, that I love you more than never, and you do not want to suffer, say who you mean, and that I too will follow you and do not hope though that I abandone you that my heart goes away. Averaie you II My sweet lord, take merchandise of me who am subject to your faith. The annema, the body and my whole person to you donaie for the love I look at: if absentia foie, now forgive me, that I will obey you and never be late anymore, but this dart that is in my heart luie aial from me for love, faith. And the rays of light and your kindness I am taken to fall in love with your love, and in memory of the Danish faith I always contemplate in true color: to! dear my lord, your faith do not break it to me as others believe. Vague ballad, go to my lord And tell her to be firm and strong to me, and of his beautiful eyes and pious glance do not do my despect to no lover, but as a diamond keep faith to me who sees me for his love to die. III So that with close love I am for you, the annema is the heart always fo de you. He did not deserve, sir, so many ghuaie, because he loved you with 'perta fe, but I don't think he ever does that, star gientil, proceeded from you, but only he who never had fe with his and deceit he betrayed you and me. Giovene and beautiful, I don't want you to believe that it hurts me already being here for you, nor ancho de morir for quilla faith which you gave to me without error: donqua perfect love as a favor to you keeps el cor alegro towards me. Yes, as Arcita went down in prison What a podia Ymilia always see, maie huomo in the world had such a state that it seems I didn't think I had, but if near love were you assaie comfort doneresste to me. IV If he had been wise en ver de me, still possess my fe. Tu senca fe dolciecca deceived me, me who loved you more than anything else love, with your locenghe aie me more than robato how tender are the keys to my heart: I fell in the low sun for you, nor did you ever record more than me. But you do not look that your and deceive sleep known by those who use you, so that from outside what spreads within: the time that says mecho will pass, think for what your mala fe many will benefit by harming you. Sweet ballad is telling everyone who calls others to be wise and haughty and does not look at the pain with mocti thieves de who for robar others is so manero hold your purse tightly and your heart to yourself to what is not false fe. The elegant yet popular tone of the ballads is evident. It is an elegance that is revealed in the systematic nature of certain truncated rhymes, a usual element in poetic composition. The high cultural level is revealed in a truly amazing detail: the presence of an echo of a work by Boccaccio. This sonnet I am talking about was probably transcribed in Umbertide, in Montelabate, or in the territory between them, by Guiduccino della Fratta around 1363. Boccaccio is still alive and here there is a reference not to his major work, the "Decameron", which had already had a notable diffusion at the time, but at the "Teseida", an early work in eighth with very little diffusion in Italy. We are facing a local and regional culture, but not a provincial one. The region, however, has an active and cultural sense only if it is open to the reality of other countries and other regions. In the area we are talking about there is someone who cultivates poetry on a rather original level, even if it is not excellent poetry and is very attentive to the cultural reality of the largest centers, of the most notable poets. The reference to "Teseida" is when he says: "Sìcomme Arcita went down in prison / who can always see Ymilia see". Arcita and Palaemon are the two Theban prisoners in Athens prisons who fell in love with Emilia. I am not going to tell you about the "Teseida" but it is a story based on the love of two prisoners for a young girl who they see wandering around in the garden from a cell window. Here Guiduccino refers to the second part of the novel when Arcita, who has been allowed to leave Athens, comes back, with grave danger for his life, in order to see Emilia again. The interesting thing about these documents is the almost first-hand experience of the culture of a certain regional sign, actively present in what are the currents of the higher centers, for example by Boccaccio. These ballads, of notable poetic workmanship, were certainly written in the area we are talking about. What is the proof of this? The overwhelming proof is provided by the type of rhyme, which necessarily preserves the original aspect. We find in rhyme “enganne” with “spande” (In verses 9 and 11 of the ballad “Se saggio stato en ver de me”). We know that the ancient technique required perfect rhyme, while in this case there is no perfect rhyme. If we try to get a perfect rhyme in these two words we get "engenne", "spanne". You know that in most of Umbria "when" is said "quanno" (Foligno, for example). So evidently the poet of these ballads wrote "enganne" in rhyme with "spanne"; the copyist then changed "spans" and broke the rhyme. One might think that the ballads were written in southern Umbria; however, we cannot refer to the current situation, we must refer to the 14th century situation. Now it turns out that the consonant group "nd" was frequently found in the form "nn" in Gubbio. This means that this form extended far north than it is in today's dialects. In conclusion, we can say that these ballads were written in Umbria in an area not far from Guiduccino's homeland. The language of the above ballads and accounts roughly coincides with that of the Perugia theaters. However, there are two peculiarities that certainly recall Umbertide. To say "we went" we use the form "gemmo" and not "gimmo". "Gimmo" is the Perugian form; “Gemmo” is the northernmost form, almost castellana (and is the form used by Guiduccino della Fratta). Towards the area of Pierantonio there is still today a linguistic border of extreme interest: in that point passes one of the most important linguistic borders not only of Umbria, but even of Italy. From this point of view, those who are "Frattegiano" - how to say Guiduccino - use very different forms from those used, for example, in Ponte Valleceppi, that is, the sonorisation of the intervocalic "s". In the south of Italy the intervocalic "s" is always sonorous; north of the line I mentioned earlier we begin to find the sonic intervocalic "s". In the text reported above, in two or three cases, instead of the "s" our Guiduccino uses a "c", which in ancient texts was read as "z", for example in precedent, in chiecia, in piceglie (for "peas"). This form was used alluding to a sonorous "s": it is a hypothesis formulated by me at the time of the discovery of the texts, which I still confirm today. Even this land - I use "terra" with the medieval value of the term which means "walled land", "land surrounded by walls" - that is Umbertide had these interests towards the vulgar; interests towards a literary possibility with regional components (presence of the vulgar Perugian ) with some more local peculiarities (presence of probably "Frattegian" forms) or with a notable openness towards reality and larger centers (2). Note (2) See Ignazio Baldelli “Ballads and prayers in a book of accounts of the century. XIV - in idem, Vulgar Middle Ages from Montecassino to Umbria, Bari 1971, pp. 371-383. On 29 January 1980 the Umbertide City Council named a street in the area that was formerly called "Terziere Inferiore" or "Porta Nuova" (the current area of Piazza San Francesco and offshoots) after Guiduccino della Fratta. The professor. Carlo Dionisotti Via Guiduccino della Fratta

HISTORICAL NOTES OF THE UMBERTIDE MUSICAL BAND From the book by Amedeo Massetti "Two centuries on the march - Umbertide and the band" (Petruzzi Editore - May 2008) We dedicate this page of umbertidestoria to Amedeo Massetti who dedicated the last years of his life to local historical research with great passion and competence and of which he left us testimony with the beautiful and well documented book on the history of the city band. We propose here some excerpts, also considering that the story of the maestro Alessandro Franchi (a myth for the old musicians who knew him) is included in the page dedicated to the biographies of the twentieth century. It is clear that we refer to Amedeo's book all those who wish to deepen or know better this exciting story that continues even today. Curated by Fabio Mariotti The origins: music in Fratta The practice of singing during religious services, as is well known, was widely consolidated in medieval times. The first testimonies of musical performances in Fratta date back to the fourteenth century and are to be contextualized in the context of associative life linked to lay Confraternities. These Confraternities or Companies had their own headquarters and carried out their activity in some churches in the town, such as those of Santa Croce and San Francesco. They had their own regulations, their own administration and were under the control of the bishop. In the chapels, the Confraternities had the religious offices celebrated by a clergyman regularly paid by them, who also had the task of teaching music to some boy who then performed what he had learned in the liturgical ceremonies in the church. Hence, in Fratta the first approach to musical language consists of these simple performances of sacred and liturgical music which took place under the direction of the chaplain. In the Fratta of the seventeenth century, the teaching of music was entrusted to the teacher of the public school of the country - always a priest - managed by the Confraternity of Santa Croce. He instructed the young people of the most prominent families and being often an expert in music and organist in the church, he also took care of the parish choir. Even in the following centuries, musical education will find its natural and qualified seat in the oratories of the churches. The wealthiest Confraternities had always had a chapel master employed by them, usually a clergyman. He took care of the singing liturgy and gave music lessons to the children who attended the oratory and were part of the choir. In 1764 the chapel master of the parish of Santa Maria della Reggia, Silvestro Fanfani, received a (considerable) compensation of 76.33 scudi. Between the parishes and the various Confraternities "a competition of emulation was often unleashed to give religious events the character of grandiose solemnity, precisely through music and choral singing". For the feast of the Madonna, for example, on September 8, 1695, the parish of Santa Maria della Reggia spent 1.62 scudi for the musicians who performed lettanias, sung mass and solemn vespers. Even two years later, on 9 September 1697, Maurizio Savelli received 7 paoli for recognition of the music, that is, for the payment of the musicians who had solemnized the festivity with their work ". The rich Confraternities, such as that of Santa Croce, called foreign masters among the best and most famous of the time. These musicians had a salary of a few scudi a year, but they supplemented their income with other proceeds and lent their work in more Confraternities. In Fratta, there were never more than two or three, despite being the most numerous Confraternities. In a receipt of payment of 1704 to the master Galeazzi by the Confraternity of Santa Croce, we find this annotation: "Our Brotherhood has always been in the habit of keeping the Chapel Master of this land salaried with the annual salary of four scudi, with the obligation to make music for the feast of the Holy Cross, the Madonna and for the three evenings of the 'Exhibition of the Most Holy in Carnival, and other festivals such as at the Council of 21 November 1704 ”. In the minutes of the meeting of May 3, 1707, there is confirmation of the existence of a regular music course dedicated to children at the Oratory of Santa Croce and in it it is even proposed to give a salary to the youth who practice music by half paul for each time they will participate to sing for the feasts of our church. There was therefore a real music school, so much so that an economic incentive was deemed necessary for those less motivated young people, who perhaps preferred other amusements to the commitment of the choir. Even the Confraternity of San Bernardino, second in importance to that of Santa Croce, had its own Chapel Master, who in 1706 was Father Romanelli, a friar minor convent of Perugia, for the exercise of music in ecclesiastical functions and for the routing of young people. In some particularly important circumstances, musicians were brought in from outside, paying them high fees. In 1765, for example, for the construction of the Collegiate Church, 116 scudi and 31.5 baiocchi were spent on the new choir. The sum was considerable: in addition to the remuneration for the numerous musicians and the various transport costs, the sumptuous and delicious lunch was also very important, the main dish of which was the Sicilian maccaroni pie, prepared during the three days of the group's stay at Fratta. In 1795, the Confraternity of the Holy Conception, for the feast of the same name, brought ten professors of music and the chapel master of the cathedral of Città di Castello, for which ten scudi were spent, however, not considered Mr. Domenico Bruni who came to favor. Other expenses incurred for the payment of musicians can be found in the recordings of Santa Maria della Reggia, in the note of the gifts given to various attendants of this Collegiate on the occasion of Christmas, Easter and 8 September 1819. In addition to the chapel master , a remuneration was also paid to Dr. Burelli, GioBatta Spinetti, Bonaventura Spinetti (singer), and Antonio Manzini (tenor singer). "In that year at Santa Maria della Reggia there was still the chapel master Giovanni Manzini , who died a few years later; in 1824 the Collegiate Church paid a sum to Mariangela Manzini, widow of the choirmaster. Alongside the teaching linked to the ecclesiastical environment, there was a musical teaching that took place in the classic way of the time: the disciple stayed in the master's house in a kind of boarding school or boarding school for the years necessary to learn all the secrets of the art. . The relationship between the pupil's family and the teacher was regulated by a notarial deed, and the chapel masters often trained young people in music. In Fratta we find a first example of this in 1774: Clemente Ciangottini entrusted his son Mariano to Domenico Romeggini, from Lucca, who at that time was the chapel master of the Confraternity of Santa Croce. The boy would have had to stay with him for ten years, following the teacher in all his movements, and an annual fee would have been paid to this. But Mariano, two years before the expiration of the contract, ran away leaving his teacher and forcing his father to pay the teacher a large sum for damages. Photo: Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide The first marching band The group with the characteristics of a musical band, in the sense that is given to this term today, was established in Fratta on September 1, 1833. It took life within that private company, not dependent on civil or religious institutions, freely created by a group of citizens associated with each other and music lovers, of which it has been said: the Philharmonic Society of Fratta . The founders of the association were almost all very young and belonged to the class of landowners, bourgeois, or to that of craftsmen, that is, artisans or artists. The group of twenty-two members, who were also called Academics, because the Philharmonic Societies also had the name of Philharmonic Academies, was made up of Domenico Agostini, Giuseppe Agostini, Ruggero Burelli, Macrobio Brischi, Niceforo Cambiotti, Luigi Carelli, Domenico Carotini, Pasquale Chimenti , Giovanni Gigli, Lelio Lazzarini, Luigi Magi Spinetti, Luigi Mariani, Alessandro Martinelli, Angelo Martinelli, Demofonte Mastriforti, Antonio Montagnini, Averardo Paulucci, Cipriano Santini, Francesco Santini, Luigi Savelli, Luigi Vescarelli, and Antonio Vibi. We have news of almost all of them in the municipal historical archive. - Domenico Agostini , employee of the Municipality, in charge of "road maintenance assistant"; - Giuseppe Agostini , born in Fratta on 21 August 1817, landowner, lived in via Dritta (now via Cibo); he will carry out the functions of Prior and will participate in the first war of independence ''; - Ruggero Burelli , born in Fratta on 25 June 1803, landowner and notary; municipal secretary, a position he held for many years; lived in via del Teatro (now via Alberti); - Macrobius Brischi , "artiere" (craftsman), blacksmith; - Niceforo Cambiotti , miller: his family practiced this trade already in the 17th century; - Domenico Carotini , born in Fratta on 14 July 1805, maker of clay vases; lived in via di Castelnuovo (now via Cavour); in the municipal concert of 1862 he will play the "quartino"; - Pasquale Chimenti , ceramist; - Giovanni Gigli , born in Fratta on March 4, 1813, potter; he lived in Piazza del Mercato (today's Piazza Caduti del Lavoro); - Lelio Lazzarini , landowner, municipal councilor; from 1856 until September 1860, the year in which the temporal power of the Pope in Umbria, Prior of Fratta, ended; in December 1862, councilor acting as Mayor; - Luigi Magi Spinetti , owner; - Luigi Mariani , born in Fratta on September 6, 1807, "artiere", probably a blacksmith, lived in via San Francesco (now via Soli); in the municipal concert of 1862 he will blow the horn; - Angelo Martinelli , born in Fratta on 25 July 1805, potter and landowner; lived in via del Mercato (now via Magi Spinetti); he will be municipal councilor from 1838 to 1847; he played the bass (he will also play it in the 1862 concert); - Demofonte Mastriforti , born on June 28, 1813, lived in via Bremizia (now via Roma) at no. 24; "blacksmith-gilder, on 12 March 1849 he was elected municipal councilor"; - Antonio Montagnini , born in Fratta on May 31, 1815, shoemaker, lived in via Dritta (now via Cibo); in the 1862 Concerto he will play the clarinet; - Averardo Paulucci , born on 10 April 1810, cashier of the Philharmonic Society; landowner, he lived in via Cavour; he was also the contractor for the duty on the introduction of wood and other fuels; in the 1862 Concerto the piccolo will play: - Cipriano Santini , landowner, was among other things the owner of the farm in the Vocabolo "Fosso"; - Doctor Francesco Santini, born in Fratta on 24 May 1795, landowner, lived in Piazza San Francesco; municipal councilor; in 1840 and 1841, Prior; - Luigi Savelli , born in Fratta on November 22, 1800, landowner, lived in via Dritta (now via Cibo); from 1838, for some years, municipal tax collector; from 1 November 1817 until 1818 and from 1825 until 1860 teacher of reading, writing and numerics in the municipal school; - Luigi Vescarelli , born in Fratta on February 19, 1810, post officer; lived in via di Castelnuovo (now via Cavour); he will be elected city councilor on 12 March 1849. In a meeting following the establishment of the Philharmonic, on December 1, 1833, the Academicians drew up a regulation in which the organizational, financial and musical aspects of associative life were established. This Specification, which consists of 26 articles, is the oldest document found so far on our band, and places it among those with more distant origins, not only in Umbria, but also in Italy. The formal constitution deed of the Company made official the existence of a group that had already been aggregating in previous years. It was most likely some of these musicians who had performed Don Antonio Guerrini's Te Deum in the church of San Francesco six years earlier, on 10 June 1827, even though the instrumental group had been integrated with foreign elements. Guerrini himself, a man of great culture and promoter of important initiatives in the early nineteenth century Fratta had cooperated in the formation of the band, probably also teaching music to many of its members. It is interesting to note how the regulation, in 1833, highlights the presence also in Fratta, within the Philharmonic Society, of a Turkish band, that is, of a "specialized" section of the band, limited to a few instruments, probably only percussions ( the kick drum, the cymbals, the snare drum, etc.), which was convened only for special occasions and upon prior notice. In fact, it had to provide its service - reads the Specifications - only when it had received the prior notice. Let's see the rules that our academics had set themselves and how the Philharmonic Society of our country worked, whose urban center had 825 inhabitants in that year. Organizational and artistic aspect Two deputies dealt with the general economic aspect. Similar to the managing directors of our day, they were renewed every six months, by drawing (by lot) among all the members of the Company. Therefore the two top managerial functions were held in turn by all the shareholders; this criterion denotes a notable form of internal democracy, balanced however by the selective admission of members who, without class prejudices, must have been pleasing to the group of founders. In fact, it was difficult to enter the music association and the admission requirements make us think of a fairly closed group. The candidates had to submit a written request to the president who, after having ascertained the musical ability of the applicant, submitted it to the shareholders' meeting; the request was accepted only with a majority of 2/3 of the votes. However, if any of the shareholders were against it, he brought his reasons to the assembly, and if they were recognized as correct, he did not even proceed to the vote. Discipline, in a group of a fair number of people, was quite rigorous. Everyone had to submit to the authority of the music teacher, the band leader and the director, the most important operational roles in the association, who chose the pieces to be performed and also indicated those to be learned by heart. They could establish additional tests in addition to the usual Sunday tests. In fact, since the components were busy during the week in their work, being owners, employees and artisans, the rehearsals took place on Sunday, usually at two in the afternoon, in a room intended for this use, probably the theater, the only space then existing in the village for recreational activities. Only the Academicians attended, that is, the members of the Philharmonic Society, who had to behave in such a way as not to disturb education in the slightest part. The player could not show up late for rehearsals or music services. If he did so, after half an hour of tolerance, he was fined three baiocchi, and for each piece performed before his arrival he paid another baiocco, in addition to not receiving his share of the regalia, that is, the compensation received by the band for that performance. . No other reason was admitted, if not illness or urgent commitments, of which the director had to be notified in advance. Who notified the musicians of the date of the extraordinary rehearsals and of the services to be performed through the janitor, who probably also had the task of preparing and rearranging the registered office. Within 15 days of the assignment, a musician chosen by lot had to copy the scores with clear and correct writing. Everyone had to have some training and know how to write the music in beautiful handwriting, then distributed to the banders who had to read and play it. The music masters of the various instruments attributed to their students the place in the band and established their role in the instrumental ensemble. Alternatively, the attribution was the responsibility of the director, bearing in mind the boy's ability and talent. The teachers trained the young pupils in a way complete, providing them too (such as could do Antonio Guerrini , gifted with great musical preparation) notions of harmony, composition and counterpoint, in addition to those of reading of music and instrument technique. The Fratta Philharmonic Society included a set of wind instrument players (brass and woodwinds and strings (strings), and also a singer; depending on the type of service requested, he adapted the staff to the circumstance. The uniforms were not provided by the Company. But charged of each musician. The winter one, which was worn from autumn until March, it consisted of a black dress and black trousers; in spring and summer, however, he would wear black dress and white trousers. Failing that, it was recommended to wear the most decent clothing. Some, therefore, do not they possessed what was required and, on the occasion of the services of the band, wore the best clothes. The musicians had the obligation to jealously guard their instruments and repair any damage; at the end of each service they had to return them and deposit them in the gang room. They could also buy them, and in this case the gifts due to them were passed to the cashier until full payment. But the hit instruments, that is the bass drum, the tambourine, the cymbals and the triangle, even if purchased, had to remain in the band's room and, in case of absence, the player delegated to use a person he trusted. If he had not done so, the Society of the band would appoint the most suitable and responsible: the rhythmic instruments were considered essential in the performance and there always had to be someone to play them, like today. The musical group also performed services outside Fratta and could stay away even more than a day. He animated village festivals and gave concerts. The Philharmonic Society had an eminently civil and secular character (even if it participated in religious feasts and ceremonies), with a repertoire both sacred and profane. The deputies (managing directors) thought of providing the venue or space suitable for public performance. The amount of the donation payable by those requesting the musical services was determined by the deputies themselves. In the country, it could not be less than scudi 1.50; outside Fratta with scudi 2, in addition to transport, food and lodging. If a theatrical company required the intervention of banders for a show at the theater, the deputies established a preferential price with the manager so that the amount of it does not ruin the company and prevent the population from enjoying this entertainment. In this case, therefore, the local instrumentalists necessary for the theatrical performance played for a low fee, sometimes even symbolic, for the appreciable purpose of allowing the Frattisans to attend the theater performances of the passing companies ". The compulsory exits were those of Corpus Domini and of the Holy Conception (8 December), occasions in which probably the band, in addition to playing in the church, also accompanied the procession. Those who joined the band had to sign a specification for acceptance which established, among other things, the duration of the Society for a six-year period, which would end in August 1839. We do not know for certain whether at the natural expiry of the six years the Philharmonic Society of Fratta formally renewed his commitment; however it is certain that the brass and woodwind band continued to play regularly, and five years later, in 1844, at the height of its activity, it will serve in important celebrations in the country. Economic aspect A deputy, elected every two months, kept the register of the attendance of musicians at rehearsals and services, of delays and fines (puntature), which he himself applied by collecting the sanction, for unjustified absences. At the end of the mandate, he presented the statement, pouring the proceeds into the hands of the cashier. The cashier had to keep the cashier of the stakes and gifts: in essence, he paid the fees for the services of the band in the cashier, from which he took the bonuses for the players. The money from the stakes was reserved (when there was an adequate sum) for a recreation (convivial meeting, party) at a time chosen by the players, but, depending on their amount, they could also be reinvested in the Company for the purchase. of tools or other. In the event of expulsion, the musician was not entitled to the distribution of the gifts; the episodes of disagreement between the master, band leader or director with the banders were dealt with by the entire Society, convened to resolve the dispute. The musicians received an equal share, including the singers; the ringleader one and a half altitude, the low band half altitude. The latter was almost certainly the rhythm section of the group, that is, those who played the percussion instruments. In fact, we find that, in the Treviglio band (also from 1833), the term low band indicated the tamburone bass drum), the tamburella (snare drum), the sistro chinese and the cymbals. The players of these instruments were evidently thought to be a less educated and less skilled group and took half the others. The Philharmonic Society of Fratta, structured and regulated in this way, continued to exist until 1852 as a private association, independent from public institutions, even after the issue of Cardinal Gamberini's circular. Evidently the Statute respected the criteria established by the circular of 1835 if the Prior of Fratta, in 1852, reported to the Austrian Command of Perugia that the Philharmonic Society, even though it had not "asked for nor ... had any superior permission", had continued to operate . Photo: - Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide - Amedeo Massetti (from the book on the history of the Umbertide band) The centenary party and the fanfare of the Civic Guard The Centenary Festival and the band A memorable performance by the Band of the Fratta Philharmonic Society took place in 1844, on the occasion of the great Centenary Festival which was celebrated for the second time, repeating that of 1744, a century earlier. An event was recalled whose echo, after two centuries, had not faded at all, but still profoundly marked the collective memory: the end of the war of the Grand Duke of 1644, which had also closely affected our small city on the Tiber, besieged by he Tuscan army which had put the Fratigians in serious danger, who had built formidable fortifications on the walls and with great fear had prepared for the worst. The bicentenary became the occasion of grandiose celebrations that were concentrated particularly in the days of the traditional September festivities: from the 5th to the 8th of the month. The greatest expenses were borne by the Confraternities who, since January 1st, had formed deputations with the task of going around the country to collect funds. Printed tickets were sent to the owners of the houses to light them with torches, and on September 6 a balloon was raised. There was also a free horse race along the straight stretch of the road to Città di Castello, over the bridge over the Tiber, where, in the first hundred meters, a long embankment ran. And since a large turnout of people was expected, as in reality it was, a long wooden fence was built on both sides of the road to ensure the safety of the crowd. On the 7th and 8th of September, at nightfall, fireworks were launched at will; over a thousand mortars were purchased in Città di Castello and shot by the only Frattisan expert, Pietro Barafano. The houses, the town hall and the town gates were illuminated with wind torches, and the oil lamps were left on along the streets for all four nights. There were various performances at the theater and a service of the marching band. After those of 1835, 1837, 1839 and 1840, this is another important historical documented news of the performance of our city band complex in a specific public service. He had been called to animate the party by the Compagnia della SS.ma Concezione, from which he was also paid. Perhaps he had done months of rehearsals to prepare a repertoire worthy of this special occasion and he had probably never played in front of so many people. We imagine the skill of these musicians in obtaining harmonious notes from the instruments of the time, not as perfected and technologically advanced as the modern ones. The players probably wore the "black dress and white trousers", the summer uniform established by the regulation. Perhaps they will have performed in Piazza del Grano , also called del Marchese, which was smaller than today or perhaps, after having gathered in the space between the doors near the bridge, they will have pushed marching towards the Prato del Comune where there were so many people who attended the horse race. Or, more likely, they will have played in the Sant'Erasmo market or in the Piazza del Borgo Inferiore enough space for a stationary performance, surrounded by hundreds of festive people. In addition to all this, there were solemn religious functions with the participation of many players who came from Sant'Angelo in Vado, Città di Castello, Gubbio, Perugia and Foligno. The anniversary remained memorable. In this feast there was also another orchestra in Fratta made up of about twenty elements from outside, which had played in the various churches during the solemn religious functions. The components had been paid for separately, one by one, as shown by specific registrations and regular receipts. The band had therefore carried out a mainly civil service, of animation of the party, parading and playing among the crowded streets of the town, even if it is probable that it participated in some procession, which certainly did not fail for this event, given the devotion of the Friars to Madonna della Reggia to which they attributed the grace of having escaped, two centuries earlier, to the fury of the army of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. Dense of events, therefore, these festivals of September of 1844, and never repeated again. After this anniversary, for the celebrations in honor of the Madonna, everything fell within the usual limits. The fanfare of the Civic Guard Different from that of the band was the phenomenon of the fanfare of the Civic Guard in Fratta. In March 1848, on the occasion of the institution of the Civic Guard, the Municipal Council decided to bring together a concert for the Civic Guard with the obligation to also lend itself to the public sorties of the Magistrate [...] and it was approved. The proposal to organize a musical band within the City Corps came from the councilors Giuseppe Savelli and Angelo Martinelli , passionate musicians, both double bass players, whom we will find four years later as members of the Fratta Philharmonic Dilettanti and in 1861 active directors of the Concert Society. Probably, what was intended to be created and which was almost certainly established, was a fanfare: a small group of musicians from the band who were also part of the civic guard and gathered to play in public events and in the outings of the Magistrate for civil ceremonies. A military fanfare, in short, with instruments that were perhaps more suited to parades than to concerts. In these circumstances it was necessary to use a few more percussion instruments, at least two more drums. For the occasion it was said that he would have wanted to buy one, finding someone from outside, because Fratta's was not very capable. However, the question was resolved by sending the drummer Giacinto Tancredi to a specialization course in Perugia. The institution of the Civic Guard created in Fratta great enthusiasm, and probably the members of the fanfare were the best wind instrument players of the band, who had thus found another opportunity to express themselves and assumed a further commitment in their musical activity. Since no expense was spared for the equipment of this Corps, it is possible that new tools have been purchased. There is no other information on the activity of the fanfare which, however, probably had to lend its work to Fratta on several occasions. Photo: - Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide - Theatrical poster from the book on the city band by Amedeo Massetti The teaching of music in Fratta The Collegiate Church and the choirmaster. Giuseppe Foraboschi While with the birth and development of the bands the music came out of the churches to spread into civil life, the music schools held by the chapel masters continued to be active in Fratta, who shared the alternating fortunes with the bands for a long time. From the music schools, in fact, the bands will draw the highest professionalism and the new generation of musicians. Up to now, the one who had been involved in teaching music in Fratta was the Collegiate Church. Together with the Compagnie (the Confraternities) that contributed to the expense, this provided for an annual sum of 70 scudi for the salary of the choirmaster. In 1810, the master was paid 54 scudi per year. A fabulous figure, considering the salaries of the time ", which always remained at high levels. This explains how many of the best musicians of the time aspired to come to our country to occupy that position. Among the most authoritative masters who had held this position. role had been the canon Antonio Guerrini, composer of Masses and other sacred pieces, such as a full orchestral Te Deum (1827), a Tantum Ergo a tenore (1830) and a Kyrie (1837?) in which only instruments were used for many years Guerrini exercised the office of chapel master of the Collegiata (the main church of his homeland) for many years without ever receiving any remuneration. From 1835 the Municipality of Fratta also contributed to this expense of the Collegiate, participating however in the choice of the teacher. In that year he had allocated a contribution of 25 scudi for the three-year period 1835-1837 and Giuseppe Foraboschi was commissioned, who was also supposed to teach music to young people. “Born in Montefiascone (Sabina) [in 1806, NdA] which later became Perugian, Foraboschi managed the chapel of the cathedral [of San Lorenzo] and the municipal school of Perugia in 1844-1846. Giuseppe Foraboschi of Perugia is named in the diploma of chapel master of the Academy of S. Cecilia, conferred on him on May 30, 1845, which was kept in the reception room of the Shelter he founded. Advisor and censor of the Accademia S. Cecilia, [he was] a pupil in Rome of Maestro Fioravanti, then a teacher in San Pietro. Finding himself in Corfu on the occasion of the passage of King Otto, he was appointed director of all the music of that city, where he replaced Maestro Battagel in the direction of the musical band of the 88th Regiment of His British Majesty, commanded by Colonel O 'Malley, direction that held for six years. From England he moved to Perugia, where he was appointed by the magistrate to succeed Tancioni in 1844 [...]. He attended with many other personalities of music at the funeral of Francesco Morlacchi, celebrated in the cathedral of Perugia on January 14, 1842. Giuseppe Foraboschi resided for a few years in Umbertide, where he married Blandina Agostini. He died in Perugia on June 22, 1878, in his house in via del Circo, at no. 5. Foraboschi distinguished himself for an extraordinary work: the creation of the "Shelter for poor music virtuosos of the Province of Umbria". The institute "originates from the holographic testament of Foraboschi dated January 15, 1883 and subsequent codicils deposited with the notary Benedetto Rates on June 25, 1887 and is governed by the rules laid down by the Law on Pious Works. The Shelter that bears his name was opened on July 12, 1891, and every year it was commemorated with gratitude by the inmates. According to the statute, only the virtuosos of music, excluding the instrument makers of the Province of Umbria who drew their source of income exclusively from the exercise of the musical art and that as they got older they could no longer exercise ". Foraboschi composed the Funeral Sonata (1841) for the funeral of Francesco Morlacchi. His symphony for orchestra, Il bivacco, was performed in Perugia in 1874. Other musical compositions and writings of his are known. The choirmaster Foraboschi certainly also had relations with the Philharmonic Society, because some of the boys who learned music from him then joined the band to play an instrument. Perhaps he was the brass teacher himself and it is very likely that for some time he was also the director of the band, since no names of other masters have been handed down. Giuseppe Foraboschi, however, did not stay long at the keyboard of the organ of the Collegiate and instructing the young people of the band in music. At the end of his three-year assignment (1837) he left Fratta, leaving the town without a choirmaster for many years. He must have been a truly excellent musician if, as we have seen, he later settled in the service of his British Majesty; then he went to Perugia as a music teacher. Francesco Colombati choirmaster and the musical band On 15 December 1849, when the expected specifications were drawn up with the Municipality and after the approval of the act by the pontifical commissioner, the chapel master in service, Professor Francesco Colombati di Pergola, was confirmed. Colombati, organist, graduated from the Philharmonic Academy of Bologna, was born in Sant'Elpidio a Mare in 1823 and came from an illustrious family of musicians. Two years later, on January 15, 1852, Francesco Colombati was re-affirmed by the Municipality; in that year he was also part of Fratta's Philharmonic Dilettanti of sound and song. Therefore, at this date, the Philharmonic Society operated under this new name. It is no coincidence that Colombati is in first place in the list of musicians and, most likely, was also in charge of the instruction and direction of the band, given that part of his annual remuneration was paid by the Municipality. Colombati's musical group played both in the theater and in the church, and also provided services in the village on the occasion of parties and public events. It rang, for example, for the celebrations organized on the occasion of the visit and stay in Fratta of Cardinal Giuseppe Pecci, bishop of Gubbio, on 9 May 1852. It was a great celebration and the Municipal Council, on the following 3 June, resolved the payment of ( huge) expenses, of 21 scudi and 43 baiocchi, for fireworks, refreshments and reconnaissance to the band, the reward, as a sign of "recognition" for the work done by the musical group. But in November 1852, the professor gave up his post and in December he left Fratta because he was appointed chapel master of the Cathedral of Gubbio. Colombati was married, had two children, Emanuele and Maria: the salary offered to him by the Gubbio Chapter was higher than that of the Collegiate Church and more suited to the needs of his family. From now on, for several years, we will see the events of our band intersect directly with those of the chapel master of the Collegiate. In Fratta, as happened in many other cities, the figures overlapped. This musician of ecclesiastical nomination, who was required to have a complete preparation, so much so that he also had to be a composer and teacher, was used by the Municipalities or by the Philharmonic for the training of young people who would be part of the band. In addition to accompanying religious ceremonies with the organ, he imparted the first rudiments of wind instruments and directed the band. The Fratta band was an autonomous entity, born from the Philharmonic Society; the Municipality, however, supported it indirectly by financing the Collegiate Church with a contribution for the salary of the choirmaster who, with his teaching, created the nursery for future musicians. Photo: From the book by Amedeo Massetti "Two centuries on the march - Umbertide and the band" - Petruzzi Editore, 2008 Le origini: la musica a Fratta La prima banda musicale La festa centenaria e la fanfara della Guardia Civica L'insegnamento della musica a Fratta La rinascita della banda dopo la Grande Guerra Il maestro Pietro Franceschini La banda di Pierantonio La banda di Preggio Le origini: la musica a Fratta La prima banda musicale La festa centenaria e la fanfara della Guardia Civica L'insegnamento della musica a Fratta The rebirth of the band and the feast of Santa Cecilia The band restarts after the Great War Maestro Franchi worked assiduously at the school with his uncommon didactic skills that he knew how to apply to the study of every instrument. "On May 27, 1920 he invited the old members of the Umbertide band to a meeting that would take place on May 30 at the headquarters of the music school, in the Nunzi house. The meeting would have prepared a meeting requested by the Prefectural Commissioner, Tacchi, who has recently taken over from the mayor Andreani. The interview with the Commissioner took place on 10 June at 9.30 pm, in the Town Hall. , for a total of 44 musicians. 1. Pucci Celestino, trombone accompaniment - 2. Guardabassi Gaetano, does not play - 3. Pucci Arnaldo, clarino - 4. Bebi Quadrio, clarino - 5. Cozzari Giovanni, bass Bb - 6. Lisarelli Eugenio, cornet - 7. Vibi Ovidio, bass F - 8. Alberti Quartilio, clarino - 9. Bettoni Raffaele, cornet - 10. Salciarini Raffaele, trombone accompaniment - 11. Bartolini Giovanni, bass or trombone - 12. Fucelli Galileo, clarino - 13. Melgradi Silvio, bass drum - 14. Melgradi Michele, flute - 15. Mariotti Celestino, quartino - 16. Villarini Domenico , trumpet accompaniment - 17. Rinaldi Giuseppe, genis - 18. Zurli Astorre, genis - 19. Fiorucci Amedeo, cornet - 20. Codovini Riego, bombardino - 21. Ivo Rossi, bombardino - 22. Barbagianni Giuseppe, trombone - 23. Barbagianni Angelo , trombone - 24. Ceccarelli Luigi, trombone - 25. Celestini Giovanni, genis - 26. Polveroni Giuseppe, clarino - 27. Villarini Mario, clarino ". There was a long discussion about the measures to be taken to reconstitute an efficient band. The speakers were very motivated and Franchi explained the situation thoroughly to the Commissioner, who was interested in the subject. He pointed out the numerous lack of tools, even if the staff was sufficient to start over, waiting for some other boy. In the end, also to start again on the most certain possible bases, it was decided to put pen to paper, to entrust to some people the compilation of a statute. The regulation commission was formed by Quadrio Bebi, Riego Codovini, Giovanni Cozzari, Giovanni Bartolini, Giuseppe Polveroni, Ivo Rossi and Gaetano Guardabassi ". The meeting bore fruit and the first measures in support of the gang began from the Municipality. On July 16, 1920 Commissioner Tacchi adopted a resolution to repair the instruments, in need of restoration, or for the long time in which they had been abandoned or for other "technical deficiencies". The owners, almost all workers "and therefore in very limited economic conditions", did not have the possibility of providing with their own means. Tacchi approved an expense of 801 lire, then added another 52.50 for the purchase of 35 "booklets for marce". And in that same month of July the musical group finally resumed activity. By the end of the summer, the gang was resurrected. Il Messaggero, published in the days close to the Solemnity of Our Lady, says that it had resumed functioning regularly and had been appreciated by the people of Umbria in the celebrations of 8 September 1920: "... It is in the religion of art, of good and of beauty , that Maestro Franchi, with a truly admirable work, managed to resurrect our Concerto which, made up of many young elements, promises a lot ... " (1) . It is also interesting to note the richness and solemnity of the religious celebrations, organized for the occasion by the young "diligent parish priest Don Luigi Cozzari " (2) , in which master Franchi also played a large part. The bishop of Città di Castello, monsignor Carlo Liviero , participated. The "Santa Cecilia Alarm Clock" is born On November 22, 1920, on the initiative of Maestro Franchi and president Gaetano Guardabassi , the feast of Santa Cecilia was celebrated for the first time. The band, "from early morning, walked the main streets of the town thus starting the nice party with a brilliant idea". The gang had inaugurated the "alarm clock" of Santa Cecilia. By parading and playing through the streets of the town in the early hours of the morning he had brought a pleasant musical awakening to the people of Umbria. Franchi and Guardabassi had a good idea, so much so that this tradition continues to this day. In the afternoon there was a concert prepared with all artistic diligence by our talented teacher prof. Alessandro Franchi who deserves the greatest credit for the revival of the city concert. And after the musical program, the traditional dinner. Il Messaggero of 28-29 November 1920 dedicates an article at the event: “… All the pieces, including two very successful compositions of the same master, received unanimous approval of citizenship that was wide of deserved applause for the overall success of the program and of the nice party. There was no lack of the traditional banquet during which the most cheerful and frank reigned enthusiasm of all the participants and there was no lack of it not even greeting speeches praising this beautiful such an effective institution, especially for culture music of the people and for life and brotherhood small town; and so that this new institution can worthily prosper, let us hope it gets moral and financial support, both from the Administration municipal and every single citizen. To the beloved Maestro Franchi, to the diligent president of the Band, Mr. Gaetano Guardabassi, and to all the musicians, go to satisfaction of the citizens of Umbria ". In addition to the students and the components of the concert, "they took part even the former musicians and became more fraternal alliance disparity of ideas and views, thus demonstrating how with joviality and moderation they can still be in similar circumstances unite in a good and friendly thought people who, unfortunately, well they often fight bitterly. "The dinner of Santa Cecilia she had managed to bring together politically minded people completely different, at a time when the victory of the socialists in the local elections of October 24 he had created forts oppositions and one began to feel the violent reaction of the first fascist organizations. The feast of the patron saint of musicians was therefore very successful in her familiarity, and unanimous gratitude was given to Maestro Franchi, "a young and good author and conductor who does so much good to the country both with having restored the city concert and for the perfect performance he gives very good trust for the future, both for the local Schola Cantorum of which he is the true soul ". Probably, however, there was a need for an adequate location, if in December the new mayor Settimio Rometti asked Count Emanuele Ranieri for a room in a house he owned in via Cavour. But the count replied that it was not possible to grant it because it was already occupied by the “Antonio Guerrini Youth Club”. Note: (1) Il Messaggero of 11 September 1920 also reports the description of other events that took place during the feast of 8 September 1920: "Our town, thanks to the tenacious and indefatigable work of a few young people, to whom partisan hatred does not it makes a veil and has not destroyed the love for its native place and for the fine arts, it has been enlivened by gracious celebrations for public benefit. ... The master Maccarelli revealed himself last night for a perfect artist, in the recitation of the "Gruff Beneficial", the very difficult work of Goldoni, together with the master Rondoni, Antonio Igi and Domenico Pauselli; the teacher Fornaci and Professor Garognoli are also very nice and perfect. The Charity Fair and the swimming competition on the Tiber were very successful and charming ... ". (2) Don Luigi Cozzari was born on February 4, 1982. In 1906 he was ordained a priest. Very active in Catholic organizations, he founded in Umbertide, together with Don Bosone Rossi, the Catholic club "Silvio Pellico" based in via Soli, annexed to the church of Santa Croce. He was parish priest of the Collegiate Church of San Giovanni Battista from 1911 to 1956, when Don Antonio Fanucci took over. He died in Umbertide on March 15, 1965. Photo: - Amedeo Massetti photographic archive - Corradi photographic archive - Photographic archive of Don Luigi Cozzari La rinascita della banda dopo la Grande Guerra The master Pietro Franceschini From favorite pupil of Maestro Franchi to the direction of the reconstituted musical band di Umbertide from 1966 to 1970, but above all an exceptional teacher and trainer of many young people Pietro Franceschini is a cornerstone in the history of the gang. And not just ours. There is no wind instrument player in Umbria who does not know him. His activity as a musician has intersected more or less directly with the history of all bands in the region for almost fifty years. He was born in Montecastrilli, in the province of Terni, on 10 December 1919. To follow the movements of his father, a railway worker, he arrived in Umbertide in September 1925 together with the brothers Dino and Goffredo (who will become in the band respectively a flutist and a clarinet player) and he settled with his family in Montecorona. At the age of nine he joined the band of Franks who taught him solfeggio and the first elements of the trumpet. The maestro understood that he had an exceptional natural talent in front of him and immediately included him in the staff by making him play in the band services. At the age of ten he was already performing in concerts in Piazza Umberto I, with a wooden box under his feet to be "up to par" with the others. Franchi had discovered a trumpet player of rare skill, became fond of the boy, took care of his musical training and entrusted him with increasingly important roles. Pietro, at the age of twelve, was already an appreciated instrumentalist and he was also called by the most famous dance orchestras in the area, such as that of “Palazzone”, “Pippo del Caporale”, and others. Franceschini will play in the Umbertide band for many years, attracting attention also in the surrounding area for his skill. Later he will be part of pop music orchestras and his trumpet will become legendary. In 1939 the winds of war began to blow and Franks, like a good father, worried about the boy's destiny. He knew well the director of the Presidential Band of the 81st Infantry Regiment of Rome, Edoardo Castrucci, and wrote to him asking him to include the young talent in order to avoid a possible call to the war zone. In fact Franceschini had already been subjected to a military visit and assigned to the Vº Bersaglieri Regiment of Siena: he was only waiting for the postcard to leave. The master of the Presidiaria, at the end of September 1939, immediately invited the young man to Rome to take a test, brilliantly passed, and the young recruit was drafted into the military band. He didn't even go home to get his personal effects and some documents, but he had the most urgent things sent by his family. Thus began his engagement with the military band of Rome, in which he performed many important services as a soloist in concerts often held at the Basilica of Maxentius and at the Pincio. He had as a colleague an “exceptional” cymbal player, Alberto Sordi, son of a well-known professional of the tuba bass, also recently enrolled in the band, perhaps helped by his father to avoid the front. The young Roman was already embarking on a career as an actor and was acting in prose shows at the Sistine Chapel and in avanspectacle theaters; he had also been the voice actor of Oliver Hardy. Franceschini often amused himself with the funny jokes that the budding actor improvised in the evening in his dormitory, without imagining that soon that cymbal player would become the national Albertone. His fellow musicians (including Professor Luigi Francavilla) looked at him with admiration and were amazed to learn that this talented trumpet player did not have a formal academic degree. The pressures for his enrollment at the Conservatory began, but Pietro remained undecided for a long time until one evening he witnessed his solos in a concert by Tullio Semproni, first trumpet of the Augusteo's orchestra who, after speaking with the master of the band, convinced the young man umbertidese to enroll in regular academic courses. Franceschini plunged into his studio, took private lessons in harmony and history of music, burned all the stages and in just three years, in September 1942, he graduated in trumpet at the “Santa Cecilia” Conservatory in Rome. In the summer of 1943 he will be joined in the band by a fraternal friend of Umbertide, Renato Radicchi, also an excellent trumpeter also sent by Franchi to Castrucci, who will happily share with him three months of military life and musical experience in the Presidency. in Rome not yet occupied by the Germans. After the war, Franceschini returned to Umbertide and began the profession of musician. On February 26, 1946 he won a national competition and began teaching at the Liceo Musicale Pareilato "Francesco Morlacchi" (since 1968 State Conservatory) in Perugia. The acquaintance with the famous conductor Franco Ferrara dates back to this period. He immediately had the position of deputy director of the school, while he carried out an intense concert activity hired as an "adjunct" in the most famous orchestras: that of the Teatro dell'Opera di Roma (at which he won in 1947 the national competition for the position of second trumpet), the Philharmonic Orchestra of Santa Cecilia, the Orchestra of the Maggio Musicale Fiorentino, the Orchestra of Palazzo Pitti in Florence (with whom he toured for a month in Spain) and the Orchestra of the Festival dei Due Mondi in Spoleto . He also played with the Berlin Philharmonic Orchestra, conducted by Herbert Von Karajany, the Vienna Symphony Orchestra and the Krakow Radio Orchestra during repeated seasons of the Umbrian Music Festival. In his spare time he took care of the Umbrian bands, their reconstitution and musical direction: those of Ponte Felcino, Ponte San Giovanni, Spina, Cerqueto, Petrignano d'Assisi, Ponte Pattoli, Gubbio, Pietralunga, Piegaro. Many owe their current activities to Franceschini's professionalism and commitment. He also took care of the teaching of music and the training of students. He followed for the Umbria Region and for 1'Anbima (National Association of Italian Autonomous Musical Bands) numerous events and band competitions, of which he was often an esteemed member of the commission. The reconstitution of the town band and the creation of a music school In 1966, on behalf of Professor Bruno Porrozzi , president of the Pro Loco Umbertidese Association who together with Giuseppe Fiorucci was working on the reconstitution of the local band, he personally committed himself to revive a complex that had dissolved ten years earlier and which he will direct until 1970. At the same time he established a music school which immediately saw the influx of many young people. The musical teaching will continue even after the dissolution of the band, until 1989, and will form a large number of young people from Umberto I, many of whom will be initiated by him to the Conservatory and to a career as musicians. He held the position of director of the Perugia Conservatory from 1974 to 1975, crowning his academic commitment. Among the members of the Umbertide band there had never been a graduate musician, no one who had completed regular courses of study. His teaching was a tremendous incentive. Franceschini, taking them from the large nursery of his students, began to bring prominent elements to the Conservatory. This is a great merit that is unanimously recognized in the Umbertidese musical environment, and beyond. The role of exceptional teacher and trainer continued even after the period of his direction in the band, launching many young people on a musical career. Many have graduated from his school and many professionals have come out of his school. Many other boys (now ex boys) owe to him the only pleasure of playing an instrument and having fun with the music in the local band or orchestras. Franceschini also taught solfeggio to a great Umbertide musician, maestro Gerardo Balbi, making him continue his studies at the Conservatory where he graduated in piano, harpsichord and composition. Umbertide's first graduate was Galliano Cerrini, initially a pupil of the master Corsaro, then of Franceschini who had him enrolled in the Conservatory. An excellent teacher, he managed to bring out the best in anyone, professional or amateur, always paying great attention to detail. In early December 1999, on the occasion of his 80th birthday, he was celebrated with a concert in his honor in the auditorium of the Museum of Santa Croce in Umbertide, held by the "Ottoni di Perugia" group directed by maestro Massimo Bartoletti who he succeeded in the chair of trumpet at the “Francesco Morlacchi” Conservatory. Maestro Franceschini died in Umbertide on 4th August 2004. At his funeral there were many and authoritative exponents of the Umbrian musical environment. The string orchestra "I Solisti di Perugia" wanted to honor him by performing touching musical pieces during the religious ceremony celebrated by Don Gerardo Balbi, his old pupil, in the church of Santa Maria. The town band of Umbertide, integrated by musicians from other Umbrian bands, was waiting for him lined up under the arcades of the Franciscan convent. In an atmosphere full of emotion, under a pouring rain, he sang, at the exit of the coffin, the beautiful funeral march by Ugo Manfredi "Mother's cry". Photo: Amedeo Massetti photographic archive Il maestro Pietro Franceschini Pierantonio's band The "Pierantonio Concert Society" was born in 1886 The constitution of Pierantonio's band almost certainly dates back to 1886. The letter in which Giuseppe Mannocci, on 10 February 1920, asked for a subsidy in the name of the members and the president of the “Società del Concerto di Pierantonio, founded in purpose of entertainment since 1886 ". Mannocci wrote to the Commissioner of the Municipality of Umbertide, Tacchi, recalling that in the village “there are no other entertainments and the members of the band had been forced to give up on Maestro Franchi due to lack of funds. But that Pierantonio's band could already be active in 1886 we are also told by the fact that the musical group, directed by Maestro Massimo Martinelli, received in 1887 from the Municipality a "small annual subsidy" of about one hundred lire, increased to 125 over the years subsequent. However, in those last decades of the nineteenth century, as well as financial means, Pierantonio's gang also needed expert guidance. In fact, on 24 April 1889 Giuseppe Carlani wrote to the Mayor asking to insert in the specifications of the Umbertide band, for approval in those days, the obligation for the music teacher to go to Pierantonio once a week with expenses to be borne by the Pierantonio Concert . The clause was not included in the regulation. But the meeting of the City Council of 26 April established that Massimo Martinelli, conductor of the Umbertide Municipal Concert, for the duration of three years from May 1, 1889, had to go to Pierantonio every Friday for two hours, to "continue teaching music there and direct the relative rehearsals of that concert ". He would have been paid by that same band: five lire every time he went to the hamlet, the same for the "invention or reduction" of every piece of music that had been ordered by the directive commission of that concert. Finally, it was established that this condition was valid only for Pierantonio, excluding Preggio, another fraction of Umbertide in which there was a gang. The activity of the Pierantonio Concerto (probably directed by Massimo Martinelli from 1889 to 1897, albeit discontinuously) continued until the end of the century amid various economic difficulties, relying solely on the shares of the members, ready to self-tax to keep the musical group, much felt and loved. In 1900 he received from the Municipality of Umbertide a small subsidy, of about one hundred lire per year, insufficient to meet the expenses. And the constant lack of funds pushed the executives to appeal to the local administration every time. On November 22, 1906 Pompeo Fanelli wrote a letter asking for a contribution for the "Musical Society of the Village of Pierantonio", established for twenty years and always financed by the members: "The teacher pays the rent of the hall alone - underlined Fanelli - and it meets all other needs with its own means ". But the subsidy did not have to change if a few years later Fanelli was forced to repeat itself. On 22 October 1912 he requested an increase in financial support in the name of the Concerto: "Pierantonio's Concerto Society - he explained - has 25 years of activity and has supported with its own resources the costs of renting the venue, for the master and 'lighting". In exchange, the gang offered itself for any services requested by the Municipality. Finally, after so many questions, on 15 December 1912, the Municipality decided to increase the annual funding from 125 to 2001ire, allowing the gang to continue its activity more calmly. The contribution was even raised to 300 lire in 1913. Now the conditions existed for a profitable and lasting musical commitment, but the First World War was approaching and, starting from 1914, all young people of military age will be called up and sent to various fronts. The band activity thus suffered a long interruption. After the conflict, the musical group slowly resumed work. On October 18, 1919 Pietro Carlani communicated to the Mayor that "the Pierantonio Concert has been reconstituted for some time" and that the partners, wanting a "licensed" teacher, had requested the work of Alessandro Franchi di Umbertide. Carlani specified that the partners paid the rent for the rehearsal room, the maintenance of the instruments and all other small expenses. Therefore he asked the Municipality to intervene. Another letter for a loan will be sent on February 10, 1920 to Commissioner Tacchi, signed by Giuseppe Mannocci, on behalf of the shareholders and of the president for the Società del Concerto di Pierantonio, the owner Pietro Carlani. The Company - underlined Mannocci - had always supported itself with small municipal subsidies, which had been removed during the war period. In the absence of financial means, it was not possible to pay the remuneration to the master Franchi. Almost six months will pass before Mannocci's request is accepted and it will be the new commissioner Lino Molinari, who succeeded Tacchi, to grant a contribution of two hundred lire to the Società del Concerto with a provision of 23 July 1920. The following year, September 24, 1921, Pierantonio's gang again wrote to the Commissioner asking for an increase in the annual contribution. The new prefectural commissioner Angelelli tried to find out about the situation and the next day he replied to Carlo Carlani, head of the section of the Fascio di Pierantonio, asking him "some information on the foundation, purpose and political and financial direction of the local Concerto Society". On 19 October 1921 Carlani expressed a favorable opinion, and the Commissioner thus raised the contribution from two hundred to six hundred lire, starting from 1922, given that an increase of 2,200 lire had been granted to the Umbertide Concert. “We also consider the courage and enthusiasm of Pierantonio's small population - concluded Angelelli - who were able to put together over 20 elements to make up a musical body”. On November 28, 1921, a telegram from the president and the master of the band expressed Pierantonio's gratitude to the Commissioner. The band served on the occasion of civil and religious events or festivals in the town and in the countryside. But on November 4, 1921 he also played together with that of Umbertide in the imposing event in homage to the unknown soldier; memorable is the performance of the hymn of the Piave in Piazza San Francesco. And it often happened that on important occasions she was called to "reinforce" the Umbertidese group. On 10 June 1923, directed by Maestro Franchi, she went alone to La Bruna where the Parco delle Rimembranze was inaugurated. The mayor of Perugia, the Uccelli lawyer, was also present and a long procession, preceded by the band, paraded to honor the fallen by bringing flowers to the commemorative plaque. On 9 September 1923 Pierantonio's musical group played together with those of Montone and Umbertide at the inauguration of the monument to the fallen of the 1915-1918 war, in front of the elementary school building in via Garibaldi. And among the immense crowd, the three groups united managed to create a suggestive sound power. In 1925 the director was Alessandro Franchi. The rehearsals were usually entrusted to a band leader of Pierantonio, Severo Scapicchi, a former clarinet player. Scapicchi, however, only directed the preparation of simple repertoire pieces, such as marches or dances. If pieces of opera or complexes were to be set up, master Franchi from Umbertide would arrive. The gang leader then directed the services for processions or country festivals and his role also appeared from external signs on the uniform: two fillets on the cap unlike the banders who only had one. The band was made up of 30-35 elements, artisan workers, peasants, depending on the availability of each and any absences were due only to work commitments or illness. For the people of Pierantonio, who always stayed in the village in the evening, the band was one of the few diversions. In some particularly large farming families, even two or three members played in the band. The band members included: Sestilio Marcucci (first clarinet) Sigilfredo Valentini (first clarinet) Eliseo Valentini (tenor flugelhorn) Domenico Medici (baritone flugelhorn) Riccardo Fanelli (tenor flugelhorn) Rolando Fanelli (second clarinet) Enrico Arcelli (flugelhorn in E b - pistoncino) Pierino Bistoni (second trumpet) Enrico Ragni (first trumpet) Igino Tosti (second soprano flugelhorn) Giuseppe Scapicchi (first soprano flugelhorn) Pietro Scapicchi (small clarinet in Eb - quart) Fidenzo Mannocci (second clarinet) Ninetto Mannocci (alto flugelhorn) Eraldo Arcelli (second clarinet) Luigi Mannocci (horn) Luigi Giulianelli (trombone) Aldo Giulianelli (alto flugelhorn) Luigi Briziarelli (bass drum) Paris Marcucci (cymbals) Renato Martinelli (horn) Lorenzo Rosini (Eb bass) Pompilio Lazzarini (Bb bass ) Bettino [?] (Solo clarinet) Dante Fanelli (flute) Guerriero Marcucci (second clarinet) Pompeo Fanelli (second clarinet) Alberto Fanelli (co rno accompaniment) Pasquale Casciarri (janitor). On November 22, 1925, Pierantonio's band celebrated the feast of Santa Cecilia with a concert. For the occasion, ten young students made their debut and seventy attended the social dinner, attended by the mayor of Umbertide, Gualtiero Guardabassi and the teacher Franchi. In 1927 Pierantonio's 1st band received an annual contribution of 1,500 lire; that of Umbertide of 4,000. On 8 September 1927 he went to Umbertide together with its president Domenico Medici for a concert in the square together with the band of the capital, forming a group of eighty elements directed by Franchi. Also the following year it will be called to Piazza Umberto I on the day of the feast of the Nativity of the Madonna to play with the band of Umbertide: in all, a group of ninety people. On 28 October 1928 he played again with his colleagues from Umberto who had come with Maestro Franchi for the inauguration of Pierantonio's Casa del Fascio. An important ceremony: the building was among the first of its kind in Italy, thanks to the offers and the industriousness of the inhabitants. The activity in 1929 was intense, with probable services in the capital, since the Municipality assigned a further contribution of five hundred lire. On September 8, 1930, the two bands of Pierantonio and Umbertide still played together. But sometimes, on important occasions such as the patronal feast, the master Franchi called only a few musicians from Pierantonio. In general, Eraldo and Enrico Arcelli, Domenico Medici and Pompilio Lazzarini who went to "reinforce" the roles of Umbertide, also participating in the rehearsals prior to the concert. In these cases, Franchi was very strict. One evening, in the music room of Umbertide, not happy with the success of a piece, he held the band until half past one in the morning. And the clarinetist Eraldo Arcelli returned by bicycle to Pierantonio pedaling for almost an hour. At 2 pm the following afternoon he had to go back to Umbertide again for the concert. Arcelli used the bicycle every time he came to Umbertide; at night the acetylene lamp allowed you to see the stones on the road and not hit them: "It was a tough discipline - remember now, ninety-five - but we were twenty and it was a prestige to belong to the gang". Pierantonio's band, made up entirely of local elements, held concerts in the village at least four times a year. A large audience, on those occasions, flocked to the unpaved square, strewn with breccia. In the lineup pieces of opera, under the direction of the master Franchi. The group then played at the processions for the Ascension, Sant'Antonio, on June 13, Corpus Domini and Easter. But he also went out on the occasion of religious holidays. Like in San Sugaro - Parlesca (the second Sunday in May), in La Bruna (twice a year, but always on the first Sunday in September), in Rancolfo (the first Sunday in June), in Pietramelina (last in August, "At the end of the watermelons") and on August 15, the feast of the Assumption, in Castiglione Ugolino. At country festivals he received salaries ranging from fifty to one hundred lire per performance. The rehearsals were held once a week with Maestro Franchi, in a rented room, also used as a dance hall. Above there was the "Circle of the Lords", where the notables of the town went in the evening to play cards and where dancing parties were organized at carnival. He played an orchestra formed by the instrumentalists of the band (always the good Lorenzo Rosini on the bass). Maestro Franchi came to Pierantonio twice a week, by bicycle. One, for the afternoon music school for the boys and he went home: the salary was five lire. Another, for the evening rehearsals of the band: in addition to the five lire, he was paid for dinner and room for the night. Franchi, in fact, after the rehearsals, slept in Pierantonio in the house of Luciano Barcaroli, owner of a grocery and butcher shop. It would have been hard for the teacher, at eleven in the morning, to travel eight kilometers on a bicycle: the road, unpaved, was full of cobblestones. Pierantonio still reminds us of Franchi's extraordinary speed in composing. Eraldo Arcelli was also a member of a local orchestra and when he needed some new pieces (at that time there weren't many printed scores), he went to Franchi with two pigeons (a sign of gratitude, but also a welcome consideration in lean times) and the teacher, at the piano, instantly churned out a waltz, a polka or a mazurca: a danceable piece to play in the evening. With Franchi, the clarinetist Eraldo Arcelli also played in the Umbertide band. He was second clarinet (2nd A) together with Goffredo Franceschini (2nd B). The first clarinets were Mario Villarini and Filippo Filippi. On July 7, 1930, the 1st band performed under the direction of Franchi in the "beautiful and magnificently illuminated square of Pierantonio". The musicians, "admirable for their discipline and spirit of sacrifice, performed very well all the numbers of the rich and difficult program". Riccardo Fanelli, Domenico Medici and Enrico Arcelli distinguished themselves in a particular way "for their passionate performance". Unanimous praise goes to the master Franchi who even in this hamlet "carries out his skilful activity". A special thanks to the president of the band Ciro Carlani who "supports this beautiful institution which is so useful and accepts the whole country". On Sunday 23 July 1933, at 9 pm, Pierantonio's Dopolavoro band, directed by Maestro Franchi, held an applauded concert in homage to the 1st Artillery Regiment stationed there for tactical exercises. The musical program was greeted with lively cheers from the officers and from all citizens. The symphony of Verdi's Nabucco and the duet of Bellini's Norma were particularly appreciated. The musicians were much acclaimed, including the young Eraldo Arcelli and Pierino Bistoni. After the concert the dances began, very animated in the hall of the Casa del Fascio. The band's activity was interrupted from 1935 to 1939 due to the call to arms of many young people. In 1940 it was reconstituted by a group of boys. It was always directed by Severo Scapicchi, and once a week Franchi came for rehearsals. There was then another interruption during the war period. But it started again immediately after the crossing of the front. Severo Scapicchi and Alessandro Franchi still ran. The gang provided services in La Bruna, in Santa Giuliana, in Pietramelina, in Montelovesco. And also to the Madonna del Monti, after Camporeggiano, which the musicians reached on foot. Bulky tools, such as the crate and dishes, were moved on the back of a mule. The band also went to the Abbey of Montecorona and the Hermitage, Castiglione Ugolino, Murlo, Bagnaia (for San Giuseppe), Rancolfo and Parlesca-San Sugaro. In the latter locality the musicians used a horse cart. The musical group played in Pierantonio for the Ascension, for Sant'Antonio (June 13), for Easter and December 8 (Immaculate Conception). Sometimes he also performed in the square in concerts which he attended all over the country. He was rehearsing in the former “casa del Fascio”, the elementary school building. They made up the group: Evelino Briziarelli (clarinet in Eb - quart) Eraldo Arcelli (first clarinet) Carlo Montacci (clarinet) Goffredo Sannella (clarinet) Giuseppe Salciarini (clarinet) Sestilio Marcucci (clarinet) Guerriero Marcucci (clarinet) Giulio Fanelli (clarinet) Antonio Castellani (clarinet) Renato Fucsina (soprano sax) Enrico Arcelli (trumpet) Pierino Bistoni (trumpet ) Elio Mariucci (trumpet) Renato Arcelli (soprano flugelhorn) Giuseppe Ugolini (trombone) Alberto Arcelli (trombone) Remo Riberti (horn) Marcello Rossi (horn) Ugo Binucci (alto horn) Ugo Fanelli (alto horn) Vincenzo Montanucci (baritone horn) Luigi Monsignori (tenor horn) Ennio Marri (baritone horn) Alfeo Rosini (tenor flugelhorn) Renzo Castellani (bass Bb) Lorenzo Rosini (bass Eb) Pompeo Grelli (bass Fa) Giuseppe Cozzari (bass Bb) Enzo Nottoli (tambourine) Romolo Briziarelli (bass drum) Paris Marcucci (cymbals) Pasquale Casciarri (janitor) . Subsequently Giuseppe Cencetti replaced Romolo Briziarelli at the cash desk. The instruments had been purchased by the musicians themselves. The band reconstituted after the war, however, did not reach the levels of preparation and harmony of the first. When Franchi died in 1948, Severo Scapicchi continued to direct it, helped by Eraldo Arcelli, until 1959, the year of its closure. Photo: Amedeo Massetti photographic archive La banda di Pierantonio La banda di Preggio The band of Preggio Born in the mid-nineteenth century, it remained alive until the early sixties when the depopulation of the territory began The band of Preggio originated in the second half of the nineteenth century, with a considerable numerical consistency when compared to the population and the difficulties that this small mountain town encountered. Both for the poverty of resources, and for the lack of communication routes that would facilitate relations and exchanges with one's own Municipality and the rest of the territory. There were therefore also obstacles to have a qualified musical guide, stable and present over time. In fact, in the decades in which the Preggio band was alive, it often had to provide itself with an autochthonous teacher, while requesting from time to time contributions from Umbertide for its own survival and the presence of the master of the municipal band. For example, with a resolution of April 26, 1889, the municipal council of Umbertide agreed to the request that Massimo Martinelli , master of the band of the Municipality, went to Pierantonio once a week to teach music and conduct the rehearsals of the local Concerto. But in the act it was established that this should happen only for Pierantonio and not for other hamlets of Umbertide. The restriction to a single fraction can be explained by the fact that Martinelli, already occupied by two groups, could not take on a new commitment in another town eighteen kilometers from Umbertide and moreover difficult to reach. Consequently, the Preggio band continued to carry out the activity by providing itself with a local teacher. The request of the president Giovanni Battista Contini on 7 March 1898 is documented, asking the Municipality for financial support of fifty lire "as usual in recent years as an encouragement". Contini specified that the contribution should be received by 12 May, because a "title" had to be paid to the band of Umbertide for the purchase of instruments. The council decided to disburse the requested sum, but specified that this should not have constituted a precedent that would constrain the action of future administrations. It can be deduced that the Municipality had already granted the subsidy for some years, and continued to pay out the same sum of fifty lire, in the following two years, on February 26, 1899 and in January 1900, thus satisfying Romolo Fabbri's requests for " encouragement to the Preggio Music Society ". The preggese group was probably directed in those years by a local person and urgently needed a trained teacher to train the new recruits and carry out the tests. In fact, on 7 September 1901, 67 heads of families, together with the members of the band, signed the petition to the municipal council that the teacher Stanislao Franceschi, recently director of Umbertide, would go once a month to Preggio to give lessons to the members of the philharmonic who otherwise it risked melting. The Mayor gave a favorable opinion. It is probable that the inhabitants of Preggio already knew the maestro, having directed the band of the nearby Castel Rigone in previous years. In 1902 Franceschi continued to go to Preggio every month; his salary, in that year, had been increased from 800 to 1,050 lire. His was a real “journey”, because he arrived in a horse-drawn carriage crossing the Niccone valley up to San'Andrea di Sorbello, touching a strip of Tuscany. Sometimes, between the two groups he directed there were exchanges of instruments and two bombardini were also used by the band of Umbertide. The Concerto di Preggio continued its activity with commitment over the years later, until, in 1905, Stanislao Franceschi left for Sigillo. Umbertide's new master, Carlo Morbidelli, arrived at the end of 1906, he probably did not deal with Preggio due to his many commitments in place with the music school and the subsequent collaboration with the band of Ponte Felcino, in 1909. Preggio had to continue alone again, with the constant problem of scarcity of means. In 1913 Guido was its president Fabbri, who on April 20 presented a request for subsidy to the Municipality. The president pointed out that the eight hundred lire destined as of onsuetudine to the band of Umbertide that year had not been disbursed due to the inactivity of the group, which was expected reconstitution. So he got that from this unused fund a good hundred lire were granted to the band of Preggio. The Great War was also a cause of interruption for the musical activity of the country: there were many young people who left for the front. A regular activity resumed only in 1927, when the organization of the regime's Dopolavoro tended to favor and frame all forms of aggregation between citizens. On 5 January 1928, the mayor of Umbertide, Gualtiero Guardabassi, granted a room for reconstitution to the “Società Filarmonica di Preggio” of the band ”and on 7 December approved a contribution of five hundred lire to the “Banda del Dopolavoro di Preggio, an institution essentially understood to the moral and intellectual elevation of the working class and of one large population that for strength, activity and discipline with which follows the directives of the new regime, deserves every possible regard ". Even under the aegis of fascism the musical society preggese lacked means, so much so that to make the site accessible it had appropriated one of the three oil lamps of public lighting, at whose operation it was chief Giuseppe Cardini. The fact sparked protests and was reported to the Municipality by Romolo Fabbri and David Trentini. In 1929 the band depended on the “Società Musicale di Preggio”, of which the lawyer Antonio Contini was president. The Municipality intervened with a contribution of five hundred lire a year, as it did with the Pierantonio Musical Society, restoring fair treatment between the two fractions. In October 1929, with a provision of the podestà Guadabassi, the "musical society of Preggio" was formally associated with the Dopolavoro: the Podestà granted a contribution of five hundred lire. The 1930s were glorious for the band. The group was directed by a local gang leader, Gaetano Boni; from time to time the teacher Franchi arrived from Umbertide to assist him in teaching young people and in rehearsals. The activity was intense and the repertoire was vast: it included marches and Opera pieces that were played in the square on Sunday evenings in the summer. The presence of the band was often required at religious festivals in nearby parishes, such as Racchiusole or, on the opposite side, in San Paolo, Reschio in the municipality of Lisciano Niccone. The musicians gladly answered the invitations because (as the popular saying states that "all the psalms end in glory") they were occasions for a cheerful feast of macaronias. It wasn't just a recreational function, for an hour's entertainment or an afternoon of celebration. The band of Preggio, and those of all the small towns, far from the cultural circuits and lost in inaccessible areas of a poor and backward nation, deserve the merit of having played a role of cultural promotion in times in which the presence of means of mass communication, as specifically, was limited to the telegraph of the Regie Poste and the radio equipment of the headquarters of the beam. The band activity was a vehicle of knowledge, through a certainly not secondary part of culture and national identity, capable of igniting interest and passion among a population far from cultural centers. It also had the merit of spreading the knowledge of melodrama, so much so that not only men but also completely illiterate women sang songs by Verdi, Puccini, Donizetti by heart. Almost all the families of Preggio had a musician in the band: some more than one. Among the buffaloes, Giovanni called Nino, cornet player, and his brother Luciano the clarinet. Then there were the Stoppa: Settimio on trumpet, Bruno and Benedetto on baritone flugelhorn. To the Contini family belonged the brothers Dino, clarinetist ("quartino"), David, bass player in Eb, Alceo and his father Luigi, also at the clarinet, whom he had to abandon when the shotgun exploded in his hand and lost two fingers. Maestro Boni also belonged to the Contini family, having married Luigi's sister and thus becoming the uncle of two brothers; and they were also his nephews on the part of his mother Giovanni and Luciano Bufali. Relationships of kinship, musical activity, work connected families and players. For example, Alceo Contini was a carpenter together with his uncle Gaetano Boni. This man, a rigorous and tenacious man, was a master of the band and a skilled craftsman; tireless educator, in his spare time he gave music lessons to the boys in his own workshop. A kind of head of the family for that band that among the many relatives, also included another nephew and a brother. The hamlet of Preggio, at the beginning of the thirties, was close to two thousand souls, while in the countryside the families had up to thirty or forty members. The country itself was densely populated. The population increased when work began for the construction of the road section from Preggio to Umbertide through Monte Acuto and Polgeto. Workers came from all over Italy and it was a real providence, because in a period of high unemployment a work of this magnitude, built entirely with a pickaxe, employed hundreds of workers. The road was inaugurated on October 28, 1934, a historic date for Preggio which had been waiting for the connection with its Municipality since the time of the unification of Italy. The service of 21 April 1934 is unforgettable, when the band participated in the inauguration of the cross placed on the top of Monte Acuto, in memory of the holy year 1933-34 and the fallen of the war 1915-1918. It was hard to get to the top, the heaviest tools loaded on the back of a mule, but the wonderful view of the valleys below repaid the efforts of the long climb. Another historic occasion for the town, and therefore for his band, was the "taking possession" of the parish of the Holy Trinity by the new prior, Don Espedito Marcucci, who would hold the Priory until his death in 1973. The band actively participated to the celebrations; the importance of the ceremony was underlined by the presence of civil authorities and by Archbishop Giovanni Battista Rosa who "placed the young priest in possession of the parish benefit". At 11.30 on February 20, 1938, mass sung by the local “Schola cantorum” directed by Alessandro Franchi; at 4 pm, solemn thanksgiving with the performance of the “Te Deum” and the “trina benediction”. The party ended in an evocative way: in the evening Preggio was all lit up with "Venetian lanterns" and "fires of joy" were lit in the countryside. The band continued to be called in the surroundings for the holidays: its services were required in a large area, from Castel Rigone towards Lake Trasimeno, up to Migianella, near Umbertide. By now she had beautiful uniforms and was renowned for the vast and well-kept repertoire, which animated the associative moments in the surrounding countryside and centers. In the mid-forties we find it always active. And in the immediate post-war period, in the period of political elections in which heated and violent partisan passions were unleashed, the gang was the protagonist of an eventful episode. On May 18, 1947, the Sunday after the Ascension, she was called to Monte Acuto, to the traditional feast of the Madonna della Costa, where, after the religious celebrations, she was to hold an "outdoor musical entertainment". He had already started playing in the open space in front of the church when a "communist speaker", climbed onto an embankment, began a meeting addressed to the many present. Impatient for the prolongation of the play, the politician urged the "comrades" to stop the music and they accepted the invitation so well that they lashed out at the players, forcing them to stop with swear words and shoving. The event, although serious, seemed to be over, especially since the lunch seemed to have calmed the spirits. But when, in the afternoon, the band was invited to resume the program, the "comrades" began to mock the band-players who, even hit by a few stones, placed the instruments on the grass and put the jammers to flight with punches. Even the parish priest and his brother, also a priest, were victims of the turmoil, who, in an attempt to gain the door of the rectory to take shelter, were slapped by the mob. The story did not end there, but it had serious consequences. In 1949 the group celebrated the ordination of another priest from Prese, a former member of the band, Don Dino Contini. He accompanied him from home to the church of the Holy Trinity, where the young priest celebrated his first mass. Since then Don Dino would no longer play the "quartino" in the band, but the piano and the great organ of the cathedral of San Lorenzo in Perugia, of which he has been an appreciated organist from 1942 to the present day. But shortly afterwards the good teacher Boni, who had led the group with firmness and skill for many years, died. In the pouring rain of a stormy summer day, the gang accompanied him to the cemetery amidst general emotion. It was a strong and engaging atmosphere that the players managed to create at the funeral of a companion or a relative: people were always struck by it. The gang, therefore, fell silent for a while, but the activity was soon resumed. The prior, Don Espedito Marcucci, passionate about music and aware of the importance of the band for the community of Preggio, took steps to reconstitute it, managing, in 1950, to recompose a group of twenty-three people. Don Espedito had also thought of the instruments, in need of repairs, entrusting them to the tuner Schippa di Passignano. He also bought new ones at his own expense, equipping the gang with everything they needed. The group thus resumed playing under the guidance of Gaetano Boni's nephew and pupil, Alceo Contini, Don Dino's brother; his brother David was then at the baritone flugelhorn (bombardino), Nicola Boni at the cash desk bought by the prior. The director of the band Alceo Contini was a good instrumentalist who played all woods and also the saxophone; famous for his clarinet skills. Contini also took care of the children's music school; the rehearsals took place in a local of the Municipality under the square, in via Dritta. The headquarters will then be moved to the "theater" room, in the large hall overlooking the square. Carlo Boni played the trombone, Otello Sergenti the bombardino, Tommaso Orsini the cornet, Marino Orsini the bass, Biagio Trentini the bass drum, Raimondo Stoppa the "quartino". Then there were Terzilio Peverini and Antonio Cinaglia on clarinet, Gino Falomi and Rolando Trentini on bass, Luciano Bufali and Pietro Bastianoni on clarinet, Quintilio Zandrini on cornet, Pasquale Secondi and Primo Falomi on trombone, Gustavo Bastianoni on alto horn, Riccardo Benigni on tambourine and Alfredo Peverini with dishes. The Preggio band lasted until the early 1960s, when the depopulation of the Apennines began, which would reduce the population down to a hundred inhabitants. Photo: - Amedeo Massetti photographic archive - Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide

The kitchen Introduzione La Torta di Pasqua Dagli Statuti... What we eat is linked to what we produce and to trade. In the previous centuries the typical cuisine of an area reflected the possibilities of the social productive system of its own places and of the neighboring areas. In the Middle Ages, with the considerable political division of Italy, very different uses and gastronomic traditions gradually developed. From here they were born the first regional cuisines. The relationship between history and cuisine is close, it is a path where even political history could have influenced but sometimes this correlation does not stand up to historical evidence. Why do we have traditional unsalted bread? Many of us from Umberto I, together with those of the Province of Perugia would reply that it was because of the papal taxation on salt and the protests that also led to the "salt war" between Perugia and the papal power. But Zachary Novak, in his " The unsalted bread and the Perugia salt war " reminds us that the geographical area that uses the "unsalted bread" is wider and covers not only the north of Lazio but also Umbria and the Marches. Tuscany, where there was certainly no papal taxation. In his study Nowak also excludes that the cause could be connected to the distance from the sea and to the salt flats because in the case the "unsalted bread" had to extend throughout the Italian Apennine belt. For Nowak, the question remains at the end without solution even after analysis of historical written sources coeval with the "salt war". Instead, it assumes that the identification "salt war" / "bread sciapo "is a construction of the Risorgimento before the passage from the State of the Church to the Kingdom of Italy as an anti-papal legend From the Statutes ... And so to understand our cuisine and its relationship with history we will start from our written sources, that is " Statutes of Fratta of 1535 " to then point out Bottacioli's worthy work published as "Umbertide's Calendar" in 2012 which has saved a whole world of flavors and colors that risked being forgotten from the 60s and 70s. However, we are aware that even this aspect of Umbertide's "history" should be expanded with archival studies but also with video recordings of the "recipes" of the last century. Fratta, a small town on the Tiber river located between land and water, or the Tiber and its alluvial plain, developed its gastronomy on these aspects. The doves "reared" in the walls of the houses, the fish of the Tiber, the honey of bees, the breeding of "farmyard animals" such as chickens, pigs and sheep and goats from sheep and goats, wheat and wine from agriculture these are the main products of Umbertide cuisine since 1500, in fact in the "Statutes of Fratta of 1535" we read: Doves : ... " DELI PIGLANTI THE DOMESTIC COLOMBS o DE COLOMBAJO "... "the domestic doves of the piglianti " ... "... X de dinars worth of money for everyone who steals in any way, palomba de palomboro or domesticho or casalengho ". Pisces : "... Statuimo adonqua et we order that in the river of the Tiber in that part where it is pesscha and that for the common one if it concerns: it is lawful for no person to pesschare or pesschare ...". Chickens, sheep, pork ... "... Statuimo et we order that no person as foreign as terrazana ardisscha or true presume me either in el di del merchato either for himself or through an intermediary person to bring or to have brought: neither to bring nor to have quantities of chickens compared to sell to chicken coops . .. ". "... The Berbece sheep meat must be mixed with it. O goat: o beak between the gelding: ne carne de scropha or real cionchola between that of the male pig ... ". Honey "... Statuimo et we order that by swarming the bees of others and placing themselves on some tree of the possession and property of others being followed by the patron whose sleep dicte ape in anci the intra of the posession must be the one who follows them first adimandia licentia to the patron to enter us in epssa et corre dicte soi ape ... ". Wheat and miller "... We also order and provide that the furnishing of the said castle and so the villages be kept and that they must cook the bread and provide them well and legally ... ". "... S tattoo and we order that each miller of any mill of the said castle be kept havere and hold the cups and measures adjusted and stamped with the bill of the municipality ... ". Grapes and wine "... And this has no place in the Moscatello grapes which if they can harvest according to the patron's approval: at omni tempo ... ". But for those who really want to "savor" Umbertide cuisine with our " cappelletti ", " brustenghi ", potatoes under the ashes and many tales of men and uses on food until the recent past ... we encourage reading the supplement of Umbertide Chronicles n. 2/2012 with the works of Adriano Bottaccioli, with the collaboration of Fabio Mariotti, Amedeo Massetti, Walter Rondoni: http://www.comune.umbertide.pg.it/content/download/106876/1131995/file/Calendario%202013.pdf And again by the same authors you can deepen the work of two years earlier, namely 2011, focused on the Tiber with a research and description of the cuisines linked to the river: the "barzo", the "eel", the "frogs, the" roaches "etc ... at this address: http://www.comune.umbertide.pg.it/content/download/107058/1133936/file/Calendario%202011.pdf Sources: - http://www.comune.umbertide.pg.it/content/download/106876/1131995/file/Calendario%202013.pdf - https://online.scuola.zanichelli.it/enogastronomiacucina/files/2010/06/Storia_gastronomia.pdf - Zachary Nowak, Dull bread and the Perugia Salt War (PDF), Diomede: Umbrian culture and politics magazine n.17, Diomede Cultural Association, Perugia, Italy, 2011 in https://web.archive.org/web/20150924014359/http://www.foodinitaly.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/GuerraDelSale-DiomedeWEB.pdf - http://www.comune.umbertide.pg.it/content/download/107058/1133936/file/Calendario%202011.pdf - http://www.comune.umbertide.pg.it/content/download/106876/1131995/file/Calendario%202013.pdf Introduzione Dagli Statuti... The Easter Cake La Torta di Pasqua The Umbertidese cuisine uses the "Easter cakes", cooked throughout Umbria although they are known with some linguistic variations. The Cake is a food / cultural element connected to the Easter rituals, which celebrate the death and rebirth of Christ. On Easter morning the cake was accompanied by capocollo, salami, hard-boiled eggs, wine and vinsanto. They were baked in the ovens of farmhouses or in city bakers that allowed the preparation of family cakes, marked with a "brand" or thanks to characteristic "customized" containers to be recognized; the cooking was also accompanied by ritual signs, of the cross or phrases such as “Dio t'accresca” (referred to by Rita Boini). Today we have switched to industrial preparation or in a safer way from a food safety point of view, but many families continue to make them at home on their own oven. The type of preparation that was once more varied, in less than a century has seen a homogenization of the ingredients that followed the cultural homogenization between geographical areas and countryside compared to the cities. Salty or sweet, with spicier cheeses or gruyere, this food still identifies Umbria. as far as we are concerned, according to Rita Boni, "The cheese cake invaded the city districts at the hands of the inhabitants of the Umbertidese countryside inhabited between the fifties and sixties of the last century." This simple food brings with it two thousand years of religious identification linked to Christianity, but it must be remembered that Easter rituals fall in the spring period and re-propose some aspects of an archaic pre-Christian religiosity that is rich in propitiatory symbologies connected to the death-rebirth of the earth. . This is because popular culture "readjusts old clothes", adapts them whether they are rituals, stories, songs or culinary traditions. Following Rita Boini we can trace the antecedents "cheese cakes" between the ancient Umbrians and the ancient Romans. In the Eugubine tables of the III-II century BC, present in the Civic Museum of Gubbio, the “mefa spefa”, a 'seasoned crescia' is mentioned. Boini says that the "mefa spefa ... is surprisingly close to our Easter cake: flour, eggs, milk, cheese", as well as being leavened. But also the Savillum, it seems somehow its antecedent: a cheesecake (sweet) described in Cato's “De Agri Cultura” (2nd century BC) and which has similar ingredients. Here we provide you a link with the description and preparation of this "cheese cake" from ancient Rome made with 100 grams of white wheat flour, 500 grams of fresh cheese, 50 grams of honey, 1 egg, white poppy seeds: https://historicalitaliancooking.home.blog/italiano/ricette/savillum-torta-al-formaggio-dellantica-roma/ For those who want to see the reconstruction of the preparation of this ancient cake (English language) here is the video: https://youtu.be/hpDowZJj0rE Adriano Bottaccioli, author of numerous researches on our traditions also on the culinary ones, tells us that " an anticipation of the current Easter cakes could be that" Pancasciato "which had among the ingredients, in addition to cheese and saffron, also pieces of lard. This is confirmed by the fact that already in the seventeenth century Confraternities of Fratta and among these that of Santa Croce, offered it to their associates on the occasion of Easter, together with the Ciaramicole. Information taken from the volume "Umbertide nel sec. XVII" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa and reported by me on the 2013 Umbertide Calendar. It should be added that "Pan Caciato" is still considered a typical product of some Umbrian cities, although with different names and preparations (in Todi it becomes "Pan nociato"), in our part of Italy the tradition is now lost. ". - Image from the 2013 Umbertide Calendar (quoted in "Sources"). Sources: - Rita Boini, https://www.studiumbri.it/alIMENTO/le-torte-di-pasqua-da-cibo-ruale-a-cibo-identitario/ - http://www.tavoleeugubine.it/L_attivita_divulgativa/La_%C3%A7esna_dell_IRDAU.aspx - https://historicalitaliancooking.home.blog/italiano/ricette/savillum-torta-al-formaggio-dellantica-roma/ - http://www.comune.umbertide.pg.it/content/download/106876/1131995/file/Calendario%202013.pdf Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com