Storia, memoria ed identità Umbertide. Il sito si propone di divulgare la storia, la cultura e la memoria di coloro che hanno abitato ad Umbertide (Pg) per contribuire alla costruzione di una identità culturale comune nel rispetto dei principi Costituzionali. Questa divulgazione è e resterà senza sc HISTORY AND MEMORY UMBERTIDE Virtual place of memory and identity in motion Who we are We are a group of history lovers and scholars who want to create a space for the transmission of documents, memories and traditions of our city. The aim is the development of a shared identity that is inclusive of those who lived and those who live in Umbertide. The cultural and economic aspects, together with the Second World War, over time they have shaped the city, with its architectural elements and its spaces, but also the rural territory which for centuries has maintained its characteristic of scattered "settlement" and polyculture. For about 70 years, the scenario has been rapidly evolving. We are convinced that knowing the past, or who we were, will help understand how the life of the population will be structured, that is who we will be. Knowing allows you to have "new eyes" to see ... and think. Approfondisci la "memoria" ad ottanta anni di distanza dal bombardamento del 1944... Visita "OTTANT'ANNI" la sezione dedicata al progetto pensato da Mario Tosti con UNITRE di Umbertide, CENTRO SOCIO-CULTURALE S. FRANCESCO, UMBERTIDESTORIA e con il Patrocinio del COMUNE DI UMBERTIDE. Il racconto del passaggio del fronte durante la seconda guerra mondiale ad Umbertide, per riattivare la memoria, riflettere e non dimenticare. Progetto nato in collaborazione con il Dipartimento di Filosofia, Scienze umane e Storia della scuola secondaria superiore “Campus da Vinci” di Umbertide, in funzione della trasmissione e crescita della memoria tra le giovani generazioni, che ha visto già diversi incontri con le classe terze dell’a.s. 2023-24. Azioni che hanno portato alla ricerca e sistemazione delle informazioni poi diventate libro e pagine web. OTTANT'ANNI Il 1944 In questa sezione il progetto "Ottantani" per il ricordo della tragedia che colpì la nostra città il 25 aprile 1944. Tragedia che si lega in modo più vasto al territorio dell'alta Umbria per il periodo del passaggio del fronte nel 1944. Un progetto che ha permesso la pubblicazione di un libro cartaceo e ora la versione digitale, nata per far crescere la memoria in maniera collettiva. Un progetto a cura di Mario Tosti, Unitre di Umbertide, Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertidestoria, con il Patrocinio del Comune di Umbertide; con la collaborazione di Pietro Taverniti, Massimo Pascolini, Sergio Bargelli, Corrado Baldoni, Francesco Deplanu, Sergio Magrini Alunno, Antonio Renzini, Luca Silvioni, Romano Vibi. Gennaio La situazione al 31 dicembre del 1943... Aprile APRILE 1944 - L’ Umbria ed Umbertide nel mirino degli aerei inglesi... Luglio Luglio... distruzione e liberazione... Ottobre 1° ottobre: è morto Fabio Fornaci combattendo con la RSI... Febbraio 4 febbraio: Nuovo bando di arruolamento. La RSI ordina la chiamata alle armi per le classi 1922/1923/1924... ... Maggio 1° maggio. Dovrebbe essere la festa dei lavoratori, ma non si festeggia niente... Agosto Agosto... Le condizioni a Umbertide migliorano nettamente... Novembre 2 novembre . Gli americani hanno sferrato un attacco aereo su Tokio... Marzo Umbertide, già sconvolta dalla guerra civile, sta per trovarsi nel cratere del fronte del fuoco che avanza... Giugno 4 giugno: Liberazione di Roma... passaggio del fronte in altotevere... Settembre 2 settembre: nomina del nuovo Sindaco... Dicembre 1° dicembre: Morti umbertidesi: Piccioloni, artigliere, soldato della RSI... OTTANT'ANNI Il 1945 Continuiamo a raccontare, mese per mese, i piccoli fatti locali (ma coraggiosi e lungimiranti) che hanno caratterizzato il 1945, anno drammatico ed al tempo stesso esaltante, dopo la catastrofe della guerra in casa. Per superare le difficoltà è necessario rivitalizzare la forza con cui la comunità è riuscita, allora, a rinascere e prosperare in ottant’anni di pace. Gennaio Dopo il 6 luglio 1944, quando gli Alleati sono entrati a Umbertide, il nostro territorio passa formalmente dalla Repubblica Sociale Italiana (RSI), regime collaborazionista con la Germania nazista, al Regno d’Italia (cosiddetto Regno del Sud)... Aprile Il 24 aprile il sindaco Renato Ramaccioni comunica che, per ragioni di studio e di famiglia, dovrà assentarsi dalla sede per circa 20 giorni. Sentito il parere favorevole del locale Comitato di Liberazione e della Giunta comunale... Luglio Il sindaco Astorre Bellarosa, con la sua Giunta, non perde tempo per dare un forte segnale politico con l’intitolazione della Piazza a Giacomo Matteotti, simbolo dell’opposizione al fascismo... Ottobre Il Comune concede gratuitamente un loculo al cimitero per la salma della medaglia d’argento Giuseppe Starnini, caduto combattendo nella guerra di liberazione il 30 aprile 1945. Il Sindaco mette a disposizione della società sportiva Tiberis quanto rimane dell’attrezzatura del gioco pallacanestro... Febbraio Il 6 febbraio, Fausto Fornaci cade nel cielo di Thiene. Allontanatosi un po’ dalla sua formazione, è circondato da caccia americani. Dopo aver abbattuto uno degli avversari, viene attaccato da tutte le parti... Maggio Dopo le dimissioni del sindaco Ramaccioni, si insedia la nuova Giunta, formata in gran parte da comunisti e socialisti: Astorre Bellarosa (il nuovo sindaco)... Agosto La Giunta comunale, con il sindaco falegname e il vicesindaco meccanico, ha la sensibilità di perseguire l’apertura di un liceo scientifico, seppure in presenza di scuole senza vetri, distrutti dalle onde d’urto delle bombe, e senza sedie per gli insegnanti.... Novembre L’amministrazione Bellarosa segna un passo decisamente positivo nel difficile cammino della ricostruzione, anche morale, coinvolgendo quanto più possibile i cittadini che, responsabilizzati da una partecipazione dimenticata da anni... Marzo Il 3 marzo muore Rino Pucci del “Gruppo di combattimento Cremona”. Giuseppe Rosati, rimasto gravemente ferito, spira il 5 marzo all'ospedale canadese di Ravenna. Con essi cade anche la loro mascotte, un ragazzo di 15 anni, Giuseppe Battiglia di Roma, colpito alla testa, il cranio svuotato... Giugno L’urgenza di affrontare le condizioni disastrose, lasciate dalla guerra, non impedisce di impostare la soluzione del problema della ricostruzione... Settembre Il Comune si trova a fronteggiare gravi situazioni di necessità ed assistenza per diversi soggetti. Prende in carico la retta di refezione, a favore di 10 bambini poveri, per i pasti forniti nel locale interrato dell’ala posteriore della scuola elementare di Via Garibaldi... Dicembre Il 4 dicembre le salme di Quirino Pucci, Giuseppe Rosati e Giuseppe Starnini sono traslate ad Umbertide, dove si svolge un funerale solenne, con la partecipazione di tutta la popolazione... Scopri le nostre pagine dinamiche Ogni pagina è un percorso, un grande contenitore dinamico, anche con decide di approfondimenti, sempre in possibile crescita perché la ricerca non deve avere una fine. Ogni pagina è un piccolo "sito" specifico all'interno di "Umbertidestoria". Pagine strutturate in modo da facilitare la navigabilità e quindi la fruizione. La Fratta di Carta Prima della progressiva standardizzazione della cartografia tra '700 ed '800 si sono prodotte rappresentazioni del territorio e di città mosse da diverse esigenze... Memoria e Tradizioni La sezione delle nostre tradizioni e della memoria da preservare, curata da Sergio Magrini Alunno... Ricordi umbertidesi Nuova pagina del sito nella quale intendiamo dare spazio a tutti coloro che vorranno condividere con noi i loro ricordi e i personaggi caratteristici nella Umbertide di una volta anche con documenti e foto d’epoca... Montecorona Sabbianiani Estratti a cura di Giuliano Sabbiniani sulla storia, vita e produzione della Tenuta di Montecorona dal suo libro “Montecorona – la Tenuta e la sua gente”, Gruppo editoriale locale, Digital Editor srl, Umbertide - 2021"... Video di Storia e Territorio Raccolta di pagine con video si luoghi storici architettonici e particolari fonti storiche della storia e del territorio di Umbertide... Fratta del Quattrocento Prima pagina dinamica che raccoglie i vari aspetti del sito su uno specifico periodo storico: il XV secolo dell'antica Fratta... Le storie di Pascolini Prima pagina dinamica che raccoglie i vari contributi con ricerche di archivio di Massimo Pascolini... .... o visita le nostre pagine tematiche di raccordo... ... o scopri le nostre pagine tematiche tradizionali , strutturate come raccordo degli articoli singoli, a volte ancora da sistemare, da dove puoi accedere a specifici approfondimenti.. Nel tempo sostituiremo le pagine tradizionali con quelle dinamiche... "work in progress"! STORIA vai alla pagina STORIA PER TEMI vai alla pagina MEMORIA vai alla pagina TRADIZIONI vai alla pagina ARRIVI E PARTENZE vai alla pagina CALENDARI vai alla pagina TESI DI LAUREA vai alla pagina ALBUM vai alla pagina The information from the birth of the first residential agglomerations to the first archive news, The rapid time of political changes from the Middle Ages to the history of the twentieth century, the architectural remains, our monuments and works of art, the slow pace of changes in the territory that have come to define our landscape, the structuring of traditions, family memory ... all this defines the identity of a place and of the people who live there. Please help us to remember by sending photos (with date and place if possible), reporting errors on our texts, suggesting improvements or writing your memoirs, possibly with historical and contemporary sources, to build a vision of our future. Those who choose to send us images can choose to do overwrite, with the "water mark" technique, your "name and surname" or "family archive ..." on your photos, this to prevent the images from being used once on the web beyond the cultural purposes that we aim. For the same reason we have applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark over the historical photos of Umbertide which have been on the web for some time and in various private archives; in this way we try to avoid that further disclosure on our part favors purposes that are not consonant with our intentions. We come out publicly with parts that are incomplete and to be improved. Ours is an ongoing project that needed to be shared in order to grow. For now, thank you ... Adil, Adriano, Alberto, Alessandro, Alessandro C., Andrea Levi, Anna, Anna Maria, Brunella, Diego, Dritan, Fabio, Federico, Francesco, Giovanna, Giovanni, Giulio, Imperia, Isotta, Mario, Miriam, Loredana, Kalida, Paola, Silvia, Simona, Tiziana, Valentina RV, Valentina P. and all those who have sent us photos or supported. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com EH Carr "Change is certain. Progress is not "

CASTIGLIONE DELL'ABBATE SPORTACCIANO SANTA GIULIANA In the southern part at the closure of the walls there is a large portal crowned by a lowered stone arch, which creates a wide access passage, and by battlements that bear traces of a drawbridge, which can be lifted in a vertical position through the system of beams given the deep grooves and pontoon holes present. From the wall texture made of stone blocks of various sizes it is clear that both the portal and the polygonal tower date back to the rest of the buildings and the original layout of the fortification as they are made with small square stones. Castle and rural lordships CASTIGLIONE DELL'ABBATE L'INCASTELLAMENTO E LE SIGNORIE FEUDALI RASINA SPORTACCIANO MONTE CASTELLI SAN GIULIANO DELLE PIGNATTE MONTEMIGIANO SANTA GIULIANA VERNA FRATTICCOLA DI MONTEACUTO MIGIANELLA DEI MARCHESI CIVITELLA DEI MARCHESI, detta GUASTA MONTACUTO BASTIA CRETI GALERA PIEVE di CICALETO MONTALTO ROMEGGIO CERTALTO SERRA PARTUCCI CIVITELLA RANIERI POGGIO MANENTE SAN PATERNIANO POLGETO (villa Pulgeti) Giovanna Benni, researcher and teacher from Umberto I in 2002 carried out a study on “Castle and rural lordships in the Upper Tiber valley between the Early and Late Middle Ages. The territory of Umbertide (Perugia, Italy) ". Work published in NOTEBOOKS ON MEDIEVAL TOPOGRAPHY (Documentary and field research) Edited by Stefano Del Lungo N. 7, 2006. We propose a reworked summary of her work, with several photos of the settlements made by Giovanna at the time, but without the more scientific apparatus, that is the references of the notes and bibliographical references in compliance with the edited publication. The aim of this research was aimed at strengthening the hypotheses of an early embedding in the high-tiber area. Giovanna used the archaeological and documentary data about the historical territory corresponding substantially to the Municipality of Umbertide, to highlight the settlement processes of the castle and the settlements on the tops of the hills and mountains during the sixth and eighth centuries AD. C .. Investigation that used materials, historical-literary sources and documents (archival and non-archival): maps, plans, plans and topographical maps were evaluated to reconstruct the existence of the sites, their toponymic persistence, in cases of disappearance of the inhabited areas , or their transformation today. Thirty sites have been identified, the development of which took place in different chronological moments between the Early and Late Middle Ages in the complex process of fortification; the analysis of these sites includes various types, classified as towers with a main defensive purpose, castra (which combined defensive needs and economic organization, with the main demic aspect, or rather of population) and villae, in which the demic character is predominant, failing that of fortification elements. In fact, in the chapter "Lines of research for a repertoire of fortified settlements" he indicates these sites: 1 - Rasina (castrum Rasine) 2 - Monte Castelli (Mons Castelli, Montis Castelli) 3 - Montemigiano (Monte Mixano) 4 - Verna (castrum de Verna) 5 - Migianella dei Marchesi (castrum Megiane Marchionum, castrum Megiane Marchionis) 6 - Civitella dei Marchesi and Sant'Anna (Civitella Guasta) 7 - Bastia Creti (Bastia Crete, Bastia di Croce) 8 - Pieve di Cicaleto (villa Plebis Cicaleti, villa Plebis Cecaleti, villa Plebis Cicalleti) 9 - Montalto (castrum Mons Altus, castrum Montis Alti) 10 - Certalto (castrum Certalti) 11 - Serra Partucci (castrum Serre, Serre Comitum, Serre super Assinum, Serre Partucci, castrum Serre Partutii) 12 - Civitella Ranieri (castrum Civitelle Comitum, Civitella Comitum) 13– Umbertide (castrum Fracte filiorum Uberti) 14 - Poggio Manente (castrum Podio Manentis) 15 - San Paterniano (S. Patrignani, vila S. Patrignani supra S. Iohannem de Asino, S. Paterniani) 16 - Polgeto (villa Pulgeti) 17 - Castiglione dell'Abbate (castrum Castiglionis Abbatis, castrum Castilionis Abbatis) 18 - Sportacciano (villa Sportaçane, villa Sportaçani, villa Sportazani, villa Sportaciani) 19 - Santa Giuliana (castrum Sancti Iuliani, castrum Sancte Iuliane) 20 - San Giuliano delle Pignatte (villa S. Iuliani, Sancti Iuliani de Collinis, vila S. Iuliani) 21 - Fratticiola di Monte Acuto (see Fratteçole Montis Aguti, see Fractizole Montis Acuti) 22 - Montacuto (Mons Acuti) 23 - Galera (villa Galere) 24 - Monestevole (castrum Monesteoli) 25 - Piano del Nese (Piano de Anese) 26 - Preggio (castrum Pregii, castrum Preçe, castrum Preggii) 27 - Bisciaro and Racchiusole (Bisciajo, Solbicciaio; Raclustioli) 28 - Castellaccio and Castelvecchio (Castel Pretino) (castrum Preytinum, castrum Peritini, castrum Preitini) 29 - Valenzino (villa Valensine, Vallistina, Valecina, Valle Ensena) 30 - The slopes of Monte Acuto: hypothesis on the fortification (edited by Giovanna Benni) Our area in the Late Ancient and Early Middle Ages was largely included in the Byzantine Corridor. The corridor connected the center of the peninsula with Rome and Ravenna, thanks to a defensive system of fortifications placed in a strategic way on reliefs and hills visually connected to each other. These characteristics are clearly visible in the Upper Tiber valley, with particular regard to the territory corresponding to today's municipal boundaries of Umbertide, a city located on the diocesan limes of three major centers, such as Perugia, Gubbio and Città di Castello. Fig. 1: General map of the municipal territory of Umbertide with distinction of the settlement typologies (elaboration created on the model created by the Pro Loco Association of Umbertide). The toponyms reported therein refer to those of the settlements covered in the research. RASINA the Rocca di Rasina is an imposing Castrense hilltop site near today's regional border with Tuscany, north-west of the Niccone Valley, overlooking the high ground fortifications of Civitella dei Marchesi and Sant'Anna. The visible structure Probably the first fortified typology of Rasina was different from the present one. Today it appears as a very imposing fourteenth-century fortress, with a rather regular quadrilateral plan and two towers (also quadrangular) on the back. Their execution together with the rest of the fortress changed the original construction and the purpose of the first fortification built. This is conceivable since, upon reaching Rasina, one finds oneself in front of a composite structure, given by several elements: in the center stands a slightly irregular square tower, with a sloping base and totally closed to the outside, even if on the side right has some infill panels and a locked door placed very high up, probably obtained from a slit in more recent times. Fig. 2: View of the entrance to the Castle of Rasina The wall texture is rather irregular and consists of ashlars of various sizes and materials. On the sides of the roofed tower there are two lower buildings of small dimensions: one, a left, shows itself as a continuous room with the curtain wall of the destination building, however different from the original one. The right side still shows a construction joined to the tower not directly but by a short section of masonry on which the entrance portal to the internal courtyard of the fortification is grafted. The building on the right has no external openings, but in the highest part there are three consequential oculi while a small slit in the front part at the bottom, could suggest a different, original floor level compared to today, since the front side would seem higher than the rear. The tower, which can be accessed via a small external staircase, contains the works taken from the nearby church of Maria Assunta, so that it took on the function of a noble chapel. This further element could re-propose the idea of a readjustment of the primitive fortification present, that is to say only the tower, whose height today would not correspond to the real one and a possible lateral body annexed to it. Even the tower therefore, when the site would have evolved from a fortification placed to guard a territorial border to become a noble residence as early as the 14th century (owned by the Marquisate of Monte), would have changed its use to be incorporated into the rest. of the built-up area. It is rather unitary with the two towers in the back that protrude angularly at the sides with a slightly protruding base and divided by a stone shelf from the upper part, the only element that constitutes a partial variation to the general homogeneity of the building. Fig. 3: The main side tower to the west. Notice the door above. The fortifications of Rasina must be seen in terms of its role as a border, due to its position as a "frontier", a position that has remained with Tuscany even today. Some of these words appear connected to the presence of lookout posts or forts. This is visible thanks to the toponymy for some settlements located a short distance from the Rocca: the toponyms “Antria” and “Casa Antria” emerge from the IGM maps, located respectively to the SW and SE of Rasina. The two terms refer to the presence of Greek elements right on the edge of the Byzantine Corridor which included these areas, deriving from << ad andréia >> 'value' relative to fortified points. Going down to the SE of Rasina we also find the toponym “Casa Pagana” which falls within the casuistry of terms with Gothic or Longobard elements. These elements could therefore allow us to identify in the castle of Rasina not only the imposing fortification visible today, but a tower as a primitive settlement in the territory, whose main purpose was the defense and sighting on the border and then later consolidated and adapted to a residential use. The known history The information on the origin is fragmentary but the presence of the fortress seems to have already been attested in the XII-XIII century. It is probable that it belonged to the possessions of the Marquises of Colle, who had great control in this area due to the numerous assets held (among which the castra di Montemigiano, Civitella Guasta, Migianella dei Marchesi should be mentioned. lineage, Ranieri I of Tuscany (1014-1027) of the Colle family, received the frieze of marquis "of all possessions, especially the [...] infrascriptis oppidis" who are named and those caeteris castris ab eorum dominion [...] solius Montis S. Marie; we can therefore think that, at least in the 11th century, Rasina too was included among these "caeteris castri". In the 13th century, however, the sector to which Castrum Rasine belongs was characterized by the conflicts between the Tifernate bishopric and the municipality of Città di Castello for the possession of castra and villae present in the diocese which constituted, for both, the means of affirmation of the respective dominated. The lineage of Colle was also part of this clash, whose descendants several times found themselves in agreement with the Castellano Municipality, granting, with "submissions", own possessions, as in the case of Civitella Guasta (or of the Marchesi), Montemigiano and Monte Castelli already from the beginning of the XII century, thus obtaining in return a bitter confrontation with the episcope (mainly during the bishopric of Giovanni II, 13th century). At the beginning of the 13th century Città di Castello was divided between a tendency towards territorial expansion and the containment of the much more powerful Perugia and the dominion of Rasina suffered this political situation. This "conflict" was resolved only diplomatically with the submission of the Tifernati to Perugia (1220) and later with the stipulation of a treaty (1223). As a result of this, it is therefore possible to understand why Rasina, on that same date, was included in the Tifernate domains arbitrated by the Perugians. However Rasina remained a Tifernate feud in 1223, as well as in 1230 when it was entrusted to Città di Castello. The events of Rasina continue in the relationship with Città di Castello: a branch of the Colle family became marquisate of Rasina with Pietro del Monte who in 1378 sided with the Tifernati who tried to take Civitella Guasta "even at the cost of attracting the hatred of the marquises consorti ». A little later the combined intervention of the Perugian and Eugubian magistracies led to the definition of a conciliation in the family. In 1386 Pietro began to run around in the Tifernate countryside for the possession of Lippiano, because of this Città di Castello siege against Rasina, but after the clashes the two sides agreed in agreement in 1387, precisely under pressure from the City Council of Castle. Certainly these continuous clashes caused real ruptures within the lineage, also conditioning further subdivisions of the family and bringing Guido II of Civitella to confrontation again against Piero di Rasina from whom he stole the homonymous castrum in 1391 "at the same time arousing the ire of Città di Castle which sent troops to the reconquest ». Once the fights between the Marquises of the Colle had been perpetrated over time, it was only with the recurring intervention of the Tifernati that the balance was barely maintained. Much later (1435) the castle was ceded to the Marquis of Monte Cerbone who united it with his possessions. At the end of the 15th century, the powerful Tifernate family of the Vitelli, taking advantage of the political unrest that occurred in Perugia due to the clash between the noble families of the Oddi and the Baglioni, tried to take possession of Castrum Rasine but without success. The ancient bond that united the Marquises of Colle to the Florentine lordships constituted a difficult obstacle. The political events of 1490 testify to the relationship: subjected to the protection of Medici Florence and obtained confirmation in that year, one half of the dominion of Rasina was sold by the Marquis Ugolino while the other part was merged again with the same family of Rasina thanks to a clever marriage policy. 2. MONTE CASTELLI North West of Umbertide, inserted in the Diocese of Città di Castello, the castrum Mons Castelli is visible, organized with other fortified structures in this territorial area. It was also a defensive position that allowed him to carefully control the plain below, where the Montecastelli settlement was subsequently established. Fig. 4: The castrum of Monte Castelli The visible structure A local road runs alongside and goes around the settlement, until it closes again. Thus it is possible to identify the castrum which in the cadastral map looks like a fortification of medium altitude whose sectional structure appears rather irregular, consisting of a main body almost parallelepiped and a smaller front one, divided from a large courtyard. The main body of the fortification is located on the northern side of the settlement, in such a way as to be able to control the underlying roads of the valley and be well defensible in case of attacks. The settlement was enclosed by the perimeter walls which, however, are partially altered and almost non-existent on the two sides of the South West and North East. Fig. 5: Monte Castelli: excerpt from the cadastral map of the inhabited center (Agenzia del Territorio, Perugia, sheet no. 12). Today the structure is still massive and has a section with an irregular base provided with projecting buttresses, so as to make any possible attack difficult. We hypothesize that the fortification was to be surrounded by an escarpment moat, given the fortified typology of the castrum with its position from a hill of medium altitude, although no traces of connecting elements between the ground and the masonry such as drawbridges or barbicans can be identified. . Based on the plan, two elements stand out: a first part towards the east of low masonry, ending at the top with a flat and wide battlements which, subsequently, could have been used as an entrance to the castrum, an area that, both internally and externally, shows a certain irregularity of the masonry texture created by the affixing of stones of variable size. This part is also reported in the cadastral maps as a fragmentary structure around which the remains of a further perimeter curtain are identified which served as a separation between the settlement and the surrounding countryside; it is assumed that the central part of the entire housing structure, due to the angled and high walls, the depth in the ground and partial overhang, may have played a preponderant defensive role, before the residential transformation. Transformation started as early as 1210 with the donation of land for the construction of a hospital and a church. At the time of the reconnaissance, there are some restoration works that aimed at arranging the inhabited area by reconstructing it internally as much as possible in adherence to a fortified settlement typology. Fig. 6: Monte Castelli front view of the fortifications The second important element of the main housing body is the large tower positioned to the west with an irregular section, but probably quadrangular, with a large embankment base that makes it an imposing defensive structure emerging from the articulated masonry. It was separated, according to the cadastral map, from the rest of the masonry by a very narrow passage. In the upper part the tower is closed regularly although the structure could have been closed so as not to present the current front openings which significantly change its appearance, similar to many of those present in the rest of the fortified settlement body. The known history The first information on the castle of Monte Castelli dates back to the beginning of the 11th century, when it was indicated among the properties of Ranieri I of Tuscany (1014-1027). Ranieri returned there as Marquis of Colle; even later Montis Castelli was included among the castra recognized as possessions in an imperial diploma issued by Frederick I, for which he appointed ducem, marchionem et comitem Uguccione di Filippo. Belonging to the diocese of Città di Castello had great importance and influence for the events concerning Montis Castelli, especially under the bishop Giovanni II for its value as an area on the border between the two distinct counties of Perugia and Città di Castello. In fact, the first news concerning the castrum of Monte Castelli that can be obtained from sources and documents dating back to the relations between the Tifernate bishopric and the inhabitants of the castle, for legal reasons due to contractual agreements and agreements of private or community property. In a document of 1172, drawn up in Colle Putei and preserved today in the bishop's archive of Città di Castello, we learn that Ugolino marquis of the lineage of Colle (son of Uguccione) together with his wife Ymila (Emilia) decided to grant bishop Pietro of Città di Castello the "capitantiam castri Montis Castelli". This "capitantiam" clause concerned "ad faciendum quicquid episcopo placuerit scilicet pacem et guerram cuicumque voluerit", excluding the same "Ugolino et Ymila suisque exceptis heredibus". With the provisions of "pacem et guerram" we have a precise indication of the power of which the bishop was the protagonist: he had his own military body and could decide to make peace and war. John II was however also interested in other religious foundations of various kinds included (and scattered) in the diocesan territory of Tifernate; among these were also included the hospitals whose control by the bishop would have allowed the dominion over homines and properties belonging to these foundations. As we have said previously, Monte Castelli was also affected by the construction of a hospital and a church in the early 12th century; these two buildings were placed "at the head of the Monte Castelli bridge, on the Tiber side, towards Montone and Promano" but for their construction the land was donated to the owner of the castellana diocese by "Giburga widow of Giacomo di Giovanni d ' Ignolo »and his sons in 1210. In the donation Giburga arranged not to demand anything in return since all he wanted to obtain was ibi serve et benefacere in manus episcopi, therefore only fulfilling needs requested by Christian charity. In the early 1300s, during the alternating political events triggered by the confrontation between Guelphs and Ghibellines, the castrum had returned to belong to the Marquises of Colle (1312) who had obtained a diploma of investiture for various castles among which Montis Castelli was also counted because granted by the emperor Henry VII, also Ghibelline and supported by the marchiones. Yes it has then news of the consolidation of the bridge walls in the mid-14th century, above all because in that period the first companies of fortune tried to settle in Città di Castello, causing damage to many inhabited areas encountered along the way. In fact, an almost total destruction affected the castle of Monte Castelli in 1398 by the castellans themselves, so as not to give their strongholds to the enemies. During the attack the castrum suffered a lot of damage especially to the defensive structure, mainly represented by the fortified tower with a quadrangular section placed laterally. In the early 1400s, Perugia also took an interest in Mons Castelli, paying particular attention to its certainly strategic and defensive position; Città di Castello, then, ordered the restoration of the castrum so as to return directly to control this area due to the danger of pressing and recurrent attacks, up to the Perugian conquest in 1438, under which it remained for a long time and then returned to tifernate in 1482 reconquered by Giovanni Vitelli. Connected to the Castle we have the toponym Monte Castelli which recalls as a term, in fact, an oronym deriving from «castell (um), diminutive of castrum“ fortress ”,“ equipped field ”» as it is also interpreted in toponymy dictionaries. A significant reference for the inhabited nucleus of Monte Castelli is the reconstruction of the bridge which took place in June 1347, which required "the use of 1000 feet of stones". This bridge proved functional not only for the inhabitants of Castrum Mons Castelli, but also for the pilgrims who, on their way to Rome, crossed the Upper Tiber valley. 3. MONTEMIGIANO Monte Mixano, today Montemigiano it presided over the entrance to the Tiber valley near the confluence between Torrente Niccone, to the south, and the Tiber itself, to the east. An area open to land and river trade due to its proximity to the connecting road between the Tifernate and the Perugian towns. While towards the northwest it is placed in direct observation of castrum Verne and Monte Castelli. Fig. 7: Montemigiano view from the south of the fortified village. The visible structure The settlement of Montemigiano is perched on a hill, with the evident appearance of a high ground castrum, with a very wide surrounding view over the course of the Tiber up to the castrum of Verna. Currently the small fortified village has been renovated as a typical rural settlement. It is crossed by a single narrow road that wriggles through the inhabited nucleus of small houses attached to each other: they form two wings, with the one on the right very full-bodied. The cadastral map nowadays highlights houses of varying sizes built in local stone, but with many inputs of bricks that do not reflect the original facies of the buildings because they were destroyed several times due to the numerous incursions suffered; however, even today the atmosphere of the little one is that of a medieval village. In the final part of the town, attached to the church, there is still a door with the arched structure attached to the walls, although without a bridge or portcullis, which makes us understand its function, that is to isolate the fortification from the surrounding countryside. This makes us suppose that around the castrum there was a great deal of a moat or a steep escarpment to hinder any possible attack. This morphological aspect of the Castrense territory is still visible in the area below the castrum door, still uncultivated and rather inaccessible due to the presence of dense chestnut groves. After passing the first houses that face each other, you come to an internal courtyard totally paved with regular ashlars, opening onto a square with a large terrace overlooking the valley in which flows the Niccone river and which allowed to carefully control the surrounding territorial sectors, in order to guarantee an organized defense to the Castrense nucleus. Fig. 8: Montemigiano: excerpt of the cadastral map of the inhabited center (Agenzia del Territorio, Perugia, sheet n ° 41) Next to the houses still placed on the right wing, stands the bell tower of one of the two churches present in the fortified nucleus which is embedded between the church itself and a small house, showing a large base with a quadrilateral section and very irregular wall texture, for use of different types of stones. In the top section of the front part of this bell tower, a square in the stone is still visible where a sundial was probably placed, which has not been used for some time. The crowning of the steep-roof bell tower is still made of stone, but with the four sides open to arch. Attached to the bell tower is the church, while to the side of the latter is the entrance portal to the castrum which appears as a very large and massive structure closing the rear part of Montemigiano. Among the structures present, the bell tower is of particular importance because it is placed between the houses and the portal, as a point of contact between two opposite 'spheres', the civil one, represented by the square of the Castrense nucleus, and the religious one, that is the church itself 'settlement. Fig. 9: Montemigiano: the bell tower A short distance from the door in the east part is a tower protruding from the walls, albeit slightly higher than the walls, with an irregular base section; it too was in charge of the control and defense of the northern area of the settlement because probably, already in medieval times, it was the most difficult to control area of the entire fortification. It can be thought, however, that the current height of the tower does not correspond to the original one, but that it is instead the later result of the adaptation to the rest of the inhabited areas, when the defensive aspect had ceased to be the main prerogative of the settlement. All the buildings on the north side, including the tower and the door with the affixing of each corresponding masonry, constitute the same external perimeter structure of the settlement and create a continuous and irregular masonry with a large embankment base, as is typical for the settlements of hillocks that had to take into account steep terrain with variable trends, both in terms of type and altitude, even at short distances. The same Montemigiano in the southern part that descends towards the valley is organized, sloping down, into a lower level floor. The known history Montemigiano was an important hilltop castrum already present in the 11th as it was included that among the possessions of the Marquises of Colle, Uguccione di Filippo was elected as ducem, marchionem et comitem in a diploma sanctioned in 1162 by Emperor Frederick I of many localities in the area, it is possible to assume that it was Montemigiano also part, given that the Marquises of Colle appeared several times in the documents also bearing the title of “Montemigiano”. But it was from the thirteenth century that we have more news due to the conflicting relations between the municipality of Città di Castello and Giovanni II, bishop of the city. The ties between the marquisate of Colle and the Municipality of Città di Castello had begun very early, with many submissions of appurtenances in favor of the Tifernate city in order to maintain the autonomy of the family and obtain tranquility and stability for their assets. The situation that arose between the two secular domains was complicated, however, by the interference of Bishop John II, who also intended to acquire this territorial area for the bishopric. It is probable that, for this reason, Ranieri marquis of Montemigiano, fearing the loss of his own land in favor of the bishopric or the municipality of Tifernate, as had already happened for the marquisate of Montone, decided to subdue Montemigiano to Perugia in 1216. This phase ended in a decade to return close relations of dependence with Città di Castello. In the following period, Montemigiano "followed" the division into factions identifiable with the generic names of Guelphs and Ghibellines that took place in central-northern Italy, within the inhabited centers and in relations with their counties. After Guido del Monte, son of Ranieri became Marquis of Montemigiano in 1248-1249, the proximity of the Marquis to the Guelphs led to a clash with the Ghibellines who supported the town of Città di Castello in the fifties and sixties of the thirteenth century. There is no news of this period relating to clashes and conflicts in which Montemigiano was the protagonist against other localities, but it is likely that he was still involved, considering that a hint of a provision in favor of Montemigiano on the proposal of the domains of Corrorano dell'Alto Chiascio it is reported in the resolutions of the Reformation Council. Their influence must have been very considerable if, in 1288, «D. Iacobus by d. Ugolino [di Coccorano], with a letter asks the Special and General Council of the Municipality of Perugia to suspend the cavalcade against the Marquises of Montemigiano. The Council accepted the request 'propter potentiam ipsius [Iacobi] et confederationem quam habet cum comune Perusii. The "merits" of some relatives of Iacobus towards the people of Perugia are listed in detail, including those of Ugolino di Albertino who helped Perugia in the wars against Gubbio in 1217 and 1258. At the end of 1200, the clashes between the Marquises of Montemigiano and the bishopric of Città di Castello intensified, but reached an agreement. The complex events that involved Montemigiano in the first half of the fourteenth century were conditioned by the clash between Guelphs and Ghibellines and their role in the Municipalities of Perugia and Città di Castello. In 1306 Montemigiano became part of the Perugian countryside following the submission wanted by Oddo II Fortebracci who was the power of the castrum. This action was certainly produced by the fact that Montemigiano (like Perugia) was headed by Guelphs, while at that time the Ghibellines were in charge in Città di Castello. It temporarily returned under the control of Città di Castello in the decade following 1333 under the dominion of Charles, as agreed with the Municipality of Perugia. After a momentary phase of Tifernate jurisdiction, in 1351 Montemigiano was taken over by Perugia and remained in its possession for a long time, until in 1368 also Pietro di Guido for the Marquises del Monte took the castrum "and kept it until 1371, the year in which through the papal legate Henry bishop Cumano, he returned it "ad honorem" S. Rom. Ecclesiae ». This action allowed the marquises to be protected by the papacy and to still belong to Perugia albeit for a very short time, because it continued to be disputed between the two institutions. In 1371 Montemigiano was ceded to the Tifernati, although the jurisdiction remained in Perugia, which allowed the inhabitants to be exempt from taxes for a certain period and to strengthen the Castrense nucleus. Between the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the conflicts that affected Montemigiano were actually more and more frequent therefore, also as a result of the growing interest on the part of the State of the Church in the central area of the peninsula, there was a need to consolidate and strengthen Montemigiano after short periods ( already in 1382) always adhering to the jurisdiction of Città di Castello, while maintaining its political autonomy thanks to the presence of internal magistrates, locally elected with the aim of organizing political events. The close relations between the papacy and the Tifernate nobles conditioned the 15th century with numerous and reciprocal incursions until Montemigiano returned, as a fiefdom, to the possessions of the Vitelli family of Città di Castello, as evidenced by the presence of coats of arms corresponding to this family in the rectory of the Castrense nucleus. 4. VERNA Castrum Verne stands at about 500 meters above sea level near the confluence of the Tiber with the Nestore Torrent. For location and structure this fortress recalls the typology of the high ground settlements. The position of castrum Verne allows us to hypothesize that the fortification was placed to guard the river road along the Tiber and the commercial one thanks to the road system that led directly to Città di Castello, continuing north to Ravenna. Fig. 1: West entrance with the rear portal of the castrum. The settlement was undergoing renovations at the time of the research The visible structure The castrum has a centralized scheme that reconciles economic capabilities, based on forestry-pastoral activities, with defensive possibilities supported by visibility on the surrounding areas with a simultaneous control of land and river routes: it can control, in fact, Montemigiano, Monte Castelli and the Pieve di Comunaglia. The castle has a mighty fortified structure with a rectangular and regular section, placed vertically along the NS axis in the territory. It can be reached via a rather winding dirt track and a steep climb; in this way the first facade of the visible structure is actually the one behind it (west). The façade is organized with large openings and a portal, certainly altered from the original facies in relation to the changes it has undergone over time. It has a large buttressed base and is surrounded by a deep escarpment. The fortified structure is supported by an embankment contained in a thick masonry which would have had the function of supporting and protecting the fortification. The Castrum was probably preceded by a moat, given the rather raised ground level on which it is located. In the part facing the Nestore valley, however, it descends to a lower level. The main entrance of the structure is, however, on the south side. From here you enter a large hall with cross vaults supported by large masonry columns; taking into account the modern modifications undergone by the building, this large room could be considered as the main room of the whole building even if it is located in the lower level, precisely because the castrum is built on a higher and a steep floor. From the hall it is possible to reach all the others, perfectly connected to each other. Fig. 2: Verna: overall elevation of the west facade. The settlement was undergoing renovations at the time of the research. From the lowest floor of the fortification you go up to the upper ones via a long and narrow internal staircase that leads directly to the south entrance with a rather steep path; upon reaching the first floor of the settlement it is possible to cross a room where there is a large fireplace. From here, however, it is possible to access the other side of the castle, which overlooks an embankment similar to a terrace just above the retaining wall of the north side facing the Nestor. From the corner created by the masonry, a large pentagonal section tower emerges here, revealing a mighty structure implanted in the ground, but now raised to the same height as the walls of the fortification. Given that the tower is strategically placed on this side of the structure, it is also conceivable that originally the height was greater, probably to perform defense functions, given that as it is currently shown it would not have guaranteed a favorable overall view. The external wall texture currently appears well defined and regular, although local stones are used. The masonry does not denotes outwardly relevant elements: you can notice some small corrections made to the walls with the affixing of arches, including buffered ones. In the top part of the building, however, the presence of small openings placed on the masonry at regular intervals should be highlighted as if they bear traces of a pre-existing flat battlements, used as a curtain wall with a more defensive than decorative purpose, also buffered and rearranged with windows, present on the two longest sides of the building and today hidden by the roof. A short distance from the perimeter walls alone there is a ruined religious building, which is usually brought back to the church of San Pietro, although, in reality, the church with this title was located further west of Verna, where the toponym is still identifiable on topographic map. S. Pietro. The internal area of the building shows the complete decay of the structure, without walls and roof, of which fragments, inserts and stone shelves remain on the sides of the main altar placed frontally in the apsidal area, where only minimal traces of decorations can be seen fresco. The church could have been used as a noble chapel, perhaps built on a pre-existing building of worship with the function of a church inside the walls. A little further to the side of the fortified settlement there are rural houses, also probably included in the walls of the settlement, abandoned and completely surrounded by vegetation; this prevents a precise typological analysis of the walls. Fig. 3 - Verna: top of the hexagonal tower located in the northern sector of the castrum. A similar structure stands out just above this nucleus, revealing a similar structure with an even greater position of importance because it is placed on a higher hill, the same covered by brushwood. Probably the use of these houses during the period of management under sharecropping, since this area was also characterized by a predominantly agricultural economy. The known history The history of Castrum Verne moves on the characteristic of having long become an attractive center of secular and ecclesiastical noble power. Probably the attractive power of Verna depended on the fact that it was part of the district of the rural parish of Comunaglia located west of the castrum . The Plebatu de Cuminallie included the castrum of Verna and its church dedicated to St. Peter as well as many other religious entities spread in the surrounding area and was a real hub of aggregation already in the early Middle Ages. The toponym Comunaglia is a reference to one of the various phases that led to the formation of the rural municipality and, specifically, indicates the affirmation of the common lands3. This happened in a sort of continuity with the Roman vicus (which was a territorial district) with this early medieval; this continuity was established in the common lands which are defined as communia, communalia, comunitas and communantia , Latin terms which would also demonstrate the derivation of the local toponym Comunaglia with the meaning of "common goods". Fig. 4 - Verna: ruins of the Church of S. Pietro Before the thirteenth century there is no precise information but it seems that the castrum of Verna was already part of the possessions of the marquises of Colle confirmed by Berengario in 917 AD. In 1162, among the various localities of the Tifernate countryside, Verne also had as " ducem, marchionem et comitem" Uguccione di Filippo, elected by the emperor Frederick I. Probably the district was part of the aegis of secular noble power with the triple office of power military, political and administrative. In a strategic position with respect to Montemigiano, Monte Castelli and the Pieve di Comunaglia at the beginning of the thirteenth century it became, however, one of the districts among the most coveted by the castle bishop Giovanni II, because they also constituted a buffer area open towards the border with the Perugia countryside. In the 11th century the properties of the castellano bishopric had begun to increase, even though the body itself lacked awareness of the "economic" process being implemented, as was or had happened previously for other ecclesiastical bodies in northern Umbria. This increase often it was due to donations from lay lords of the countryside, pro remedio souls , which between the end of the 12th and the beginning of the 13th century represented one of the most common forms of increasing ecclesiastical assets. From the 12th century (and even more from the 13th century) the acquisitions of goods and properties had become for the rectory of Città di Castello a real political line pursued in a particular way by the bishop John II. He aimed to consolidate his territorial and economic dominion, aware of the possibilities of strengthening the diocese by increasing its appurtenances, thus guaranteeing this religious body precise political importance in relation to other similar religious bodies and local rural lords of ancient tradition. To do this it entered into competition with the monastery of San Bartolomeo di Camporeggiano, in whose possessions the parish of Comunaglia fell, and with the municipality of Città di Castello, which was gradually being established thanks to the acquisition of territorial properties on which they were often castra, curtes or villae. In the conflict with the Gubbio body, the bishop of Tifernate obtained a positive result as John II managed to completely supplant the monastery of Camporeggiano from a patrimonial point of view. who had possessions in the castle district of Verna. On the contrary, the diplomatic confrontation with Città di Castello, conducted for the possession of Castrum Verne claimed by the bishop, while the municipality did not intend to yield due to the evident proximity to the city, was strong and lasting, persisting until the 1930s. XIII century, therefore at least until the duration of the regency of the bishopric by John II (1226), above all because the conflicts were caused by multiple disputed possessions by the two sides. On the basis of the remaining documents, the domain of the diocese began to be established in 1208 when homines di Verna and Civitella Guasta (i.e. Civitella dei Marchesi) came into conflict due to some land that both sides claimed in the Pieve di Comunaglia. The bishop John II, however, to heal the conflict established that the plots were subject to the bishop's rights and also ordered, according to the parties, that the same comitatini should take care of the land pro episcopatu . In 1216 there was the direct passage to the jurisdiction of the episcopate: there was a sale between Giovanni II and Federico di Ugolino, one of the branches of the marquis of Monte Santa Maria, of castrum Verne, burgis et pertinis et districtu . He bought the castle of Verna for an amount of 310 pounds of Pisan money: with this action, John II demonstrated the ability of the bishopric to assert its dominatus over one of the most important noble nuclei of the countryside. But at the same time this purchase highlights the importance the bishop had to give to castrum Verne to pay him such a large share and, moreover, obtaining loans to which he had to answer for a long time to powerful citizens of Perugia: Suppolino di Ugolino and Senese granted him parts substantial amounts of money necessary for the acquisition of the castle. From the deed of sale stipulated on 20 September in Città di Castello in the presence of both parties, we learn in great detail that the plaintiff of the document, son of the Marquis Ugolino, declared: « Ego [...] Federicus brand [ ...] vendo et trado do et concedo, gift inter vivos38 et offero [...] vobis domino Iohannis [...] omnia que habeo sive habere videor seu mihi competunt [...] res mobiles, immobile, actiones, iura realia, personalia, mixta "meaning, therefore, all the assets that" [...] sunt in castro Verne, burgis, curte, pertinis et districtu et inter hos fines ", therefore those included in the Castrense territorial district (districtus) of boundaries were precisely defined39. It was later discovered that Federico di Ugolino of the Marchesi del Monte had completely sold his jurisdiction in the castrum to John II, although he did not fully enjoy (on a personal level) the dominatus , which instead belonged in part to the Sioli domains. In September 1223 Rinaldo and Brunamonte, sons of Suppo of the Sioli domains, presented the bishop with a request for payment for their possessions sold in the castle of Verna, claiming the possession of castro " Verne, famulis, terris, vineis et super plebe de Runte bonis et rebus ad eam spectantibus et rebus aliis positis in plebatu plebis eiusdem " . They were ready to sell these appurtenances to John II upon payment by him of " CLX. Libras bonorum denariorum pisanorum" . The bishop was forced to pay until 1224. After the first half of the 13th century, Verna was occupied by the Ghibellines due to a new contrast with the bishop Niccolò da Orvieto and the Guelphs who supported it; of this period, however, we have only summary information. In 1250, Guido Marquis of the Colle lineage took possession of the Monte and in 1265 he took possession of the castle of Verna and its districtus , in contravention of the provisions of the bishop Niccolò da Orvieto. Returning the following year (1266) under the bishop's jurisdiction following the decision taken by the Tifernate power, the inhabitants of Verna swore "an oath of fidelity and vassalage, promising to keep the castle in obedience to the bishop and not to cause offense to the inhabitants of Città di Castello and Montemigiano ». The fourteenth century was again characterized by the struggles between municipalities, as Perugia and Città di Castello simultaneously aimed to obtain the border area in which castrum de Verne enjoyed a prominent role. Already in 1382 the Marquises of Civitella Guasta had moved to take the Castrense nucleus of Verna which had suffered a lot of damage due to the incursion of the Perugians. The diplomatic move of an agreement between Tifernati and Perugini meant that Città di Castello regained Verna and proceeded to rebuild it by increasing the fortified elements of the structure for a long time, until at least the beginning of the 15th century, when the 15th century proposed new clashes mainly due to the position of the Papal State, which aimed to organize a territorial area completely subject to its dependencies in the center of the peninsula. At the end of the fifteenth century, in 1482, there were the last clashes that affected the castle and the district of Verna. The Tifernati led by the Vitelli family clashed against the papal troops. The castle came out widely, castrum de Verne obtained exemption for its inhabitants from taxes for a long time, to try to make its reconstruction possible autonomously. Latest news of this period comes from the register of tithes, the Rationes Decimarum , where there is no mention of the church, but local historians recall the presence of a hospital located in the castle of Verna and noted in 1504: minister of revenue of the hospital of Verna to go to the aid of the poor, the episcopal vicar D. Lucantonio appointed Don Giulio di Domenico da Verna for this office ». 5. MIGIANELLA DEI MARCHESI To the north west of Umbertide rises the castrum Megiane Marchionis . A hill castle consisting of an indistinct main body in the south-west and three smaller bodies around the religious building of Sant'Angelo. Migianella dei Marchesi approaches the type of feudal castle and has walls and stately accommodations, a moat and is partially isolated by a deep cliff for a large part of the perimeter. The toponym could be traced back to an attestation of the predial name, deriving from the owner in the "Roman" period, whose root, Migiana, probably derives from Misius . The visible structure From the road that climbs towards Migianella, the south-eastern part of the settlement is immediately visible and a fraction of the still stable high walls that close at the corner with an almost intact semi-rectangular tower. From here a path climbs towards an opening of the walls which was probably the rear entrance of the castrum. Fig. 1: excerpt from the cadastral map (Agenzia del Territorio, sheet n ° 77) From here you immediately enter the large courtyard: you will find a first rural house in the most central area, perhaps belonging to the most recent phase of construction (due to a widespread use of masonry) with evident recovery of the slightly overhanging ancient base. The inhabited nucleus is now made up of five houses, two in a single body, and the church with the adjoining bell tower which is now unsafe. which shows, however, the reconstruction of the crowning with bricks and arches in place of a previous sloping roof following the original foundation. The interior of the first building clearly shows the use of spaces typical of rural houses, cellar, herbarium, stable all on the first floor, on whose walls you can see an interesting stone epigraph engraved and dated AD 1769 with the initials G. (or C , the letter is corrupt) MFF . In front of the first house there is a second large one, connected by a brick gallery on the upper floor and a third placed in front, which houses the church of Sant'Angelo with the bell tower. It is likely that the gallery is a late refurbishment of an existing wooden structure. Under the gallery there is a narrow street that allows the central passage between the side facades of the houses: two rural houses on the left, the church with baroque characters which is in disuse and another farmhouse. Following the small road that leads westwards, you arrive in the large open space behind the buildings, consisting of the main entrance of the settlement with the entrance portal on the left and a green area on the right, which leads to a small house behind the church. This part of the castrum is very suggestive presenting an entrance portal surmounted by a lowered arch, which tradition wants to lead back to an Etruscan matrix; certainly the arch is quite ancient, made with sedimentary rocks. In fact, it seems that on one side it is suspended and on the other embedded in the surrounding walls, in reality it is supported by two large dry stone walls of very thick sandstone. Fig. 2: Access portal on the north side of the complex Crossing the arch in a southerly direction, you pass right under the curtain wall, obviously retracing the path, perhaps the original one, of the moat, while the northern part of the castrum has perimeter walls lower than the level of the west ones, almost descending under the plane of trampling. Migianella is built on a rocky cliff, the same foundations clearly visible on the southeast side rest on it and are obtained from the stone that shows its original jaggedness (fig. VII.5). The walls all run around the castle. It is evident that the transformations made to the settlement over time may have changed its course, causing it to be rearranged in the circular segment which, with a west-north course, starts from the arch to the secondary entrance door. In fact, under this area there is a steep slope which constituted a valid natural obstacle to taking the castrum . The walls in the basement show a modest projection which, together with the protruding stone from which the fortification stands, represented a barrier for enemy attacks. Fig. 3: Perimeter walls of the south-east side grafted directly on the rocky spur. The known history Before the 14th century there is very little news that Migianella's existence has been handed down to us. There are mainly only demographic data concerning the quantitative presence of the fires. There is evidence of the existence of a parish church dedicated to Sant'Angelo and belonging to the Pieve di Marciano. The first documents that report news of it date back to the mid-thirteenth century: in the " Liber impositionis bladi" , in 1260, the cadastral source noted Migianella as castrum and in the estimate of 1282 it was considered a villa , with a presence of about 20-28 fires. However, in the following years it was referred to as a " castle ". This fortress, which to the south sees the hermitage of Monte Corona and not far "observes" Monestevole, belonged to the properties of a branch of the lords of Monte Santa Maria Tiberina, that is, the marquises of San Giovanni di Marzano. Its border position between Umbria and Tuscany determined its historical events, as the clashes with enemy troops caused considerable damage to the structures in many circumstances. After a reconstruction of the walls in 1297, «in the first half of the 14th century» Migianella «was equipped with towers and bulwarks in the service of artillery», remembers Guerrini. In fact, in 1350 the castle was " surrounded by walls and fortified ". In 1408 Migianella underwent restoration work by the express will of the Council of Priors of Perugia given the conditions in which it had been reduced, but still in 1415 the castrum needed the repair of the walls. To deal with this problem, the population was exempted from paying taxes for about three years with the clause, however, of guaranteeing Migianella an adequate and functioning defensive structure. This was also repeated in 1444 and 1482. Fig. 4: Corner tower on the south-east side The relative tranquility enjoyed by this border settlement entered a crisis in 1479, when Migianella was struck crosswise by political conflicts following the conspiracy hatched by the Pazzi together with Pope Sixtus IV against Lorenzo and Giuliano dei Medici. The death of the latter induced his brother to invade the papal territories as far as the northeast of Lake Trasimeno in revenge with the aim of destroying Perugia. Even Migianella dei Marchesi was attacked, sacked and deeply damaged: it suffered not only devastation, but also deportations and many inhabitants were killed. About two centuries later the Florentines returned to break into the castrum. Sources disagree with the dating, but examining the historical events it is possible to argue that the destruction of Migianella occurred in 1643, during the siege of Uberto's sons, that is, Umbertide, placed in Fratta. The troops settled in the vicinity of Migianella for five days, and then invaded, plundering and ruining the castle and the church of San Michele Arcangelo. Giovanni Riganelli in 1994, in " From Totila to Rachi: Perugia and its territory in the first centuries of the Middle Ages " tries to trace a hypothetical border between the territory of Byzantine and Lombard influence in the northern area of the Perugian territory, convinced that the border between the Lombards and Byzantines adhered to the diocesan one of the territories of Gubbio, Città di Castello and Perugia. Thus he analyzed the episcopal properties listed in the papal documents confirming the assets, issued by Innocent II in 1136 and by Eugenio III in 1145. In 1136 the properties extended from the Niccone river to the meeting point with the Tiber were considered. In the confirmation of 1136, which involved the southern area of the Niccone stream, some churches that depended on Perugia were mentioned. Among these was the " plebem Sancti Petri in Martiano cum ecclesia de Meiana et reliquis capellis suis " which the author associates with the " plebs Marciani " in the territory of Migianella, supporting the presence in today's period of the toponym Marciano north of Monte Migianella , while the church de Mediana referred to the church of Sant'Angelo present right inside the settlement of Migianella dei Marchesi and dependent on the parish of Marciano in the fourteenth century. 6. CIVITELLA DEI MARCHESI, called "GUASTA" Civitella dei Marchesi is located on a hilly area northwest of Umbertide about thirteen kilometers near Mount Bastiola. The visible structure Civitella is called "Guasta", that is devastated, a definition that, today, adapts to the settlement due to the very turbulent historical events that caused its destruction. Civitella represents a high-altitude fortress located at an altitude higher than 500 meters, therefore, on a high hill. The role of the fortified nucleus in this case is mainly defensive, based on the favorable sighting possibilities. Reachable via an easy local road that climbs up to the top of Mount Bastiola, the settlement of Civitella Guasta is first encountered. The settlement is now renovated and transformed into a summer residence for several families, the settlement structure would seem to maintain, albeit not fully, given the numerous renovations it has been the protagonist of, the appearance of a fortified nucleus built on the sides of the road itself and it presents a set of full-bodied fortified structures which at least partially convey the idea of their grandeur at the base. Fig. 1: Visible structure of Civitella Guasta, main building, south side - 2002 On the left side of the local road it is possible to identify the main body of the whole settlement oriented in the EW direction. It has a large base projecting into a slope which is typical of the fortified structures of the high hills, but today the building is high and divided into two main sections, which constitute two different dwellings, showing the transformations undergone by the consolidation of the contemporary era, while respecting a suitable rural setting. To the right of the local road, a little higher than the main nucleus, there are other buildings with solid walls, also used as residences; the change undergone by these buildings however allows us to understand the organization space that concerned them. Civitella dei Marchesi, although today it totally lacks the walls that indicate the size of the fortification precisely, thanks also to the organization of the inhabited nucleus on the territory, it can allow us to hypothesize what could have been the large extension of the settlement. In fact, the "castrum" had to respond to a settlement method in the territory suited to a marquisate and in any case suitable for the ancient lineage of the Colle. Continuing along the local road, almost reaching the top of Monte Bestiola, is the settlement of Sant'Anna which bears very evident traces of a fortified structure, not only in the perimeter walls but also in the main architectural elements constituting an example of "castrum". For the most part the fortified nucleus is buried and, what can actually be analyzed, are walls that rise from great depth and emerge allowing a rather jagged view of the structure global; surprisingly these are organized on several levels of land. Fig. 2:. north-east side ruins of the fortress walls, next to the church of Sant'Anna. On the left side of the local road it is possible to identify the main body of the whole settlement oriented in the EW direction. It has a large base projecting into a slope which is typical of the fortified structures of the high hills, but today the building is high and divided into two main sections, which constitute two different dwellings, showing the transformations undergone by the consolidation of the contemporary era, while respecting a suitable rural setting. To the right of the local road, a little higher than the main nucleus, there are other buildings with solid walls, also used as residences; the change undergone by these buildings however allows us to understand the organization space that concerned them. Civitella dei Marchesi, although today it totally lacks the walls that indicate the size of the fortification precisely, thanks also to the organization of the inhabited nucleus on the territory, it can allow us to hypothesize what could have been the large extension of the settlement. In fact, the "castrum" had to respond to a settlement method in the territory suited to a marquisate and in any case suitable for the ancient lineage of the Colle. Continuing along the local road, almost reaching the top of Monte Bestiola, is the settlement of Sant'Anna which bears very evident traces of a fortified structure, not only in the perimeter walls but also in the main architectural elements constituting an example of "castrum". For the most part the fortified nucleus is buried and, what can actually be analyzed, are walls that rise from great depth and emerge allowing a rather jagged view of the structure global; surprisingly these are organized on several levels of land. Fig. 3: ruins of the walls on the west side. Around what remains of the fortification there are evident sections of collapsed walls, while the central severed body, probably consisting of a formwork, is placed at a lower level than the walking surface so as to bear clear traces of filling materials, deposited internally in time. At a higher level than this part of the fortification, there is a cistern still full of water on the left, while on the right side, which descends to a lower ground level, a large section of masonry opens up. A large flying buttress is visible which buries itself and creates a deep corridor, also covered with earth, which descends under the lowest floor. Due to the collapse of the internal masonry and the thick vegetation that surrounds the entire structure, it cannot be accessed. Still at a lower level (as if the whole "castrum" were placed on three levels of terracing of the land) we can see parts of very thick masonry, probably constituting the walls present up to the most recent period, which for the most part has collapsed. Fig. 4: The ancient opening is clearly visible below the current tread level. in this portion of masonry on the south-east side of the town. Regarding toponymy, the entry Civitella refers to "civita" which "derives from the Latin" civitas "[...], abstracted from" civis "," citizen ""; Civita or Civitella, especially in central Italian toponymy, often refers to settlements built on mountains and hills. The passage from the toponym "castrum" to "civita" is usually traced back to the time of Lombard domination with a different use of sites starting from the VI-VIII centuries. It is not possible at the moment, however, to find evidence of such an ancient existence for this site; moreover, it is generally difficult to establish how and when this could have happened. In fact, scholars argue that for the Early Middle Ages, it is difficult to establish when the name of “Civitas”, that is to say an administrative-judicial center, governed by a duke or a steward, with jurisdiction over a dependent district, which some of these castra assume. It is in fact quite possible that it was acquired for two concomitant reasons: the concentration of the population favored by its size (three to five hectares) and the fact that, together with many cities of ancient foundation, they became privileged sites of the Lombard settlement. The known history The fortress of Civitella dei Marchesi was part of the marquisate of the lords of the Colle who later became Bourbon of Monte Santa Maria Tiberina, important feudal lords of the northern area of the Alta Tiberina valley, whose possessions were extended in a large territorial area between Tuscany and the papal lands and between several dioceses. The possession of Civitella over time aroused a long dispute between the Marquises and the Municipality of Tifernate and that of Perugia was also partly involved. The Marquises del Monte were among the few noble groups that in the 11th-12th century did not limit themselves to local roots, but also succeeded in establishing themselves on other surrounding territories: in the Arezzo, Perugia and Tifernate areas. Among the peculiarities of the family there was also the possibility of issuing minting: the minted coin was called "montesca", precisely in relation to the homonymous marquises of the Monte. The story is significant of the importance assumed by the lineage over time. In a 1098 will of Enrico son of Ugone, the creation and consolidation of «a nascent lordship territorial, in which the possession of the "castra" constituted the fulcrum from which the "Dominatus loci" would have radiated on all those who referred to these fortified centers. The testator also included in the provisions his curtis di Colle (probably near Città di Castello), considered as a complex of land assets belonging to him, which he specifies to be divided into "mansos et domnicatos [...]". in the second half of the 11th century, the family carried out a precise reorganization of the patrimony for the the will to create «an incipient districtus» based «on the control of the“ castrum ”, from which the power of command of the“ dominus ”radiated. Among the appurtenances of the family of the early eleventh century, there should be part of the territory of Preggio, in fact there is news of possessions not best identified "non longe a castro Predii" in 1010-16, where San Romualdo had also stopped on his return journey from Pannonia. Two centuries later, in fact, the descendants of Rainerio would have exercised noble rights over the men of this community. The Civitella branch, in constant conflict with the rest of the family, distanced itself from the marquisate and Ugolino di Rigone established its new position near Comunaglia, replacing the their first castrum of Colle destroyed in the clashes from Città di Castello. In fact, the Tifernati family already in 1225 took possession of the settlement of Civitella dei Marchesi to the detriment of the castellan bishop Giovanni II. From the Rationes Decimarum, in the tithes of the year 1349 we learn that the castrum belonged to the Pieve di Comunaglia, "Plebatu de Cuminallie", and that the "Ecclesia S. Christofori de Civitella" was present in the settlement, with sixteenth books. Civitella found itself in spite of itself to be a point of penetration both for the Tifernati and for the more distant Florentines, the first interested above all in the control of the local territory, the others projected on a wide range towards the "lands of San Pietro" and therefore to the clashes with Rome. However, the demographic recession of the 14th century started a process of abandonment of the castle, which almost entirely assumed the appearance of a fortified nucleus, purely suited to military and defensive tasks of the marquises. Many of the struggles that affected the castrum at the beginning of the 14th century were engaged in order to obtain this stronghold placed in a strategic way towards the valley of the Niccone stream. First in 1315, the Guelfuccis of Città di Castello took possession of Civitella, driving out the Marquises, then in 1351 the Perugini conquered Civitella and granted it to the castellans. Civitella suffered the fate caused by its border position between the countryside belonging to Perugia (area of Porta Sant'Angelo) and Città di Castello (district of Porta Santa Maria), therefore it was continually contested by various municipalities. It was the Perugini themselves who bought the fortress in 1368 from the Marquis Ugolino, known as Ghino, at a cost of five thousand florins. In 1369 Perugia, in conflict with Pope Urban V, received excommunication and a similar fate also fell to Civitella. Not only external were the disputes that caused instability in the town of Civitella dei Marchesi but also internal ones: in 1370, when the damage caused by the previous Perugian conquest was still heavy, the Marquis Ugolino bestowed on his son Uguccione his part of the inheritance and caused the 'removal from the marquisate. Uguccione then organized the conquest of the "castrum" and with a small group of soldiers easily entered into possession of Civitella, imprisoning his father. With the recognition of Urban V, opposed to Perugia and its allies, Uguccione established himself as a "dominus" in Civitella under the protection of the pontiff. The conflicts renewed themselves in 1379 during the clash with Città di Castello for the conquest of Civitella, as part of the marquises of the “castrum” did not agree to belong to the Tifernate jurisdiction. Supported by the Marquis del Monte Taddeo di Angelo, they tried to rebel and, to this end, built a "fortress" as an outpost to defend the castrum. The allocated fans near Rasina they tried to besiege Civitella to conquer it by order of the Marquis del Monte, Ugolino di Piero. Won Taddeo di Angelo, Civitella was conquered from Città di Castello, but the intercession not only of the Perugian Council of magistrates, but also of the Eugubian bishop was necessary to settle the disputes. Civitella dei Marchesi in 1379 was entrusted to the jurisdiction of Città di Castello with the promise of the marquises «to maintain fortress for the municipality »tifernate. Fig. 5: what remains of the church of S. Anna. The hostilities with Città di Castello were at this time strong enough to push the Tifernati to provide for the defense of the territory with the construction of a small defensive structure located in the front area of Civitella a little further north-west (the point where the church of Sant'Anna was later erected in the 1600s) and used as a military post to attack the enemy "castrum". After the numerous sieges to which it was subjected, it was finally conquered by the Castellani in 1415 and destroyed by reducing it to heap of ruins; captured, the family of the Marquises of Civitella was publicly sent to death in Città di Castello, putting an end to this branch of the family. In 1634, near Civitella, the construction of a church dedicated to Sant'Anna was started at the behest of Melchiorre Tarragoni, a friar who aspired to spirituality while respecting the hermit ideals. Followed by other confreres, it became necessary to change the first building to make it efficient to accommodate a greater number of people; they remained in the church until 1718, when it was then reunited with the older parish of Comunaglia foundation. 7. BASTIA CRETI Bastia Creti, also referred to in documents as "Bastia Crete" and "Bastia di Croce", is a fifteenth-century fortress located 8 km south-west of Umbertide, near Niccone. The visible structure Over time Bastia Creti has undergone the transformation from villa to castrum and today it is a private residential structure. It has the appearance of a hill fortification erected as a stronghold for security, near the main road on the Umbrian border on the side in contact with the Tuscan one. In the cadastral map it appears as a building with a semicircular structure from which particular characteristics of the original facies transpire, especially the one before the 15th century. The walls of different inhabited areas joined together constitute a unitary external defensive wall, a very frequent aspect also in other settlements. The floor plan highlights the complete internal transformation for adaptation to a housing and residential structure. The oldest part that remains of the complex appears to be the one constituted by the perimeter walls rather protruding, while the rest of the town, as mentioned above, has undergone successive modifications to adapt it to residential use, distorting the original appearance to bring it closer to needs. typical of a modern home. Fig. 1: cadastral map of Bastia Creti, excerpt from cadastral map (Perugia Territory Agency table 64.) The known history The analysis of the name of the place would allow us to actually hypothesize the defensive role played by the fortification. The toponymy considers the term "Bastia" as an indication of the presence of a fortress. For Del Lungo, in "The Byzantine corridor and the Via Amerina: toponymic survey", work of 1999, perhaps it derives from the French bastille, “Fortress”, or from the Latin equivalent for construction, a rural house that dates back to the 13th-14th centuries. In general they indicate geographically favorable positions for erecting a fortification, which may have been seen for a similar purpose even before. For Belforti G., Mariotti A. in “Historical and topographical illustrations of the city and countryside of Perugia. Contado di Porta Sant'Angelo ”, referred to 1421, probably took its name from some military fortification which was called in this way. In a rather summary way, however, it is proposed below that the addition of "Creti" or "Crete" [...] may be derived from the fact that this fortification was composed largely of "clay". It is difficult to establish how reliable the definition can be with reference to the settlement and adhering to the real type of soil. Rather, the term "Creti" could be a contraction of the phytotoponym "cerretum", deriving from the Latin form "cerquetum", a customary name that in the medieval period indicates the presence of vegetation preserved in the Byzantine era for defensive purposes, deforestation is more intense in fact, especially in the late Middle Ages, not far from this settlement, moreover, there is the toponym “Cerretino”, another probable reference to the vegetation of the place. However, there are no archival documents that allow Bastia Creti to be placed before the 15th century. It was certainly built in 1433 at the behest of Perugia who considered it an important defensive hub due to its proximity to the Tuscan land. In the most ancient documents Bastia Creti was however also mentioned as Badia di Croce, a word that uses the Christian symbol of the cross as a border element. Some elements could demonstrate its previous foundation. The oldest evidence of the town of Bastia Creti is the foundation of the church of Santa Lucia (also today the only older element remaining) and of its rectory in 1218, dependent on the possessions of the monastery of San Bartolomeo di Camporeggiano, whose dominatus loci it also extended into the valley of the Niccone river as far as Preggio. This area, however, was included in a deed of donation stipulated by «Ugo del q. Lamberto and his mother Keiza "who in 1104 [...] ceded a castellum in loco qui dicitur l'Elciole in the Perugian committee"; it was probably Arcelle, a town above the Niccone Valley near Bastia Creti. Fig. 2: detail of Ignazio Danti's map of 1584 Furthermore, the Abbot of Camporeggiano granted in emphyteusis in 1193 "terrains and homines in Creti, in Pagana and in Vubiana", perhaps precisely meaning the territory of Bastia Creti, given that many geographical references can be identified to the area in question. The presence of the term "Pagana" could be a reference to the settlement known today as the Pagan Church, which is located not only very close to Rasina, but also to Bastia Creti itself on the opposite side of the valley almost in a specular position. If indeed these land given in leaseholds fell within the appurtenances of the territory of Bastia Creti, this could demonstrate the consistency of the nucleus of inhabitants of the area given the sale of homines coming in this case also from Creti. Furthermore, the presence of the term castellum in the donation formula of 1104 would offer a clue for the start of the precocious building process in the northwestern area of the Perugian countryside and the Tiber. Castle building which is generally attested to around the mid-twelfth century. The hypothesis could also be confirmed by the construction of the church of Santa Lucia (1218) as evidence of a demic castral settlement that would have been equipped with a parish church. Bastia Creti was however initially presented as a villa in the repertoire of inhabited settlements of the thirteenth century, with the passage then in the fifteenth century to a castle. The most important events for the history of Bastia Creti therefore occur precisely at the moment when it assumed the name of castrum (15th century). Accepted the request for its foundation in 1433 by the Council of Priors, already in 1439 it was subject to the raids of the troops of Città di Castello, who intended to retaliate for the conquests suffered in their territories, thus capturing even prisoners. The clashes were so destructive for Bastia Creti that in 1484 the castrum requested the interference of Perugia for reconstruction interventions. The common citizen granted the exemption from the disbursement of the fire tax and in 1485 contributed to the reconstruction of the city walls with the donation of thirty gold florins. Bastia Creti is today a town belonging to private individuals. Iconographic sources added: -Detail of Ignazio's map "Danti Perusinus ager". "Cum privilege Imperatoris, Regis, et cancellarie Brabantie, ad decadesum 1584 ": https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/ 67531 / metapth187370 / m1 / 1 / zoom /? resolution = 6 & lat = 4964.5 & lon = 4844 8. PIEVE DI CICALETO Pieve di Cicaleto can be considered a high-rise walled settlement located on the territorial boundary of the countryside. Settlement that performed both economic-administrative and defensive functions. The visible structure The toponym Pieve di Cicalato can be identified on the right side of the Tiber, south-west of the town of Umbertide, in an area of medium hill near Monte Acuto. Pieve di Cicaleto has undergone an evolution passing from the original aspect of "castrum" implanted on the pre-existing parish, to a "villa" remaining so until today, with the rooting of farmhouses and rural buildings and consequent division into two words: Cicaleto above and Cicaleto below. Extract from the Table of the IGMI (1: 25.000) Sheet 122 of the Charter of Italy, n. I, NO, relief from 1941. (Niccone) The known history There is news in the "Liber bailitorum" of 1258 of a "Villa Plebis Cicalleti", a list of villas and castles of the Perugia countryside "belonging" to Porta S. Angelo. In the " Liber impositionis bladi " it was still mentioned as villa " Plebis Cecaleti, for the payment of an imposition of thirty" corbe ". Probably called a parish church due to the presence of "an ancient parish church which later disappeared", it was however considered as a castle in the Perugian countryside located in the area south-west of the town of Umbertide and remembered in 1282 in the list of villas and castles in the countryside, due to the presence of a variable number of fires throughout the year between 31 and 34. In more recent times, Cicaleto (as it was typical for a common body) was isolated from the scattered settlement and, due to its diffusion characteristics in a vast territorial area, identified this settlement as its aggregative nucleus, therefore the fulcrum of the surrounding settlements. In fact, only in the late medieval period, in certain cases, could a common body become an attractive pole for a demic center, while Cicaleto would testify to the persistence today of the oldest structure as a scattered settlement of effective importance for its position and structure. Double image in comparison. Extract from the Tablet of the IGMI (1: 25.000) Sheet 122 of the Charter of Italy, n. I, NO and image from Google maps (2020): Longitude 43.28 ° and Latitude 12.32 ° A push towards the change of the settlement system of Cicaleto is particularly noticeable during the second half of the 13th century, when part of the Perugian territory gravitating to the countryside was involved in the phenomenon of liberations, which affected individuals or entire organized communities (especially in the 13th century), in order to dissolve, albeit in a very gradual way, the bonds of subordination from any lordship, thus starting a slow process of urbanization due to the progressive abandonment of the countryside. The case of liberation that involved Cicaleto falls within the kind of actions that Riganelli, in " Peasant revolts and Frankish villages in the Perugian area in the thirteenth century, in Protest and peasant revolt in medieval Italy ." In 1995, he defines «“ peaceful ”liberations of settlements and individual subjects upon request of the same and with the payment of indemnities to the“ dominus ”>>. The episode reported by the scholar highlights only one of the two main parts, namely the monastery of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, against two unspecified brothers. In a quarrel between the monastery of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto and two brothers of Villa Cicaleti, which had as the " object of the dispute whether or not the monastery was << homines et manentes >>, it was amicably resolved on 4 September 1295 with a agreement between the parts. The brothers, by virtue of the agreement, were freed together with all their movable and immovable property "but in exchange they had to" pay the sum of 14 pounds to be spent on pro works qualcherie et molendini ipsius monasterii. " The deed of liberation allows us to define important aspects of this process through the analysis of the terms used, that is homines et manentes. Riganelli specifies that, with the term homines, in the Perugian territory the servants belonging to a gentleman were generally understood, indicating the territorial predicate, while "the definitions relating to the legal condition of dependence or marked servile status of men" are those with references to « manentes, vasalli, fideles [...], of men subject to the hominitium. [...] to these must be added the expression homines per capitantiam [...], typical of the Umbrian area ». Having obtained the release upon payment of a tax intended to be used for the works of the monastery, at least one of the brothers had to provide for their execution. Cicaleto was again the protagonist of another act in 1295, with which the abbot of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto granted the archpriest of the parish the possibility of taking out a loan. This episode is relevant in order to highlight the development of the Terra S. Salvatoris as a territorial dominion in full evolution in the thirteenth century and to define the vast faculties enjoyed by the abbot (underlining his multiple rights). For the most part, Pieve di Cicaleto was defined as a villa in the cadastral lists of the 15th century: in 1410 there were ninety-three people in the parish and only in 1469 there was the first indication "of a walled settlement", which probably existed even before. We have news of an imposition established for Cicaleto in 1447 by the Perugian Council, with which the villa was obliged to pay the costs for the reconstruction of Castiglione dell'Abbate (always belonging to Monte Acuto) together with the villa of San Savino. This provision may mean that the community had an economic and defensive point of reference in Castiglioncello and that, therefore, it was necessarily required to contribute by making contributions. It is only 30 years later, in 1477, that we have news of the attempt to aggregate the communities: in fact, both San Savino and Pieve di Cicaleto had received the consent of the Perugian priors to join castrum Castiglione dell'Abbate. forming a single nucleus, although separated in different areas. At the Pieve di Cicaleto there was also a church already attested in the sources of the early '300 and dedicated to San Michele Arcangelo, with books for 15 pounds, while Grohmann in " City and territory between the Middle Ages and the modern age (Perugia, 13th century- XIV) "of 1981, recalls that in the Liber beneficeorum, a list that included churches, monasteries and parish churches of the countryside present in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries," the church of the parish church of S. Angelo di Cicaleto, dependent on the monastery of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto, is registered for 45 pounds ». About the founding of the church of Sant'Angelo believed to date back, Guerrini in “ History of the land of Fratta ” says « the Church is very ancient. In the turn of one of its bells 1201 is carved, and in another 1273 ». This settlement, therefore, shows the clash between two "powers": secular power, represented by " homines et manentes " who had obtained liberation, and religious power, the T "erra S. Salvatoris ". Added images: - Extract from the Table of the IGMI (1: 25.000) Sheet 122 of the Charter of Italy, n. I, NO (Niccone). - Image from Google maps (2020): Longitude 43.28 ° and Latitude 12.32 ° 9). MONTALTO (Castrum Mons Altus, castrum Montis Alti) Montalto is a hillock settlement located on a hill at the entrance to Umbertide in the north-west near Niccone. The visible structure The external facies of the "castrum" has undergone changes over time due to the increasing adaptation of the structure as a residence with the passage to the name of villa in the 16th century. In the distance, only the top of the watchtower is visible, since all the rest of the "castrum" is surrounded by thick wood. The oldest aspect is represented by the high tower from the end of the 14th century, which was also probably transformed over the centuries to make it more similar to the rest of the fortification. Fig: 1. Montalto: excerpt from the cadastral map (Perugia Territory Agency, sheet no. 56 The settlement is surrounded by a local road and a path that leads directly to the top of the hill on which Montalto stands out. The urban cadastral map highlights a centralized fortified nucleus with an almost elliptical shape, structured as a single body slightly concave in the central part. In front of it there is a large courtyard, in the center of which stands the body of the tower that rises mightily. The rest of the buildings then formed around it, used as dwellings to testify to the change of role hitherto purely defensive to evolve as an inhabited nucleus and, in general, a larger settlement. The Known History Montalto is located west of the flow of the Tiber River and is strategically located at the passage of the road that leads to Città di Castello. In fact, it acquired the function of controlling the frequent incursions of the Tifernati on the Frattigiano territory, the extreme Perugian bulwark of the Porta Sant'Angelo countryside. In the Liber bailitorum seu sindicorum et procuratorum castrorum of 1258, a list of Perugian villas and castles, there was "Mons Altus", who, in the "Liber impositionis bladi" of two years later, was required to pay the Perugian municipality a tax of "thirty corbe ". In 1282, in the census on the distribution of the inhabitants of the "castrum" peasant communities of Montalto, it recorded 17 fires, but its territorial extension must have been quite vast, as shown by the corresponding "corbe". Fig: 2. Montalto Tower: Giuseppe Severi Archive, 1970. The most dating back to the nucleus are those, however, relating to the presence of a Camaldolese monastery of monks named after San Bartolomeo and founded near the castle of Montalto by San Pier Damiani in the eleventh century, although its precise location from the information that can be deduced from the Camaldolese Annals. San Bartolomeo originally belonged to the appurtenances of the monastery of Camporeggiano, then joined in 1366 to the Hermitage of San Pietro di Gubbio. After its suppression as a monastery at the behest of Martin V, in the first thirty years it became a church listed in the Liber beneficeorum as "Church of S. Bartolomeo de Monte Alto, dependent on the monastery of Campo Regio" and "registered for 60 libre. In the land registry of 1489 [...] the church of San Bartolomeo de castro Montis Alti is listed among the rusticals, for 55 pounds, and has a property divided into 7 plots ». In 1495 San Bartolomeo was then included among the churches subject to the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto. As regards the date of birth of the "castrum", it can be assumed a period between the XII-XIII century. "Castrum Montalto" was part of the defensive plan developed by Perugia to subject the internal parts to its own control and maintain stability in the more peripheral parts of the countryside. The aim was to limit the relentless thrust into the territory by Città di Castello. "Montis Alti", located at the extreme north of the road network pertaining to the countryside of Porta Sant'Angelo, is mentioned in a document dated 1332, written by the notary "Franciscus Cagnoli", on the recommendation of the priors of Perugia. Here the castle, like many other important settlements in the area, was required to participate in the restoration and maintenance of the road connecting Città di Castello and Perugia. The stretch of road which the Montalto community had to provide included "340 pipes" corresponding to approximately two linear kilometers. The road was used for commercial purposes for the transport of goods and products as a fundamental internal transit route. Fig: 3. Montalto: Giuseppe Severi Archive, 1970. Another provision dates back to 1342. In the Perugian statutes drafted in the vernacular, its jurisdiction over Montalto was sanctioned by deciding that residents outside the fortification coming from neighboring "villae" would gather inside the castle. This for have greater control over the nucleus both in defensive function and to increase the economic yield of the castrum. Around the 1880s a central tower was erected in the castle for the settlement that the Perugian Committee considered necessary for defensive purposes. Guerrini claims that it was built on a project by the same workers who were executing the Rocca di Fratta, namely Alberto di Nino dei Guidalotti and Angelo di Cecco. In this period, in fact, the incursions on the territory of Fratta were becoming more and more pressing; Montalto was therefore also fortified in 1385. The intent of the Perugian magistrates was to make the fortifications of the countryside difficult to attack in anticipation of any possible riot. In fact, in that period Perugia was involved and divided by internal struggles that saw two main factions as protagonists, that is, the social components of municipal society which had developed from the original contrast between Guelphs and Ghibellines: the so-called "Beccherini", that is to say the gentlemen who in the second half of the 14th century they governed Perugia, to which the "Raspanti" were opposed, commoners and exiles interested in the conquest of cities adjacent to the municipality to create a kind of coalition and revolt the power of Perugia. Fig: 3. Montalto: Fabio Mariotti Montalto too had returned in the interests of the exiles and this situation led Biordo Michelotti in 1394 to attempt, in the name of Perugia, to reconquer the castrum together with other castles that had been taken in the clashes. Pope Boniface IX, interested in bringing these territories under the control of the Church, aimed to oppose the actions of Michelotti by sending soldiers led by Ugolino III Trinci, but he did not succeed in his intentions. Worried about the possibility of subsequent attacks and clashes aimed at conquest, the Perugian priors in 1395 ordered a new fortification of Montalto, now largely destroyed. In this regard, on 1 July 1395 the Council of Priors decided that a castellan should be installed in the "castrum", so as to put Montalto as a constant guard and make it more controllable. Shortly after, the Oddis attempted the assault on the "castrum" but without success and the situation changed in 1398 with the death of Michelotti because Montalto returned to the employ of the Guelphs under the control of the Oddi. Conquered again in 1407 by the Perugian nobles, Montalto was garrisoned for a long time and the succession of these attacks caused a slow decline, although in 1478 the inhabitants wanted to confirm their belonging and loyalty to Perugia, which in 1482 granted the community a sum of sixty florins. to be used to replace the castle bell. In 1518 Montalto received twenty-five florins as a contribution to the consolidation of the walls. From the original denomination of "castrum", in the fourteenth century Montalto became a "villa", only to return again to "castle" in the land registers of 1501. Montalto was also mentioned several times in the "Rationes Decimarum", generally with regard to the taxes paid by the "rectore" of the church of San Bartolomeo in the Perugian tithes of the years 1332-1334. From the tithes of the '300 we can see a tendential stability in the value of the tax paid, approximately sixty pounds. We conclude with a mention of toponymy: The toponym “Montem Altum” finds reasons in the position of the ancient settlement. Furthermore, the partly extensive medieval attestations such as Montealto, Monte Alto, partly syncopated like Montalto, are flanked by hypercorrective variants such as Montaldo and the even more ancient Montaldi. In these latter cases the influence of the Germanic Aldus staff can be glimpsed. Photos added: Photo Giuseppe Severi Archive Photo Fabio Mariotti 10). ROMEGGIO (Castrum Romegii, castrum Rome ç ii) Castrum Romegii, also referred to over time as Castrum Romeçii, is located west of Umbertide, on a hill and can be included in the type of fortification of Poggio. In fact, from its position it presides over the plain below. Romeggio was a decisive fortification on the northern border of the Perugia countryside: it watched over the northern sector, surrounded by other fortresses: Montalto to the north, Polgeto to the southwest and Fracta in the plain at its foot. Fig. 1: Extract from the cadastral map - Perugia Territory Agency, fog. N ° 72. Romeggio The visible structure The defensive role represented by the fortification is still highlighted today by the presence of the tower, lateral to the current settlement and placed on a hill with ample visibility on the fortresses of the surrounding area. The Roreggio tower stands out from the nucleus with a large base emerging from the ground and represents the oldest part of the castrum. Although today it appears to have been remodeled due to the damage suffered and the sectional additions applied over time, it maintains the original structure with a regular square section with five internal floors, of which Guerrini, in "Storia della Terra di Fratta" of 1883, remembers "It is completely empty [...] you enter through a small door and go up to the top with a wooden staircase". Fig. 2: Detail of the central body of the Romeggio tower. Sickled arch in the foreground and wall texture of different chroma. The well-preserved squared stones (thanks also to subsequent renovations) are inserted into a very regular wall texture and interrupted only in the parts where arched vaulted sections are affixed, i.e. window-like openings (created later), slits on the four sides and small square holes similar to pontoon holes probably used to insert wooden balconies or for occasional defensive structures applied to the external façade. In general, however, the building is closed up to the highest part ending in the crowning. The tower has a very regular battlements, probably used to shelter from blows during attacks, as well as the masonry with a variation in the color of the wall ashlars used, gray at the base and top, whiter in the central area. Some historians have proposed that this variation was the product of stratifications caused by remakes performed in later times. The hypothesis could be valid, given the numerous interventions that occurred to the castrum especially in the fourteenth century, albeit limitedly documented by the sources. It is also possible that the variability derives from the use of material elements of different constitution, that is, more or less calcareous stones, applied with other construction methods. The only original fragments of masonry are those of the section at the base of the tower and the small ruderal segments of the perimeter walls, for the most part no longer existing. For this reason, the attempts to reconstruct the original wall structure of the settlement today that can explain the reasons for the recurring names of Romeggio in an alternative way, such as castrum, villa and loco, are rather complicated. Around the central fortified nucleus there are now some rural houses which highlight the development of the settlement in a further typological variety. The known history We can hypothesize that in the nucleus known today as Romeggio, before the construction of the tower, there were simply scattered houses, and only later these were collected by a structure similar to walls. Still later the graft of a central tower was added. It is equally possible that the destructions caused by external incursions have affected the appearance of the town. The date of the first construction of the castrum is still unknown. However, we have the first news with the Liber bailitorum of 1258, given that in the list of villas and castles we find it registered as Castrum Romeçii. In 1260 Romeggio then, in the Liber impositionis bladi, was burdened by a tribute of sixty corbe. As for the population gathered around it, there were thirty-one fires from the 1282 census, when the settlement was classified as a castrum. Many other times it was considered in an unclear way, as castrum, villa and locus, thus highlighting rather complex settlement events. However, it is certain that the strategic location of the settlement had attracted Perugia's interest in the fortress, also given its proximity to Città di Castello. This interest materialized with the granting by Perugia of subsidies for consolidation and reconstruction. However, the inhabitants of Romeggio also operated autonomously. In a notarial deed of 1332, the provision established by the Perugia municipality to take care of part of the road network of the countryside, relating to the location of the fortification, together with others existing in the same area is mentioned. This is in order to keep the existing routes easy, given their use mainly for commercial and economic purposes in the direction of the areas north of the peninsula. In fact, castra such as Romeggio needed particular attention for road maintenance, since they were placed in a key position with respect to major transit routes or on border lines. Fig. 3: Exterior of the Romeggio tower with annexed rural buildings. In 1394 the Council of Priors granted the community exemption from the various taxation to which it was subject, so as to be able to take care of the repairs autonomously. Guerrini also affirms that "in the same period the castle of Romeggio was granted exemption from taxes for one year, because in the past wars it had suffered a lot, and reduced most of its inhabitants to rant". Probably the castellans did not reside in Romeggio or that, in any case, they carried out their duties there only temporarily if already in 1395, the conflicts in the political sphere increased, especially in the countryside, the need was felt to endow the castrum of Romeggio with a castle in a definitive way . For some years the known historical sources are silent about the events that interested Romeggio until, in 1439, the Perugian Council of Priors granted the inhabitants the exemption from the payment of the focatico subsidy to ensure that they themselves repaired the walls. of the castrum, and perhaps the tower itself, avoiding the payment of huge taxes to be paid within the following year. Fig. 4: Exterior of the structure with the Romeggio tower. This intervention was probably arranged to provide for the consolidation of the castle which took place in the difficult political period of Perugia, characterized by the clash between commoners intent on taking over city power, and local lords. Armed clashes often occurred involving many sectors of the countryside, as the escaped refugees sought refuge in the castra furthest from the municipality. The danger, however, also came from Tifernati and Eugubini who aimed at strengthening territorial power to reach confrontation with Perugia. It was precisely the Baglioni from Perugia who settled in the castrum in 1494, arousing the disappointment of the Oddi opponents, who attacked until they wanted to take nearby Fratta. As regards the religious settlements belonging to the appurtenances of the fortification, the churches of San Biagio and San Pietro are mentioned in the Liber beneficeorum, which were housed in the fourteenth century. In the land registry of 1489 the church of San Biagio of the villa of Romeggio is registered, among the rusticals, for 25 pounds and is the owner of 12 pieces of land estimated as a total of 160 pounds of denarii. In the same land register also appears the church of S. Pietro de villa Romeggio, also for 25 pounds which owns 3 pieces of land. In the list of 1495, which reported the churches submitted to the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, there were those of San Biagio and San Pietro di Metola, which referred to the denomination given precisely to the Metole hill on which the castrum is built. The church of San Biagio, however, is remembered this time for its location in the castle district outside the fort. Finally, as regards the origin of the name, we can use the toponymy that associates "Romeggio" with the meaning of pilgrim and, in this regard, Guerrin explains that the name of this Castle could derive from the road that the pilgrims made, called Romei . In fact, "Romeus", "Romitius", "Romeorum Via", "Romeorum Strata" are names that are often found in the texts. It therefore seems that the pilgrims, the "Romei", traveled this road to reach the sacred places present towards the border Tuscan, such as La Verna and Camaldoli. 11). Certalto ("Castrum Certalti") The toponym "Torre Certalta" with the remains of its "castrum" can be found in the north-east area of today's Umbrian municipal territory. Located near the crossroads where the neighboring dioceses of Gubbio and Città di Castello meet; to the east lies Camporeggiano, to the north-west the Carpina valley and further south, near Umbertide, the Assino valley. Today it is an administrative border area also close to the municipalities of Montone and Gubbio. Fig: 1. View of the “castrum” from the north side of the hill. (Photo by Giovanna Benni) The visible structure The long historical story that involved the fortification process of Castrum Certalti is today difficult to reconstruct, for a long time it was disputed between Città di Castello and Gubbio, and for this reason it suffered attacks and destruction. If we consider and analyze the evident structural elements both from the cadastral map and, directly, from the fortification itself. What remains does not give credit to the castrum of the past, although today's facies testifies to the conflicts that interested it. It is possible to reach Torre Certalta with a rather steep path between high hills and slopes. Upon arrival, the castrum unfortunately appears in its entirety as a heap of stones, around a ruined tower with a quadrangular section with evident cracks on the top, up to at least half of it. The tower is short but still high and one can think that it must have been a rather imposing structure, this also considering the first request made in 1243 by the community, to be able to equip the castrum with a tower 60 feet high. We know from the sources it was composed of a courtyard, a tower or a keep and other dependencies. Therefore, a courtyard and a solid wall surrounded by moats (and natural obstacles) were perhaps foreseen as the first defensive elements. The tower still shows a rather irregular wall texture, made even less compact because it is unsafe and crumbled centrally. It is difficult to get close to it. There are some slits which, in the modern period, were adapted as a window. The material used is local stone, sandstones, and there are no re-uses of other materials (not even bricks) or particularly accentuated subsequent uses. The tower is a structure closed laterally, so its original use as a dwelling can be excluded in favor of a purely defensive function as a watchtower. The entire castrum in fact had to respond to this need, although its position could also recall the functions of a post located on the crossroads between the various diocesan sectors. Fig: 2. "Torre Certalta" visible from the road that goes up from Umbertide (Photo by Francesco Deplanu) As regards the toponymic reference of the fortified settlement of Certalto, we can adduce several hypotheses in this case. The term can be thought of as a compound with “Cerreto” (from cerrus, “cerro” with collective phytonymic suffix -etum) through cert-, while the second part remains of uncertain derivation. As regards the second part, it could be "a suffix with a toponymic function, in turn taken from the Germanic onomastics, analogous to the suffix -aldo". But it cannot be excluded that the suffix -alto or -aldo may also be a contraction of the Latin term altus, derived from the complete denomination cerrus altus, thus recalling those elements which, placing them in relation, especially in this case, with the locality in which one located in Torre Certalta, they can be considered as "borders" between different appurtenances of the Longobard Kingdom and the Byzantine Corridor, using not only high places, buildings or particular symbols, but also simply trees as a testimony, even naturalistic, of a diversified landscape that has the divisions already defined in antiquity have been preserved over time. Fig: 3 "Torre Certalta", photo by Amedeo Massetti. However, even the first part of the compound is not exempt from further possible hypotheses of derivation in different epochs. In fact, it could also be the direct reference to the phytonymic "Cerro" which, together with others, such as "Olmo", "Leccio" etc., demonstrates the continuity with rural areas of Roman tradition not settled by Lombard terms and widespread more precisely on the boundary of the two different political entities of respective reference. Furthermore, this toponym could indicate the presence of dense wooded expanses largely present in the medieval period linked to areas of scattered settlement, which over time led to the (wild) deforestation of the hilly areas. «Cerreto» and «cerro» would indicate this settlement aspect related to the destruction of forest sectors which, however, at the same time the Byzantines did not give up on deliberately leaving them swampy and thick with rather intricate woodland vegetation for defensive purposes. To conclude, it can be highlighted how the dominant characteristic of the defensive aspect of the "castrum" is attributable to the entire area. In fact, this characteristic can also be confirmed by the presence, in medieval times, of other small fortresses around Castrum Certalti, perhaps of lesser size, but competing in creating an organized Castrense network: Bagnoli and Poggio di S. Agata. Fig: 4. "Torre Certalta", photo by Fabio Mariotti. Bagnoli Local tradition also recalls the existence of other fortifications in the neighboring territory, of which now remains testimony mainly in the toponymy. We remember the castle of Bagnolo, which was razed to the ground because it seems to have risen too close to Certalto. The toponym Bagnoli to the north-east of Torre Certalta remains of this Castrense nucleus, which however falls within the Eugubino territory, south of Monte S. Faustino above 700 meters above sea level. From the topographical maps it is clear that currently the settlement remains mainly ruins. We have news about the castle of Bagnolo (Bagnoli) also from the "History of Città di Castello" by Magherini Graziani. In 1243, in the midst of the conflict between the Eugubino and Castellano Municipalities to obtain the jurisdiction of "castrum Certalti," Bagnoli was also affected by rivalry between nobles. A mayor was then elected, in order to agree and establish a period of peace between Gentile di Bernardino and Armanno, lords of the castle of Bagnolo subjected to the municipality of Tifernate and belonging to the countryside of Porta Santa Maria, since he was registered in this district in a cadastral book of 1257. This fortified settlement was considered by the Tifernati as a further important point of reference due to its position in the border sector, directly open to conquest towards the territories of Eugubine influence. Therefore, probably, considering the period of general unrest in relations between the municipalities, not by chance "in the month of March, the special council of 24 gathered together with the Consuls of the Arts in the house of power, present Uguccione da Cortona captain of the people, decided to [...] also to provide for the defense [...] of castles [...] because of the rebels who preyed on by day and night ». In the resolution mentioned by Magherini Graziani, it is specified "Castra vero anno preterito [1262] kept by Comune sunt infrascripta: In districtu Porte S. Marie: [...] castrum Bagnoli per quatuor custodes." Bagnoli also had its own curia registered in the 1271, which was part of the possessions of the municipality of Città di Castello together with the other appurtenances of the castrum. We also remember the castle of San Leo (601 m asl) north-west of Certalto (F ° 115 II SE) which was transformed into a home typically corresponding to the rural environment, similar to the typology of tower-houses. There remains a characteristic covered arched loggia which highlights both the transformations it has undergone and the use as a residential dwelling for which it was adapted, although it shows a large projecting base in respect of the type of fortified houses. Poggio S. Agata A little further north of Torre Certalta is Poggio di S. Agata, a high hill town at 620 meters above sea level, which recalls the presence of Gothic elements rather widespread in northern Umbria, thus demonstrating the transit of the population on this territorial sector, although they did not stay there for very long, both for the brevity of the Goto domination and for the difficulties encountered in the relationship with local populations. Beyond toponyms in which the ethnic Goth appears hidden in particular forms, also the titles of churches and the agiotoponyms indicate its presence. In the case of Poggio di Sant'Agata, which recalls the title to the saint of Sicilian origins with "exaugural character attributed to her by previous cults", an important element can be identified for the localization of "Goth colonies or Germanic [...] nuclei [...] on the western border of the corridor at Montone ». In fact, this sector shared today in the borders of different municipalities (Montone, Umbertide, Gubbio) "establishes the transit of the frontier of the [Longobard] Kingdom with the corridor in the strip between this relief, the Poggio di S. Agata [...] and Monte S. Faustino ». The known history "Castrum Certalti" stood where today is Torre Certalta, whose foundation dates back at least to the 12th century. Its extremely interesting position due to the high strategic border aspect exposed the castle to be the center of conflicts between different dominated to obtain its belonging. The castrum was already in the twelfth century dependent on the monastery of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto but later, in January 1203, with the permission granted by the abbot of the same body, the inhabitants of Certalto decided to submit to the municipality of Gubbio considering this way of being better protected, both for the rights eventually granted in exchange, and for the possible attacks carried out by neighboring and rival "homines". The power over the castle of Certalto belonged to the family of the "Domini" of Clesci of which little is known. In the year of submission to Gubbio (1203) the men claim to be “sicuti est terra d. Ugolini Guglielmini from Cliesci ". From diplomatic sources in the Gubbio archive we learn that the lords, before 1203, submitted goods generally defined as "land" to the same municipality, without however joining further commitments and duties to be performed for Gubbio. In the act of submission it was written, in fact, “Ego [...] Bernardinus consul Certalti [...], nos insimul bona nostra voluntate, nostra nomine et toto populo Certalti, et per mandatum abbatis Sti Salvatori Montis Acuti noster dominus, et pro his parable et voluntate et per eiusdem preceptum [...] submittimus nos Ugolino Frontini Eug. potest. [...] stare sub vestra custody et donation in perpetuum et our castri quod vocatur Certalti cum tota sua iurisdictione et districto ”. At the beginning of the thirteenth century the relations between Gubbio and Città di Castello became more tense, therefore each provided to strengthen their possessions more, especially those settlements located on particular territorial borders. In 1208 "Certalti" was occupied by Gubbio troops who fortified the castle by permanently placing soldiers there, although it was still the property of the monastery of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, since the Camaldolese abbot was still its lord. The Gubbio defensive array, however, did not have to be sufficient since the "castrum" was conquered in 1232 by Città di Castello, interested in annexing new castra to strengthen its territorial power. Certalto thus fell into the hands of Tifernate, it was occupied by soldiers who symbolically gave the keys to the castle to the Abbot of San Salvatore, while retaining all right of collection. of taxes and adding further commitments, including the possibility of summoning the inhabitants of the castrum according to the so-called "ad hostem et parlamentum" obligations, therefore against the enemies of the municipality. The dominion of Città di Castello over Certalto sanctioned later in the year 1233, with full jurisdiction over the castle and a subsidy of soldiers dependent on the Count of Sioli, it began to waver, until it finally collapsed in 1238. On that date, the Eugubini took advantage of the absence of the Tifernate Suppolino di Ugolino di Prete power, to regain possession of the fortification. After having conquered it, they attempted the destruction, recognizing as the cause of the precariousness of the situation between the two municipalities the dispute of Certalto, a garrison that had long aroused the expansionist aims of the castle. The Perugian priors intervened in the conflict, supporting the need for the conservation of the castrum, considering it a fortress located on a particular sector of the border between the counties, and opposed its destruction by seeking agreements with the Eugubini, in order to preserve it and maintain it in this way also the political order. On the same date that it was decided to keep Certalto (June 14, 1239) Gubbio, Città di Castello and the lords of Sioli (in the people of Rainaldus and Abrunamonte) came into hostility through dispute, to establish possession of the settlement. Although recalled from Perugia, however, the city of Gubbio persisted in the decision to raze Certalto. Therefore it was necessary the intervention of "Deotisalve Massarie", procurator of the Perugia municipality who, with loyalty to the Church, guaranteed the rector of the Heritage and the Duchy the stipulation of a truce, of at least two months, between Gubbio and Città di Castello, avoiding the destruction of the castrum and preserving the rights claimed by the three parties on the castle itself. Despite the decisive intervention of Perugia, Città di Castello continued the roughness for the revenge of the jurisdiction over Certalto. Only the heavy sanctions established by Emperor Frederick II in 1240 against violators of the peace agreements limited the clashes. However, the Tifernati soon moved again to the siege of Certalto, violently occupying it and extensively damaging both the external wall structure and the innermost parts, the court and the nucleus of houses, for a considerable sum in case of compensation for the castle. which, however, was never paid. Following this, the "Domini" of Sioli filed an appeal to the imperial court for the siege and sacking suffered by the castrum against the Castellano Municipality, declaring "to have had it in emphyteusis from the monastery", but nothing was granted to him, indeed finding the opposition of the emperor Frederick II himself. Magherini Graziani interprets the episode, or rather the one pronounced by the imperial curia with a sentence of 1243, as the sovereign's clear support for the Tifernati and tells: "the Castellani [...] had sent to destroy the Castle of Certalto, threatening the inhabitants , and for five years in a row they had taken all the collections of his addictions, thus violating the rights of full dominion and regimental power that the brothers Brunamonte and Rinaldo and Mascio, abbot of San Salvatore di Monteacuto had in that castle ». In fact, the noble affair of the Domini di Sioli in relations with the municipality of Città di Castello was rather complex due to the widespread possessions of the lordship with gravitational rights also on appurtenances present in the Tifernate territory. These rights were among the major causes triggering the conflicts, involving the same municipalities of Gubbio and Città di Castello for the definition of their respective territorial influences. The constant opposition relationship was therefore evident in the disputes for the castle of Certalto, which was repeatedly subtracted from each other due to the border position between the two dioceses. Just after the destruction occurred in 1243 by Città di Castello, Certalto was rebuilt in 1246 at the behest of the Gubbio municipality with the subjugation of the lords Rinaldo and Filippo di Sioli. In fact, Rainaldo di Suppo di Sioli assured the Gubbio municipality not only the submission of the "castrum", but also its reconstruction and its maintenance "ad pacem et guerram". If we note the new act of submission stipulated by the lords of Sioli for Certalto with Gubbio, we note that the plaintiff, in addition to the object (ie the castrum), contracted further commitments. The obligation to make peace and war was mentioned, but the clause "ad hostem et parlamentum" should also be remembered, that is a constraint that obliged them to take part with their own troops in military expeditions, and the commitment to meet in the city if required by the municipality, keeping the castle with a prohibition on giving it to others or selling it. This is in order to avoid letting in those who the municipality itself considered its adversaries. The deed also allowed the construction of a tower and the consolidation of the walls demolished by the Tifernati in 1243. The tower should have been sixty feet high, according to the documents of the time, while the “keep” had to be consolidated «with walls twelve feet thick ad pedem S. Martini». The fortification works applied to the castle made it even more relevant from a strategic point of view, for which Eugubini and Tifernati soon returned to contend for it, because it represented a real bulwark open on an important territorial strip whose diocesan borders were as relevant as those political-administrative. We should not forget the economic aspect, which had as its reference the road route of the Byzantine Corridor, between Gubbio and the territories previously belonging to the Pentapolis up to Ravenna. The precarious situation pushed the inhabitants of Certalto to equip themselves with a magistracy capable of creating security for the castellans, controlling the power of the castrum and above all maintaining a more direct relationship with the representatives of the Municipality to which the fortress had been subjected. In July 1326, again following the authorization granted by Gubbio, the mayor of Certalto was elected at the behest of the inhabitants who considered a more direct organization of the defense of the "castrum" necessary. In the mid-fourteenth century the Gubbio municipality proceeded to appoint 8 "prudentes viri" who had the freedom to create and fix the defenses, among others, of the castle of Certalto. Beyond the legal mediation proposed to limit clashes between municipalities, only a few months later, in May of the same year 1350, it was established by another legal personality, "Francischus Oddonis de Montone", that the Eugubino and Castellano municipalities would divide the respective jurisdictions for each half "castrum", including «Castello, cassero, curia di Certalto». The territorial area of the "castrum" subjected to the control of Città di Castello, although belonging to Porta Santa Maria of the Tifernate area of the south-east, remained dependent on the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, but in Certalto in 1378 they came representatives of the Castellano municipality were sent, Captain Giovanni Vivoli and an ambassador, Nerio di Stefano de Rosellis. In an exchange of letters in May of the previous year, the Eugubini consuls and the Tifernate priors mutually reaffirmed their desire to continue to share the jurisdiction of the castrum at the same time as sanctioned in 1350 "pro quiete contrate et facile utriusque", in order to overcome the conflicting relationships created by their "ancestors". Despite these positive reciprocal intentions, however, Città di Castello always showed a particular interest in Certalto with the precise aim of taking possession of it completely. In 1401 the Tifernati had to resolve various disputes with Gubbio inhabitants who owned their assets in the "castrum" (claiming certain rights), such as the rights claimed by the Countess "Cia", who several times over a decade showed interest in wanting to have their possessions recognized, and, later in 1413, Bartolomea and the sons of “Berardellus Johanni de Eugubio”, who were willing to take back possession of the curia, the castle and the keep. To control this problematic situation, the Tifernate Municipality sent Bonora di Niccolò in 1407 with the role of "castellan", demonstrating more and more the will to make the castrum its own domain in all respects. The inhabitants also felt the need to increase their security, so in 1503 they forwarded to the Municipality the request, which was later accepted, to be able to erect a tower inside the castrum. The fortified structure would perhaps have been built on the walls "in a place known as the Campanile". Toponym that perhaps indicated the survival of a religious building. All this would thus demonstrate the persistence in toponymy of settlement names borrowed from the terms "cloccarium" and "campanile" (Celtic term) widespread in rural areas. Gubbio attempted the conquest of Certalto in 1409, preparing for the occupation of the castle, but the maneuver was unsuccessful. A clear stance by the dominant religious body on the castrum, or San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, was probably necessary to define the uncertain situation. On the contrary, in 1414, a confirmation of emphyteusis on Certalto was issued by the abbot of Monte Acuto in favor of Città di Castello, which in this way received the "castrum" together with all its appurtenances. Fig. 5. Detail from the map of Filippo Titi of 1697, where the characteristic of the "castrum" of "Certalto" is still clearly visible as a border area between Città di Castello and Gubbio: "Legacy of the Duchy of Urbino with the Diocese, and Government of the City di Castello and other Governments, and Neighboring States "of 1697. The structural conditions of the castrum must have been really particular, for which various measures were established: consolidation of the tower and sale of land in the curia of the castrum to obtain sufficient money to pay the requests for money used for the restorations. Therefore the Gubbio Municipality, emulating the usual resolutions of the Council of Priors of Perugia, granted the community exemption from taxation for a certain period, in order to independently provide for the repairs of the Castrense nucleus and to expand the existing parts (year 1448). However Certalto was still present in the deeds of private individuals who tried to obtain the territory, so only the reconfirmations promulgated by San Salvatore di Monte Acuto in 1473 and 1534 reaffirmed in Città di Castello the emphyteusis of the keep, of the walls, of the tower and of the rest internal elements of the built-up area. We have said that Certalto was mainly granted in emphyteusis by the monastery of Monte Acuto. In these cases, not only the fortified structure was included, but probably also the curia, so as to be able to identify the presence of religious bodies linked to the "castrum" and of actual importance for this territory. In fact, in the heritage of the monastery listed in a papal bull issued by Eugene III in 1145 there was also the church of Sant'Andrea in castro in Certalto, which was therefore part of the border territory of the two dioceses and remembered much later in 1495 among the churches subjected to San Salvatore di Monte Acuto together with the church of San Giovanni di Certalto. The latter body, the same pertaining to the Camaldolese monastery of San Salvatore, was identifiable in the "plover" of Montone and was also listed in 1267, but was not confirmed by the bishop to the abbot of San Salvatore in 1294, the year in which it seems that the church of San Silvestro was annexed to it. Furthermore, the complete title of the Church was San Giovanni e Andrea di Certalto, located however in the diocese of Gubbio. In fact in the “Rationes Decimarum we can find among the tithes due to Gubbio in 1333 the churches of the curia of“ castrum Certalti: Item habui a dompno Matheo rectore ecclesiarum Ss. Iohannis et Andree de Sertalto pro dicto termino XL sol. III den… ”and other similar indications. Another church of which today there is no news was that of "San Benedetto di Casseto, or Certalto", which existed along the municipal border between Umbertide and Montone, today with probability identifiable in the two toponyms of San Benedetto and Caseto a short distance to the west from today's toponym of Torre Certalta. Photographs: Giovanna Benni, Amedeo Massetti, Fabio Mariotti, Francesco Deplanu 12). SERRA PARTUCCI (Castrum Serre, Serre Comitum, Serre super Assinum, Serre Partucci, Castrum Serre Partutii) Castrum Serre is a hilltop castrum that rises to the northeast of the Umbertidese territory. It was affected by the events in the thirteenth century by the rivalries of the municipalities of Gubbio, Città di Castello and Perugia. This is because its position, together with the castle of Certalto and Civitella Ranieri, placed it in the garrison of this area of the local Castrense network on the border with the municipality of Gubbio. The visible structure “Castrum Serre Partutii”, given its dominant position, responds to the type of hill castle, whose main function was the defensive one. This can already be seen from a first analysis of the Castrense structure of the settlement, despite the destruction which occurred in the 15th century by Braccio Fortebracci. Fig. 1 - Serra Partucci: excerpt from the cadastral map - Perugia Territory Agency, fog. n ° 31. The structure has a tower placed to control the west side of the surrounding area, and a smaller, merged tower. Serra Partucci clearly shows the safeguarding character of the Castrense nucleus itself, but also of the surrounding scattered settlements, whose residents probably found shelter there in particularly dangerous political moments. The cadastral map highlights a rather regular structure that has a large courtyard outside. It is not easy to reconstruct the hypothetical original medieval structure of the castrum, but it is possible that more surrounding space was available; and given the type of castrum di poggio, it was also equipped with walls. The castle today has a single body with an almost rectangular shape, from which two irregular towers protrude; The Castello di Serra has a quadrangular section and dominates the hills whose altitude is lower than that on which the castrum stands, and the plain, near which the Assino stream flows. The Castle also has a lower structure with a semicircular section which was added in the 15th century. In fact, in that period Serra began a slow evolution towards a use corresponding to the stately home, a typical aspect of many castra in the area where the forest-pastoral economy was prevalent and, above all, in cases in which a rural hegemon had established itself over the territory. The Castrense nucleus is bordered by a local road that serves as a link between the towns of the plain to the south, including the ancient Fratta today Umbertide, and those located north of Serra, towards the neighboring, today's municipalities of Montone and Gubbio. A look at the surrounding environment of the fortification allows us to highlight the isolation of Serra which, besides the natural obstacles, was probably surrounded by a moat, ending in the part behind the castrum in a particularly steep way. This system created a counter-scarp to make the siege of “Serre Partutii” difficult, even though the castle suffered numerous attacks over time. The quadrangular tower has a large jutting base as a buttress and a first section of the tower is delimited by a medium-thick stone shelf that separates the upper part of the fortification. The latter is erected in a perfect quadrangular shape with a crowning enriched by flat battlements added in 1422, when the castrum was completely rebuilt. The tower as a whole shows, today, great regularity in the masonry texture performed in local squared stone, of small cut. It can be argued that, of the entire fortified structure, it probably represents a formwork, even if in our case it is not protected by any enclosure, unlike the typologically more widespread composition. Fig. 2 - Serra Partucci: West facade of the castrum with welded quadrangular tower and semicircular keep. On the facade side of the tower there are three small cracks and two small openings of the same type also laterally on the left and right. In addition, this last side also shows a door placed at half height added in a very recent period, which interrupted the unity of the Castrense body. There are also slits in some of the battlements that crown the top of this wing. It can be assumed that originally the tower did not really have this height and was designed for a greater elevation, but the subsequent adaptation to a dwelling had involved a modification to make it more suitable for the overall structure. The semicircular tower, inserted in the Renaissance period laterally to the right of the tower, shows recent modifications with the apposition of terraces both frontally and on the side. Fig. 3 - Serra Partucci: south-west side with a view of the residential complex. The tower also shows a certain particular base overhang and, at the same height as it is placed in the quadrangular tower, another thick stone shelf is provided to support the wall above. The wall respects the semicircular shape of the tower, but has a flat and closed crowning with the insertion of Renaissance-style corbels, above which slits of a composite type emerge at regular intervals that allowed multiple weapons to be used together. It is not possible to identify the presence or absence of pontoon holes due to the interventions undergone by the entire structure. The housing structure, with its rectangular body, is the result of multiple works carried out in different eras for this reason, in addition to the two large portals facing each other on the right and left side, few others are particularly interesting elements. Among these, certainly worthy of note are two bertesche, placed respectively on the right and left sides of the building in the rear part, used as sighting towers. The bertesche are made of masonry but also have wooden inserts, with delicate finishes adapted to the Renaissance structure. However, like the semicircular tower, they too reveal a roof covering that diminishes their original purpose: the bertesche as well as facilitating sighting, although they do not appear to have loopholes, were clearly used to carry out the "plumbing defense". Entering through one of the two portals, the family coat of arms is visible on the barrel vaulted ceiling, probably the heraldic emblem of the "Domini di Serra", or rather a celestial shield with a serrated transverse bar. You are immediately faced with a large staircase on the sides of which there are six tall columns in variegated black marble. In some of the rooms on the upper floor there are frescoes, while in many of the rooms on the ground floor alterations in the levels of masonry are visible. Externally from the ground floor you can access a room where there are small stairs divided into two symmetrical side wings and ending in as many open galleries on the underlying part of the room. Under the two small stairways arranged in wings, round arches develop, but placed at a much lower ground level than the floor. The workmanship and the rough stone used as a material suggest a service staircase through which you can access the upper floor. To the left of the castle of Serra there is a noble chapel dedicated to San Giovanni, which was rebuilt at the end of the 18th century, taking up the relevance of a previous church inside the walls of the castrum. Overall, today's “castrum Serre Partutii” structure gives the sense of an imposing fortification which, in the immediately front part, fulfills the defensive purpose for which it was strategically placed on the hill, as a garrison of the territorial border between various administrative and diocesan appurtenances. In the back, on the other hand, facing north-east, it hides a large stately courtyard which over time has undergone adaptations according to the use suited to the various owners, without however ever totally alienating the purpose symbolized by its grandeur. Fig. 4 - Serra Partucci: elevation of the towers on the south-west side. The known history The first news about the castle of Serra can be deduced from a document of 1072. Here, the lords of the castrum, proving to be already established domains in the territory, donated some lands to the rectory of San Mariano, the main religious body of the city In fact, in order to understand the fortification process concerning Serra Partucci it is necessary to consider the events relating to the Domains of Serra. An ancient marquis lineage owner of large territorial possessions in different areas of both the Perugia and the Gubbio countryside. Several parental groups belonged to the family but probably they developed from the family of the Panfili counts of Gubbio, of which we know that the first exponents lived before the first half of the 11th century. The actors of this document of 1072, they were “Suppo del q. Azzone di Azo ”count and his wife“ Berta ”, in favor of the parish church of San Veriano. It is presumable from what, at that time, the castle already had importance thanks to this ancient lineage and that, therefore, it had larger territorial possessions. Another testimony of the vigorous process of affirmation in the territory that concerned Serra and the sector of its position, in 1139 Lodolfino son of Albertino of the Panfili lords, sanctioned a donation again in favor of the rectory of San Mariano, with a pro anima clause (therefore with a saving intention ) of the part in its possession. The father then left the two sons a part of the castle in case they wanted to build a church inside. The donation was reconfirmed in 1173 by Tornamparte and Suppolino, sons of Panfilino, who represented the Panfili branch of the Domini and progenitors of those of Serra, of which however there was no more news in the 13th century. The sources also tell us a series of possessions belonging to the Domini di Serra, although the house to which they were destined was not well defined. In 1177 the Domini held castra in different areas of influence in contact with more communes, but also possessions of homines and customary rights in the thirteenth century (1202-1222). Even the Domini di Serra, as mentioned, therefore included among their possessions the homines with whom, often, they had to settle disputes and further offices. The possession of homines had become one of the elements to demonstrate one's power, as happened in cases in which a castrum owner attracted the inhabitants of nearby scattered settlements, voluntarily making them "homines per capitantiam", then subjected to his dominion, in exchange for security and defense. The branches of the Serra family managed to keep their original possessions received as an inheritance unchanged over time, without any subdivisions being interposed. Panfili, Suppolini and Domini di Serra strengthened their territorial power and established themselves throughout the twelfth century thanks to the fact that the brothers managed to compact the properties. The lineage was able to maintain power at the birth and affirmation of the Municipality, probably because it was supported by members of the city's noble class: some personalities of the family also held important positions in the judiciary even in the twelfth century. In fact, Rainaldo and Alberto di Serra were consuls of Gubbio in 1163 as "consul et rector", a position, albeit for rather restricted tasks, not accessible to all but the privilege of a few families, albeit for rather restricted tasks. In 1217, the disputes between Perugia and Gubbio marked a notable change. With a provision established by the Perugian authority "Pandolfus de Sigura", to resolve the dispute between the municipalities arising from the conquest of the Val di Marcola, the passage of Castrum Serre, together with other Gubbio fortifications, to Perugia was sanctioned. In the Diplomatic Code of the Perugia Municipality we read that potestas Eugubii, consilium et comunantia ipsius civitatis et homines ipsius communantie tam clerici quam laici per se et suos successores et heredes dent et concedant, finiant et refutent, in perpetuum transactent et quietent comune Perusino [.. .] castrum Serre [...] Civitella Comitum, Podium Manentis [...] cum omnibus eorum curis et tenutis et districtibus; et quidquid comune Eugubii habet et tenet ab his finibus infra versus Perusium. The complex situation of the period led several "domains", including the lords of Serra to seek support, including forced submissions, conflicts and arbitrations, to surrounding lords and also directly to other municipalities. In fact, in the 1930s, a period of crisis in the consolidation of territorial lordships due to the conflict between different social components and the disagreements between municipalities that produced military clashes, contacts were initiated between municipalities and dominant lords. In this case, those of Poggio Manente, Ascagnano and Antognolla also had considerable importance. In 1223 the agreements with Città di Castello began in the presence of two nobles from Serra, namely Rainaldo di Serra and Tornamparte dell'olim Rudolfino. "The lords of Serra are mentioned in the agreements with Città di Castello certainly as the most directly interested, by territorial contiguity, in obtaining the support of the Tifernate municipality in exchange for substantial concessions in terms of expansion of the area of influence ". In the same way, however, on the other hand, the municipalities were also interested in obtaining the purchase and sale of fortified nuclei, albeit without jurisdiction, so as to avoid any danger caused by the competition of minor but still conspicuous powers also in possession of fortifications and castra. It is no coincidence that in 1257 the Suppolini di Serra sold two castra of their own to Gubbio and Perugia, buying their rights, possessions and men. Fig. 5 - The bertesca is inserted in the masonry of the left side of Serra. Note that an element of the same invoice is also present on the right side of the fortification. Certainly the contracts were encouraged by the conflicts between the two Municipalities for a policy now burdened and conditioned by the clashes of the years 1257-1258. Given the situation, Serra too obviously fell within the post-war provisions therefore, respecting the stipulated submission, the feudal lord and actor of the deed Venciulis Abrunamontis continued to keep Serra Comitum under the dominion of Perugia after returning to Gubbio only in 1251. The first evidence of the current toponym Serra Partutii appeared in the sources in September 1295 when a deed of sale was signed in favor of Accurandolo Bernardi whose actor was "Patrutius d (omi) ni Ranutii comes Serrae supra Assinum" for a plot of land in the locality of San Filippo, part of the curia of the castle of Serra. The deed was stipulated “in castro Serrae iuxta Palatium Partutii dni Ranutii comitis Serrae supra Assinum”. A very important element that can be found in the act is the use of the term "juxta" which is indicative of a very specific form of embedding, opposite to that defined "circa" and very widespread mainly in imperial diplomas from the tenth century, just when the incastellamento was spreading to northern Italy at a difficult political time. The castrense typology called "juxta" recalls the presence of a fortified structure in the immediate vicinity of a town or a Curtense or pleban center, probably because the topographical position determined the settlement methods, also according to the typology of the inhabited nucleus and the presence of specific economic activities that required a precise choice of the place. For greater practicality, rather than enclosing villages in the valleys or halfway up the coast, the site on which to place the fortification was identified in hilly or foothill areas based on the strategic position with respect to the surrounding areas. It can be argued that for Serra Partucci the expression intended to identify a high-rise settlement whose dominant position required the fortification of the castle located above the scattered villages. It is following this act that "Patrutiius dni Ranutii" was recognized as the count of "Serrae supra Assinum", establishing the current name of the "castrum". In the meantime, however, the lineage of the "comites di Serra" was very active in the sale and acquisition of land not only pertinent to the castrum or external to it, but also in its proximity, so as to constitute a large dominated area even far from the headquarters of the castrum. In the first half of the 14th century, numerous acts testified to the movements of the family's assets. Donations, sales, acquisitions of plots of land, the so-called "fields" or even houses, both with religious bodies and private lay people to whom they gave land with the annexed properties in leasehold, relating to the previous owners who were often other important parental lineages: in fact , some terms occur in the documents, such as "campo roncato", which indicate particular types of agricultural regime used. In our case it would recall the presence of wooded expanses rather widespread in the northern territorial sector. Often adjacent to each other, these lands, agricultural and otherwise, appearing as the subject of the deeds, also showed the presence of certain inhabited structures. The presence of a fortified structure in "castro Serrae iuxta Palatium Partutii," roughly fifty years earlier, would represent the very essence of the concept of rural lordship represented by the domains of Serra which, for the attachment to the lineage, tried to strengthen the own power over men and over the territory by resorting to military defense works. This is by no means accidental and, on the contrary, is to be related to the fervent political situation represented mainly by the clash between municipalities and of these with the powerful ecclesiastical lordships, with the aim of affirming one over the other. The defensive aspect certainly could not fail in these cases, so even the "castrum" of Serra always had to be ready to react. A similar situation actually arose in 1350 when the presence of Giovanni di Cantuccio Gabrielli in Gubbio, with his harsh ways of carrying out political offices, began to become a difficult obstacle for the existence of many castles in the countryside. The castra placed on the border with the Tifernati, that is to say those of the fortified network to the west in the municipality of Gubbio, among which there was also Serra Partucci, attempted the revolt against the Gabrielli but were unable to evertere the new dominion, which nevertheless lasted very little26. Having reconquered the castle and returned to the aegis of the Gubbio municipality, it was the same inhabitants who, upon concession of the consuls, requested the presence of magistrates inside the castrum and elected, as can be seen from the documents, with variable frequency, two to six months, from 1377 in then, for positions of «captain castri Serre Comitum supra Assinum» and custodian, that is «turregiano di Serre Partutii», until the middle of the 15th century. We remember among these men Ser Franciscus Ser Marini in office from May to July 1377; Angelinus Lelli in November 1377; Ser Silvester de Cantiana held the role of captain longer, from January to November 1378, and Ser Angelus in June 1385. In the revolt against Giovanni di Cantuccio Gabrielli, Serra particularly damaged the internal fortified structures. operibus per eum datis in reactando turrim Serre Partitii ". Always scrolling through the municipal registers, it turns out that in 1419 the Perugian troops led by Filippo di Giacomo Baglioni, in office as a soldier hired by Braccio Fortebracci, went to Gubbio because exiles from Perugia and other rival cities had been welcomed there. Arriving near the Gubbio municipality, the troops besieged Serra Partucci in the same way as other castra, to obtain a bulwark towards the common enemy. On reaching occupation, the castle was destroyed, moreover for having suffered considerable looting, favored by the betrayal of Giovanni di Ceccolo Gabrielli from Perugia. In fact, the conquest of Serra was in a certain way a revenge against Gubbio, which was particularly keen to control this sector of the countryside placed in contact with more municipalities and therefore disputed. From here, the Peruginis headed threateningly against Assisi. Consequence was an immediate process of reconstruction with which the castrum assumed its almost current appearance due to the use of a tower and a keep. But the provisions taken also aimed at supporting the rebalancing of the castrum's economy, so those who had possessions in Serra or in its curia had to respect the payment of the due charges. Finally, the taxes that had to pay these owners "qui possessiones et bona in districtu sive curia dicti castri Serre possident" to the new captain and castellan of Serra, "Bondomandus ser Luce de Callio", in office from the year 1422 until 1431, were established, for the same reasons proposed to the same circumstance: pro publica utilitate et defensione, pro reparatione et rehedificatione dicti Castri ". The castrum required constant and progressive consolidation works that the sources report meticulously. Despite all the interventions aimed at fortifying Serra to provide it with a substantial defensive structure, in such a way as to hinder attacks and prove to be a safe residence for the magistrates residing there (especially castellans or captains), 1432 proved to be another difficult period for history of the castrum due to the new threat represented by Nicholaus Stelle (Fortebracci), who in that year successfully attempted a new assault on the castle, managing to settle there until 1435 and representing a new factor of decline, so much so as to induce many of the inhabitants to apply to the authorities of the Municipality to obtain as compensation some rural houses (casalini) near the castle, a sign that around it the scattered agricultural settlement was still present, in fact, still in 1444, it counted the presence of fifty mouths . In the mid-fifteenth century Serra, with the assets also owned by the curia, had returned to be a fief of the Gabrielli counts, having inherited it in 1459 from his father together with other nearby fortifications, with all the appurtenances of the castle and, at the invitation of the dukes di Montefeltro, they fortified the castra of their dependence, including Serra. Passed in the mid-1500s to the Bentivoglio counts as a fiefdom, in 1564 they sold a substantial part of the assets held at Serra Partucci to the Gubbio monastery of San Pietro, a powerful dominatus loci in the Middle Ages. 13). CIVITELLA RANIERI (Castrum Civitelle Comitum, Civitella Comitum) A short distance from the town of Umbertide rises "Castrum Civitelle Comitum" along the provincial road that connects it to Gubbio. The "Castrum" dominated the territory of an ancient Umbrian county. A territorial border area very functional for defense, as well as for the economy, whose position was influential for the neighboring municipalities of Gubbio and Perugia, which aimed to obtain it as a territorial border area. The visible structure "Castrum Civitelle Comitum" emerges from the hill, immersed in its park, showing the grandeur of the manor. There are very few original characteristics of the "castrum" although the outer walls retrace the layout of the fourteenth-century one, in fact the present appearance is the result of the fifteenth-sixteenth century reconstruction commissioned by the Ranieri after the destruction caused by the Baglioni assault. Fig. 1. General view of Civitella Ranieri from Serra Partucci. The settlement is easily reachable via the provincial road divided near the manor into a minor path, which follows the path of the moat all around the castle and leads directly to the main portal, from the Renaissance period, where traces of the presence of a drawbridge and, at the top, the stone coat of arms of the Ranieri counts. The portal has a battlements covered by a roof, from the modern era, and various loopholes included between the machicolation corbels. The entrance hall forms a kind of keep, demonstrating the defensive purpose it had to fulfill, as a small rectangular fortress to protect the entrance to the castle. Furthermore, the portal is connected with continuity to two small square crenellated towers, placed at an angle with the function of a curtain wall, used as a walkway before reaching the two towers. In fact, the two lateral wings of the walls show a regular cadence of openings, now adapted as windows, which originally could have been loopholes. It is possible that they were not present in the original closed curtain wall, but applied later, in order to avoid any support for the enemy attack, in fact even the two side turrets have totally closed, dark walls. This curtain has a regular course and runs around the castle, until it closes on the rear sector of the building with another secondary portal, minor, but the same one envisaged as a drawbridge. The walls, on the other hand, end in the part of the embankment surrounded by a large moat. Fig. 2. The access portal to the fort. With the stone coat of arms of the family on the arch. After passing the main portal, you enter the internal courtyard overlooked by the keep; the latter shows the typical features of a sixteenth-century fortified complex. It consists of a single central body on the sides of which there are two symmetrical round towers with a cantilevered base and a drum on both sides, which is supported by corbels used as ornamental elements also present in the central facade, where there are windows obtained in the masonry. Above, the stone shelf runs along the entire perimeter of the fortress to delimit the lower part, with a slope, of the tower from the upper one. In the highest part of the keep there are small windows that would represent the flat summit battlements of the keep, originally present but now covered by a roof, just like the towers. Inside the courtyard there are two small paths that allow you to go around the central body, revealing very thick perimeter walls with an escarpment base and corbels still recurring on the crown, but not continuous throughout the building. From the right side you enter the castle through a large portal that leads into a further internal courtyard. The courtyard around it is divided into a narrow closed space, but by means of a staircase you can reach the two floors of the castle intended for housing. Large sixteenth-century stone fireplaces are found in the many rooms with very large vaults. Some of these, in the points where they connect the ceiling and walls, form singular decorative motifs, consisting of small stucco and relief coats of arms, referable not only to the Ranieri family, but also to those of other fiefs subjected to it. Interesting is the room used as a library where a very narrow wooden gallery runs halfway up the room and continues for the entire surface of the same, it can be reached by a small staircase, also wooden. Beyond the two superimposed floors used as a stately home, in the highest part of the keep there is access to a third, probably consisting only of a walkway that follows the perimeter of the fortress all around the building, where there are still openings and hatches used for the defense of Civitella in case of enemy approach. In the personal notes of Count Emanuele Ranieri: Civitella Ranieri, medieval castle; historical notes of Count Emanuele Ranieri. The holes were probably used for the so-called "vertical shooting". From notes reported in the family papers we also learn that the towers were used as prisons and that there are still mobile and revolving cages with iron points. Within the castle, on the right side of the building, and included in the innermost courtyard, there is a church dedicated to San Cristoforo, consecrated in 1556 and run mainly by parish priests of the Ranieri family. Fig. 3. Elevation of the main facade of the fortification. The known story There is little information regarding Civitella in the first centuries since its foundation. At least up to the thirteenth century events conditioned by the conflicting relations between municipalities, first of all Perugia and Gubbio. The first news of the castrum dates back, however, in 1078, the year in which construction began, commissioned by Raniero di Monferrato, brother of Duke Guglielmo. However, information on the castrum can also be deduced from the list of churches dependent on the parish of San Bartolomeo di Campo Reggiano in 10532. Although some historians claim that Raniero came to Italy in 800 AD following one of Charlemagne's expeditions, others argue that this lineage originated in Saxony and came to Italy in 970 AD after the affirmation of Emperor Otto III. This last hypothesis is confirmed by the investiture granted by Otto III himself to the Ranieri family with the donation of lands and fiefdoms in Umbria and in the Marchia, in order to strengthen their power by forming the basis for a subsequent development as a rural seigniory3, especially after the construction of the castrum; castrum continued with the work of Raniero's descendants. The "Castrum" was involved in the conflictual relations between Perugia and Gubbio, already at war in 1216. Both municipalities aimed at the conquest of fortified places ruled by lords, in order to establish a defensive network with a regular settlement structure for an efficient preventive control in the respective territory. At the end of the clashes between the two municipalities, it was sanctioned by the victory of Perugia which, through its power, established really harsh conditions for the Gubbio municipality, aiming at the concession of goods and land, and the subtraction of relevant Castrensian nuclei entrusted to the Perugian jurisdiction. Among these was also Civitelle Comitum, certainly considered of great political interest due to its border position and control of river and land routes, characteristics similar to those of the fortifications built in this eastern sector and close to Civitella. The ups and downs that involved the castle in the thirteenth century depended on the continuous struggles between rival and neighboring municipalities, Città di Castello, Perugia and Gubbio, for which territorial control was the only means of affirming one's power, but with the difficulties encountered towards the local lords who represented with their fiefs an obstacle to municipal autonomy and who, as in the case of Civitella, intended to have a strong presence in order to guarantee the continuity of their lineage, despite the submissions to which they were subjected. Fig. 4. Here you can see the right wing of the walls connected to the portal. In the background you can see the square and crenellated turret that forms an angle. Also in the left wing of the perimeter curtain there is a corresponding structure. The events that affected the story of Civitella Comitum in the 14th century seem more significant. In 1324 the "castrum" became the possession of the feudal lord Ghino di Petrella, belonging to the lineage of the "marchiones di Colle", recognized as a marquis with a privilege granted by the Emperor Henry VII in 1312. The marquis took steps to consolidate the castrum damaged during the attacks of rival cities. Historians trace the reconstruction in the upper part of the fortification back to this moment, probably also involving the displacement of the original walls. A few decades after the conflict between commoners and nobles that raged in Perugia in the 14th century, often resulting in heavy clashes, also involved Civitella. In 1361 a group of commoners led by Arlotto Michelotti attempted the siege of the castrum and managed to conquer it with the removal of the representatives of the "Ranieri domains", namely Vico di Tancreduccio and Costantino I. Arlotto Michelotti, as his family members had already done for other castra, made the fortification his own fief and gave it the name of Civitella Michelotti. The Ranieri, therefore, considered it necessary to intervene by juridical offices, such as the Perugian magistracy, to regain possession of their "castrum", also because in 1363 the fiefdom of the Michelotti had been confirmed by the abbot of Marzano. The "Ranieri" resorted to the Roman curia to try to bring Civitella back within their possessions. The Curia at that time, however, was burdened by the splitting of the seat for the transfer of the papacy to Avignon. It had to wait until 1385 when the general of the Perugian armies Bartolomeo Carafa intervened against the occupants to return Civitella to the "Ranieri". The ambition that pushed the troops to reconquer Civitella was strengthened by the large possessions included in the "castrum" which, in case of victory, would have meant obtaining a solid border stronghold. We can understand, albeit partially, what the consistency of Civitella was in the territory by resorting to a donation deed of 1388 stipulated by "Karolus Ugucionis Marchio de Civitella" in favor of "Venciolus Roscioli" including "a house located in castro Civitelle, fines cuius at I street, at II murum cassari Civitelle, at III porta ipsius castri Civitelle and the fourth part of the castle of Civitelle, the court, the territory, the appurtenances, etc.". From this information it can be concluded that the castrum had its own internal roads, streets that connected the door to the keep and so on, but it could also have a courtyard and side appurtenances. Furthermore, the donation could demonstrate the existence of more portals in the walls, compared to the two known ones, which are also evidenced by later sources. The turbulent events of Civitella, however, resumed as early as 1390 with the assault of Biordo Michelotti; only two years later, there was the assault of Guido III del Monte, whose possessions were far beyond the border with the Tifernate municipality. To obtain the conquest of the castle, he caused considerable damage to the wall structure. It is even more complicated to reconstruct the events of 1407. Tradition recalls Roger II who, after having carried out military duties as a soldier of Fortebracci's armies and as a captain of Venetian troops, he would return to castrum Civitelle to recapture the castle with armed corps, returning it to his lineage and working hard until Martino recognized the town as a county V in 1426, while paying for this privilege in money, which was then bequeathed to the descendants. Another version of the events, however, would give Roger II less importance, given that the Marquis would have negotiated the reappropriation of the castrum with the monks of Marzano. Their intercession with Martin V, in fact, would have allowed the return of Civitella in the hands of the Ranieri marquises. The recognition of the possession of Civitella among its own assets was however confirmed in 1433, again to Ruggero II. The scarce documentation regarding this affair makes it difficult to define many aspects with precision and, at the same time, to outline the political role of Roger II in the episode. The close relationship of the Ranieri di Civitella with the Perugian Oddi family caused problems for the castrum, which in 1491 suffered a severe attack by the troops led by Paolo II Orsini, hired by the Baglioni rivals in order to conquer all the fortifications politically close to the opposite faction. Destroyed Civitella, the counts fled to the duchy of Urbino, from where Duke Guidubaldo moved in 1498 to bring the castles conquered by the Baglioni back to the Oddi family, re-establishing the political order that had been altered in the second half of the 15th century due to strong contrasts. inside the Perugia countryside. The intervention of Pope Alexander VI in fact managed to re-establish relations between the cities and when later in the course of the 16th century the power of the church was firmly affirmed, many were the privileges recognized to the Ranieri family in the economic, political and territorial spheres. , above all thanks to the support of an organized marriage policy, which guaranteed stability in relationships. 14). POGGIO MANENTE (Castrum Podio Manentis) Poggio Manente is a castle that responds to the type of "hill", located southeast of the town of Umbertide and a short distance from the castle of San Paterniano, with which in pre-unification it formed a "small municipality", a "University appodiata" then united with Fratta. It is placed in control of the border between Gubbio and the dioceses of Perugia and Città di Castello, since the castrum of Poggio Manente was historically part of the Gubbio defensive network established in the western sector of the countryside. The visible structure The town is bordered to the northwest by the local road which, together with the agricultural land, surrounds the castrum making it a small fortified village. It can be reached via a road that leads directly to the castrum and acts as a link with the Umbertide valley, the structure externally appears imposing but dilapidated, due to the numerous collapses of the curtain wall. Fig: 1 Poggio Manente overall view of the fortification on the south side. Note the bell tower of the church of San Nicola The large inhabited structure that can be seen from the cadastral map creates a single body which can be accessed via a spacious entrance hall. In front of it there is a small courtyard, beyond which there are further parts, four rooms, used as a residence organized on different floors. Detached from the central core, south of the whole inhabited, there is the aforementioned fifteenth-century church dedicated to San Nicola. The church has a small bell gable and a rectangular plan, which was originally included within the walls of the castrum. Fig: 2 Extract from the cadastral map (Perugia Territory Agency, sheet n ° 90). From the typology of the fortification it is possible to "reconstruct" the presence of a deep moat, along which the road probably develops today. There are no traces of a probable external enclosure, probably the walls of the houses of Poggio Manente, which have a semicircular layout, constituted the defense walls. Walls that do not create real corners but appear rather rounded, as if to eliminate any sharp edges that could have favored assaults from the outside. The perimeter of the walls makes it possible to clearly identify the presence of four towers placed on the sides of the ammunition walls of the fortress. As far as these towers are concerned, the plumbing profile and the quadrangular plan are still visible at the base, although only one remains standing today which has a severed crown without any battlements. The walls, built mostly in local stone, show evident irregularities in the wall texture with subsequent insertions of reintegration material, substantially different from the original one, river pebbles are also visible in the texture. The entrance to the castrum consists of a long stone staircase affixed in a very recent period compared to the original facies of the castrense nucleus. From the staircase you can reach a narrow portal of particular artistic and architectural importance due to the presence of the pointed arch, surmounted by a narrow slit and a small bertesca; it is probable that a drawbridge was attached to this portal, albeit very narrow. After passing the portal, you enter a large entrance passage covered by the structure of a keep guard post at the entrance to the castrum; from the passage you can immediately notice a voluminous round arch which supports a stone gallery used as a connection between the buildings on the right and left side; the arch is placed at a rather low level and partially obstructs the view of the front view of the interior of the castrum. This suggests that at the current level there is a probable raised level of the walking surface, due to multiple successive fillings over time. Fig. 3 portal of the complex. The staircase was added recently by modifying the pre-existing access ramp. It is also possible to notice the pointed arch of the entrance arch The subsequent stratifications, and therefore different floors, were a characteristic of many medieval villages and cities and can be reconstructed through stratigraphic excavations, which highlight the thick stratifications deriving from the accumulation of materials of various kinds, such as organic waste, stones, wood of previously existing houses, unlike the rigorous road arrangement carried out periodically in Roman times. This hypothesis can also be confirmed by the presence of a further round arch placed precisely on the opposite side to this, which turns out to be one of the oldest elements present in the entire fortified structure. Internally the walls are very thick so as to give the impression of a narrow fortified structure within which small medieval streets that run entirely through the courtyard wriggle; inside, contrary to what appears outside, the structure is very united and presents constructive continuity. Fig. 4: Detail of the internal viability of the castrum of Poggio Manente. Visiting a first inhabited area, today used as a large part of the castrum for residential use, the main characteristics of the structure appear to be substantially maintained, especially in the aspect that had been given to it following its use in the Renaissance period as a stately home. From the thickness of the walls, niches and a small stone balcony were obtained that "hides" the possible transformation of a bertesca, given its lateral position just next to the main entrance portal. Very interesting is the large fireplace in the room where you can see, engraved on the right side shelf, a stone coat of arms affixed as a decoration consisting of five mountains, which recall the Podium family dependent on the city of Gubbio. In the same room there is a deep underground passage which, both from tests conducted on the masonry, and along the same, would seem to descend for about three meters below the foundations of the castrum, but the partial collapse of the curtain constitutes an obstacle to more specific investigations. Since in the southern part the castrum is higher than on this side, it is possible that the passage was a long internal patrol walkway, to connect all or most of the perimeter walls in a particularly safe way for residents. Fig. 5: Poggio Manente: detail of the west side of the fortification. The top part of the masonry collapsed following the explosion of bombs during the Second World War. In part, the structures of the castrum were used as sheds for goods, tools and livestock, while others were used as residences. There is still a large compartment once used by the inhabitants as a community oven and a deep underground cistern, an essential guarantee of water autonomy for the residents. Continuing north towards the Tiber valley (from here you can see Umbertide), you go up a small steep staircase that leads to a large loggia located on the upper floor of the building south of the entrance and opening onto a beautiful view of the plain below. . The wide possibilities of view over the territory around the castrum emerge, allowing it to fully fulfill the defensive purpose with a perfect observation of at least three cardinal points. Furthermore, from here it is possible to see a part of the castle that has significant collapses, although from the outside they are not detectable. No floor is present here, not even a floor that separates different areas. The time elapsed together with the last wars have led to the collapse of this wing of the castrum, which requires a deep restoration of the masonry. The loggia is obviously an architectural element affixed later, when the transformation into a stately home had already begun and this is conceivable above all by the extensive use of bricks and plaster of different colors around the shutters that crown the wall face. On the lower floor of the area described there is a further portal without an entrance passage, considered to be the rear entrance to the castrum. It is probable that once upon a time it could be accessed via a raised passage, for example a drawbridge, due to the unevenness of the ground, while currently the present staircase opens to a slope. The portal (above which was affixed a coat of arms, now stolen, of the house of Poggio Manente and which highlighted the dependence on Gubbio) is large, but the internal structure has undergone numerous transformations, so it now appears to be a simple secondary entrance. The known history There are not much dating back sources that testify to the foundation of the castle of Poggio Manente, but local historians believe that, both for the long-established count lineage and for the type of settlement, the fortification can date back to the 11th century, thus placing itself among the earliest examples in the northern sector of a late fortification process. As for the location of Poggio Manente it is evident that the castrum has evolved to control the border between Gubbio, its diocese, and the dioceses of Perugia and Città di Castello. Due to its strategic position, which also controlled neighboring Fratta, the castrum in the thirteenth century also passed under the control of the Perugia municipality. Its location can be explained by the will of the Municipality of Gubbio to build fortified settlements to control the boundaries of its committee. In general the castra, in fact, were located on hills of medium and high altitude, mainly on areas that represented strategic points as a crossroads between the river network, roads and borders, in order to create a defined and organized protective structure, assimilating, with this aspect, to the typology of territorial defensive curtain also used by the other municipalities of northern Umbria based on the conformation of the soil and the environment. Castrum Podii Manentis was owned by the domains of the same name, belonging to the noble group of Poggio Manente-Ascagnano, which represented an important lineage of northern Umbria, whose possessions extended beyond the high hills of the Eugubino countryside up to widening towards the south, near the Tiber, following the lease transfers and concessions of land and castles. From this noble group, however, several noble families had divided, including the domains of Poggio Manente and Castiglione Aldobrando, and one of these chose the castrum of Poggio Manente (so called for their presence) as its own dominion, making it "the center of an autonomous dominated ". In fact, the castrum soon took on its independence as the domains enriched their possessions with new surrounding (or distant) lands, often with inhabited nuclei that allowed to increase the presence of homines under their dependencies. Fig. 6: detail of the Giorgi Charter of 1573, you can see the representation of the walls of the castrum “Il Poggio” and of the church of S. Nicolo ... or Nicolò. The genealogical tree that reconstructs the various branches of the nobles of Poggio Manente shows that the lineage had a rather articulated parental group, since the lineage was formed by multiple families. The domains of Poggio Manente, which had their own residence in the castrum, derived from those of Ascagnano and one of their first possessions of which we have news included the castle of Penne, whose position cannot be located today, granted in emphyteusis in 1157 by the monastery of Santa Maria di Val di Ponte together with the transfer of customary rights, thus showing the existence of ancient and regular relationships with the monastic institution maintained over time. Perhaps these relationships were encouraged by the fact that "the name of some abbots could make one think of the kinship with certain noble families: the name of Armanno, abbot from 1182 to 1204 [...], returns in two generations of the lords of Poggio Manente that can be placed in that lapse of time ". In this case the monastery represented a strong dominatus loci to which the first exponents of the family granted their usariae in 1159, that is the set of men, fortifications and wealth possessed near the monastery to obtain the castle of Penne in emphyteusis, reserving themselves from usariae and the collection of certain taxes. The same concession in emphyteusis was renewed in 1169. Their possessions were vast and, given that the house was made up of numerous members, they held together some castra (a widespread phenomenon in northern Umbria), including the castle of Agello Eugubino. notified in 1188 and 1203. Descendants from a common ancestor (Rainaldo), the domains of the castle of Poggio Manente belonged to the branch of Stefano di Armanno (1157-1184), whose heir Spagliagrano (1215-1248) gave rise to the comes Stefano and Rainaldo di Spagliagrano, lords of the castle, with whom he achieved prestige thanks to the large possessions obtained. Fig. 7: The church of San Nicola south of the "castrum" of Poggio Manente. Precisely under the dominion of the Spagliagrano lineage linked to Gubbio, the castrum experienced the most important events due to its belonging to alternating dominant municipalities, which also considered this fortification as a point of contact between opposing powers along the same border. The castle was hit by the severe measures taken by the power of Perugia, following the war of 1216 against Gubbio: the defeat cost the Eugubini the loss of some castra in favor of Perugia, a transfer that also included Podium Manentis, remaining solidly in the hands of the city until 1251. Even the domains of the castrum however felt in this period the social conflicts that involved the varied Perugian society. They received the blows of the five-year crisis 1223-1227: besides disputes disputed with religious bodies (1222-1223), as an affirmed rural lordship they tried to enter into agreements and pacts with the municipality of Città di Castello in 1223, because they were largely "interested , due to territorial contiguity, to obtain the support of the Tifernate municipality, in exchange for substantial concessions in terms of expanding the area of influence ». Direct reference of these positions were the agreements sanctioned within the year by Stefano di Spagliagrano, precisely the feudal lord of Poggio Manente. It is not strange that the castrum, although in this period it was subjected to the Perugian jurisdiction, was interested in agreeing agreements with the Tifernati. In fact, well aware of the difficult situation, the same uncertainty in political power pushed the lords of Poggio Manente to strengthen their lineage from every point of view, as the only possibility of affirming and continuing to exist as a rural lordship of the area of membership. It is probable that this same instability caused Poggio Manente from 1251 to 1257 to return under the jurisdiction of Gubbio, together with the other castles subdued by the Perugians in the second decade of the 13th century, the war against Gubbio was pressing. In July 1258 "D.nus Stephanus dni Spalagrani de Podio Manentis also in the name of his brother Ranaldo" sanctioned with Gallus Norimbello (captain of the people) the submission of part of the Castrum Podium Manentis to the municipality of Perugia, obtaining in exchange the defense of the castle against any possible attack by citizens and soldiers of Gubbio and the obligation to return it to its domains ( i.e. Stephano and Ranaldo) at the conclusion of the war with their common rival. Poggio Manente thus returned to the Perugian jurisdiction. The act of submission, however, also included further commitments to be fulfilled always in favor of Perugia, such as the obligation to "make war and peace according to the orders of the Municipality" and "promise to keep the castle in the name and on behalf of the Municipality , not to alienate it or submit it to others, not to welcome enemies of the municipality itself ". Perugia, like the other municipalities that aimed at territorial power as much as possible in the vast areas of the countryside as well as in the areas closest to the urban center, was mainly interested in submitting the castra to its own jurisdiction, since therefore it fully fulfilled this purpose, given the its proximity to Gubbio and close relations in the past with Città di Castello. Fig. 8: detail of Filippo Titi's map “Legation of the Duchy of Urbino”, 1697, showing the representation of the territory of “Il Poggio” by the Marquis Orazio Bongiovanni, Roman baron and Marquis of Poggio Manente. Particular is also the presence of the obligation for the castrum towards Perugia to "keep the castle ad honorem et status of the receiving municipality" (an element generally not present in the submission documents), but using "their own castellani or capitanei", considered not only more faithful to the municipality to which they belong, but also "safer and more controllable" due to its direct dependence on Perugia. In this way, attempts were made to avoid any possibility of conflict and strengthening of the dominions considered rival, in order to achieve power. Poggio Manente, however, had already previously demonstrated its jurisdictional dependence on the Perugini, as evidenced by the relations of the dominus Rainaldo di Spagliagrano (and his brothers) with the magistrates of the city. Following the conclusion of the war against Gubbio, Poggio Manente was confirmed as a castrum dependent on Perugia, despite the aversion of the tifernate mayor Tiberio di Ranaldo de Valcellis who claimed his appurtenances. The 14th century proposed less eventful events for the history of Poggio Manente, beyond small disputes and judicial acts that saw the rural population or the lords of the castrum as protagonists. The military events that in the second half of the same century concerned Poggio Manente were part of the lasting conflict between Gubbio and Perugia, so much so that the magistrates of the latter city hypothesized the destruction of the castrum in 1378, but not completed. In the southern part of the castle there is the fifteenth-century church dedicated to San Nicolò (erected in 1404), which must have been included within the walls of the fortified nucleus. However, the tithes of the diocese of Gubbio corresponding to the years 1333-1334 refer to the presence of a church dedicated to Saints Peter and Paul, belonging to the castrum (of which, however, there are references only from the Rationes Decimarum): Item habuit a dompno Zintio rectore ecclesie Ss. Petri et Pauli de Podio Manentis XX sol. reven .. Dompnus Cintius rector ecclesie S. Petri de Podio XX sol. rav. . Dompnus Zintius rector S. Petri de Podiomanente XX sol. rav. . This information makes it possible to establish the existence of a religious body gravitating to the district of Poggio Manente or in the castrum itself, pre-existing to the church of San Nicolò and, probably, belonging to the rectory of San Mariano di Gubbio, given the influence of the institution in this area and the relations with the domains of Poggio Manente for territorial possessions. In short, Poggio Manente, as a hill castle, performed a purely defensive function, as an important outpost subject to the Gubbio municipality in the sector bordering Perugia. In fact, he was involved precisely for this reason, in the violent castra disputes that saw Gubbio and the Perugian municipality as protagonists. Nb : the structure is private, although for the most part it appears dilapidated and abandoned it still maintains an inhabited sector. 15). San Paterniano (S. Patrignani, vila S. Patrignani supra S. Iohannem de Asino, S. Paterniani) ) Today of the castle of San Paterniano only a few parts of the perimeter walls remain, from which it is possible to hypothesize the reconstruction of the original structure, although the section in elevation is not very reliable because it appears cut off. Fig. 1: remains of the walls of the castle of San Paterniano, photo from 2021. In the urban cadastral plan, two buildings with a regular quadrangular section can be seen: one with an entrance hallway and another neighboring rectangular one, which leave space for a small courtyard surrounded by the local road with which San Paterniano is connected to Poggio Manente. Externally the fragments, for what remains, show a wall texture that is not very regular due to probable subsequent insertions with squared stones, interrupted by the presence of narrow slits and partially projecting base. Today there is a private settlement on site. Nb : the structure is now private. Fig. 2: remains of the walls of the castle of San Paterniano, photo Porrozzi from 1984 in Bruno Porrozzi, “Umbertide and its territory. History and images ". Pro Loco Umbertidese Association, So.Gra.Te. Città di Castello, 1983 Externally the fragments, for what remains, show a wall texture that is not very regular due to probable subsequent insertions with squared stones, interrupted by the presence of narrow slits and partially projecting base. Today there is a private settlement on site. A little further north of San Paterniano (at 523 m above sea level) there is a church with the same name, also in a precarious state surrounded by dense bush, whose structure was rather small. However, we do not have bookings of this church reported by the Liber beneficeorum, which instead proposed in the locality of San Paterniano a church dedicated to San Giovanni di Assino «[...], dependent on the monastery of Petroia, [...] registered for 60 libre »And that« in the Belforti-Mariotti manuscript [...], it is located in the villa of S. Paterniano in the Porta Sole countryside ». Porrozzi in “Umbertide and its territory. History and images "reports, without offering any reference, that the church had internally valuable frescoes, in which the Virgin, Child and Saints were portrayed in various scenes, perhaps performed by the famous artist Matteo da Gualdo (who worked in the areas of eugubine flu). Fig. 3: The main structure of the castle in the IGMI maps, survey of 1942 is identified as "the Castle" at 508 meters above sea level The toponymic origin of the title of the castrum in San Paterniano has led the tradition to formulate elaborate explanations, with which we wanted to see in the term Petrignano (sometimes recurring in the sources) a development of the terms petra ignis, that is 'stone of fire' . San Paterniano could instead recall an agionimo or, more particularly, a predial name ending in the suffix -anus of Roman tradition, which has been maintained, developed and established over time in this area. There are three in the border area and in the partially internal one between the diocese of Perugia and Eugubina. In fact, Serra also brings the name Paternianus back to this category, in which he sees a Germanic origin very close to the type of surnames of the late Roman age on the basis of similar examples, identified as morphological casts. Fig. 4: The structure of the Castle of San Paterniano on the southwest side along the road used as a private residence. The known history San Paterniano was located near the border between Perugian and Eugubine appurtenances, therefore placed to safeguard the territory from the reciprocal incursions of the two municipalities, often in conflict with each other. But the numerous toponyms that recall a dedication to San Paterniano, widespread in the northern area of the Perugian countryside between the dioceses of Perugia and Gubbio, do not allow us to accurately identify the historical events that affected the castle of the same name located in the northeast sector of Porta Sant 'Angelo, since there are no specifications that allow us to separately investigate the precise evolutionary processes of each of them. Fig. 5: Detail from the charter of Filippo Titi of 1697: “Legation of the Duchy of Urbino with the Diocese, and the Government of Città di Castello and other Governments, and neighboring States” of 1697; here the Castle is referred to as San. Patrignano. The known history Analyzing the cadastral sources of the mid-thirteenth century, we can see different terms regarding San Paterniano. In the countryside of Porta Sant'Angelo there appeared a vila S. Patrignani supra S. Iohannem de Asino and another vila S. Patrignani attributable to different localities and both listed in the Liber bailitorum of 1258 relating to the countryside. In this case, however, by making a quick comparison between the two villas for their position, it is possible to trace San Paterniano supra S. Iohannem de Asino2 to the location addressed in the present research, since the toponym San Giovanni was also located near the settlement. di Assino, probably corresponding to today's Podere San Giovanni located at 291 m above sea level and not far from the stretch of the Assino stream3. Villa S. Patrignani, on the other hand, would correspond to another locality located near Colle del Cardinale, albeit always belonging to the countryside relating to Porta Sant'Angelo. Subsequently, the Liber impositionis bladi of 1260 between the villas and castles of the countryside did not report taxation for this villa, except for the mentions of San Giovanni di Assino5. The record of the hearths drawn up in 1282 cited the diversification of these settlements with greater precision. San Giovanni di Assino was registered separately, while two S. Paterniani villas appeared, showing a different consistency in the number of inhabitants. Fig: 6. Ruins of the central area of the church of San Paterniano. Here we report the description of the masonry lost inside: “Entering the left wall, the Virgin with Child is painted, carrying a swallow and St. Ubaldo. Further down there is another figure representing a saint with a doge's cap, sword in hand and a dragon at the foot of the sea. Under it we read: - This figure made the monks of ... (perhaps of the Badia). The attitude of the figures, the elongated neck of the Virgin, the shape of the Child's halo, are the characteristics of Matteo da Gualdo. On the right there is another fresco representing the Madonna and Child, S. Antonio ab. and S. Sebastiano (?). This fresco may refer to a later, later period, perhaps the early sixteenth century, and be attributed to the Umbrian school, which recalls Perugino. The face of the Virgin and Child, discreetly preserved, are beautiful. The origins of the church are very remote and uncertain; a brick wall bears the inscription: Restored 1525. " (Reported in Bruno Porrozzi, "Umbertide and his territory. History and images". Ass. Pro Loco Umbertidese, Tipografia So.Gra.Te. Città di Castello, 1983 -P.245-; text from the work of Ballerini F ., "Historical notes of the Earth by Pierantonio and surroundings", Umbertide 1913.) Since the settlement of San Paterniano treated here was repeatedly presented by scholars as a "castle" (although the sources defined it as a villa), it is possible to adduce a greater presence of population, given that a little further north of the fortified nucleus there was also a religious body: in San Paterniano the hearths surveyed fluctuated in 1282 between 8 and 11 nuclei. The uncertain settlement events of San Paterniano are related by local historiography to those that affected the nearby castles of Poggio Manente and Serra Partucci, subject to the Eugubian jurisdiction due to their border position. Furthermore, the proximity of the settlement to the flow of the Tiber made it a castrum for controlling land and river routes, even if it was small in size; it could have served as an outpost to the overlying castle of Poggio Manente, but it could also have been a case of polarization between castrum and villa, where the latter would have been established following the abandonment of the castrum by some cottages, thus doubling by a collective decision. Fig: 7. Ruins of the Church of San Paterniano with the upper part probably collapsed inside. The wall texture reveals various interventions. Here in the foreground the outermost wall facing southwest in sandstone. While the same wall is clearly visible from below (in the previous photo) which appears largely in masonry, while the texture of the rear and innermost walls (previous photo) they seem to have a similar construction to the remains of the walls of the "Castle", also in sandstone. Furthermore, since the sources repeatedly connoted San Paterniano as a villa, it is possible to hypothesize that it really was and that, not surprisingly, especially in the early Middle Ages, it could have a semblance of a defensive structure, for example a simple moat or a kind of masonry. , given that even this type of inhabited area could have a very solid and centralized body . It is necessary to specify that in the areas where a fortification was created, even though there were already pre-existing settlements, they maintained independence and continued to be called villae (a phenomenon that occurred mainly in the 12th and 13th centuries). The only historical event known to date concerning the castle is the occupation that occurred in San Paterniano in the year 1439 by the Oddi Perugians, supported by exiles intending to conquer the fortifications of the northern territory, pushed by the conflict against Perugia and the rival family of the Michelotti. It is in this same year that Bertoldo degli Oddi, among other castrums, also attempted the conquest of Fratta and Castiglione dell'Abbate11. Fig: 8. View from the Church of San Paterniano towards the southwest. Below the agglomeration of Poggio Manente and below the Assino valley with its confluence with that of the Tiber, where the current Umbertide, ancient Fratta, extends. Photo: Francesco Deplanu and Bruno Porrozzi. L'INCASTELLAMENTO E LE SIGNORIE FEUDALI RASINA MONTE CASTELLI MONTEMIGIANO VERNA MIGIANELLA DEI MARCHESI CIVITELLA DEI MARCHESI, detta GUASTA BASTIA CRETI PIEVE di CICALETO MONTALTO ROMEGGIO CERTALTO SERRA PARTUCCI CIVITELLA RANIERI POGGIO MANENTE SAN PATERNIANO POLGETO (villa Pulgeti) 16). POLGETO (villa Pulgeti) Polgeto rises along the road connecting Umbertide and Perugia. The castle falls within the type of castle on the slope; in fact it stands on a rather steep hill. Among the various castles and towers that overlook ancient Fratta from Monte Acuto, it is the farthest from the city. The main characteristics are its elevation and position of garrison of a communication route that was used above all as a commercial route. Fig. 1: Polgeto, in the background the Upper Tiber valley. The visible structure The local road that leads to Perugia passes sideways to the built-up area while, at a distance, the presence of the parish church of Santa Maria del Sasso is evident. The whole nucleus of Polgeto appears gravitating around the tower, which has an excellent view of the surrounding areas: Fratta (Umbertide) to the southwest, the castrum of Fratticiola di Monte Acuto and Castiglione dell'Abbate to the south while further up, to the northwest is supervised by the castle of Migianella dei Marchesi. Fig. 2: Polgeto: excerpt from the cadastral map - Perugia Territory Agency, fog. n ° 80 As regards the architectural aspect, historians usually only highlight one aspect of the fortress, the one consisting of the defensive-military elements: the late-fourteenth-century "Guelph" type battlements ending in a flat section, used as a shelter from shooting enemy and three vertical "windows" obtained from slits previously present in the masonry, in order to hit the enemy without showing their exposure. The most interesting aspect of the fortress is, however, its own mighty structure, which shows the original function that prompted its construction. It represented a control point of the territory and preventive fortification of the site: an outcast had settled in the place determining the development of a rural lordship which later, with the push of the local residents, had become a fortified center with surrounding walls. Subsequently, all the structural changes envisaged for a fortification by the military strategy of the 13th-14th century were applied to it. fig. 3: Polgeto: detail of the central crenellated tower, northeast side. The main access allows the entrance to the castrum with a portal, rather imposing with a closed entrance passage. This structure highlights a fourteenth-century pointed arch on the inside, just below which there are two side niches proportionally smaller, but of the same type. The settlement as a whole looks like a circuit of buildings which, separated by narrow streets, are gathered in a large wall, much of which, especially on the southern side of Polgeto, is still present and visible, while in other parts it is practically non-existent. . The large central fortress shows few openings and a summit battlements; originally the crowning could have been higher and with totally blind walls, so the walls would have been more extended and elevated than it is today, and joined at each corner by three watchtowers. The continuity of the perimeter walls helped to represent a valid element for the defense of the castrum, together with the elevated position and environmental characteristics. The known history In the most ancient cadastral documents Polgeto was indicated alternately as both castrum and villa, except for a few exceptions when from 1438 the censuses reported it as castrum. The alternation of the same settlement shows the loss of the peculiar and predominant fortified aspect of the nucleus with the consequence of its expansion outside the districtus castrense, this in relatively quiet historical periods. Fig: 4. Detail from the map of Filippo Titi of 1697, where the Castle of Polgeto between Monte Acuto and Fratta is still clearly visible: "Legation of the Duchy of Urbino with the Diocese, and the Government of Città di Castello and other Governments, and Neighboring States" of 1697. The Liber impositionis bladi of the year 1260 (list of villas and castles in the Perugia countryside) reports Villa Pulgeti, which was required to pay an imposition of XVIII corbe, among the settlements of Porta Sant'Angelo. Also in 1282 Pulgeti was defined as a villa and there were 23 fires, thus delimiting a settlement of modest size whose foundation is historically traced back to a Perugian, the exile Biagio di Buto, who from the municipality of Perugia would have taken refuge near Polgeto erecting its own fortified castrum for defensive purposes in the second half of the 12th century, so as to protect itself by circumventing any condemnations inflicted by the priors. There is no news of Polgeto in the period from its first (probable) foundation up to the 14th century, except for the mentions of a social, economic and administrative nature present in the land registers and censuses, which however can demonstrate the evolution of the successive settlement methods. in the castrum. From the original fortress owned, Polgeto had later united other fires adapting to the slow but progressive centralization and fortification system, widespread in this northern sector in the 12th-13th centuries. An element that confirms the new evolution of the settlement was the request promoted by the community of the castrum in 1399 to the General Council of Perugia, to be able to build some houses around the pre-existing tower wanted by Biagio, thus forming a specific fortified settlement nucleus. Local history does not report clashes or attacks concerning Polgeto in medieval times, but it is possible to hypothesize that its position as a summit garrison controlling the territory of Fratta and not far from Migianella dei Marchesi, made it the target of Perugini and Tifernati fighting to ensure the territories located respectively further north or south of their peripheral appurtenances. It is probable that it was precisely these incursions that prompted the inhabitants of Polgeto to request fortified housing structures. fig. 5: Front view of the church just before the nucleus with the tower of Polgeto. Despite this, Polgeto was still reported as a villa in the census of 1410. The situation evolved with the passage to castrum in the first thirty years of the 15th century. In the locality there were already two churches since the 14th century: San Lorenzo, which in 1495 was among those listed as dependent on the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto8 (but no longer existing), and Santa Maria del Sasso. Regarding the parish church of San Lorenzo, Grohmann explains that «in the Liber benefiorum [...] the church of San Lorenzo de Puglieto, dependent on the monastery of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, is registered for 35 libre. In the land registry of 1489 [...] the church that is specified is de castro Polgeti, in the countryside of Porta S. Angelo, is registered among the rusticals, for 25 libre; owns 7 pieces of land, for a total estimate of 220 pounds of money ». The church was also mentioned in the Rationes Decimarum: Item pro ecclesia S. Laurentii de Polgeto solvit dompnus Egidius rector dicte ecclesie pro dicto termino XVIII sol. cor .. We therefore have no known in the fourteenth century of the other church, that of the Madonna del Sasso. Photo: Francesco Deplanu 17) CASTIGLIONE DELL'ABBATE (Castrum Castiglionis Abbatis, castrum Castilionis Abbatis) Castiglione dell'Abbate, also called Castiglioncello or simply Castiglione, stands on a hill 416 meters above sea level, about 3-4 kilometers from Umbertide. Photo 1: Castiglione dell'Abbate seen from the coast of Monteacuto with its control position on the right and left plain of the Tiber (Photo Francesco Deplanu) Today the tower is clearly visible, placed in an angular position with respect to two inhabited structures merged with it, on the southeast side. Isolated on a hilly spur, Castiglione was reasonably disputed by the two major municipalities of northern Umbria, Gubbio and Perugia, due to its location halfway between a very important river route, protagonist of trade and commerce and a land route, connecting the centers to the north. and south of the ancient Byzantine Corridor (the Via Tiberina). THE VISIBLE STRUCTURE The Castrum with its tower, and today two inhabited annexes, originally belonged to the vast dominatus loci of Terra S. Salvatoris, that is, it was a possession of the monastery of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto. Castiglione dell'Abbate enjoys a good field of vision on the town of Fratta, today Umbertide, but above all it can also see from a great distance the fortifications of Fratticiola, Galera and Montacuto to the west, Migianella dei Marchesi, Polgeto and Romeggio to the north, up to further away Civitella Ranieri and Poggio Manente to the right. This arrangement places it in that extended fortified enclosure in the northernmost part of the Perugian countryside of Porta Sant'Angelo. Originally the tower was erected as a quadrangular structure, made with small squared stones of regular texture; side openings were provided, for example loopholes that are still present on the north-west side. Today, however, the summit is severed and, although restoration work has been undertaken, most of the sections of the curtain wall have collapsed. However, the linearity of today's wall face makes the Castrense complex of Castiglione dell'Abbate appear as a very simple structure, even though it stands on the hill surrounded by a dense thicket of chestnut and poplar trees. Several times over time the walls have undergone restorations, but today the SE part has mostly collapsed, so only a few fragments are visible. Photo 2: Castiglione dell'Abbate: the castrense complex (north-west side of the hill) with the tower built in 1389. Beyond the hypothetical conjectures on agionimi, the toponymy allows to confirm the strategic function covered by the settlement even in the early medieval period. Considering a wider sector of the territory around the garrison of Castiglione, although it is not possible to find explicit references that indicate the presence of the Byzantine Corridor (which ideally divided these places according to their belonging), terms of Lombard origin may emerge that recall border military positions and presences. The most significant is Rio del Guardengo, a watercourse that subtends the word Warda, that is, a guard post «with the fortress of Castiglione above [...], SE of Umbertide, dominating the passage of the pass road from S. Giovanni del Pantano on the right bank of the Tiber "which, according to Del Lungo, with the" termination -eng- of the toponym, it is possible that it was originally a Gothic position later taken up by the Lombards ". These affirmations can be decisive for the foundation of the primitive settlement in a much older period than the one that the sources can allow, even if with a different facies from that known today. Furthermore, in this sense it is essential to note that, in the naming of the underlying Abbey of the Savior, a further toponymic presence of a Gothic-Lombard matrix can be identified, an important element in support of the possible presence on the site of first Gothic and then Lombard military positions. . Photo 3: The “Rio del Guardengo” in the IGM Tablet 1: 25: 000 “Umbertide” - F. 122 INE Relief of 1941. Recently, restoration and consolidation works have been undertaken, which have partially changed the structural aspect of the castrum (especially as regards the houses on the side of the tower), while the severed tower seems to bear the presence of battlements on the crowning corresponding to the period (fourteenth century ) of construction: today, however, no trace remains. THE KNOWN STORY Information on "castrum" begins in the mid-1200s. As "Castrum Castilionis Abatis" it is indicated in 1260 in the "Reformationes Comunis Perusii". Subsequently it is indicated with the presence of 20 fires in 1282 with the name of “Castrum Castilionis Abbatis” in the list of the distribution of hearths of rural communities. The documents do not help us to reconstruct the development of this settlement before 1210, but considering the year of death of the abbot Savino (1190) and the existence of the homonymous church (1145), it is possible to hypothesize the presence of an inhabited nucleus , although not fortified, at least from the beginning of the twelfth century which, following the trends of the northern Umbrian territory, developed with greater vigor from the mid-twelfth century. We know from various sources that a religious body was also part of the castrum, although with differences in the attribution between the agionimi Santa Maria and Santa Lucia; however, in the Liber beneficeorum the church, dependent on the monastery of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto, is registered for 18 libre; in the land registry of 1489, then, 7 pieces of land are marked, with an estimated value of 90 pounds of denarii, and the church is registered for a pound of 25 gross pounds. Photo 4: Castiglione dell'Abbate: tower of the castrum, seen from the north-west. Another important data for the modern agiotoponomastic aspect is that provided by the reference to the denomination of “Abbatis” of the castrum. Tradition has it that the Camaldolese abbot Savino, a hermit and then rector of the underlying San Salvatore, who died in 1190 and later proclaimed a saint, was born in this settlement. The name of the place and date are useful to be able to make a reverse path to go back more precisely to the original foundation of the settlement, probably initially unfortified. It is possible that here, over the course of time, the cult of San Savino was replaced starting from the 13th century with the Marian cult which was very widespread in the area: the churches of Santa Maria di Monte Acuto are remembered; Madonna della Costa; the hospital of Santa Maria and San Giuliano, near Galera, since the bull issued by Eugenio III in 1145, which contains a list of churches whose assets are confirmed, presents the "church of San Savino located between the Abbadia and Monte Corona ». Furthermore, Briziarelli recalls a traditional annual procession, which took place on the day of the Ascension and which proceeded from the Abbey of San Salvatore to Castiglione, to explain the existence of a religious nucleus. It is necessary to specify that, proceeding along the road that leads to Monte Corona, a few meters above the fortification, there is a small religious building, where a male monastic community resided, mentioned in the sources as the Church of San Savino. This small oratory is currently completely recovered as a home, while maintaining the characteristics and typical elements of the cult building almost unchanged, such as the internal sacral area, where the altar was placed, narrow single-lancet windows, today reused as windows, and an oculus placed on the main facade. Presumably, therefore, the procession ended here and not in the fortification, which in any case included in its Castrense "districtus" also the church of San Savino, The castle was probably built as a strategic site for the defense of the underlying Abbey of San Salvatore, although it was part of the project developed by the Perugia municipality to organize and control the countryside by means of fortifications that served to define the defensive network and support the population of the periphery, political choice mainly used to increase the agrarian economy. For this reason the Perugian municipality ordered with determination, depending on the case, new foundations or the recovery of pre-existing walls for the settlements located near the border with other cities, granting the right to defense with fortified structures to rural communities that needed them. . We must not forget that the presence of a castle with its belonging district determined the importance of the agricultural areas. Castiglione was also part of this process, with the support of the inhabitants of the settlement themselves. In 1297 the sources attest to the reconstruction of the castle walls, following the resolution of the Council of the Priors of Perugia: the second half of the 13th century saw the worsening of the conflict between Perugia and Gubbio, both interested in the conquest of new areas of influence, for increase their submissions. Castiglione was also involved in the events. After the defeat occurred to the Eugubini in the clash with Perugia, work was certainly undertaken to consolidate the walls. From the usual urban organism typical of hilly rural settlements, which provided for a simple wall and two doors with which to connect the road system, more or less straight or circular according to the regularity, Castiglione dell'Abbate passed to have only one door open with consequent closure of the others, probably to limit the incursions and guarantee the defensive structure. According to the resolution, the surrounding villas of Fratticiola di Monte Acuto and Galera, whose inhabitants had used Castiglione as a shelter, also had to contribute to the expenses for these changes. However, these same, opposed to the provision, asked the Council of Priors to cancel it in 1298, arguing that the remoteness of the settlements would not have favored their escape towards Castiglione. Having ascertained its strategic importance between the 13th and 14th centuries, the expansionist aims of Perugia and Gubbio still poured into the castle, which in their continuous and lasting conflict tried each other to recover it. In December 1351 the army of the Perugian municipality siege to retake the castrum controlled at that time by the Eugubini. In order to re-establish the Perugian supremacy, considerable damage was caused to the fortification. Only after some time, in 1389, the need was felt to build a sighting tower inside the walls, in order to limit the conquest of the nucleus in the frequent attacks. It was the Perugian magistrates themselves who arranged for its construction, as can be seen from the Book of the Acts of the Conservators of Freedom of Perugia. From this moment, and continuously also in the 15th century, the inhabitants of Castiglione were obliged to carry out the reconstruction of the walls independently by allocating the necessary sum, in 1396 about 60 florins, without obtaining the participation of the Municipality of Perugia, which however granted them the exemption from taxes in order to undertake to equip the castle. During the fifteenth century, however, the inhabitants often obtained an exemption of half the fire tax provided for each family unit. In 1447 Pieve di Cicaleto and San Savino also contributed to the payments. Crucial years were those of the end of the 15th century when, between 1488 and 1489, the confrontation between the opposing factions of nobles and commoners exploded again in Perugia: Oddi and Baglioni reached repeated clashes, so the defeated were forced to flee: Bertoldo degli Oddi arrived in Castiglione with a number of 300 infantry in tow, he occupied the castrum and also attempted the acquisition of Fratta, today's Umbertide. The Baglioni, however, obtained the reconquest of Castiglione. Twelve men residing there were imprisoned accused of treason against Perugia (for having supported the Oddi) and were taken to the city. The magistrates decreed the destruction of the walls of Castiglione dell'Abbate by the tifernate Camillo Vitelli, hired by Perugia, with the obligation, however, to preserve the tower, which is visible today. The cadastral map also shows the remains of a structure with a rather regular rectangular perimeter, laterally to the construction of the tower. Images: Giovanna Benni and Francesco Deplanu 18. SPORTACCIANO (villa Sportaçane, villa Sportaçani, villa Sportazani, villa Sportaciani) The Castrense nucleus of Sportacciano is today rather remodeled due to the considerable collapses it has suffered over time. It comes anyway of a castle of the hillock type, as it emerges from a modestly sized hill, 435 meters above sea level, on the east side of Monte Corona, not far from ancient Fratta, today Umbertide. Fig. 1 - Sportacciano: excerpt from the cadastral map (Perugia Territory Agency, sheet n ° 123) The visible structure The ruins of the castrum are located on a hill in the Montecorona area, south of the Abbey while to the east, not far away, the Tiber river flows. What is striking of the structure is the considerable thickness of the walls, especially those of the formwork placed in the southwest sector and constituting a consistent unitary body. The walls, moreover, encircled a rather large area and, in turn, were closed by the local road that flanked the town. The position of the castrum was favorable to the control and sighting of the surrounding areas; to fulfill this function a quadrangular section tower was erected, which today is cut off at the top. The alterations undergone by the castrum suggest that, at least until later in use, it could have been articulated and wide. The rooms were included in the walls which, even where they are ruined, show the existence of loopholes and other openings, elements typical of military or, in any case, fortified structures. The internal openings of the settlement were probably affixed later, as well as the barrel vaults present on the dividing walls. It is probable that internally it was not equipped with dividing floors, but rather that it was equipped with wooden balconies, as the pontoon holes on the outside, later adapted as dovecotes, could demonstrate. From the study of the internal space, the presence of two further minor towers would seem to emerge as a defensive garrison of the east area, while the north area was naturally controlled by the rather steep terrain, with a difference in height from the castrum of at least thirty linear meters. The position of Sportacciano must be considered in relation to the other castra of the area around Monte Acuto: these settlements form a sort of fortified network, considering a hypothetical conjunction on topographic map between those currently existing so that, in the case of Sportacciano, it can be defined as a dominant garrison in a sector of the Tiber. The original typology of the castrum, which has an irregular wall texture due to the use of non-square stones, is difficult to reconstruct. The settlement in its conformation would appear to be a fortification belonging to the later phase of the fortification process, which developed in this area around the 13th century. Fig. 2 - Sportacciano: ruins of the castle (from Porrozzi 1983, p. 257) The known history The first news about Sportacciano dates back to the mid-thirteenth century, first as a "Villa" and then as a "castrum": "villa Sportaçani" was counted among those present, together with the castles, in the "Liber bailitorum" of 1258 from the Perugia municipality. The "Reformationes" and the "Liber impositionis bladi" of 1260 also reported the presence of the "villa Sportaçane", subject to a tax of 25 corbe. In 1282 it appears that the villa consisted of 25 fires. In the mid-14th century the community living in Sportacciano is certainly lively. This can be deduced from several small legal disputes concerning its inhabitants. In 1395 the inhabitants sent a request to the Council of Priors of Perugia, which they accepted they could have proceeded with the reconstruction of the buildings fortified castrum, so as to create an appropriate defensive structure against external attacks probably connected to the struggles between opposing factions in the Perugia area. In this period it is remembered by the sources that for the «Past turmoil and to defend the people's state the castle was demolished and its inhabitants reduced to extreme poverty had been forced to seek asylum elsewhere ». The community of Sportacciano thus showed itself respectful of the dominion and faithful to Perugia. His request was accepted and he received the exemption from the tax for a period of three years, so as to be able to autonomously provide for the consolidation of the Castrense nucleus. The slow recovery meant that in 1410 there were seventy-six people. About a century later, in 1489, the raids carried out in the Perugian countryside by the exiles, led by members of the Oddi family, banished from Perugia by the will of the Baglioni, also touched the castle of Sportacciano, so much so that it was occupied together with others in the area. After fleeing to Gubbio to avoid city conflicts, the Oddi family moved several times against the castles of the countryside to reconquer them, in order to create their own settlement network in the area with the help of other noble families of the Municipality. The latter controlled the fortifications until the spring of the same year, when they then formally agreed with the exponents of the Baglioni family. Two religious bodies were part of the Castrense settlement of Sportacciano: the church of Sant'Andrea and that of San Giovanni del Farneto, considered by local historians as an "extra moenia" church. Although the second was already listed in the 14th century, both were registered separately in the list that included the churches subjected to the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto in 1495. Photo 3: The nucleus of Sportacciano east of the Convent of Monte Corona in the IGM Tablet 1: 25: 000 “Umbertide” - F. 122 INE Relief of 194 More precise information on the two entities can be deduced from the values of the cadastral estimates: In the Liber beneficeorum the church of S. Andrea, dependent on the monastery of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto, appears for 25 libre. In the land registry of 1361, S. Andrea de castro Sportaciani is registered for 5 libre. In the land registry of 1489 this church, known as “de castro Sportaciani” is bookable for 42 pounds and is the owner of 25 pieces of land, thus demonstrating the consistency of land holdings. Also from the land registry of 1489 we know that the church of S. Giovanni de Sportaciano is bookable for 25 pounds. In this document, the entity is the owner of 6 pieces of land. It can therefore be assumed that Sportacciano was one of the cases in which, already in the sources, the distinction of the connotation between "castrum" and "villa" was unclear and, indeed, in similar rural settlements it was possible to confuse the two terms since, in both in cases, there could be fortification structures (a moat, or more peripheral houses). It can also be considered that the name of the "castrum" with the ending of the suffix in -anus, declinable and indicative of predial toponyms, was a proof of the pre-existence of the villa together with these inhabited areas compared to the "castrum", retracing the area of a village , that is of a "vicus" originally located in this area. Photo 4: ruins of Sportacciano. Fabio Maritotti Archive Photo 5: ruins of Sportacciano. Fabio Maritotti Archive Photo 6: ruins of Sportacciano. Fabio Maritotti Archive Images: Giovanna Benni, Bruno Porrozzi and Fabio Mariotti 19. SAINT JULIANA (castrum Sancti Iuliani, castrum Sancte Iuliane) “Castrum Sancti Iuliani”, today Santa Giuliana is a solid hill castle built on a limestone area in the southern sector of Monte Corona; the Castrum belonged to the Contado di Porta Sant'Angelo of Perugia like Fratta itself, around the settlement the most important high-hilly and mountainous peaks of the area rise: Monte Acuto and Monte Tezio, while to the east the Tiber river flows, in the whose course flows into the Nese stream. Fig. 1: Santa Giuliana seen coming down from Monte Corona (Photo by Francesco Deplanu) The visible structure Santa Giuliana is a medium-sized fortified center with walls that follow the contour lines in an enveloping way around the keep placed on the top, the structure of the castrum of elliptical shape, with rather high E walls that run all around the core for about 320 meters in length, highlights the purely defensive: in the southernmost part of the nucleus towards the valley, it has the extension of the houses, whose protection is guaranteed by the conformation of the land, which sees in this position the presence of a steep steep escarpment up to the plain of the Nese stream. About one km from the "castrum", on the high-hilly side facing the town of Piano del Nese, a fortified structure belonging to the settlement of Santa Giuliana is erected: a high tower at the base of which there is an abandoned church, entitled it too in Santa Giuliana and indicated as the rectory of the castrum Fig. 2: excerpt from the cadastral map of Santa Giuliana, Territory Agency of Perugia, Fog. n. 162 The perimeter wall is also continuous around the north and west sectors, and has three towers even if, originally, there were five of different types. The three still existing are placed on a continuous axis: one with a polygonal shape, partly hidden by vegetation and to which a further structure was probably attached, now no longer present, but of which fragments of the perimeter walls remain; an almost circular tower now much remodeled, whose base is projecting, therefore it does not render its real dimension extended in height. A last tower with a quadrangular section, of massive size, placed at the north-west end of the "castrum", where it creates a corner of the gorge with the walls created by the extension of the two sections of this and also used as a shooting angle during attacks The external “facies” reveals very high defensive walls consisting mainly of the walls of the same inhabited structures that surround the inner core, even if each of these maintains its individuality and independence, as can be seen from the different layout of the roofs. They rest on the steep area towards the escarpment and join at an angle. Fig. 3: Santa Giuliana in 1982 by Bruno Porrozzi, “Umbertide and its territory. History and Images ", Pro Loco Umbertide 1982. Fig. 4: Santa Giuliana portal with drawbridge signs (Photo Fabio Mariotti circa 1990). After the portal you enter a small anticameral space which leads to a second door open to the larger semicircular space guarded by the battlements above; it is probable that the same entrance included a tower raised on the massive base, in place of the small bell gable inserted in a later period. Fig. 5: Santa Giuliana inside the portal (Photo Fabio Mariotti circa 1990). The internal wall has an inhabited nucleus consisting of a dozen houses in perfect medieval vestiges, still in the original style after the respectful restorations carried out since the 70s by the current owners. Around the houses there is a road path that proceeds along two streets that go around the inhabited areas, joining in an almost circular shape along the length of the nucleus: one flanks the walls on the western side, while the other to the south is divided between the houses of Stone. From these two main arms a third develops, which crosses the central body of the houses and joins them, flowing into a small square towards the southernmost area of Santa Giuliana, where there is also the well, completed in 1526. Fig. 6: Santa Giuliana seen coming down from Monte Corona (Photo by Francesco Deplanu) Other particular structures of historical and architectural interest appear the flying buttress stairs, which connect the houses to the courtyard below, and a further type of stairs with an enlarged base open in a fan shape on the spaces of the internal courtyard, given that the houses are grafted onto staggered floors. and the surface of the land is divided into a slope, resting on dry stone walls. The same well in the center of the fortified nucleus, albeit much later, respects the shapes of the surrounding settlement structures because it was built entirely of stone in a single block. Inside the castrum Santa Giuliana there was also a later church dedicated to Sant'Antonio, as can be seen from an epigraph engraved on the stones of the wall of the church itself "Oratorium S. Antonii 1558", referable to the year of consecration of the church. About a kilometer further downstream from the castrum, on the high-hilly side facing the town of Piano del Nese, a high tower rises at the base of which there is an abandoned church belonging to the settlement of Santa Giuliana, dedicated to Santa Giuliana and indicated as the rectory of the castrum. Porrozzi in his text “Umbertide and his territory. History and Images ", of 1982, asserts that the rectory had internal walls frescoed with devotional scenes of the Umbrian Renaissance current of the early 1400s, but left in ruins. The paintings would have depicted the Madonna with Child and Saints, among which Santa Giuliana was also present and recognizable. The tower is still quite intact, has a regular quadrangular layout and wall texture made of small squared stones with evident slits and pontoon holes over the entire surface. Probably the tower with the annexed rectory represented the fortified nucleus placed before the castrum itself, to perform functions not so much defensive, but rather as a position that had to fulfill toll and signaling tasks. The rectory of Santa Giuliana appears to be very dating back, in fact it was listed among the churches recognized by the papal bull of Eugene III in 1145 as belonging to the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto; however it was testified for the first time also in 1143 in a document belonging to the "Annali Camaldolensi". In the lists of churches present in the countryside of Perugia in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, taken from the "Liber beneficeorum", the church was marked with different values. Fig. 7: Church of Santa Giuliana and neighboring tower in 1982 by B. Porrozzi, “Umbertide and its territory. History and Images ", Pro Loco Umbertide 1982. From the cadastral estimate of the institution it is clear that the church of S. Giuliana, of the homonymous castle, dependent on the monastery of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto, is registered for 40 pounds. On November 12, 1404, the church was registered in the land registry for 12 libre. Different estimates for the 15th century follow. Already in the tenths of the years 1332-1334 the church of Santa Giuliana was however reported and cited as “Santa Iuliana de Antignalla“ (Antignolla, Antichalla). The known history In 1282 in Santa Giuliana there were 24-28 fires, reported in the list of focatico relating to the countryside of Porta Sant'Angelo, registering a sum of about a hundred people. But the "Castrum Sancti Iuliani" was already present in the economic and administrative information of the Municipality of Perugia: in the "Liber bailitorum" dating back to 1258 and from the "Liber impositionis bladi" in 1260 in which "castrum Sancte Iuliane" had taxes established for fifty corbe . An important document concerning the castle is that relating to the liberation process which in the mid-thirteenth century affected many areas of the countryside dependent on the monastery of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto. In March 1262, in fact, Abbot Guglielmo of the monastery of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto granted a peaceful liberation to the community: it was granted in emphyteusis to two mayors of the "comune et universitas" of the castle of Santa Giuliana, "totam iurisdictionem et curiam ”Of the castle, the fortifications and the tower. The concession did not include the "casalini", the rural houses given to the inhabitants in emphyteusis, nor the walls of the castrum, nor strangers or other important personalities such as "magnates" or "supposites", while those who were defined and identified as "Comunes homines" they could sell the aforementioned goods, and therefore alienate them. It is therefore probable that the exemption notified by the abbot of Monte Acuto only served to define in a practical way what actually existed in the castrum, since the inhabitants of Santa Giuliana had organized themselves with their own administrative structures defined in the text "comune et universitas ”, Which demonstrate the political maturity already reached by this community in this period. In fact, the monastery granted freeing to the community to continue to maintain relations with it, but did not ask for anything in return other than the rent of the buildings built in the castle. Fig. 8: Santa Giuliana almost circular tower, much remodeled, with overhanging base (Photo Fabio Mariotti circa 1990). In 1332 Santa Giuliana received from the Council of Priors the task of providing for the maintenance of the road section responsible for the community, to ensure suitable roads and communications for an important transit route, given that the settlement was located near a border area of the countryside. (to the southeast) along the main land and water routes. The disputes of "castra" between powerful Perugian families, mutually interested in controlling the fortifications of the countryside also involved Santa Giuliana: the incursions of refugees who mostly moved away from Perugia, following the changed political conditions during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, she revealed harsh and uncertain. A well-known event in the chronicles concerning Santa Giuliana was the battle that took place in the “castrum” in the year 1410 between a member of the Perugian Michelotti family, that is Ceccolino and Paolo I Orsini deployed under the mercenary captain Braccio Fortebracci. Both were eager to take over this strategic settlement. The Orsini's militias studied the attack system well, but the residents applied an incessant resistance which, at first, discouraged the enemies and then forced them to abandon, especially following the wounding of Paolo Orsini. SAN GIULIANO DELLE PIGNATTE Fig. 9: Santa Giuliana (Photo Fabio Mariotti around 1990). The exiles, however, having besieged Santa Giuliana with pressing attacks, caused considerable damage to the "castrum" and for its necessary consolidation the Perugian Council, the following year, in 1411, approved the exemption of the community from the payment of taxes, such as, for example, those of the "libra" and the land registry, for a certain period of time, meaning this decision both as a reward to the population for the strenuous defense of the "castrum" submitted to Perugia, and as an aid for the reconstruction and structural consolidation of the fortified core. The difficult situation following the military events of the beginning of the century affected a large part of the population, who we know from documentary sources left the "castrum" to look for a new home in other cities in the area, especially Città di Castello. In 1415, however, many of these same inhabitants asked the priors for permission to return with their families to the Perugian countryside and therefore to their “castrum”, thus obtaining in exchange the privileges due to the Comitatese inhabitants. One is led to think that the alternating demographic situation also influenced the use of terms such as "castrum", "villa" and "locus" referring to different types of inhabited areas, but generally applied indiscriminately in this period and in very close times among them, due to the number of fires, and therefore of the inhabitants, extremely variable. Fig. 10: Santa Giuliana interior (Photo Fabio Mariotti circa 1990) The "castrum" began to slowly repopulate in the 15th century. The need was thus felt to use a water supply for drinking water, so the need to build a cistern in the "castrum" to be used as a well and water reserve within the village itself was brought to the attention of the Prior Council in 1518. . The Council of Priors accepted and on that date thirty florins were made available. I work on his execution were completed in the year 1526, a date that appears on an incision on the same edge of the well. A singular element in the events of the castle is the presence, mentioned by some scholars, of an epigraph engraved on the stone of a house near the well, which bears a few lines and a date: «May 6, 1527 ROM RUINA RUIT FERRO FUGAQ FAME». Tradition has compared the dedication engraved on the inscription to the serious political event which on the same day upset the equilibrium of Rome, barbarously oppressed by German mercenary infantry who carried out a real "sack"; this hypothesis is explained by the local historians themselves (albeit raising strong doubts about the relationship between Santa Giuliana and the story) as the painful impression left on the inhabitants of the castrum by the episode. Fig. 11: Santa Giuliana interior (Photo Fabio Mariotti circa 1990) It is however possible to note from the epigraph that the verses had been executed by two different hands, therefore, probably, two different periods and that the second writing had modified the original inscription. Perhaps it could instead recall another important historical event of which the protagonist may have been Santa Giuliana. Images: Giovanna Benni, B runo Porrozzi, Francesco Deplanu and Fabio Mariotti 20. San Giuliano delle PIGNATTE (villa S. Iuliani, Sancti Iuliani de Collinis, vila S. Iuliani) To the northwest of Monte Corona, not far from Umbertide, is the "vila Sancti Iuliani", which has been transformed over time into a rural settlement. The Villa, at 357 meters above sea level, was remembered both among the settlements present in the list of 1258, known as "Liber bailitorum", and in that of 1260 which included villas, castles and religious bodies cataloged in the "Liber impositionis bladi" where the villa was taxed for 30 corbe. Fig. 1: San Giuliano delle Pignatte: excerpt from the cadastral map (Perugia Territory Agency, sheet n ° 139) From the lists of the distribution of the focatico in the countryside of Porta Sant'Angelo we know that in San Giuliano there were 16 "fires", that is, families. The visible structure The original agglomeration has been transformed over time into a rural settlement. The main historical building, where the "early medieval ciborium" was found, shows its ancient vestiges thanks to the wall frescoes painted by an anonymous artist; of the complete cycle only fragmentary scenes remain, from which however we can deduce a late-fourteenth-century Sienese pictorial matrix, characterized by the privilege of space and volume, depicting a Madonna enthroned with Child and probably a Saint on horseback, whose iconography could recall San Giuliano the Hospitaller (the knight has a sword with him). The frescoes are today in a very precarious situation due to the neglect to which they are left (note of this already in 2008, the year of publication of the research on the Castle and the rural lordships). Fig. 2: San Giuliano delle Pignatte, detail (Photo Francesco Deplanu). The professor. Santanicchia, in "Between the Apennines and the Altotevere, an art itinerary, published in 1996 in Città di Castello", speaking of the relationship between the artistic elements found in San Sepolcro and Città di Castello, affirms about the frescoes: "Still in the Lorenzian context , clearly recognizable features, this time in the direction of Ambrogio, can also be seen in a fresco in the church of San Giuliano delle Pignatte, near Umbertide. This strong inflection towards stylistic approaches tempered on Lorenzetti art, between the second and third quarter of the century, is certainly one of the dominant features of the upper Tiber area, and comes to constitute, in practice, a common experience with what is expressed by the artists of eugubina homeland, areas where these languages are within reach also for geographical reasons, especially for the tifernate ”. Fig. 3: San Giuliano delle Pignatte, in the background the northern part of Umbertide, the ancient Fratta. (Photo Francesco Deplanu). The element of great importance, which could actually demonstrate what role Villa S. Giuliano had among the religious entities of the territory dependent on San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, was precisely the presence in the church of a ciborium, subsequently transported to the upper church of the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, where it is still located, probably datable to the VIII-IX centuries and consisting of four small smooth columns whose capitals show spiral decorations and a crowning with decorated slabs. Fig. 4: San Giuliano delle Pignatte, detail (Photo Francesco Deplanu). This facing is made of local stone and for the most part it would seem made with the use of hand tools (usually widely used by early medieval stonecutters), such as steps and spikes. One slab has a single cordon shoot in the lower part and phytomorphic figures with spirals; the other shows the same arrangement, but in the main compartment there are zoomorphic figures in a static horizontal position, that is, two peacocks facing a very small cantharus, while the large spirals fill the otherwise empty space around the two animals. Fig. 5: Ciborium of San Giuliano delle Pignatte, as positioned today in S. Salvatore di Montecorona (Photo Francesco Deplanu). The finest detail of these figures is the tail which, in both cases, has a dense hatching with feathers engraved and almost obliquely arranged in a "herringbone" shape with ribs in the center containing a perforated and then closed circle; the heads instead appear very stylized. The presence of this type of artifact dating back to the time and the much later frescoes painted in the church, would suggest the continuity of use of the institution which over time had maintained its importance as a religious center and, indeed, increasing its importance in the Lower Middle Ages (probably the most important period in the events of the settlement), until then slowly decaying assuming the today's appearance and role of rural settlement. FRATTICCOLA DI MONTEACUTO Fig. 6: Photo of the Ciborium in San Giuliano delle Pignatte from the Archives of Mons. Renzo Piccioni published in: Proceedings of the Conference (Abbey of San Salvatore di Montecorona, 18-19 June 2009) edited by Nicolangelo D'Acunto and Mirko Santanicchia in the Bulletin of the National History Deputation for Umbria, CVIII (2011), fasc. I-II (pp. 165- 183). Monographic section: "THE ABBEY OF SAN SALVATORE DI MONTE ACUTO - MONTECORONA IN THE XI-XVIII CENTURIES" - History and art -. The Known History There are very few historical information related to San Giuliano delle Pignatte, however it was mostly reviewed as a villa, it was defined as a place only in 1456), and in the lists of the years 1439 and 1496 the definition "delle Pignatte" also appeared together with the toponym. Some scholars say that there was an ancient fortress in the place of the villa of San Giuliano, of which no concrete trace remains today, if not the presence in the perimeter of the settlement of scattered rural houses. In Guerrini's book, "History of the Land of Fratta now Umbertide from its origin until the year 1845", dated 1883, we note other churches located near San Giuliano which, it seems, joined it: San Michele Arcangelo di Cicaleto , San Tommaso di Galera, which in fact is indicated as "San Tommaso di Galera, or San Giuliano" in the list of churches dependent on the Abbey of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto in 1495, the hospital of Santa Maria, gravitating to the same district , San Cristoforo di Bisciaro, San Lorenzo, whose location is not certain. The subjection of these entities to San Giuliano delle Pignatte could testify to the importance assumed by the church in the district. Although the settlement model of the villae was variable depending on the place of constitution, it is possible that these continued to persist in favorable areas both in terms of physical and qualitative structure, away from the busiest roads to avoid contact with those who could have caused attacks. For this reason, the inhabitants gathered around the buildings of the most important nucleus, organizing a valid economic support for their productivity, in order to push the settlement to the fortification with the contribution of further structures useful to the community such as a church, a cemetery. . Furthermore, it seems necessary to trace the settlement typology of this villa to possible cases of doubling of the inhabited area following the construction of a fortress, remember that the castle of Santa Giuliana rises further north, at a proximity of only four kilometers. According to scholars, the main cause of these subdivisions and demic typologies was the collective decision of the inhabitants to move outside the castrum in order to create, with a slow process, a new inhabited nucleus outside the castle, that is to say a villa. In other circumstances, however, the same domains in possession of territorial powers could have sanctioned the split. Fig. 7: San Giuliano delle Pignatte in IGM Tablet 1: 25: 000 “Umbertide” - F. 122 INE Relief of 194 MONTACUTO GALERA Fig.1: versante di Monte Acuto verso Umbertide con la torre di Fratticciola di Monte Acuto visibile al centro tra la boscaglia. La struttura visibile Dell’insediamento di “Fratticciola”, con un’aperta visuale sulle vallate di fronte e le colline circostanti, si conserva un’alta torre quadrata piombante in buono stato ma con la parte sommitale rovinata, che risulta attaccata ai lacerti delle mura perimetrali del castrum. Il castrum è ubicato in un sito ben protetto da possibili incursioni, se non per i eventuali attacchi che potevano arrivare dalla sottostante strada vicinale di collegamento tra Perugia e Città di Castello o Cortona. Fig.2: Fratticciola di Monte Acuto, Torre del complesso castrense. Seppur rimaneggiati, sono ancora in piedi le sezioni di nord- ovest, che nella parte interna appaiono parzialmente interrati a causa delle stratificazioni create da materiale di riempimento naturale, o prodotto dalla muratura crollata . Non è visibile nemmeno l’apertura di ingresso della torre che risulta probabilmente ostruita dalle pietre crollate. Uno scavo stratigrafico potrebbe permetterne il recupero e una più attenta analisi strutturale. Si potrebbe, però, localizzare tale passaggio possibilmente seguendo le altre aperture presenti sul lato interno della torre verso nord, realizzate e tamponate in epoche successive con sviluppo lineare sullo stesso asse, come risultato di probabili trasformazioni di preesistenti pertugi per utilizzo bellico, o semplici modificazioni applicate quando anche l’insediamento di alta collina era divenuto sicuro, permettendo così il riutilizzo delle strutture difensive in altri modi, tra i quali, ad esempio, quello abitativo. Fig. 3: Fratticciola di Monte Acuto. Stralcio della mappa catastale - Agenzia del Territorio di Perugia, fog. N°137. La parte esterna delle mura perimetrali è piuttosto stabile; risulta molto più profonda rispetto all’altra parte, non solo perché il terreno è qui scosceso: si può pensare che anche la parte interna avesse la stessa altezza e che odiernamente i detriti ne abbiano variato la conformazione primitiva. La tessitura muraria, chiaramente visibile all’esterno, mostra una spessa muratura realizzata con grosse pietre saldate strettamente tra loro che però non occludono totalmente lo spazio. Va notata con particolare attenzione un’apertura posta in basso nella zona nordovest che, se all’interno mostra per lo più la presenza di pietre provenienti dal crollo del paramento, poteva essere utilizzato come passaggio con andamento circolare tutto attorno alle mura, oppure poteva essere un semplice camminamento sempre con andamento circolare, usato durante le guardie, o ancora nei momenti di assedio. Si pensi che l’originale livello di calpestio era probabilmente molto più basso di quello attuale, per cui l’odierna sezione di mura perimetrali tuttora visibile e tangibile doveva essere, in realtà, più rialzata e, molto più di oggi, ne rappresentava la parte sommitale. Di quest’ala, sempre tenendo in considerazione la parte esterna della fortificazione, colpisce la struttura della muratura, che in un punto forma uno spigolo. Può mettere in risalto un elemento di architettura militare definito “angolo morto” che durante gli attacchi permetteva di difendersi più agevolmente dal lancio di frecce. Lo stesso elemento può tuttavia essere necessario anche per una maggiore stabilità strutturale, vista la conformazione territoriale dell’ambiente in cui venne eretto il nucleo castrense. Fig. 4: Fratticciola di Monte Acuto, resti della cinta muraria sul lato nord. Le mura della parte E e SE si mostrano purtroppo molto rimaneggiate. Il livello è più basso rispetto a quelle del lato opposto, con i soliti e consueti evidenti crolli della muratura, per cui è difficile ricostruire ipoteticamente anche la più recente conformazione della struttura fortificata. È ipotizzabile però, osservando lo spazio che resta, che le mura circoscrivessero una piccola corte interna appartenente a un insediamento non soltanto difensivo ma molto vicino a un «castello-recinto», le cui funzioni erano anche quelle di controllo, di pedaggio, di avvistamento e di segnalazione. Fratticiola rappresenta infatti un caso esemplare insieme agli altri insediamenti di poggio siti ai piedi di Monte Acuto, che assommano perfettamente l’elemento difensivo, comunque preponderante, alla componente amministrativa in funzione di stazione doganale o di riscossione delle gabelle, costeggiando l’importante direttrice commerciale del territorio. L’elemento più rilevante dell’insediamento resta ora principalmente la torre posta nella zona a sudovest che, con il suo perimetro esterno in questo lato, diventa corpo integrante della muratura. È formata da piccoli conci squadrati di pietra di dimensioni variabili, chiusa all’esterno e con solo piccole feritoie trasformate nel lato interno però in aperture ampie, quindi non conformi allo scopo originario. Fig. 5: Fratticciola di Monte Acuto, interno di una feritoia nei resti della cinta muraria. La posizione della torre edificata angolarmente alla cortina muraria, con essa quindi strettamente collegata, ci permette inoltre di ipotizzare che Fratticiola sia oggi l’unica torre superstite di un più complesso sistema fortificato di impianto regolare, provvisto di ulteriori torri angolari a sostegno e rinforzo della muratura perimetrale, in modo tale da assicurare il ricovero di abitanti, animali, ecc. in caso di attacco. In effetti, la stessa posizione delle mura nel terreno, che scende rivolto verso valle digradando, indurrebbe a pensare ad una cerchia muraria conchiusa e vigilata da torrioni, come postazione di presidio ai piedi di Monte Acuto. Non resta, tuttavia, un corpo di paramento murario perimetrale sufficientemente esteso, tale da confermare queste ipotesi. Non è da escludere, comunque, l’eventualità che la torre, costruita nel 1325, venisse innestata nel punto in cui in passato ne preesisteva un’altra. Esempi di fortificazioni di matrice bizantina, che per modello potrebbero essere ricondotte ipoteticamente a questa struttura forse preesistente a Fratticiola, sono quelli spiegati dal Ravegnani e rispondenti alle tipologie di «castello come forte militare», «forte isolato a protezione di comunità rurali» oppure «fortificazione suburbana accessoria alla difesa cittadina». A conferma di questa ipotesi si può citare la posizione della studiosa Pani Ermini per la quale già durante i secoli VII-VIII fino al IX avvenne lo spostamento in altura di alcune di città di età romana in altri siti con requisiti necessari alla sopravvivenza e venuti meno nei luoghi di origine, quali la sicurezza sul piano militare, la salvaguardia da fenomeni naturali, la possibilità di sussistenza sia per gli uomini che per il bestiame. La base della torre è caratterizzata da un modesto aggetto che rende difficoltosa la scalata manuale e l’avvicinamento con strumenti offensivi. Tra la parte sudovest rimanente e quella sudest di mura crollate, vi è un largo passaggio che può far pensare all’ubicazione del portale di accesso. Più difficile è considerare la presenza di un ponte levatoio, di cui non restano tracce materiali e neppure fonti documentarie di alcun tipo. Fig. 6: Fratticciola di Monte Acuto, torre e castrum lato a sud-est. LA STORIA CONOSCIUTA Fratticiola di Monte Acuto apparteneva al contado di porta Sant’Angelo, e nell’estimo stilato nel 1258 viene ricordata come “villa Fatiçole Muntis Accuti”; nel 1260, nella “Reformationes” è presente come “villa Fratteçole Montis Aguti”. Più tardi, nel 1282 la “villa Fractizole Montis Acuti” annoverava ancora 25 focolari. Nel 1298 gli abitanti della villa di Fratticiola insieme a quelli di Galera avevano ricevuto l’ordine dai magistrati perugini di concorrere alle spese per la ricostruzione delle mura del vicino Castiglione dell’Abbate poiché vi si erano rifugiati nei momenti di pericolo causati da attacchi esterni. Si può ipotizzare che questa fu una delle ragioni che spinse la popolazione residente a erigere una torre nelle proprie pertinenze intorno al 1325. Fig. 7: Fratticciola di Monte Acuto, la torre con “l’angolo morto”, vista dal sentiero che sale verso la vetta. In tutti gli estimi stilati dopo il 1282 e soprattutto in quelli quattrocenteschi, Fratticiola era separata dagli altri centri circostanti e figurava come villa (con ricorrenza negli anni 1410; 1438; 1439; 1456) con un numero di settanta persone fino al 1486, quando il nucleo venne registrato come castrum, per poi però non risultare più censito. Nella villa erano presenti anche delle chiese, menzionate con le intitolazioni di San Giorgio e San Giuliano (forse la non lontana San Giuliano delle Pignatte) di Monteacuto, che appartenevano rispettivamente al monastero di San Paolo di Val di Ponte e a quello di San Salvatore di Monte Acuto. Entrambe risalivano a prima del XIV secolo, anche se le fonti ne parlano solo agli inizi del Trecento. Il toponimo Fratticiola, vezzeggiativo di Fratta, solitamente riferibile alle strutture fortificate di matrice bizantina, richiama il termine latino frangĕre, col significato di distruggere ciò che esisteva precedentemente per costruire può indicare il termine «sbarramento». Fratticiola nelle carte IGM viene identificata con l’insediamento di Montacuto (513 m di altitudine), ma nelle mappe catastali novecentesche le strutture abitative appaiono regolari e separate, dunque più aderenti a un tessuto edilizio recente, modificato dall’uomo moderno. Del nostro antico «castello» restano, infatti, solo delle case coloniche, di aspetto diverso da una originaria curtis castrense. Fig. 8. Vista verso la valle dell’antica “Fracta”, oggi Umbertide, da Fratticciola di Monte Acuto. 22. MONTACUTO (Mons Acuti) "Montacuto" è un insediamento di pendio piuttosto piccolo, di cui odiernamente rimangono per lo più solo case rurali, anche se le fonti ricordano che il caseggiato era sede di una contea e i conti Ramberto, Raniero e Alberto ivi residenti erano annoverati tra i potestà in carica a Città di Castello nella prima metà del XIII secolo. La storia conosciuta Generalmente, Montacuto viene indicato in molti testi come lo stesso presidio fortificato di Fratticiola di Monte Acuto (ricordato nel censimento del 1282), poiché non era presente negli estimi che raccoglievano tassazioni di ville, castelli ed enti religiosi del contado perugino. Immagine 1: “Montacuto”, insediamento sparso in Tavoletta I.G.M. 1:25:000 “Umbertide” - F. 122 I. N. E. Rilievo del 1941. La posizione dei ruderi della torre è compresa tra le isoipse 575 e 600 m s.l.m., mentre parte dell’insediamento sparso di “Montacuto” si trova in basso fino a 513 metri, la vicinanza delle linee di isoipse (una ogni 25 metri) indica l’inizio di una morfologia di pendio più aspra del territorio che ha condizionato l’abitato come il castrum. Qua la cima di Monte Acuto è posta a 926 metri s.l.m. (nella plastico 1:50.000 è indicata a 923 s.l.m.) La costruzione del castrum di Fratticiola nel 1325 ha spostato l’attenzione dall’insediamento di Montacuto alla vicina fortificazione, perciò entrambi venivano ricondotti a una sola, comune origine. A tal proposito, lo storico perugino Pellini nel ‘500 ricordava che gli abitanti di Fratticiola per volontà dei magistrati perugini decisero di avviare la costruzione «nel loro territorio» di «un castello cinto di buone muraglie, di fossi, e di steccati nella guisa che sogliono farsi le castella in questo territorio». La facies dell’insediamento di Fratticiola e la struttura spiegate nell’opera di Pellini hanno dunque portato alla conclusione che si trattasse della stessa fortezza. Immagine 2: “Montacuto”, insediamento sparso in plastico dell’I.G.M., “Umbertide”, Scala 1:50000 edizione 1, 2000, Foglio n. 299. Nelle carte topografiche realizzate a cura dell’IGM, il nucleo abitato di Montacuto è definito e indicato, mentre non compare Fratticiola di Monte Acuto, segnalato verosimilmente soltanto come abitato ruderale, simboleggiato con quattro punti (::). Si è posto dunque il problema di definire la tipologia insediativa di Montacuto che, rispetto a quella della distante Fratticiola, assume molte delle caratteristiche tipiche di un insediamento autonomo sorto con un nucleo di abitazioni non fortificate e, quindi, con le connotazioni di una villa. Immagine 3: stralcio di “Montacuto”, insediamento sparso in Tavoletta I.G.M. 1:25:000 “Umbertide” - F. 122 I. N. E. Rilievo del 1941. Cerchiati in blu evidenziati i ruderi della Torre ed in rosso gli edifici sorti più in basso. Foto 4: particolare dell’ insediamento di “Montacuto”, insediamento sparso senza l’indicazione dei ruderi della Torre di “Fratticciola di Monte Acuto” plastico dell’I.G.M., “Umbertide”, Scala 1:50000 edizione 1, 2000, Foglio n. 299. A sostegno di tale ipotesi vanno anche considerate la posizione dell’insediamento e la vicinanza proprio con il soprastante castrum di Fracteçole. Tali aspetti possono riferirsi ad un particolare modello di costruzioni, molto più comune però tra le tipologie di architettura fortificata dell’Umbria meridionale, definito schema a ventaglio, articolato con la torre «di avvistamento nella parte più alta e l’abitato che si allarga [...] digradando». Tuttavia, vista la vicinanza alla sommità del rilievo (Monte Acuto, m 926 s.l.m.), il suddetto modello potrebbe essere aderente alla situazione insediativa del sito esaminato. Infatti in questo territorio anche gli edifici rurali di abitazione vedono la prevalenza del «tipo di pendio». Fig. 5.: Foto dell' insediamento sparso visibile dalla strada che sale da Umbertide a conferma dell'ipotesi interpretativa di "schema a ventaglio" dell'abitato di "Monteacuto" e "Torre di Fratticciola di Monte Acuto"; struttura articolata con la torre di avvistamento nella parte più alta e l’abitato che si allarga, appunto a ventaglio. Foto composta n. 6: lungo la strada principale vicinale all’Intersezione con il sentiero Cai 170b, che sale fino alla Torre di Fratticciola di Monte Acuto, e poi prosegue per la cima stessa, si possono vederne lacerti di mura, simili per composizione alla torre più in alto lungo il percorso, che potrebbero andrebbero studiati più approfonditamente (è il tratto di strada che unifica i due abitati cerchiati in azzurro nella Immagine n.3); nella vicinanza dell’ultimo abitato sottostante “Fratticciola”, è stato posta in evidenza dai proprietari una croce in ferro che fa pensare all’ubicazione nelle vicinanze di un edificio od edicola di culto. Seguendo le notizie proposte dal Belforti-Mariotti, il Grohmann ricorda che gli Annali Camaldolensi documentano come enti religiosi gravitanti sulla zona la chiesa parrocchiale di Santa Maria, già dal 1210, e quella di Santa Lucia, mentre nell’elenco di chiese e monasteri del contado di Perugia del XIV secolo sono considerate anche quella di San Giorgio e San Giuliano, «de Monte Acuto. La prima dipende dal monastero di S. Paolo di Val di Ponte ed è iscritta per 10 libre; la seconda da S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto ed appare per 20 libre». Immagine 7: Foto insediamento di “Montacuto”, con la Torre di Fratticciola di Monte Acuto” visto dalla strada che sale da Umbertide, di Francesco Deplanu. Meritano un accenno i resti di parte di un capitello, inserito in un muretto di recinzione di un’abitazione del nucleo insediativo di Montacuto. Emerso a seguito di scavi nel terrapieno retrostante la casa, condotti per lavori di consolidamento eseguiti da privati, questa sezione di capitello è stato poi inconsapevolmente murato a vista nel paramento esterno della recinzione. Tale rinvenimento è importante non solo ai fini delle considerazioni proposte nella presente ricerca sulla continuità insediativa della particolare zona di altura indagata, ma anche come testimonianza di recupero e riutilizzo di spolia nella zona monteacutense. In effetti, elementi decorativi con caratteri stilistici molto vicini a quelli del frammento rinvenuto sono riscontrabili in almeno uno dei capitelli innestati sulle colonne presenti nella cripta dell’Abbazia di San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, anch’esso eseguito con simili motivi a triangoli scolpiti alternativamente in positivo e in negativo e, secondo gli archeologi, cronologicamente riferibile al XII secolo (Umbri ed Etruschi 1996, pp. 97-110). Ciò permetterebbe inoltre di ipotizzare, al meno per entrambi questi elementi, una connessione piuttosto stretta ed una possibile provenienza ravvicinata, non escludendo la probabilità di ulteriori rinvenimenti dello stesso tipo nel medesimo terreno di riempimento in caso di scavo. Quanto è emerso dalle ricerche effettuate sul caso di Montacuto, permette di affermare che la posizione estremamente ravvicinata con il soprastante castrum di Fratticiola possa essere stata condizionata da un probabile sdoppiamento dell’abitato castrense preesistente (Fratticiola), a seguito del quale si sarebbe formato l’insediamento sparso, o villa, ancora oggi esistente. Tali supposizioni possono essere fatte sulla base della mancanza di fonti precedenti al tardo ‘200, riferibili a Montacuto, nelle quali la villa potesse essere citata esplicitamente come autonoma, oppure dipendente dal sito castrense. Lo sdoppiamento, in tal caso, sarebbe avvenuto per la concorde scelta della comunità lì residente di staccarsi dal nucleo primitivo, così da crearne uno nuovo seppur interdipendente con il preesistente. Solo più tardi questo secondo insediamento sarebbe stato provvisto di elementi difensivi, quali ad esempio un semplice fossato oppure una marginale muratura per recingere il perimetro del nucleo, mantenendo però inalterati i caratteri distintivi di una villa o di un insediamento sparso, garantendo soltanto la minima sicurezza. Poco si può comprendere oggi osservando le mappe catastali dell’insediamento, che nel tempo ha subito variazioni. Tuttavia, è ipotizzabile un’assimilazione all’odierna disposizione come nucleo abitato raggruppato, sorto anch’esso sullo snodo stradale della via per Perugia a sud, oppure in direzione della Valtiberina verso nord. Immagini: - Foto Giovanna Benni e Francesco Deplanu - Stralci carte I.G.M.: “Tavoletta 1:25.000” e Plastico “Umbertide” Scala 1:50000 edizione 1, 2000, Foglio n.259. 23. Galera (Villa Galere) Galera è un insediamento di pendio a 527 m. s.l.m., costituito da una casa-torre e da due edifici di uso agricolo, oltre ad altri annessi, a circa 5,5 chilometri a SO di Umbertide e percorso dalla strada che da Romeggio tocca anche Montacuto, per poi giungere a Perugia. Fig. 1: Galera. Edicola, casa Torre e Casa colonica “il Ranco” con annessi. Foto: Francesco Deplanu La struttura visibile Le modifiche susseguitesi nel tempo non permettono con certezza di indicare la probabile evoluzione dell’insediamento. Le mappe catastali mettono in evidenza dei fabbricati con struttura piuttosto regolare perciò non è possibile delineare quale sia stata la probabile evoluzione dell’insediamento (fig. 2) Fig. 2: Galera. Stralcio della mappa catastale - Agenzia del Territorio di Perugia, fog. N°148. Non sono visibili mura e questo potrebbe rispondere al fatto che a lungo il luogo, fino al XIV sec., è stato indicato solo come “villa”, ossia di un nucleo di piccole dimensioni con poche unità familiari, 21 fuochi nel 1282. L’unico elemento prettamente militare previsto a difesa dell’insediamento era forse quello costituito dalla casa-torre ed edifici annessi che, a tutt’oggi, circondano la strada di transito per creare uno spazio compattissimo e chiuso. Particolarmente rilevante è, a tale proposito, proprio la presenza della casa-torre costruito in momenti diversi, che evidenzia tipologia costruttiva medievale, anche se si possono individuare vari interventi apportati successivamente nel tempo (fig. 3) Fig. 3: Galera: prospetto anteriore della facciata della casa-torre. La casa-torre è un’alta struttura rettangolare con tessitura muraria piuttosto regolare. I materiali impiegati nella costruzione sono esclusivamente locali, costituiti da pietre calcaree e arenarie unite a ciottoli di fiume e pietre grezze, tratte dal letto del fiume Tevere e dal rilievo di Monte Acuto (figg. 4-5-6). Fig. 4. prospetto anteriore della facciata della casa-torre. Fig. 5: Galera: veduta d’insieme della casa-torre. Fig. 6: lato sinistro della casa-torre. È probabile che tale edificio venne eretto in origine come alloggio del signore proprietario: imponente nella struttura, costruita con blocchi calcarei piuttosto regolari, con inserimento di piccole scaglie di pietra o di mattoni nelle commessure, presenta una piccola scala esterna nel lato ovest per accedere alla casa-torre, formando una specie di loggiato (fig. 6). Fig. 7: loggiato della casa torre di Galera (foto n. 22 di Anna Maria Boldrini dalla sua tesi di laurea del 1990 inedita). However, the reference to the villa of San Giuliano could be used to a limited extent as an indication of a simple rural settlement "without particular connotations" and moreover not even surrounded by walls. Guerrini, speaking of the villa of San Giuliano, explains that it was «once joined to that of Galera. However, nothing of importance is found about the Civil History of this place, except that due to its proximity it somehow remained a participant in events that occurred in the finite Castle of Santa Giuliana ", thus at least partially confirming the dependence of the villa on the castrum just as it can happen in the cases of doubling of the inhabited area, an aspect that could also be underlined by the use of the agios with the name of San Giuliano. San Giuliano "de Collinis", according to the Latin wording of the villa, had a church with the same name and depended on the "Terra S. Salvatoris", whose "dominatus loci" was so extensive as to include all the areas around Monte Acuto. Documents such as the papal bulls issued from the beginning of the eleventh century to the first half of the twelfth proposed the confirmation of religious buildings dependent on Monte Acuto, including the church of San Giuliano. That this institution was very dated is also conceivable on the basis of the dating reported on one of its bells: 1201. From the cadastral books we learn about the bookings that occurred in San Giuliano: "on March 29, 1404, the notary Nicolaus Andree, registered the church of S. Giuliano of the homonymous villa in the countryside of Porta S. Angelo, ad petitionem Sanctis Pauli sindicus ville S. Iuliani, for 6 libre. The church owns a single piece of land, in Villa Plebis Cicaleti, estimated at 60 pounds [...]. For the same book the church appears in the estimate of 1444 [...]. In the land registry of 1489 [...] a church of S. Giuliano appears, located in the villa of the same name, but in the countryside of Porta S. Pietro, for 56 libre. [...] In the Liber beneficeorum [...] the church of S. Giuliano de Collinis, dependent on the monastery of S. Pietro in Perugia, is registered for 20 libre. In the land registry of 1489 [...] the church of S. Giuliano of the villa of S. Giuliano "de le Broche", in the countryside of Porta S. Angelo, is registered for 25 pounds. The church owns 13 pieces of land a total of 195 pounds of denari are estimated. In the Perugia documentation this villa is also mentioned as S. Giuliano delle Pignatte ". In fact we have known of various toponyms that indicated San Giuliano mainly defined only with agionimo, while in some cases it was accompanied by specifications such as "de Collinis", "de le Broche", "de le Pignatte" depending on the year referred to in the land registry under examination. These particular applications may suggest a possible local artisan production engaged in the creation of "pignatte", or terracotta pots. This hypothesis can also be supported by the linguistic support given by the presence, further downstream, of the toponym Fornace, which still exists today. Nb: The settlement of San Giuliano delle Pignatte and the surrounding rural houses are private property and belonged to Saiagricola, a farm in Monte Corona today the “Tenute del Cerro” company. Images: - Photo of the Ciborium in San Giuliano delle Pignatte by Mons.Renzo: Proceedings of the Conference (Abbey of San Salvatore di Montecorona, 18-19 June 2009) edited by Nicolangelo D'Acunto and Mirko Santanicchia in the Bulletin of the National History Deputation for the 'Umbria, CVIII (2011), fasc. I-II (pp. 165- 183). Monographic section: "THE ABBEY OF SAN SALVATORE DI MONTE ACUTO - MONTECORONA IN THE XI-XVIII CENTURIES" - History and art -. - other photos Francesco Deplanu. In-depth link: for an analysis and history of the "ciborium of San Giuliano delle Pignatte" today in S. Salvatore di Montecorona you can see: https://www.umbertidestoria.net/monumenti-e-musei 21. FRATTICCIOLA DI MONTE ACUTO (Fratteçole Montis Aguti, villa Fatiçole Muntis Accuti) Osservando Monte Acuto dalla pianura umbertidese svetta tra la boscaglia la torre grigio- bianca di Fratticciola di Monte Acuto che presenta un’ampia visuale sulle vallate sottostanti e sul versante della destra fluviale del Tevere. Fratticiola è un antico insediamento ma dalle fonti non è possibile risalire alla primitiva fondazione del castello, sebbene secondo la tradizione la torre venne eretta nel 1325. L’insediamento è posto a circa 600 metri di altitudine vicino la sommità di Monte Acuto, in una fascia pedemontana molto boscosa lungo la strada che conduceva a Perugia passando da Polgeto. Sono molte sia le tamponature eseguite con pietre su alcune delle aperture dell’edificio, porte e finestre, sia le variazioni delle tecniche costruttive con evidente riutilizzo di doppi archi, probabilmente ripresi da altre costruzioni e apposti sulle finestre di questa facciata che guarda verso ovest e sempre la principale, esposta verso la vallata sottostante Monte Acuto. Tamponature e riutilizzi di archi sono presenti anche nel vicino edificio denominato “Ranco". Fig. 8-9: Casa colonica a fianco della torre di galera detta "Ranco". Galera è un agglomerato isolato di alta collina, perciò si potrebbe ipotizzare che gli abitanti godessero di particolare autonomia a garanzia delle proprie capacità economiche, atte alla sussistenza della comunità, tenuto conto che nella parte posteriore del nucleo abitato è presente una cisterna utilizzata per l’approvvigionamento idrico. Principale attività dell’insediamento era lo sfruttamento del luogo con economia a conduzione silvo-pastorale: ampi campi dedicati all’allevamento aperti verso la valle, e presenza di fitta vegetazione risalendo Monte Acuto. È difficile proporre un’indagine sul toponimo Galera. Tradizioni orali locali tramandano che nell’insediamento trovasse luogo una prigione per trattenere fuoriusciti perugini e banditi, ma dato che anche Galera rientrava nelle rete insediativa individuabile alle pendici di Monte Acuto, appartenente al Corridoio bizantino, sembrerebbe più probabile che nel tempo avesse subìto trasformazioni tanto profonde da causare lo stravolgimento del significato toponomastico originario. Foto 10: particolare mappa Carta del Perusini agri; exactissima novissimaque descriptio: auctore Egnatio Dante, del 1584 dalla Texas University. Prendendo visione di carte e mappe catastali piuttosto risalenti, in effetti si nota che, in luogo dell’attuale toponimo noto, ne fosse presente un altro. Se nelle carte geografiche cinquecentesche era chiamato “Halera”, precedentemente l’insediamento era conosciuto come “Salara”, il che ci indurrebbe a ipotizzare un riferimento a un termine connesso all’elemento longobardo. La voce “sala” (insieme ad altre) può in effetti avere specifici riferimenti, secondo il “Del Lungo” nel suo testo del 1999 …. , ad un singolo edificio rurale, o ad un appezzamento di terra di una certa ampiezza, tutti dipendenti dalla “fara” . In effetti, il significato inteso come termine derivato dalla voce di origine longobarda è anche indicato come un antico “appellativo,” che designa “corte, edificio” e più specificatamente, “casa per la residenza padronale nella curtis o per la raccolta delle derrate dovute al padrone”; in seguito indica semplicemente “casa di campagna”». L’aspetto più importante del termine messo in risalto è certamente il fatto che «Sala è [...] un toponimo da insediamento, vale a dire che si riferisce ad un originario stanziamento di gruppo longobardo, nella spiegazione di un nome di luogo, [...] una voce prelatina sala “canale, acquitrino” e simili (è un tema idronimico). L’attribuzione di un toponimo allo strato longobardo deve dunque considerare tale eventualità». Seppure l’interpretazione del toponimo sia complessa ed incerta, ci sembra necessario per “Galera”considerare due aspetti che potrebbero avvalorare l’ipotesi della rispondenza e della continuità del sito. Il primo porterebbe a confrontare la tipologia dell’insediamento con quella ricordata nelle fonti duecentesche, in cui veniva considerato effettivamente villa, quindi come abitato sparso rurale non provvisto di cinta muraria (gli elementi suddetti, tipici della “fara”). In secondo luogo è importante considerare che questo territorio posto a destra del Tevere, e in generale indicativamente pertinente al dominio bizantino perché inserito nel Corridoio, nell’VIII secolo fu definitivamente investito da uno sfondamento operato dai Longobardi. La memoria di tali azioni sarebbe stata preservata fino ad oggi dalle sopravvivenze toponomastiche. La storia conosciuta "Villa Galere" era menzionata nelle Reformationes del 1260 come “villa” appartenente al contado perugino di porta Sant’Angelo e nel censimento del 1282 ne veniva confermata la specificazione in “villa” con la presenza di 21 fuochi. Molto più tardi però, negli anni 1469 e 1496, veniva definita “castrum" . Foto 11: Confronto casa colonica “Ranco” che mostra come la struttura architettonica avesse nel passato numerose riutilizzi di archi. Foto attuale (Francesco Deplanu -2022) e foto di Anna Maria Boldini, 1990, “Tesi inedita” Facevano parte di Galera alcune chiese: S. Fomagio, San Tommaso e Sant’Angelo. Di “S. Fomagius” si ha menzione soltanto nel Liber beneficiorum e in tale documento è iscritta per 40 libbre, alle dipendenze di “S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto”. Per quanto riguarda “San Tommaso” nel catasto del 1361 appare per 25 libre; la stessa “libra” compare anche nel catasto del 1489 e nell’estimo del 1493. Nell’estimo del 1444 “San Tommaso” è, invece, iscritto per 10 libre. Infine “Sant’Angelo”: nel catasto del 1489, la chiesa di S. Angelo della villa di Galera, è allibrata tra i rusticani per 25 libre. Ente composto da 10 appezzamenti di terreno, stimati complessivamente per 180 libre di denari. Dalle fonti emerge che, presso la località, erano presenti anche degli ospedali, accatastati tra XIV e XV secolo: l’ “Ospedale della villa”, l’ospedale di “San Giuliano” e l’ospedale di “San Lazzaro". L’ “Ospedale della villa” che nel catasto del 1361 era iscritto per 21 libre, come nell’estimo del 1444; mentre nel 1493 appare per un valore di 25 libre». L’ospedale intitolato a San Giuliano nel 1489 era allibrato per 25 libre ed era proprietario di 9 pezzi di terre, stimati per 95 libre di denari. L’ospedale di San Lazzaro infine era accatastato per 25 libre ed era proprietario di 6 pezzi di terra, stimati 100 libre di denari. La presenza di quest’ospedale potrebbe essere ricondotta al toponimo “Osteria”, riferibile a un abitato poco distante da Galera e attribuibile a un luogo di ricovero (o riposo) posto lungo vie commerciali e di pellegrinaggio. Infatti va ricordato che dalla strada vicinale che tocca Galera si giunge anche a Romeggio, altro toponimo che mostrerebbe un riferimento al termine latino “romedius”, pellegrino. Foto: Giovanna Benni, Anna Maria Boldrini, Francesco Deplanu. Video di Galera: https://youtu.be/6dZe1iRJcuc MONSEVOE ( già 43. MONESTEVOLE (Castrum Monesteoli) Monestevole, già “Castrum Monesteoli” è un abitato di poggio a soli 5 chilometri da Umbertide in posizione altamente strategica, sia per la vicinanza al Torrente Nese e al Fiume Tevere, sia per il paesaggio di aspri calanchi alternati alla fitta vegetazione che lo avvolge, rendendolo ostile ai possibili attacchi nemici, anche per la vicinanza alle più importanti direttrici commerciali di transito percorribili nel contado verso Perugia a sud, o verso altri centri a nord. Posizione che gli permetteva di esercitare un ampio controllo sulle zone circostanti. La struttura visibile La situazione evolutiva del castrum nel tempo, come appare dall’ indagine delle murature realizzata attraverso lo studio della mappa catastale, ci presenta l’insediamento appare come un nucleo quasi circolare cinto non solo dalle mura perimetrali, ma anche dalla strada vicinale (ora Provinciale) che conduce a Perugia e che gira attorno a Monestevele. Fig. 1: Stralcio della mappa catastale (Agenzia del Territorio di Perugia fog. n° 135) La parte centrale del castello è un corpo unico da cui emergono strutture laterali minori, torrioni o torrette di avvistamento, anche se ora la sua consistenza volumetrica è visibilmente ridotta e comprensibile solo osservando l’ammasso di pietre presenti all’interno della corte. Provenendo dalla strada vicinale, si raggiunge un sentiero che conduce proprio all’ingresso principale del castello, posto nel lato ovest del castrum. Immediatamente si notano le sporgenze di due torrioni circolari laterali eretti rispettivamente a sinistra e a destra, e che appaiono mozzi, seppure ben saldi nella sezione inferiore aggettante e intramezzati da una mensola circolare di pietra a sostegno della parte sommitale dei torrioni. Fig. 2: Monestevole, veduta d’insieme del complesso fortificato. Quest’ultimi sono molto vicini tra loro ed è probabile che nello spazio che li separa (due metri circa) fosse posto un portale fortificato utilizzato come antiporta. Infatti, a circa un metro da terra, sul torrione destro si può individuare un buco quadrato e profondo riferibile forse alla presenza di un grosso chiavistello o di una trave lignea usati per serrare il portone. Entrambi i torrioni sono piuttosto rimaneggiati, in particolare quello di sinistra, la cui parte sommitale quasi fino all’altezza della mensola è abbondantemente crollata negli ultimi tempi. Superato l’ingresso principale vigilato dai due possenti torrioni, ci si immette in un andito di accesso a forma di «Z», anch’esso in origine chiuso probabilmente da un portone, vigilato (secondo la consuetudine) da una torre, in questo caso trapezoidale, rivolta anche verso l’interno del cortile del castrum. Fig. 3: Monestevole: versante sud del castello, al centro del quale spicca la torre di avvistamento Si passa poi a uno stretto corridoio (identificato come percorso «ad imbuto») costeggiato da muratura a livello del piano di calpestio, che permette di rientrare proprio nel cortile interno del castello e nei numerosi vani presenti. Molto interessante in questo edificio di carattere fortificato è la zona a metà tra l’andito e il corridoio verso il cortile, per la presenza di un passaggio interrato nel lato sinistro del secondo portale. Questo elemento rappresenta una componente rilevante della struttura difensiva. Scendendo un ripido camminamento, prima della seconda entrata, all’interno del quale sono crollate delle pietre della muratura circostante che lo rendono ancora più elevato rispetto al calpestio. Briziarelli in “Umbertide. Abbazie - eremi - templi - ville - feste - folklore - Sacro Eremo di Montecorona - Castelli Medioevali, Città di Castello” del 1963, a p. 105, ricorda l’esistenza in questo punto di un passaggio che permetteva di accedere ai sotterranei, con la presenza di «oltre quaranta scalini». Fig . 4: Monestevole: prospetto della torre di avvistamento. La Storia conosciuta Sconosciuto è l’anno della prima edificazione di Monestevole, ma le notizie più risalenti si hanno attorno al XII secolo in relazione alla sottomissione di Fracte filiorum Uberti (Umbertide) eseguita da Ugolino dei Marchesi di Monte Santa Maria Tiberina il 17 febbraio 1189 alla città di Perugia. Alla stipula di questo atto prese parte un testimone, Alegrettus de Monesteolo, a dimostrazione della presenza di un abitato già in questo periodo. È infatti probabile che il marchese, sottoponendo il suo territorio “ad coltam et datam” e disponendo l’aiuto in pace e in guerra a Perugia, in base all’individuazione dei territori appartenenti a Ugolino compresi fuori e dentro la diocesi di Perugia, vi considerasse anche il castrum di Monestevole pertinente al contado di porta Sant’Angelo. Ciò potrebbe spiegare la presenza di Alegrettus. Fig. 5: Monestevole: ambiente centrale dell’insediamento. La muratura ha un andamento irregolare con moduli diversi e frammentari. In particolare si notano due volte coperte da muratura di crollo e materiale di riempimento. Poco più tardi, nel 1206, i fratelli Gilardino e Quintavalle de Monesteolo, abitanti dell’insediamento, presero parte a un lodo con il priore di Santa Maria di Rance (centro scomparso del contado di porta Santa Susanna) per «la ripartizione dei diritti sugli uomini di castellare Castilionis». Fig. 6: Monestevole: particolare dell’ingresso dell’abitazione interna all’insediamento. Alcuni piedritti e peducci della ghiera sono crollati lasciando l’intradosso scoperto. Poco più tardi, nel 1206, i fratelli Gilardino e Quintavalle de Monesteolo, abitanti dell’insediamento, presero parte a un lodo con il priore di Santa Maria di Rance (centro scomparso del contado di porta Santa Susanna) per «la ripartizione dei diritti sugli uomini di castellare Castilionis». La testimonianza di questi atti, molto rari nel primo Medioevo, sono significativi della situazione di rilievo goduta dal “castrum" e dai suoi abitanti, protagonisti di acquisizioni territoriali che contribuirono ad accrescere l’importanza di Monestevole, sempre considerato dalle fonti catastali con la denominazione di "castrum”. Già nel 1260 Monestevole era attestato come castrum nell’elenco del Liber impositionis bladi per le ville e i castelli, dove risultava tassato per 60 corbe da corrispondere al comune perugino, dimostrando così la propria rilevanza fiscale tra i castelli del contado come, tra l’altro, aveva già fatto nel 1258, poiché presente nell’elenco del !Liber bailitorum!. È necessario, però, attendere il censimento del 1282 riguardante le comunità contadine del contado perugino relativo a porta Sant’Angelo, per sapere che il numero dei focolari presenti a Monestevole durante l’anno era di 51, mentre in quelli successivi (soprattutto nel corso del ‘400) i fuochi avrebbero avuto forti oscillazioni di decrescita e sviluppo, dovute principalmente a cause belliche. Esempi più chiari ne furono i soli 29 fuochi registrati nel 1438 o i 46 del 1495/1501. Nel 1324 vennero stipulati «due instrumenta, uno rogato a Monestevole, l’altro a Castiglione Ugolino» contenuti ora presso l’archivio vescovile di Città di Castello. Le successive notizie riguardanti i molti avvenimenti che interessarono “castrum Monesteoli” ebbero per protagoniste le delibere del comune di Perugia, in merito a provvedimenti da prendere per eseguire lavori di consolidamento del nucleo castrense e della rete viaria. Monestevole, infatti, come altri castra del contado, a causa della posizione gravata da «impervi tracciati» dove «scorre un flusso commerciale di bestiame, di derrate alimentari, di lana, ma anche di prodotti utili all’industria cittadina», doveva provvedere al mantenimento regolare delle strade di propria pertinenza. Già nel 1350, quando impazzavano conflitti esterni e intestini, il comune perugino che «tenne molto a questo castello», condusse a proprie spese la totale riparazione dell’insediamento. Ancora il comune nel 1395 dispose che gli abitanti del castello fossero esentati dal pagamento di quaranta fiorini, impiegando così il denaro per riparare la torre e le mura rovinate dalle azioni militari, e che, allo stesso tempo, venisse accordata la presenza stabile di un capitano14. In questo periodo Monestevole aveva raggiunto una notevole importanza strategica nella maglia difensiva del contado, al fine di salvaguardare Perugia dagli attacchi di parti avverse. A questo punto, il Consiglio dei priori comprese che diventava necessario mobilitare specifici corpi militari di controllo che mantenessero un dominio maggiore e più serrato sul territorio, oltre che uno strumento diretto nel rapporto città-contado, evitando qualsiasi possibile controtendenza degli abitanti (ovvero rivolte e richieste di affrancazioni), nel pieno adempimento delle funzioni di “capitananza”. A conferma di ciò, venne ordinata nel 1404 la presenza di un castellano che eseguisse guardia notturna e diurna al castrum, poiché non era più sufficiente una presenza militare occasionale. NB: page under construction .... The Rocca di Umbertide 1912 Fig: 7: Monestevole: abside della chiesa di San Simone ricavata all’interno del torrione destro. Poco più tardi, nel 1206, i fratelli Gilardino e Quintavalle de Monesteolo, abitanti dell’insediamento, presero parte a un lodo con il priore di Santa Maria di Rance (centro scomparso del contado di porta Santa Susanna) per «la ripartizione dei diritti sugli uomini di castellare Castilionis». La testimonianza di questi atti, molto rari nel primo Medioevo, sono significativi della situazione di rilievo goduta dal “castrum" e dai suoi abitanti, protagonisti di acquisizioni territoriali che contribuirono ad accrescere l’importanza di Monestevole, sempre considerato dalle fonti catastali con la denominazione di "castrum”. Già nel 1260 Monestevole era attestato come castrum nell’elenco del Liber impositionis bladi per le ville e i castelli, dove risultava tassato per 60 corbe da corrispondere al comune perugino, dimostrando così la propria rilevanza fiscale tra i castelli del contado come, tra l’altro, aveva già fatto nel 1258, poiché presente nell’elenco del !Liber bailitorum!. È necessario, però, attendere il censimento del 1282 riguardante le comunità contadine del contado perugino relativo a porta Sant’Angelo, per sapere che il numero dei focolari presenti a Monestevole durante l’anno era di 51, mentre in quelli successivi (soprattutto nel corso del ‘400) i fuochi avrebbero avuto forti oscillazioni di decrescita e sviluppo, dovute principalmente a cause belliche. Esempi più chiari ne furono i soli 29 fuochi registrati nel 1438 o i 46 del 1495/1501. Nel 1324 vennero stipulati «due instrumenta, uno rogato a Monestevole, l’altro a Castiglione Ugolino» contenuti ora presso l’archivio vescovile di Città di Castello. Le successive notizie riguardanti i molti avvenimenti che interessarono “castrum Monesteoli” ebbero per protagoniste le delibere del comune di Perugia, in merito a provvedimenti da prendere per eseguire lavori di consolidamento del nucleo castrense e della rete viaria. Monestevole, infatti, come altri castra del contado, a causa della posizione gravata da «impervi tracciati» dove «scorre un flusso commerciale di bestiame, di derrate alimentari, di lana, ma anche di prodotti utili all’industria cittadina», doveva provvedere al mantenimento regolare delle strade di propria pertinenza. Già nel 1350, quando impazzavano conflitti esterni e intestini, il comune perugino che «tenne molto a questo castello», condusse a proprie spese la totale riparazione dell’insediamento. Ancora il comune nel 1395 dispose che gli abitanti del castello fossero esentati dal pagamento di quaranta fiorini, impiegando così il denaro per riparare la torre e le mura rovinate dalle azioni militari, e che, allo stesso tempo, venisse accordata la presenza stabile di un capitano. In questo periodo Monestevole aveva raggiunto una notevole importanza strategica nella maglia difensiva del contado, al fine di salvaguardare Perugia dagli attacchi di parti avverse. A questo punto, il Consiglio dei priori comprese che diventava necessario mobilitare specifici corpi militari di controllo che mantenessero un dominio maggiore e più serrato sul territorio, oltre che uno strumento diretto nel rapporto città-contado, evitando qualsiasi possibile controtendenza degli abitanti (ovvero rivolte e richieste di affrancazioni), nel pieno adempimento delle funzioni di “capitananza”. A conferma di ciò, venne ordinata nel 1404 la presenza di un castellano che eseguisse guardia notturna e diurna al castrum, poiché non era più sufficiente una presenza militare occasionale. In effetti, il primo ‘400 fu un momento cruciale per i territori perugini per il susseguirsi di complesse vicende politiche. Gruppi signorili insieme al capitano di ventura perugino Braccio Fortebracci si spinsero verso vari centri dell’Umbria settentrionale (tra cui Città di Castello e Gubbio), formando un solido schieramento per muovere l’attacco contro l’avversa Perugia, così da farne vacillare il potere. La città rispose inviando truppe a protezione di Fratta (Umbertide) capeggiate da Ceccolino Michelotti insieme ad altri capitani. Il loro compito principale era quello di disporre un organismo difensivo, per evitare ogni possibile attacco contro Monestevole e gli altri castelli tenuti nella zona del contado perugino, quindi presidiare giorno e notte il castrum per assicurare la stabilità dello stesso avamposto. Il castello di Monestevole subì una sorte tristemente simile a molte altre fortificazioni del contado quando nel 1470, a seguito degli eventi nati dalla congiura fiorentina dei Pazzi contro i Medici a Firenze (vieppiù per il coinvolgimento di papa Sisto IV negli avvenimenti), le truppe medicee calarono presso le terre pontificie causando gravi danni. Monestevole, non unico castrum nella zona, venne coinvolto nello scontro. Un anno dopo, nel 1480, il comune deliberò che venisse concesso denaro alla comunità dell’insediamento per intraprendere la manutenzione del nucleo fortificato, circa sessanta fiorini, ripartendolo per la ricostruzione delle mura e la realizzazione di una cisterna nella zona centrale della fortificazione. In effetti, dalle fonti si evince che alla fine del ‘400 ci fu un incremento della popolazione del castrum, rendendo necessaria la costruzione di una cisterna dentro le mura come garanzia di autonomia economica e sociale, o comunque autosufficienza, per la comunità. Procedendo parimenti in queste due attività, la ricostruzione delle mura fu piuttosto lenta poiché i danni causati dalle incursioni erano stati molto più consistenti del previsto, tanto da richiedere già nel 1485 lo stanziamento di ulteriori venticinque fiorini per continuare l’opera di consolidamento della struttura muraria. I castelli del contado, dopo avere stipulato gli atti di sottomissione con il comune perugino, vennero coinvolti di riflesso nelle vicende politiche che riguardavano il comune di pertinenza, costretti a subire gli attacchi e le devastazioni causate dai nemici con l’intento di creare squilibrio e instabilità nel contado. C’era una chiara volontà di minare la periferia per giungere senza ostacoli al centro cittadino. Totalmente inglobata come possesso dallo Stato pontificio, nel ‘500 quest’area si avviò lentamente alla stabilizzazione. Il territorio divenne progressivamente più tranquillo e quindi di facile controllo. A guisa di altri simili nuclei fortificati, Monestevole ridusse il proprio aspetto difensivo fino ad allora prevalente, per sviluppare soprattutto l’assetto residenziale in qualità di dimora signorile. A metà ‘500 l’imponente Castrum Monesteoli, che tanta parte aveva giocato nel contado perugino per tutto il Medioevo come punto importante della cortina territoriale di fortificazioni, venne restaurato con il permesso del Comune di Perugia e la grande torre fu recuperata e adibita a residenza, adattamento di cui ora restano solo poche tracce fatiscenti. Al castello apparteneva la chiesetta parrocchiale intitolata a San Simeone (San Simone), che nel XIII secolo rientrava tra i possedimenti dell’Abbazia perugina di San Pietro, come dimostra il Liber beneficiorum in cui era registrato il suo allibramento per 18 libre, mentre nel XIV secolo era entrata alle dipendenze di San Salvatore di Monte Acuto. Successivamente, «il vescovo Giovanni Andrea Baglioni, nel 1447 concesse il fonte battesimale che fu consacrato nel 1494». Porrozzi in Umbertide e il suo territorio. Storia e immagini, del, a1983, p. 182; cita che che questo fonte battesimale «concesso per comodità di popolo» era ancora presente nel 1564, quando la sua esistenza veniva confermata dal resoconto del vescovo della Corgna, stilato durante la visita pastorale nella diocesi perugina. San Simone non era però la sola parrocchia presente nel territorio del castrum. A questa chiesa furono accorpati i pievani di altri enti religiosi vicini, cioè quelli della chiesa dedicata a San Leone, poiché essa era distrutta (sita in località Bovana o Bovara) e ricordata nel Liber beneficiorum alle pertinenze del monastero di San Salvatore e allibrata nel XIV secolo per 15 libre, mentre nel 1495 elargiva al monastero «un canone di 2 libre di cera»24. Altre chiese pertinenti al castello erano quelle di San Giovanni, esistente già nel XIV secolo, che più tardi entrò alle dipendenze territoriali di Monte Corona, nell’odierna denominazione di San Giovanni della Costa a sudest di Monte Acuto, Santa Maria Maddalena, San Donato, entrambe allibrate nel 1489, e San Simone. La presenza di tali chiese è un elemento significativo dell’importanza goduta da Monestevole tra gli insediamenti del contado perugino di porta Sant’Angelo. Inoltre, ciò è confermato anche dall’aspetto imponente del castrum seppure attualmente restino solo alcuni degli elementi principali costituenti la fortificazione, permettendo tuttavia una verosimile ricostruzione dell’originaria disposizione degli apparati interni ed esterni del nucleo difensivo, così da individuare anche le modifiche apportate successivamente. Foto: Giovanna Benni Immagine: stralcio della carta catastale (Agenzia del Territorio, fog. n° 77) Link al sito: https://www.umbertidestoria.net/incastellamento-e-signorie-rurali - “Moniestevole” Particolare da “Carta corografica di Perugia” del 1577, di Ignazio Danti, incisa da Mario Cartaro a Roma nel 1580 da Source gallica.bnf.fr / Bibliothèque nationale de France . Visibile al link: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b550000622/f e aggiungere il tuo testo. 44. Piano del Nese Nella zona pianeggiante lungo il corso del Torrente Nese vi fu una larga diffusione degli abitati sparsi; le costruzioni si dispongono principalmente lungo il letto del Torrente Nese, anche se in nuclei ristretti e posti a breve distanza tra loro. Immagine 1: Abitati sparsi lungo la sponda sinistra del torrente Nese in aggetto rispetto alla pianura. Si hanno, però, scarsissime notizie che non favoriscono la ricostruzione delle vicende che hanno riguardato questi nuclei abitativi indicati come “Pian di Nese”, contrastando così con un territorio piuttosto singolare, sia dal punto di vista geografico, sia per le vicende storiche che hanno interessato tale settore del contado perugino, soggetto a invasioni e incursioni. La struttura visibile Oggi molte di queste strutture sono state abbandonate o trasformate in edifici rurali, ma in origine avevano una struttura disposta in modo tale da definire volontariamente una organizzazione difensiva: grandi basamenti a volte provvisti di contrafforti aggettanti; la parte abitata dal nucleo familiare saldamente eretta a pianta regolare quadrilatera; poche aperture o fessure in prossimità della base. Questi caratteri erano peculiari delle strutture rurali fortificate, largamente diffuse nella anche campagna umbertidese durante tutto il XII-XIII secolo. In effetti, nel tessuto insediativo castrense di cui faceva parte anche Piano del Nese si hanno molti esempi di abitati con un corpo a torre. Le vecchie case-torri medievali durante la diffusione della mezzadria diventarono il punto di riferimento, quando possibile della nuova tipologia di sfruttamento indiretto della proprietà agricola diventando il punto di riferimento fisico, di fianco o intorno al quale altre strutture venivano aggiunte. L’antica tipologia perde così, pian piano, la sua originale funzione di difesa a favore di quella economico-produttiva. Tra i centri abitati o singole case presenti, Piano del Nese si rivela come un tipico complesso di insediamenti con caratteri di abitato sparso, diffuso in una stessa area, molto simile agli impianti riconducibili a villae e delimitato nel versante a sud solo dallo scorrimento del Torrente Nese, che oggi coincide, in parte, con il confine territoriale del Comune di Perugia. L’abitato sparso indicato come Piano del Nese, si sviluppa in collina tra due corsi d’acqua minori e l’importante strada provinciale che conduce dall’antica Fratta verso i centri del Trasimeno o a Perugia. Immagine 2: Abitato sparso denominato oggi “Pian di Nese” con casa-torre medievale e piccola chiesa, non visibile nell’inquadratura, lungo la sponda sinistra del torrente Nese in aggetto rispetto alla pianura. Rispetto ad altri siti presenti nel territorio ha oggi assunto minore rilievo, ma la presenza di questo insediamento era certamente importante va connessa all’esistenza dell’antico Castrum Preitinum un tempo probabilmente vicino, ora non più individuabile ma punto di forza del settore estremo del contado verso Perugia. A presidio del tratto torrentizio che scorre in prossimità della località Piano del Nese si può individuare la presenza dell’edificio fortificato identificato come torre di Santa Giuliana, alla quale è unita la chiesa omonima, posizionato a metà strada da Pian di Nese e la confluenza del torrente nel Tevere, di poco a sud del Castello di Santa Giuliana. Il complesso è posto qui come struttura a dominio della zona ad ovest pianeggiante. Stime catastali danno notizie della presenza di una chiesa, non riportata però nelle Rationes Decimarum, proprio in località Piano del Nese: l’ente risulta allibrato nel XIV secolo tra quelli appartenenti al contado di porta Sant’Angelo ed è intitolato a San Pietro de Anese. Il Grohmann ricorda a tale proposito che la chiesa di S. Pietro era iscritta per 5 libre e dipendente dal monastero di S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto. La Storia Conosciuta Anche se abbiamo ben poche notizie riguardanti il territorio, è ipotizzabile che tale settore fosse coinvolto nelle vicende storiche e politiche che colpirono anche castra e villae circostanti, quali Bisciaro, Racchiusole, Valenzino, Santa Giuliana e Castrum Preitinum; in ogni caso, questi avvenimenti rappresentavano il riflesso di ciò che accadeva a Perugia, i cui esiti dimostravano un assorbimento positivo o negativo (ovvero il rifiuto) dei fenomeni che riguardavano questi centri. Immagine 3:nella carta si può notare il simbolo del ponte sul torrente e la presenza del simbolo di edifici; caseggiato che, suggestivamente, si “sovrappone” alla posizione dell’ex Osteria di Pian di Nese esistente. Particolare della "“DESCRITTIONE DEL TERRITORIO DI PERVGIA AVGVSTA ET DEI LUOGHI CIRCONVICINI DEL P M EGNATIO DANTI DA PERUGIA MATEMATICO DELLO STUDIO DI BOLOG.A”", 1577. da Source gallica.bnf.fr - Bibliothèque nationale de France (BNF) . I caratteri minimamente autonomi che interessarono Piano del Nese derivarono dalla volontà della comunità ivi residente di sostenere e mantenere i rapporti con il resto degli abitanti circostanti, dotandosi per questo di valide infrastrutture, ottenute grazie alle concessioni del Consiglio dei priori: la realizzazione di un ponte sul Torrente Nese, probabilmente nella zona che oggi nelle carte è indicata con il toponimo Ponte Nese o comunque in sua prossimità, tende a sottolineare il rilievo goduto dal luogo e, dunque, dalla sua comunità, nel corso del tempo e in epoca risalente, permettendo anche di rilevare il ruolo ben definito di questo settore comitatino come snodo commerciale e supporto economico per la zona: agevole era, infatti, il collegamento fluviale con il Torrente Càina che scorre poco più a sud, e la vicinanza dell’abitato con l’articolata viabilità stradale. Immagine 4: l’ex Osteria e stazione di posta di Pian di Nese. Fotografie: Francesco Deplanu Carta: Carta corografica di Perugia del 1577, di Ignazio Danti, incisa da Mario Cartaro a Roma nel 1580 da Source gallica.bnf.fr / Bibliothèque nationale de France. SOURCES: - Giovanna Benni, researcher and teacher from Umberto I in “ Castle and rural lordships in the Upper Tiber valley between the Early and Late Middle Ages. The territory of Umbertide (Perugia, Italy) "published in NOTEBOOKS ON MEDIEVAL TOPOGRAPHY (Documentary and field research) Edited by Stefano Del Lungo N. 7, 2006. - Photo by Giovanna Benni, Anna Boldrini, Fabio Mariotti, Francesco Deplanu. - Photo: historical photos of Umbertide from the web and from various private archives to which we applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark in this way we try to avoid that further disclosure on our part favors purposes that are not consonant with our exclusively social and cultural intentions.

LA STORIA DI ANTONIO PICISTRELLI Giovane umbertidese ucciso a Roma il 1º Maggio 1891 di Federico Ciarabelli Tra le tante vicende che riguardano le persone del nostro territorio ce n'è una poco conosciuta: quella di Antonio Picistrelli. Alcuni nostri concittadini, tra la fine dell'800 e i primi del `900 l'hanno raccontata e hanno cercato di tramandarla attraverso varie iniziative, tra cui l'apposizione di una lapide sulla casa natale di Antonio, in via Spoletini. Il testo non ci fornisce indicazioni sulle ragioni per le quali fu collocata e non dà chiare spiegazioni, rimandando a futuri "giorni più liberi" la possibilità di fare luce. Della vita umbertidese della famiglia Picistrelli è possibile ricostruire solo pochi elementi: Giovanni Picistrelli, carrettiere, sposò, nel 1863, Alunna Rinaldi e dal loro matrimonio nacquero nove figli: Clotilde, Silvio, Alfredo, Antonio (2 ottobre 1870), Lavinia, Lorenzo, Leopoldo, Piero e Gaetano. Anche se i genitori erano analfabeti fecero studiare tutti, figli e figlie. Antonio seguì il padre nel lavoro, diventando anch'egli carrettiere. Il 18 marzo 1886 i Picistrelli lasciarono la nostra cittadina alla volta di Roma, attratti dalle opportunità di lavoro che la nuova capitale offriva. In quegli anni, però, cominciavano a farsi sentire con maggiore intensità gli effetti della crisi economica generata dalla speculazione edilizia. Le numerose imprese operanti a Roma sfruttavano pesantemente i lavoratori e impiegavano una consistente manodopera femminile e giovanile, che veniva retribuita con salari inferiori a quelli degli uomini. A questa condizione precaria si aggiunse, a peggiorare drammaticamente le condizioni di vita dei ceti popolari, una profonda crisi finanziaria che portò molte aziende al fallimento. È dunque in questo ambiente che a Roma i lavoratori si organizzarono per la riuscita della manifestazione del 1° maggio 1891, seconda edizione della Festa dei Lavoratori; le intenzioni degli organizzatori furono indirizzate a far svolgere la manifestazione in forma pacifica e per la rivendicazione di migliori condizioni di lavoro, a partire dalla giornata lavorativa di otto ore. Antonio Picistrelli, anche se non è certo che fosse iscritto a qualche organizzazione politica, vi partecipò assieme al suo futuro cognato Eugenio Santerini, un attivista socialista che militava nel "Circolo Tiburtino" di via dei Sardi. Le associazioni organizzatrici dettero appuntamento ai partecipanti alle 15 in piazza Santa Croce in Gerusalemme. Il clima generale era di forte tensione anche perché la piazza era circondata da forze dell'ordine e da reparti armati di esercito e cavalleria. Altre guardie erano mescolate fra i partecipanti. I manifestanti organizzati dalla Società dei Muratori entrando in piazza salutarono i militari schierati al grido di: "Viva l'esercito italiano, viva i nostri fratelli armati!"; da alcuni gruppi anarchici si inneggiava alla rivoluzione e all'esercito rivoluzionario. Confluiti tutti i cortei in piazza, alle 16 iniziarono i discorsi. Stando a quanto riferito nel rapporto del questore, dopo i primi oratori, alcuni dei quali più moderati e altri più accesi, la piazza si andava sempre più scaldando. Non si può però escludere che la tensione sia stata accentuata per la presenza di infiltrati e provocatori tra la folla. Salì quindi sul palco un oratore non previsto, Galileo Palla, e dopo il suo intervento, secondo il rapporto del questore, si sarebbe generato uno scompiglio generale e gli agenti disposti intorno al palco sarebbero stati circondati dalla folla di anarchici minacciosi. Si accesero degli scontri, nel corso dei quali furono sparati colpi di rivoltella, vennero usati pugnali, coltelli e lunghi chiodi. In questa situazione alcuni rimasero feriti e una guardia, Carmelo Raco, fu uccisa con una pugnalata. Gli scontri continuarono e intervenne la cavalleria che, da diverse parti, si diresse sulla folla per disperderla. Dalla piazza e dalle case cominciò allora il lancio di pietre, oggetti, mattoni contro i militari. I manifestanti si spostarono nelle vie circostanti. In via Emanuele Filiberto venne tentata la formazione di una barricata con dei carretti, ma senza successo. Quindi altri si indirizzarono verso Villa Altieri, all'epoca adibita a carcere femminile. Qui le sentinelle poste a guardia spararono: Antonio Picistrelli, raggiunto alla testa da un colpo di fucile, restò ferito. Venne trasportato all'ospedale, dove morì. Ma la storia non finisce qui. Inseme a una discussione parlamentare, un grande processo e una campagna di stampa, venne attuata dal governo un'intensa opera allo scopo di celare i fatti. Le cronache dei giornali non diedero risalto alla sua morte, nonostante la gravità dei fatti, due giorni di dibattito parlamentare e la pressione politica esercitata dalle organizzazioni dei lavoratori. Le commemorazione furono anzi oggetto di repressione: i1 5 luglio 1891 il questore di Roma scrisse al ministro dell'interno che la polizia "sorvegliando mosse circolo Tiburtino, [...], ha potuto trovarsi presente alle 4 pom. alla deposizione sulla tomba di Picistrelli di un gruppo metallico con edera, corona e fiori artificiali portante in placca zinco la seguente citazione alla vittima del 1° maggio 1891 Antonio Picistrelli che inoffensivo, inerme trovava immeritata morte il circolo Tiburtino questo ricordo fece". Il questore ne dispose il sequestro e rispose che quelle "parole suonano apologia di delitto, offesa alle nostre istituzioni e principalmente esercito e nell'insieme costituiscono istigazione a commettere reati". Stessa sorte toccò al tentativo di ricordo promosso dai compagni di Picistrelli che, dal carcere dove erano rinchiusi, vollero ricordarne la figura e, addirittura, a quello dei famigliari. In Umbria la proposta di realizzare una lapide fu avanzata da Francesco Andreani a Perugia il 1° maggio 1892. Ma il progetto non poté essere realizzato, continuando ad essere osteggiato ogni tributo al carrettiere e dovettero passare ben 9 anni prima che, su iniziativa della sezione socialista di Umbertide, venisse rilanciata la proposta di una lapide per Picistrelli. Nel 1901 fu costituito il comitato promotore di cui facevano parte: il Presidente della società operaia, Ramaccioni Astorre consigliere di detta società, l'avv. Francesco Andreani, Willelmo Ramaccioni del circolo repubblicano, Michele Belardi e Torquato Bucci per la sezione socialista, Macario Maccarelli per i reduci volontari della patrie battaglie, Americo Censi muratore, Guerriero Becchetti falegname, Alfonso Mazzanti fabbro, Luigi Filippi vasaio, Gaetano Bassi Gaetano cappellaio, Casimiro Montagnini calzolaio, Luigi Bartoccini sarto, Paolo Rometti fornaio, Angelo Gargagli lavorante in traverse, Giuseppe Guardabassi, commerciante. Il comitato cercò di organizzare una manifestazione di notevole rilievo e ciò ebbe l'effetto di accrescere le preoccupazioni delle autorità governative, al punto che si rese necessario far intervenire l'on. Bissolati presso il Ministero dell'Interno per sbloccare la situazione. Nel dicembre 1902 venne data l'autorizzazione alla realizzazione della lapide, ottenuta però a caro prezzo: il testo fu censurato (definito una "miseria" dai socialisti) e diceva: "Ad ANTONIO PICISTRELLI morto il 1° Maggio 1891 in Roma la democrazia Umbertidese volle consacrare questo modesto ricordo nella casa ove nacque 1902". Il Comitato decise di realizzare la lapide con il testo imposto dal governo, ma non si arrese all'arbitrio. Venne così commissionata una lapide speciale: da una parte il testo mutilato e dall'altro quello scritto da Andreani. Si giunse finalmente alla sua inaugurazione, fissata per domenica 6 settembre 1903, alle ore 10. La partecipazione popolare fu modesta, ma numerosa fu la presenza delle associazioni locali (con le loro bandiere) e dei Circoli socialisti e repubblicani di città vicine. Erano presenti tre fratelli di Picistrelli (espressamente venuti da Roma) ed altri parenti. Si iniziò deponendo le varie corone e quindi fu scoperta la lapide al suono dell'inno di Garibaldi. Giuseppe Guardabassi dette quindi lettura di una commovente lettera del padre della vittima e delle molte adesioni, tra le quali quelle dell'on. Andrea Costa, di Amilcare Cipriani. Presero la parola gli oratori ufficiali: Miliocchi (repubblicano) e Bocconi (socialista). In occasione della manifestazione i giovani del circolo repubblicano fecero una pubblicazione dal titolo “In memoriam”, che fu rapidamente esaurita. Sarà mai possibile esporre la faccia della lapide con il testo voluto dagli umbertidesi? Io mi auguro di sì. Articolo pubblicato in due parti sui numeri di Novembre e Dicembre di “Informazione locale”

THE CERAMIC ART IN UMBERTIDE curated by Fabio Mariotti The potters of Fratta from 1400 to 1800 The working of ceramics in our city, which was then called Fratta, dates back to 1400 as reported by Filippo Natali in his essay "News and memories on the figuline and the art of the potter in FRATTA (Umbertide)" published by the Tipografia Tiberina in 1890. “News that the Magi, Cristiani and Pellicciari left handwritten, village historians who lived between the first half of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and which are preserved in the Communal of Perugia. But what better than anything else attests to the existence of ceramic factories in Fratta, are the works themselves, as can be seen from the objects scattered around the various museums and private collections, not only in Italy, but in Europe. also, manufactured in this place ". Natali reports what was written by the Magi on the so-called "War of the Grand Duke of Tuscany" and the siege of Fratta in 1643: "The Florentine army after having given free passage and walk to the prey and luggage, he made high, part beyond the Nicone, part of this river, and waited for the slope of the waters (sic) in order to cross the Tiber and attack the Earth from the weakest side; also the Pallavicino to have its people more united, and to take away from the Every advantage of the Florentines caused all the houses and shops to be set on fire of the village and the market square, where the Vasari business in that time, to the great benefit of the public and private sectors, it flourished. Fire lit in the church of S. Erasmo, it was secretly pitiful by some extinct soldiers. The rest was completely incinerated. It was all done with such speed, that the owners of the shops and houses did not have time to save anything ". "The furnaces and the shops of the potters of Fratta, burned and destroyed in 1643, arose further north of the country, no trace of the former can be traced, for the houses that today were built on those rubble make up the Largo di via Cavour (the current area of Piazza Marconi, Ed.) at most it could be found in Campo Mavarelli near the road limited by the wall. The new furnaces were raised near the mill, where still today there are three, those of Martinelli, whose family for a series of uninterrupted generations, he has practiced and still exercises the art of the potter; and I am not mistaken to say that the scratch works that can be seen in some collections, of the 17th and 18th centuries have come out of the Martinelli factory… .. ”. This centuries-old tradition has been revived since the first half of the twentieth century by courageous and innovative entrepreneurial initiatives that have been able, despite a thousand difficulties, to establish themselves on a national level, starting with that of Ceramiche Rometti . The rediscovery of this artistic and high-quality entrepreneurial activity is due, in my opinion, to the great exhibition that the municipal administration of Umbertide dedicated in 1986, in the new exhibition space "Center for contemporary art" recently created at the restored Rocca, to the works created by Cagli and Leoncillo in the period in which they worked within the Umbertidese manufacture. It is no coincidence that the exhibition had this title: “Cagli and Leoncillo at Umbertide's Ceramiche Rometti”. Inaugurated on 13 September, it ended on 30 November 1986 with a great success with the public, testified by the presence of over two thousand people from all over Italy. There could not have been a better start for the Rocca's exhibition space which, in its 35 years of activity, has hosted the works of the best Italian interpreters of contemporary art and which continues to do so even today. After Rometti, from one of its ribs, Ceramiche Pucci was born in 1947 on the initiative of Eng. Domenico Pucci whose business ceased in 1962, after he changed his company name to Maioliche Pucci in 1958. Despite the short period of time in which the Ceramiche Pucci operated, they showed "the significant expression of an artistic path that has left an indelible mark on each of its specimens", as stated by Angelica Pucci at the end of her essay, dedicated to the history of this manufacture, published in the catalog of the exhibition held at the Rocca in 2006. CERAMICHE ROMETTI - History of a manufacture by Marinella Caputo (From the catalog of the exhibition "Le Ceramiche Rometti" - Rocca di Umbertide "Center for contemporary art" - June / November 2005) It is possible to say that the Rometti brand entered the history of Italian ceramics of the twentieth century, thanks to a happy combination of events. The cultural climate of the twenties, of enthusiastic experimentation, but also of functional rigor and technological momentum, must have undoubtedly favored the birth of an entrepreneurial project that was also a creative adventure, with difficulties and dark periods, but also unquestionable successes. In the fervor and inventiveness that characterized the applied arts in those years, ceramics played a central role. Already in the nineteenth century ceramic production was increased, thanks to the influence of the Arts and Grafts movement which rediscovered and valued artistic craftsmanship, together with the expertise and secrets of ancient traditions. In the twentieth century a new social configuration, in which the middle classes are emerging, is at the basis of the great development of the production of decorative and functional objects destined for a wide diffusion. There are many Italian centers in which new activities are started, just think that Richard Ginori was born in 1923, under the artistic direction of Giò Ponti, and the Italian Ceramic Society of Laveno in the same year began to make use of the collaboration of Guido Andlovitz. The versatile research of the two designers will lead to the affirmation of a trend that will soon spread very widely, stimulating the emergence of a taste that was certainly perceived as modern. At a local level it is worth mentioning La Salamandra di Perugia (founded in 1923) which inaugurates a modern decorative line in the field of Umbrian ceramics. The 1925 Exposition Internationale des Arts Décoratifs et Industriels Modernes in Paris, which became so famous as the starting point of a new style, called déco, in fact sanctions a trend already underway, giving it peremptory visibility. Design applied to industry in the third decade of the twentieth century has, despite its inevitably pragmatic aspects, a flavor of utopia, nourished by the experience of the Bauhaus, or inspired by the various constructivist movements present in Europe. In the Italian context, the theoretical source may perhaps be found in the manifesto of the Futurist Reconstruction of the Universe, published in 1915, with the signatures of Balla and Depero. The idea of "rebuilding the universe, cheering it up" must have seemed an electrifying prospect to many, in those roaring years, of heroic or sinister roars. The need for a new taste, the urgency of a modern lifestyle, were no longer claimed by a privileged and blasée elite, but penetrated very deeply into society, becoming, as they say, a mass phenomenon. This was the heated climate, on the creative and productive side, in which the Ceramiche Rometti di Umbertide saw the light. “Ars Umbra” is born, the first embryo of Ceramiche Rometti Settimio Rometti founded the de facto company Ars Umbra in October 1927 together with his nephew Aspromonte Rometti. Both are owners of the company, registered with the 1st Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Foligno, with a capital of L. 40,000 (1). This is the official beginning of the Rometti Artistic Ceramics, even if for some years now, Settimio Rometti, who was an adult man well integrated in public life, had shown interest in ceramic production. His first contacts took place at the Pasquali Furnace (formerly Pasquali & Cerrini) in Umbertide. In 1920 the firm had founded a School of Art applied to Industries, where Rometti worked as a technical teacher. It is therefore to be assumed that he already had significant experience. The school represented a production reality for artistic majolica, glazed tiles and ceramics. The works were marked La Frattigiana-Umbertide, and it is assumed that Rometti's contribution in this type of activity was decisive. The Frattigiana becomes an independent factory, within the Pasquali Furnace (owned by Roberto Cerrini) and the collaboration of Settimio Rometti, in a role that we could define as artistic direction, constitutes the indispensable premise for the start of his own business. Soon, the production of the Pasquali furnace and consequently of the Frattigiana, went through a crisis that culminated in the failure of 1923. Settimio Rometti, from this date until 1927, will certainly have designed his own factory, leading to the creation of Ars Umbra. It is possible that in those years he had carried out a type of reduced production, with provisional means, dealing with practical problems, but also updating himself from an aesthetic and formal point of view. His training in the field of drawing and applied art can be traced back to the Municipal Technical School, directed, from 1913 to 1926, by Decio Scuppa. We know that in 1910 Septimius and his brother Barbato were among the best pupils of Scuppa, who in that year was a teacher of drawing. The graphic ability of Septimius is confirmed by drawings and canvases made at an older age, as there is no documentation of his youthful years. In any case, his taste in the decorative field will certainly have refined in the early twenties, moving towards secessionist trends that still showed considerable vitality at European level. The experience of the Roman secession, at the end of the second decade of the twentieth century, had created a beneficial opening towards the climate of the avant-gardes, helping to promote a new creative path, more meditated and certainly moderate, compared to the radical proposals. and traumatic, of futurism. In his entrepreneurial project, Settimio welcomes the contribution of young people, in the figures of his nephews, Aspromonte, known as Riego, son of his brother Paolo and Dante Baldelli, son of his sister Stamura. His intention to give life to a new and quality creative proposal is clearly delineated from the very beginning. Since Umbertide did not have a prestigious ceramic tradition, such as Deruta, Gubbio or Gualdo Tadino, he sought his collaborators elsewhere. From Gubbio comes the turner Crescentino Monarchi, from Gualdo Tadino come the Angeli brothers, one a turner, the other a painter. From Rome, where he had gone to attend courses at the Academy of Fine Arts, his nephew Dante Baldelli arrived in 1928 and at this moment he would begin his fruitful collaboration with Ceramiche Rometti, which lasted a whole decade. His friends Corrado Cagli and Mario Di Giacomo will soon join him. Corrado Cagli and Mario Di Giacomo arrive in Umbertide This is the most experimental and innovative period of Rometti, a true golden age, perhaps evoked in many of the subjects that appear on the vases of those years. These are allegorical figures or scenes marked by an Edenic vision, expressed with youthful optimism and purity. There is, of course, a didactic intention that seems to escape the celebratory momentum so widespread at the time. However, it must be attested that most of the forms, the decorative repertoire and the figurations, which emerged in the first years of Rometti's life, will last for a long time, constituting the distinctive character of the manufacture. It is an experimental and extremely productive era on the creative side. The sculptures produced by Cagli and Di Giacomo between 1928 and 1930 represent artistic results of indisputable value and are configured as exclusive sculpture experiences. In fact, Cagli will subsequently develop his research especially in the field of painting and Di Giacomo will commit suicide in 1934. At that moment the "black fratta" (NF) appears, as it is called in the commercial catalogs of Rometti. Sometimes the acronym NF is also found in the brand. Obtaining this enamel took on legendary tones that refer to a fortuitous circumstance. According to oral testimonies, collected by Codovini, the composition derived from an error in the color formula. The result of the wrong dosage was placed in a two-quintal barrel and it was discovered by chance that it produced a metallic black of notable effect. The enamel owes its reverberant quality to the presence of lead crystalline, manganese and copper, with a prevalence of crystalline. This technical innovation, developed between 1927 and 1928, must undoubtedly have increased the plastic research of the artists, since it is a color particularly suitable for sculpture. Cagli created some of the most significant works of his debut in NF, such as Santone, Icaro, Eolo. Di Giacomo gave life to his figures as supple as arabesques, exploiting the evocative elegance of black and the surface, made mobile by iridescent reflections. The euphoric climate that developed in Rometti's early years fed on many different components. The late echoes of the secession are welcomed above all by Settimio Rometti who crystallizes the organic element in stylized motifs in his plate with the Madonna of the grain (probably from 1927), organized in a dense two-dimensional texture. Even the tableware or services belonging to the early days of the manufacture have floral decorations, resolved in fluid cascades of emulsified colors. On a similar level, of symbolist inspiration, are the Salome and other similar sculptures by Di Giacomo, while his Battitore belongs to a twentieth century tradition, for the synthesis of the volumes and futurist for the dynamism of the subject. The fundamental contribution of Cagli with his NF sculptures, plates and vases, has a rather eclectic connotation that will be analyzed more extensively in the course of the text. For the moment it is sufficient to state that the young artist looks in various directions, undergoes the fascination of a futurism that has become pragmatic and applicative, looks in the direction of Valori Plastici (see respectively Icaro and Santone) and at the same time opens up to international experiences. How can we not think, looking at the plate with the figure of a Reaper, a bacchant running with ear and scythe, of the Picasso of the famous Two women running on the beach (Paris, Picasso Museum) of 1922? As for Dante Baldelli, who soon took over the technical and artistic direction together with Settimio and Aspromonte (3), his stylistic orientation certainly goes in the direction of deco and futurist graphics and design and many of his works find comparisons in ceramics. by Andlovitz, by Ivos Pacetti (Ilsa and Spica, Albisola), by GB De Salvo (Casa dell'Arte, Albisola Capo), by Tullio d'Albisola in the production of the Faci of Civita Castellana or of the Galvani of Pordenone. He is an artist of remarkable graphic skills, updated on the most innovative orientations of Italian and international design. The collaboration of Cagli and Baldelli. in the two-year period 1938-1939 it was undoubtedly very narrow, so much so that at times individual attribution is difficult. Both shared an interest in simple vascular shapes, emphasized by geometric motifs. among which concentric circles predominate, with graphite and painted linear figures, in which the hand of the single artist is more evident. During his stay in Umbertide, Cagli often returned to Rome. At the end of 1929 he took part in an exhibition at the Società Amatori e Cultori di Belle Arti together with Balla, Dottori, Fillia, Prampolini and other futurists. The work he exhibits, Il Vasaio, seems a clear allusion to his current activity. Mascelloni attributes the NF sculptures to the period preceding the 1929 exhibition, while most of the vases should be ascribed to his second stay in Umbertide (1929-1930). This is a problematic dating, where brand analysis or stylistic definition rarely helps. The head of Icarus, however, with its highly aerodynamic character, is perhaps more directly connected than other works to the Futurist experience, and could be dated just after the exhibition, perhaps at the beginning of 1930. Cagli definitively left Rometti at the end of 1930 to settle in Rome. Before leaving, he painted the wall paintings of the Mavarelli-Reggiani house, with agricultural scenes, commonly identified with the title Battle of the grain, the name of the project implemented by the fascist regime in 1925 to increase the production of wheat. The language of these paintings finds compelling comparisons in many of the motifs found on the ceramics. At this point Baldelli and Aspromonte (Settimio remains more concentrated on the administrative sector) become the dominant figures of Rometti, but Cagli's legacy remains, unequivocally, at least for the entire first half of the thirties. Rometti launches on the national market From 1931 the company began a greater presence on the market and a more intense advertising campaign (4). The first recognitions also arrive, such as the two gold medals obtained in that year, at the Nice Fair and at the Bologna Littoriale Fair. Participation in the Florence Handicraft Fair was also appreciated by the press, and so was the participation in the Permanent Umbrian Handicraft Exhibition in Perugia. The following year is characterized by the renewed presence at the Craft Fair in Florence and at the Fiera del Levante in Bari. In relation to the latter, a sales and exit voucher was found with the heading Ceramiche 'Rometti Fonda "Ars Umbra Umbertide (Umbria). Among the cuttings of the typography Barbagianni di Umbertide, packaging labels were found with the words Icafa Industria" Ceramica Argento "Fonda Amedeo. It is a commercial collaboration, in view of the creation of a company that did not see the light due to the death of Fonda in an accident, which occurred during the journey to Umbertide to stipulate the company. 1932 is also the year of Mussolini's visit to Rometti. At this date the factory is in full working order. Fifteen workers work there, with a daily wage of L. 5-6 and six or seven women with a wage of L. 2-2.50. It is interesting to consider that the Santone head, the most expensive object for sale, cost L. 600 (Catalog Rometti 1931-1933). In October 1932, Gerardo Dottori wrote an article on the "Empire", in which he talks about the success of some vases with subjects inspired by fascism and states: "Reading the news in the newspapers and seeing the photographs of the Rometti ceramics, we were amazed not to see the name of Corrado Cagli, who we knew was the creator, designer and often performer of these ceramics ". This is an important testimony that ascribes to Cagli vases and plates with subjects such as The March on Rome, I Ritardatari, L'Ascesa, however attributable to the artist on a stylistic basis and, in some cases, signed. Thus we have further confirmation of the duration of the creations of the two-year period 1928-1930. The years between the third and fourth decade of the twentieth century, despite their creative verve, correspond, in Europe and the United States, to a period of profound economic crisis, in which exports undergo a significant decrease and objects luxury goods are increasingly exclusive and inaccessible to a large number of consumers, contrary to what had happened in the previous decade. Even the Ceramiche Rometti, which had established themselves as an example of an original and poetic design, are suffering the effects of the economic crisis and Settimio, the company's dean, tries to run for cover. We have already talked about the search for partnerships with the Fonda company in Pola, an attempt to inject new capital into the company. The data would lead to affirm that everything happened in 1932, rather than in 1934, because the documents that mention the Amedeo Fonda company date back to 1932, but it is possible that the negotiations went on until 1934, the year of the sudden death of Amedeo Fonda according to the testimonials. According to the story of Rolando Fiorucci, the Fonda company supplied the material for a line of cups with a silver ring at the base, too expensive to establish itself in a period of economic depression. In any case, Septimius was very upset by the event, seeing the possibility of saving Rometti vanish. Also among the clippings of the typographical printed matter, a Program for the newly established "Ceramiche Rometti" Umbertide Limited Company, dated 1933, emerged. At that date, therefore, the Anonymous Company was in the process of being established and the heading Ceramiche Rometti Ars Umbra continued to be used. which also appears in the brands of the time. Speaking of brands, the time has come to say a few words on a rather delicate issue. From 1927 to 1935 both "Ceramiche Rometti" and "Ars Umbra" (composed in a triangular graphic solution) were used with great ease, sometimes accompanied by "Umbertide" or "Made in Italy". sometimes a triangular graphic sign made up of three lines with the letters RCB at the vertices that certainly make us think of Rometti, Cagli, Baldelli. Between 1933 and 1935 we sometimes find the inscription SACRU of the Società Anonima Ceramiche Rometti Umbertide. It may be interesting , in this regard, to cite two articles on the V Triennale di Milano, both of 1933, one on the "Illustrated Magazine of the People of Italy", the other on "Lidel. The first talks about Sacru, the second by Ceramiche Rometti. It is therefore possible that the SACRU brand appeared sporadically even before SACU, perhaps on the initiative of Settimio who may have proposed it to the members of the manufacturer that will take that name by omitting the R of Rometti. The variety in the trademark heading was explained by some former workers of the firm, who argue that beginners were required to practice signing before moving on to more demanding jobs. It can be assumed that there were signature models that the most inexperienced people imitated, choosing from the various headings. It is an image that gives a taste of lived to the typical Rometti italics. Returning to the events of the manufacture, 1934 was the year of the establishment of the Società Anonima Ceramiche Umbertide, made up of twenty-five local shareholders, with shares of L. 50 each, (in number from 2 to 6). In April 1935 the bankruptcy of the de facto company Ceramiche Rometti was registered with the Royal Civil Court of Perugia. Neither Settimio nor Aspromonte were among the founding partners of Sacu and this is connected to the absence of the name Rometti in the new company name. It is known from oral evidence that Septimius did not take the decision well at all and left his city for some time, going to Rimini, to a local ceramic factory. A few months later he worked as a technician at La Salamandra in Perugia and, according to the oral testimony of Rolando Fiorucci, he subsequently went to France, to Nice, to work in the construction company of his brother Clotide. Fiorucci recalls that Septimius used to say: "I'm saving lira for lira, in order to be able to return to Rometti as an owner and not as a worker". And he returned there, recalled by the Sacu partners who felt a deterioration in business after the departure of Settimio and his nephews Riego (or Smucchia) and Dante Baldelli, both outside Umbertide, Riego in Milan and Baldelli in Città di Castello. In March 1937 the change of the company name to Sacru (Società Anonima Ceramiche Rometti Umbertide) was communicated to the Provincial Council of Corporate Economy. The production of these years includes research on the shapes and color combinations of the glazes. Essential silhouettes, geometric decorations, the subjects are increasingly stylized. Black enamel is associated with coral red and in the polychrome, synthetic and fluid figurines, the combination of colors is rather lively. The war years marked a period of sharp decline and, it seems, for about a year, of interruption, in the production of Rometti. In 1942 Settimio decides to leave Sacru and establishes the Rometti Settimio company, Artistic Ceramics Manufacturing. In the meantime, Domenico Pucci had already become a majority shareholder in Sacru for some time and in 1943 he transformed the company from a limited liability company into a limited liability company, continuing to use the Ceramiche Rometti brand. From 1942 to 1947 there are two Rometti companies We are faced with two Rometti companies, one located in via Spalato (today via Spoletini - Ed), managed by Domenico Pucci, the other in via Garibaldi, managed by Settimio Rometti. The production is quite similar, but Settimio's Rometti gives more space to small sculptures, reliefs, plastic vases, while that of Pucci is more concentrated on services, boxes and small objects of use. Settimio Rometti, in the new headquarters which is the same as the current Ceramiche Rometti (before moving to the new factory in the middle of the straight - Ed), can finally manage the new company by himself. The grandchildren took different paths, Dante Baldelli has his own ceramic factory in Città di Castello and Riego works in Milan, achieving some success as a window dresser. Next to the factory there was (and still is partly) a pine forest, where Septimius led the workers to do gymnastic exercises before starting work. In the vicinity, then, stallions were allocated seasonally who inspired the Rometti logo with the prancing horse that is found starting from 1942. There are also sculptures of the Rometti horse made in fratta black - which re-emerged after the early thirties - in shaded gray or in red. The overlap of the two companies lasted five years, until the establishment of the Ditta Pucci in 1947. The following year, the Rometti company also changed its name from Rometti Settimio to Ceramiche Rometti di Rometti Settimio and in 1952 it became a Limited Liability Company. A series of sketches for the Four Seasons and the larger-scale realization of Primavera at the end of the 1940s give us an idea of Settimio's orientation, towards a lively and popular taste, perhaps to evoke freshness and vitality, after a period darkness of dictatorship and war. The creation in the 1950s of functional or decorative objects, such as liquor and smoking sets, boxes in the shape of a house, baskets, candelabra, vases with relief elements, tiles and ornaments follows the trends of the era of a calm stylization and a picturesque, sometimes naive taste. In this phase, the company increased its exports and participated in exhibitions and fairs, such as the one in Milan, taking advantage of the climate of economic rebirth, widespread internationally. Even the Pucci firm, oriented towards a production that favors tea or coffee services and other tableware, is experiencing a phase of economic stability that lasts throughout the 1950s. The Pucci Ceramics Company was liquidated in 1960. Pietro Finocchi takes over from Settimo Rometti Settimio Rometti retired from the scene two years later, leaving the company, which still exists today, to the partner Pietro Finocchi who had followed the events of the company since 1934 and had joined the company - since 1959 a general partnership - together with Manlio Banelli (who died in 1962). We can therefore fix at the dawn of the sixties the epilogue of the historical period of the Rometti manufacturing, a disruptive project that tended to shape the taste, rather than follow it, but also a fascinating example of micro-history that involves the small center of Umbertide in a great creative experience. * * * * * * * * * * In the sixties the historical period of Ceramiche Rometti ended, however they continued their activity by orienting themselves towards a more commercial and less artistic production. Pietro Finocchi was replaced by Dino Finocchi who carried out the business with great commitment, also going through difficult phases linked to the crisis in the reference market. With the arrival of Massimo Monin I, patron and entrepreneur of art, and Jean-Christophe Clair , multifaceted and visionary artistic director, Rometti begins in 2012 a new and prosperous phase, still ongoing. The extraordinary ability of the two manager-artists lies in finding a perfect balance between a contemporary vision and the enhancement of the Rometti heritage. The Manufacture boasts prestigious collaborations with brands and artists who have chosen its uniqueness to produce exclusive pieces and collections. B&B, Roche Bobois, Cartier, Borbonese, Fresh and many other big brands, international design names such as Ambrogio Pozzi, Liliane Lijn, Sergio Fiorentino, Chantal Thomass, Studio MAMO, Christian Tortu, Ugo La Pietra and Kenzo Takada: a constellation that shapes the past and present history of the iconic Rometti brand, fueling the race to collect pieces that have embellished almost a century of art. The Rometti Ceramics Gallery In 2011 the permanent art gallery of Ceramiche Rometti objects was inaugurated at the "Modern Factory", in Piazza C. Marx, the collection of works created by the artists who have worked in the prestigious Umbertidese factory in almost 100 years of history. . Corrado Cagli was one of the most important Italian artists of the twentieth century and at the beginning of his career he constantly worked on Ceramiche Rometti. The Cagli Archive therefore made an important contribution to the creation of the exhibition space. The collection consists of about 200 works recovered by the current owner in over 40 years from antique dealers, markets and private individuals that allow you to retrace the history of the company but also the history of Umbertide who is internationally recognized with this manufacture. The opening of this exhibition space, as well as the due recognition of the many people from Umbertide who have worked in the company in almost a century of history, also constitutes a new opportunity for the many art lovers and tourists who will visit Umbertide. You can admire objects made with the famous and unique "Nero Fratta" (metallic color with iridescent reflections) or with engravings on "bianchetto", another innovative technique by Rometti since the 1930s and finally decorations that marked a revolutionary phase for the tradition Italian ceramics. The Rometti Prize To relaunch its artistic production, re-engaging with the historical tradition, the Rometti Ceramics launched in 2013 the “Rometti Prize”, a special recognition that aims to reward projects and artists who offer an original contribution to the art of ceramics. Intended for students enrolled in academies and art and design institutes from all over the world who embrace the initiative, the Rometti Prize gives the finalists an internship in manufacturing where they will concretely carry out their project and a cash prize. Sources: - “Le Ceramiche Rometti” - Ed. Skira, 2005 - Catalog of the exhibition at the Rocca from 25 June to 6 November 2005; - "Cagli and Leoncillo at the Ceramiche Rometti di Umbertide" - Ed. Mazzotta, 1986 - Catalog of the Exhibition at the Rocca from 13 September to 30 November 1986; - "Amabili presenze - Ceramiche Rometti from Art Déco to Design 1927 - 2012 "- Catalog of the Exhibition in Rome from 3 October to 3 February 2013. The photos were taken from the catalogs. I vasari di Fratta dal 1400 al 1800 Ceramiche Rometti - Storia di una manifattura Ceramiche Pucci - La storia Ceramiche Rometti - Storia di una manifattura I vasari di Fratta dal 1400 al 1800 CERAMICHE PUCCI - The history by Angelica Pucci (From the catalog of the exhibition "Le Ceramiche Pucci" - Rocca di Umbertide "Center for contemporary art" - June / October 2006) 1947, the Ceramiche Pucci Umbertide are born It was May 1, 1947 when Ceramiche Pucci Umbertide was officially born: "[...] in recognition of the effective and competent work carried out by the Sole Director Dr. Eng. Domenico Pucci in the ten years that have passed since he took over the administration of the company [...] "-, SACRU (Società Anonima Ceramiche Rometti Umbertide) considers it appropriate to change the company name to" Ceramiche Pucci Umbertide ", a limited liability company whose object is the production and trade of artistic ceramics of family and industrial use. The presence of Domenico Pucci in the factory dates back. therefore, far back in time: former shareholder of Ceramiche Rometti Umbertide, managing director and then chairman of the company's board of directors from December 1936, starting from March 28, 1943 he became majority shareholder and sole director and without board of statutory auditors of the Ceramiche company Rometti Umbertide, which on that very date was transformed from a limited liability company to a limited liability company. In fact, it is therefore he who personally directs the new company, although this will still retain the "Ceramiche Rometti Umbertide" brand until May 1, 1947. With perfect management continuity, of workers, systems and products, the Ceramiche Rometti brand therefore gave way to the Ceramiche Pucci brand in the middle of the post-war period. In the post-war reorganization, although much more attention was paid to the reasons of the market, the social principles that had always characterized the profile of the company were not evaded, accompanying its transformations and witnessing - with the presence among the shareholders of citizens of all social extraction and any economic power - how the artistic ceramics factory was felt by Umbertide not only as an economic force, but above all as the expression of a village community proud of being able to boast a quality product, the result of the skill of workers competent and specialized in the various sectors of the supply chain. The management not only maintained this priority, but also worked to ensure that the social objectives could be satisfied in the best possible way, allowing the expansion of the activity, which even in the midst of the difficulties experienced by craftsmanship in general, saw the number of fifty-two employees. Domenico Pucci was not an "artist", but an "entrepreneur" and as such he had long ago brought his managerial skills to the service of the business with a remarkable foresight for the time. The character qualities, the propensity to always look forward with optimism even in times of difficulty and, above all, the experience gained through personal contacts with the Milanese environment, receptive to innovations and dynamic in the most disparate sectors of the economy, had always solicited great attention towards the production chain and the diversification of the product with the intention of marketing it not only on the Italian market, which was then in severe crisis, but also towards those foreign markets which, like the American one, showed interesting signs of vitality . The economic marginality of the Umbrian region and of the town of Umbertide were therefore not an obstacle to the desire to project itself decisively on the national and international market with the awareness of the exquisite shapes and decorations, which still make today, of the remaining specimens, objects sought by the collectors from all over the world. The birth of Ceramiche Pucci, however, takes place in a particularly difficult historical and economic moment, because, to the difficulties generated by the war, are added the no less serious ones of the post-war period when the urgency to rebuild what is necessary inevitably made the desire to look with interest at an asset that could be considered luxury. The minutes of the assembly, already during the conflict, complained about the difficulties in supplying raw materials, the need to make up for the absence of male workers called up to arms with female personnel, the limitations or even the suspension, by government decree, of the production of an asset not compatible with the state of war, the almost total closure of international markets, energy costs in continuous rise. Difficulties begin after the war Despite this, with the exception of 1944, the year of the bombing of Umbertide, the financial statements manage to close in the black, albeit with extremely low margins. The real difficulties emerge after the war, just at the moment in which the transformation takes place and the Ceramiche Pucci brand is born. When in Italy the reconstruction begins, in fact. the artisanal sector does not find substantial support in the choices of governments, which instead goes to support large companies, as if only the latter had to support the economy of a country that was trying to recover. However, it should be noted that craftsmanship, by its very nature. it could not collect the breadth of consensus typical of large industry and agriculture. Disappointment and regret constantly emerge in the minutes of the post-war assembly which see the lack of government support as a serious aggravating factor in a situation that is already very difficult in itself, an inevitable consequence of the precariousness of the moment: the costs of raw materials undergo significant increases, electricity in 1949 it rose by about 50 per cent compared to 1947, the social and insured contributions paid by the employer increased by 40 per cent in 1948 alone, the percentages in banking transactions became ever higher. Competition on the international manufacturing market of other countries that have resumed their activity becomes tighter, the internal market of the sector is in crisis, because that middle class, which constituted a large part of the clientele, is forced to turn its interest towards basic necessities. All these difficulties hardly make it possible to maintain a balanced budget and jobs, but do not produce profits that can be reinvested to expand an activity which, in any case, in the small town, plays an economic role of fundamental importance. To overcome the difficulties, action is taken on several fronts The rather complicated entrepreneurial choices are faced by Domenico Pucci with immediate interventions on several fronts, with the primary objective of consolidating the presence in the market both in defense of jobs and of that "made in Italy" which, for his awareness and conviction, receives appreciation for the originality and quality of the product. The key issues on which he decides to operate are many and simultaneously affect both the structural elements of the production process and distribution in the markets: - reorganization of the supply chain; - maintaining the old prices in order not to reduce sales beyond a certain limit and to safeguard production; - diversification and upgrading of the product aimed at conquering foreign markets still sensitive to the taste and refinement of Italian artistic ceramics. The modernization of the supply chain, which had already started between 1943 and 1944 when the factory was moved from via XII Settembre to via Spalato (now via Spoletini), is completed in the large, newly built premises which facilitate its reorganization in all aspects. The geographical location, the lines of communication, the means of transport and the difficulties inherent in the historical period had led to choices that favored functionality and autonomy as much as possible. The latter went so far as to equip the company with functional appendages such as a sawmill for the production of packing cases and shavings, essential for the safe transfer of such delicate goods on long road, railway or even transoceanic sections. The processing residues were used, in winter, to heat the compartments, such as the warehouse, which were not reached by the heat produced by the ovens. The organization of the company spaces was conceived by favoring a serial layout which required to incorporate the schemes of industrialized work without going to the highest levels of the production chain, not properly suited to an exquisitely and unequivocally "artistic" production. The location of the departments highlighted a specific attention to minimizing the travel spaces since the material, very delicate, in its various processing phases was transported without automated systems; the "dirty" areas were kept separate from the "clean" areas, and moreover, areas with a "naturally" controlled temperature were located, to allow a correct drying phase of the worked clays. The earth was pre-worked in an external pavilion, where, from the material first taken from the fields, by means of chalking and passing through the sedimentation tanks and filtering phases, clay loaves were obtained; these entered the real "factory" in which it was possible to identify the two "lungs" of the layout: the processing of clay and terracotta decoration, separated from each other by the area reserved for the cooking ovens, which served both departments. Being able to count on a stable supply of electricity, the wood-burning ovens used during the war had been replaced by electric ovens which, with a more stable and controlled cycle, the quality of the product increased. There were always two stages of cooking (clay-bistugio, bistugio-decorated product), sometimes three when the artifact was finished in pure gold or with special enamels. The intermediate location of the ovens area favored a balanced distribution of heat, which in winter kept the work spaces at temperature and in summer allowed the dissipation of excess heat to the outside, through suitable ventilation of the central area, without the other two departments were disturbed. The warehouse for the storage of the finished product, packaging and shipping was a body adjacent to the production area and saw, for most of the time, the shipping area located in a strategic position towards the railway station, located in the immediate vicinity, since the delivery took place almost entirely by rail. From the warehouse the crates were transferred, on hand-pushed carts along a very short path, directly to the freight cars, through a reserved access at the rear of the station. The exclusively commercial and accounting sector had a reserved area, but always and in any case contiguous to the production area, and was equipped with an exhibition room, which was nothing more than the historical archive of the objects produced, systematically marked with the number of catalog or often, as happened with the most commercially successful products, with a name that recalled the most evident characteristics of the decorative element. Participation in fairs and exhibitions in Italy and abroad Outside the factory, the company organization expressed itself with the marketing of the product through multiple initiatives aimed at developing the ability to enter the markets, first of all the representation system and participation in events of national and international interest such as trade fairs and permanent exhibitions. The more or less fixed presence of highly skilled representatives in strategic positions on the national and international territory (Europe, Central and North America, Japan) reveals choices sensitive to the reopening of markets after the war. The goal is to support competition from manufacturers from other European countries, such as France and Germany, or from outside Europe, such as Japan, which among other things benefit from the support given to the sector by national governments, that support which, as underlined previously, it lacked the productive vivacity and artistic originality of the Italian artisan enterprise. It is always with a view to the market that Ceramiche Pucci are systematically among the exhibitors of the Fiera Campionaria di Milano, sporadically also among those of the Fiera del Levante in Bari and occasionally also among those present at the Toronto, Casablanca and Barcelona fairs, with costs often consistent, but still justified by the hope of rising turnover. Upstream of these interventions there is an incessant and careful preparation of the samples that every year see renewed shapes and decorations by extremely qualified and competent workers, as well as sensitive to the needs of customers and to the orientations of taste. In this regard, it is enough to recall the decorations in pure gold and special enamels that characterize the early fifties, when the taste is oriented towards greater richness and lively and brilliant colors, expression of a vision of reality now far from the austerity of the war period. It is a very specific phase which, during the fifties, promoted particular decorative choices on the artistic level - which best characterize the originality of Ceramiche Pucci - and, on the commercial level, contributed to a valid affirmation of the product on the markets, positively influenced by the economic revival now underway. However, artistic innovation never lost sight of the two fundamental needs of customers, to be identified in the double diversification of the product and prices, two fronts on which precise choices are made aimed at creating very varied objects; that from the object of pure and simple decorative furniture (vases, centerpieces, decorative tiles, etc.) goes up to the always very refined but functional artifact (tableware, tea, coffee, dessert, ice cream, smoking, for children etc.), or even the prestigious article that large confectionery industries, such as Perugina, Motta or Pernigotti, choose for the luxury packaging of their products. The decoration, to adapt to a wide range of prices, differs while maintaining the same shapes to the object. Double-variant decorations are proposed, with gold and special enamels and, consequently, at a higher price due to the further firing phase; or without gold and special enamels, and therefore at lower prices, accessible to a wider clientele. This phase of intense research for artistic and market innovation sees Domenico Pucci present in the United States for a long time. where assisted by the capable collaboration of qualified representatives, he manages to place heterogeneous and rich samples which, at the time, allowed the foreign turnover to compensate for the stagnation of the internal market and which, today, find examples of products signed "Ceramiche Pucci Umbertide - made in Italy "jealously guarded by overseas collectors. Since the shapes and the decoration are linked to the originality and inspiration of truly capable workers, it is not possible to forget the skill of the staff involved in the final realization of the product. The decoration entrusted to an almost exclusively female staff reveals the acquisition of exceptional abilities, of mastery of different painting techniques, in which already expert workers taught those young people who entered the world of work without the slightest experience. Beyond, in fact, the apprenticeship courses that the company was able to organize in collaboration with the Professional Training School, the real school was the factory. where day after day the new generation learned and experimented the techniques of each production sector in order to become skilled workers and then carry out, in the first person, the dual role of "workers" and "masters. This approach to work played a role socializing of fundamental importance. The factory also as a place for socializing Inside the factory, in fact, a family atmosphere prevailed that excluded any strongly individualizing element, allowing different generations to relate with a spirit of collaboration and, something not to be underestimated at the time, it gave women ample space to achieve themselves thanks to constant and patient commitment required, which allowed them to acquire extraordinary skills, especially, as already mentioned, in the decoration sector. There were many moments of socialization experienced outside working hours in the same spaces of the factory, spaces which, on special occasions, were decorated by the workers themselves to provide a pleasant background for playful moments also open to the participation of family members. The aggregation was also favored by a village reality, at the time still contained within the limits of a community and by the same size of the factory; not so big as to contribute to the dispersion of interpersonal relationships, nor small enough to restrict them to a family level. A reality that has determined a particular way of conceiving the work experience and has significantly affected the aggregation process. In the fifties this is the physiognomy that characterizes Ceramiche Pucci and which, towards the end of the decade, begins to take on different connotations, strictly dependent on changes in taste and relations with an increasingly competitive market where new materials are imposed that allow obtain innovative products, with a satisfying aesthetic appearance, functional, resistant and less expensive. In 1958 the Pucci ceramics are transformed into Pucci majolica and new modernization needs asked to be satisfied: the taste is oriented towards different shapes and decorations that are realized in a production of profound break compared to that of the past. In this period the company is enriched by the precious contribution of Orfei, thanks to which the shape and the decoration evolve towards a greater geometricism and stylization which - although an artistic expression of value - distance the new production from those elements that characterize the Ceramiche Pucci in their truest expression. This is a moment of different experiments also on the type of product, which is enriched by the coatings sector (floor and wall tiles), in which the taste of free and loose hand brushstrokes is revived. The production of Pucci Majolica ceases in 1962 A choice was then required: to lower the level of manufacturing by moving towards a more commercial and less refined product or to raise the level towards an even more niche production that is less and less serial and essentially aimed at the collector's item. Neither line was found to be prosecutable. The first would have denied the history of Ceramiche Pucci, which had made quality products its flag, and found even more fierce competition; the second would have to find in subsequent generations a vital spirit, which it did not find: different choices had already been made. The decision made, even if it was painful. if it has not completely satisfied, it has at least complied with all the needs, especially in light of the fact that in the early sixties the economic boom was also reflected in Umbertide in a growth in production activities both within the same sector and in other quality manufacturers . What remains today is, however. the significant expression of an artistic path that has left an indelible mark on each of its specimens. Sources: - "Le Ceramiche Pucci" - Ed. Skira, 2006 - Catalog of the exhibition at the Rocca from 10 June to 22 October 2006 The photos were taken from the catalog (excluded those of the carnival ball that they are from the historical photographic archive of Corradi and those of the exhibition at the Rocca and of the pages of Umbertide Chronicles that are by Fabio Mariotti) Ceramiche Pucci - La storia

L'arrivo degli aerei e la prima ondata La prima sosta e la seconda ondata CRONACA, MINUTO PER MINUTO, DEL BOMBARDAMENTO DI UMBERTIDE DEL 25 APRILE 1944 di Mario Tosti dal suo libro “IL NOSTRO CALVARIO” con la collaborazione di trecentoquarantacinque testimoni L’ARRIVO DEGLI AEREI L’udito come difesa: perché sono i rumori ad annunciare i fatti. Dalla cadenza degli scarponi, dal bussare alle porte, al sibilo sinistro degli aerei. I rumori hanno un linguaggio diverso, secondo i tempi; e quelli del tempo di guerra sono udibili immediatamente per un vigile senso di attesa e di allerta(1). Un brontolio lontano annuncia l’approssimarsi di aerei. Prima stazione Gesù davanti a Pilato è condannato a morte Gesù innocente è abbandonato dal potere imperiale. Crucifige! Crucifige! Il paese impotente è lasciato in balia dell’arbitrio della barbarie. 1) Eliana Pirazzoli, dattiloscritto, 1986 L’attacco I quattro aerei che, stanchi del carosello, avevano accennato a lasciare il girotondo, hanno davvero deciso di dirigersi verso il paese(1). Dei primi due(2), uno vira verso il Faldo(3); l’altro, abbassatosi sulle schioppe, segue il Tevere(4) verso Montecorona(5). Entrambi puntano verso Sud, come per tornare da dove sono venuti. Gli altri due li seguono a distanza. La maggior parte di quanti si erano fermati ad assistere allo spettacolo, vedendo gli aerei scomparire dietro i tetti, verso Pian d’Assino, riprendono il cammino interrotto, pensando che lo spettacolo sia finito. Non sanno che è il prologo di una tragedia immane. Altri cominciano a capire. I due aerei, scesi minacciosi da Montaguto, hanno attirato l’attenzione della Vera (Vibi) che, dalla finestra sul Tevere, stava buttando sul fiume i fondi del caffè appena colato, per non sporcare il lavandino di marmo bianco. Corre verso la camera della mamma che è a letto, inferma(6). Anche i ragazzini cominciano a capire. Lamberto (Maccarelli) stava piantando i fagioli nell’orto con il nonno; ha riconosciuto che sono degli Alleati quegli apparecchi che continuano a volare da diversi minuti sopra la sua testa nel cielo bellissimo, di pieno sole. Capisce che stanno per bombardare. Corre in cas per avvertire la mamma e la sorella che fanno le maglie: dapprima le donne ninnano un po’. Si radunano tutti nell’atrio in fondo alle scale. Il nonno vorrebbe uscire verso la bottega di Conti. Lo convincono a restare lì. L’Antonina, la mamma di Lamberto, comincia a piangere. Il nonno Giuseppe (Fiorucci) la consola: “Sta tranquilla, ‘ché i travi en de ferro...”(7). 1) Fabrizio Boldrini, Domenico Mariotti, Francesco Martinelli 2) Amedeo Faloci 3) Franco Mischianti 4) Paolo Mazzanti 5) Franco Mischianti 6) Vera Vibi 7) Lamberto Maccarelli LA PRIMA ONDATA (1) I due aerei, giunti sopra Montecorona, virano verso Poggio Manente. Il primo, pilotato dal capo-pattuglia Jandrell, punta il muso rosso verso il ponte sul Tevere. Segue la traiettoria ottimale secondo la tecnica militare: deve essere obliqua rispetto all'asse della strada, di quel tanto necessario ad indirizzare gli ordigni alla base del ponte, in modo che l'onda d'urto si espanda dal basso all'alto, per aggredire l'arco lungo la direttrice di minor resistenza; centrare la carreggiata raramente genera danni irreparabili rispetto alla transitabilità della campata(2). La direzione di avvicinamento deve lasciare il sole dietro le spalle, per evitare abbagliamenti. In questo caso, la traiettoria così determinata ha anche il vantaggio che il tratto più basso della picchiata, sviluppandosi sopra i tetti, mantiene il bombardiere fuori del tiro di eventuali armi antiaeree, che i ricognitori possono aver sospettato ai margini del centro storico. Nei piloti è del tutto marginale la preoccupazione per l'incolumità dei civili. Non sono bastati decenni di dittatura, quattro anni di guerra e di miseria, per risparmiare ad un paese inerme il colpo di grazia. Si è deciso di infierire. Ecce homo. Dalla stazione, già quasi deserta(3), si riesce a vedere la testa del pilota con la cuffia di cuoio(4) che sfreccia sopra la casa del contadino della "Commenda", la rivendita di vino e latte di Civitella(5). Il cacciabombardiere compare all'improvviso alla gente in piazza, che guarda in su, attratta dal rombo crescente, paralizzata, nelle gambe e nella mente: piomba in picchiata(6) verso di loro, nero contro il cielo pieno di luce. Crepita la mitragliatrice, per dissuadere l'antiaerea che non c'è. Adriano Zurli, militare dell'aeronautica, non appena ha sentito un paio di raffiche, si è reso conto del pericolo; insieme a Gigi de Torello (Luigi Carlini) salta negli orti dietro le case di Via Roma e fugge risalendo la Regghia(7). Ugo Forni, arruolato in aviazione, è in casa di Mogi (Alessandro Romitelli), il gestore del Dopolavoro della ferrovia. Quando ha sentito il crescendo della picchiata, ha fatto riparare tutta la gente del caseggiato nel fondo della Lisa (Baldoni)(8). Anche Secondo, alla Caminella, esperto perché convalescente per ferite riportate in prima linea, capisce che stanno per bombardare(9). Seconda stazione Gesù si carica la croce sulle spalle Prima scarica La vista delle bombe All'improvviso due cilindri luccicanti, simili a grossi maiali(10), abbandonano la pancia del "picchiatello"; fanno un paio di capriole(11), come se vogliano indugiare; poi precipitano, lasciando una scia rossastra(12) in mezzo ad un frastuono assordante. Brizio (Boldrini) ed i suoi amici le guardano più curiosi che impauriti(15). "Ma queste en bombe!!" urla all'improvviso la Pomeìna (Armando Silvioni), facendo gelare il sangue(16) a quanti sono in piazza. "Bombardano!" ripete Sganapìno (Giuseppe Galmacci) guardando in alto(17). Sembrano una coppia d'uova(18). "Buttono ji ovi d'oca!", conferma puntando l'indice un ragazzino, più esperto di pollai che di macchine da guerra, dalla collina della Serra(19). Anche al Faldo, vedendo cadere quei cavulìni, non sanno paragonarli ad altro di conosciuto che ad una coppia d'ovi d'oca: comuni, innocue uova, solo più grosse del normale. Le bombe non hanno mai abitato qui(20). La Pia (Gagliardini), in casa dietro le scuole, visti cadere dall'aereo che si abbassa quei due cavolini, incuriosita chiede ad Alfredo (Briganti): "Che ha lasciato cadere quell'apparecchio?". "Fuggi, sono bombe. Fuggi via!(21)". A Muzio (Venti) sembrano dei bijittìni, uguali a quelli che hanno buttato nei giorni scorsi per avvertire la gente del pericolo(22). Ognuno, da dovunque li guardi, ha la sensazione che gli ordigni puntino sulla propria testa. Tuttora sono in pochi - perlopiù giovani - ad avere l'istinto di fuggire. I ragazzini delle magistrali scattano dove le gambe li portano, rispondendo ciascuno alla propria indole e prestanza. Nino (Grassini) si rifugia dentro il locale più vicino: il negozio di alimentari di Palchetti, in piazza, a pochi metri da dove si trovava(24). Brizio (Boldrini) sfreccia veloce verso Piazza Mazzini, gira per il mercato, mentre Sergio (Celestini) gli grida qualcosa correndo al di là della Regghia(25): per la velocità - lui è l'ala sinistra della Tiberis, un fulmine! - non è riuscito a curvare verso il mercato ed è filato dritto verso la piazza della Collegiata. Bruno (Burberi) indugia qualche attimo. Ramiro, quando era arrivato a casa tutto trafelato per aver visto i ricognitori, aveva trovato Bruno Righetti che voleva fare una saldatura su un pezzetto di macchina per cucire: gli aveva detto del pericolo e che avrebbe riparato il pezzetto se stava fuori a far da sentinella; prima però era salito in casa per avvertire la mamma e per mangiare un boccone. Mentre stava portandosi alla bocca un pescetto in bianco, la mamma, che nel frattempo era andata in terrazza, con voce eccitatissima gli ha urlato. "Ramiro, che è `sto rumore?". Lasciando il pesce, lui è stolzato in terrazza ed ha visto, all'apparente distanza di trenta metri, la sagoma di due ordigni che lasciavano una scia rossastra; sente il fischio delle bombe ed il rombo dell'aereo in picchiata, che non può vedere a causa del sole che ha di fronte(26). La grossa bomba / che pare d'argento, / per i riflessi della luce del sole / girando su se stessa, / piomba giù(27). La maggior parte della gente è rimasta bloccata, attonita(28): non riesce ancora a credere che stia arrivando la morte sul paese; sugli amici; sui famigliari; su di sé! Gli ordigni sembrano ancora galleggiare sopra le teste della gente in piazza, come sostenuti dalla volontà delle persone atterrite. Poi planano via, fino a scomparire sibilando dietro la casa di Burelli(29), verso il Tevere. Al di sopra delle bombe sta sopraggiungendo anche l'aereo che le ha sganciate, preceduto dal crepitio delle pallottole delle mitraglie sui tetti(30) e dal ruggito parossistico dei motori che vogliono risalire; anche la fusoliera, adesso diventata d'argento nel riflettere i raggi del sole, scompare dietro le case. Galeno è sulla soglia del suo "salone"(31), attonito, col camice bianco ed il pettine in mano(32). Forse cerca il suo amore(33). Due amichette vestite da piccole italiane non sono ancora tornate a casa dalla scuola; si sono fermate a parlare lungo il Corso. Hanno alzato lo sguardo verso l'aereo che è appena passato proprio sopra le loro teste. Tutte contente esclamano: "Oh ... quant'è bello!"(34). Il boato Qualche attimo di silenzio, ancora nell'illusione che nulla sia vero, che si sia trattato di un'allucinazione, che tutto sia finito. Invece, un tuono(35), un boato immane, indicibile, più sconvolgente di un terremoto, scuote tutto: case, corpi, sentimenti, ragione. Quando sentii il rumore / lo credetti un tuono dapprima / ma lungo e nero e sempre / più forte. / Un grido di cielo squarciato / rauco interminabile / adunco / sopra le case dentro la terra / nel soffitto nei pavimenti nei muri / in ogni più piccola cosa / e dentro di me(36). Le due bombe si sono schiantate sulla riva destra del Tevere(37), a nord della campata centrale del ponte(38), all'altezza dell'osteria di Lisetti in via Spunta(39). Il terribile rumore investe l'Elena (Boriosi) sul portone di casa, dove è appena arrivata, dopo essere ridiscesa di corsa per le scale, con il libro che la sorella Rina intendeva restituire alla Gina Borgarelli(40). Sono le 9 e 45. È iniziata la più grande tragedia della storia del paese(41). L'onda d'urto Lo spostamento d'aria dispiega la sua forza tremenda. Fa sbalzare Toto (Antonio Silvestrelli) dentro la barbieria dello zio Virgilio (Occhirossi), in direzione opposta a quella che intendeva percorrere verso le volte della parrucchieria di fronte(43). Nell'osteria di Via Spunta vola via il cappello di Natale (Bucaioni), che stava innaffiando la colazione con un bicchiere di vino; lui resta lì, immobile, rendendosi conto di essere sotto un muro robustissimo(44). Si spalanca la porta della cucina a piano terra in Via Mancini; cadono detriti dal soffitto sulla farina che la Batazzi sta impastando sopra la spianatòra(45). Frullano all'improvviso le pagine del vocabolario di latino, sotto gli occhi dell'Ornella (Duranti) e della Wilma (Borri)(46). Il verdone in gabbia le guarda, ammutolito. Il terrore fa perdere il lume della ragione alla Lidia (Tonanni), una sartina che sta provando un vestito alla sora Virginia (Santini), in Piazza San Francesco. "Io voglio mori' co' la mi' mamma!", arùga verso la cliente, quasi come sia lei la responsabile di quel pandemonio. E la Virginia, poveretta, a giustificarsi: "Sta calma! ... Guarda... che ci sei venuta da te!"(48). Nello stesso momento, in Via Soli, la mamma della Lidia, 1'Annetta (Taticchi), e la Martina (Maddoli) sono sbattute per terra(49)". La Marietta (Beatini) è impietrita davanti alla porta della cartoleria di Tommasi; vi cerca rifugio proprio mentre la lastra di vetro della vetrina le cade davanti, frantumata dalle vibrazioni(50). Tutti i vetri si rompono: quelli del Corso(51), del Comune(52), delle scuole elementari "Garibaldi"(53), delle case al mercato(54). La terra trema. Sempre più gente strilla: "Bombàrdono, bombàrdono"(55). I sassi e le schegge I ciottoli del pitrìccio sono catapultati dappertutto. Cadono sassi fino all'ultimo piano dell'abitazione di Lorenzo (Andreani) in via Cibo, dove la mamma stava accudendo alle faccende di casa, verso il Tevere(56). Precipitano in piazza(57); sulla torre(58); davanti alle chiese di piazza San Francesco, alla pompina della Caminella(59). Una svecciata di sassi raggiunge Bruno (Burberi), che si è deciso a scappare verso la Collegiata; cerca protezione svoltando nel primo vicolo, Via Alberti, e s'infila nel negozio di verdura della Pierina(60). Brecce saltano sui tetti di Via Mancini, emulando il precedente crepitio delle pallottole sparate dalle mitraglie(61) degli aerei verso i camion tedeschi davanti al Capponi(62). Una gragnola di sassi neri colpisce le vetrine del Bar Giardino, sotto lo sguardo attonito delle due bambine - Giovanna e Carla - assorte nello scartare quel torroncino per cui avevano interrotto il loro cammino verso la tempesta del vicolo di San Giovanni (63). Giorgio (Toraci) e Renato (Pecorini), in Via Alberti, di fronte al forno di Bucitino, stavano giocando con le figurine di carta del presepio, che si possono ribaltare dai fogli dove sono incollate. Sobbalzano allibiti al rumore delle sassate sui coppi del tetto. La Madonna che stavano sollevando dal foglio, si strappa e resta lì, abbandonata a terra. Fuggono per le scale, per ripararsi in una nicchia molto robusta(64). Una pioggia di ghiaia cade sulla casa del Faldo, dietro la quale hanno fatto riparare gli anziani, sdraiati nel fosso(65). Verso il "Mulinello", una scheggia spezza il grosso ramo di un noce(66). Un masso enorme si schianta fra Via Stella e la Collegiata, a qualche metro da Franco (Mischianti), che è sbalzato a terra. Si mette al coperto, rifugiandosi nella barbieria di Palazzoli in Piazza Mazzini(67). Una pietra. colpisce la bicicletta di Umberto (Dominici), l'apprendista fotografo, che sta correndo davanti alla chiesa(68). In direzione opposta Maria Maddalena (Marzani), con la lettera per il fratello al fronte, sta svoltando in bicicletta verso Reggiani, in mezzo ad una bufera di sassi e ad un frastuono indescrivibile(69). Non può scappare Guerriero de l'Elena (Boldrini), che ha fatto salina; si trova nei fondi del Sellàro, lungo la Regghia, insieme ad Elio (Caprini), a Osvaldo (Baroni) ed al Ministro (Alfiero Silvioni). Il rumore dello scoppio e dei sassi che cadono sui bandoni della stalla ha fatto imbizzarrire i cavalli, che sferrano coppie di calci, impedendo ogni possibilità di fuga. Un macigno cade vicino e sfascia un carro(70). La nube Le colonne di fumo, scaturite dalla radice del lampo dell'esplosione, si fondono fra loro in una nube, che si gonfia sempre più lenta e minacciosa man mano che cresce a dismisura. Un gran polverone(71) segue la tempesta iniziale di sassi ed invade il paese. Il terrore Il boato ha risvegliato tutti quelli che hanno assistito alla scena, sbigottiti, pietrificati; finalmente scappano. Anche molti di quanti l'hanno solo sentito, intuiscono e fuggono verso punti più sicuri. Nella sartoria di Palmiro (Maccarelli) all'inizio del ponte sul Tevere, presi dal loro lavoro, gli apprendisti non avevano dato importanza al rumore degli aerei, anche perché li avevano sentiti spesso. Scossi dal gran boato della bomba caduta vicino a loro, tutti sono usciti di corsa, spaventatissimi(72). La vetrina della bottega di calzature economiche, nello stesso palazzo, si è frantumata e le scarpe esposte sono volate verso le commesse, che non avevano posto tanta attenzione a quel ronzio; si mettono a correre, tenendosi per mano, in direzione della piazza; ma quasi subito il fumo le separa; si perdono(73). Baldo (Ubaldo Gambucci) è lì davanti, perso; accenna ad andare dentro la bottega di mercerie, dove sono la Menchina e l'Adriana del Sellàro (Cecchetti); va in qua e in là, senza decidersi(74). Suo figlio Gigetto (Luigi Gambucci) stava facendo firmare un mandato ad un cliente di Montecastelli, Eusebi, allo sportello dell'Ufficio Postale. Tutti hanno l'istinto di scappare, ma si fermano titubanti sul portone, non osando avventurarsi fuori, in quell'inferno di pietre; Gigetto trattiene a forza 1'Itala (Boldrini), tirandola dentro per un braccio(75). Sopraggiunge l'Elda (Bebi Ceccarelli), la direttrice dell'ufficio, con le figlie: è rimasta attardata, per portar via dalla cassaforte gli stipendi dei maestri(76). Vorrebbe uscire, mentre la figlia Marianella vuole rimanere al coperto. Di fronte alla Posta, in Comune, la Peppa (Ceccarelli), che era andata a ritirare la tessera per la carne della macelleria Bebi, fugge per le scale con la Piera e l'Ada (Bruni)(77). II Commissario fa chiudere il portone, impedendo a chiunque di uscire(78). L'atrio del municipio s'intasa di persone accalcate. Peppino (Grilli) e Pietro de Sciuscìno (Bartoccini) si ritrovano sulle spalle di Agostino (Bico)(79). La Lea (Rapo), che stava spolverando, aveva visto gli aerei andare verso Montecorona; quando uno di essi era riapparso lasciando cadere due "ovini", lei è fuggita in cucina tirando per un braccio il nonno. Lui completamente sordo, non si era accorto di niente: stava cercando di accendere il fuoco nel focolare, per cuocere il dolce per il compleanno della nipotina. Per festeggiare l'evento, la mamma aveva già disposto sulla spianatora tutto l'occorrente per il dolce delle quattro tazze - di farina bianca, gialla, latte, zucchero - da cuocere con la teglia coperta, i carboni sotto e sopra. Ora fuggono per le scale(80). La Dora (Silvestrelli) aspettava il dottor Valdinoci che avrebbe dovuto visitare il babbo, a letto con una gran febbre. Aspettava anche le frittelle che la mamma stava cocendo con un po' di pasta del pane, prima di portare le file nel locale per la lievitazione al forno di Quadrio Bebi. Vista la bella giornata, aveva aperto la finestra della camera del babbo per cambiare l'aria; vi si era affacciata, verso il fiume. All'improvviso ha sentito uno strano rumore sempre più forte; ha visto un oggetto o due venire dal cielo; poi lo scoppio. Tutti, di corsa, si sono rifugiati nel passetto delle scale, sotto gli architravi, come da tempo stabilito. Vi hanno trovato Lazzaro (Bottaccioli) con la Stella, che pregano ad alta voce(81). II fratello della Dora, Spinelli (Renato Silvestrelli), ed il Boca (Vantaggi) sono partiti come frecce - il primo in bicicletta, il secondo a piedi - verso Via Roma; si ficcano entrambi sotto un vecchio banco da lavoro nel bugigattolo da ciclista(82). La Sunta (Baruffi) corre verso Fornacìno, senza zoccoli, che ha perso per strada(83). Anche Rolando (Paneni) ha scalciato via gli zoccoli e fugge scalzo verso il macello(84). Un carrettiere, sorpreso davanti alla Collegiata, scappa abbandonando il carretto ed il mulo che lo trainava(85): ha ben altro cui pensare che rispettare la regola di legare la bestia dietro il carro! Don Luigi si è alzato di scatto e si è rifugiato di corsa in un adito che dalla chiesa conduce alla sagrestia. Chiama nel suo improvvisato rifugio altre persone che sono entrate in chiesa, spaventate dalla bomba e da un'intensa raffica di mitraglia. In tutto sono in cinque: tre uomini ed una giovane donna che, stringendosi al collo un bambino, grida e piange disperatamente(86). In cima alla Piaggiola, dove avevano continuato a lavorare tranquillamente - "Tanto ... gli aerei sono tedeschi" - Renato (Caseti) si precipita per le scale, cavalcando il boato e scavalcando la ringhiera. Corre verso la Pompina e si allontana, verso Santafede ed il Fosso di Lazzaro(87). Nello stesso punto, lo scoppio ha sorpreso l'Elvira (Rossi), nipote di Quadrio. Era uscita da casa con la cognata Peppa (Giuseppa Gallicchi) per comprare la conserva nel negozio dello zio, perché avevano dato i punti della tessera annonaria; ne avrebbe approfittato per salire al piano sopra la bottega per fare una visita allo zio malato. Ma ha deciso - quando uno non deve morire, non deve morire! - di passare prima, con sua cognata, a prendere i buoni in Comune per ritirare le uova dalla Sandra (Migliorati). "Uh, Peppa, è il bombardamento!", adesso urla. La sora Adalgisa (Castelletti) le fa entrare dentro il negozio di argenteria. L'Elvira, incinta dell'Anna di sette mesi, si inginocchia: "Pater nostro, salve regina, rechemetèrna..." ...ma finché [Dio] non ha voluto, [il bombardamento] non ha smesso. Fuori vede tutta la gente correre: sembrano impazziti quelli che a frotte fuggono con le mani sui capelli(88). Fiordo, il carrettiere, si butta dentro la buca dove stava scavando la rena(89). Nella bottega di Quadrio, Amleto, che aiutava a vendere nella bottega del suocero, ha capito; aggrappato al bancone con le mani, le braccia tese ed i polsi in avanti, grida a tutti: "State fermi ... calma ... è il bombardamento"(90). Mentre si sente fortissimo il rombo dell'aereo che rimonta dopo la picchiata, Ramiro ha già preso la mamma per la mano e fugge per le scale, urlando continuamente: "Via! Via! Piano! Piano!". Dopo aver sostato qualche secondo dentro 1' entrone, si dirige verso il Roccolo; mette la mamma al riparo in un fosso asciutto e prosegue verso la collina per osservare cosa facciano gli apparecchi(91). È curioso di verificare, in particolare, se le bombe scoppiano come le disegna Walter Molino nelle tavole della "Domenica del Corriere": con questo intento, tiene spalancate le palpebre degli occhi fra i pollici e gli indici, per evitare che l'istinto le faccia chiudere al momento della deflagrazione(92). Alle ceramiche Pucci, `l Moro, il muratore che lavorava sul tetto, era stato incaricato di stare in allerta e di dare l'allarme appena avesse visto arrivare degli aerei. Ma le bombe sono state più rapide della sentinella. Tutto il personale è scappato e vede l'inferno sopra il paese. Le schegge arrivano fin laggiù. Una quarantina d' operai si riversano verso i campi fra la strada ed il Tevere, cercando di allontanarsi più possibile(93). Altri si riparano, tutti rannicchiati, tra cumuli di argilla. Una grossa lamiera, scagliata chissà da dove, dopo aver volteggiato in aria, si abbatte latrando a pochi metri dal riparo del ragioniere (Martinelli)(94). Menco de Fornacìno (Domenico Fornaci) si rifugia nel sottoscale, fra gli attrezzi da lavoro(95). I bambini La Giovanna (Pazzi), uscita da scuola, è sotto il portone di casa per ripararsi dai calcinacci, senza rendersi conto di cosa sia quel can-can, con tutta la Qente che fugge verso la Piaggiola. Qualcuno la fa rifugiare dentro la casa della maestra Peppina, in cima alla salita(96). In fondo alla Piaggiola, Stefanino (Marsigliotti) passa di corsa davanti al negozio del babbo; gli urla che va fuori del paese, senza riuscire a farsi sentire. Si unisce alla folla che fugge verso il Roccolo(97). La Marisa, che ha fatto salina, aveva ripreso la strada di casa verso la Piaggiola e la piazza, perché a quell'ora la scuola doveva essere finita. Un signore, di fronte a questo finimondo, la dissuade dal proseguire per il centro e le grida di andare verso la campagna(98). Un altro signore prende per mano un bambino che sotto la torre - imbambolato - non sa che fare(99). Lorenzo (Andreani), che stava tornando a casa con il mazzettino di odori dell'orto della zia Lucia, è rimasto annichilito in mezzo alla strada. La mamma di Tonino (Traversini), un suo compagno di scuola, l'afferra per la mano e lo tira dentro un portone per farlo riparare(100). Massimo (Valdambrini), sei anni, era solo vicino a casa; la mamma era a fare spesa ed il babbo al lavoro. Lo prende la moglie di Annibale (Trentini); insieme corrono verso Pinzaglia e Navarri, lungo la "cupa"(101). A1 contrario, davanti alla caserma dei carabinieri, è un ragazzo ad aiutare la mamma, che si è bloccata, terrorizzata: le gambe le si piegano e non si regge in piedi per la paura(102). Un bambino della Badia, appena scappato da scuola, è rimasto solo; si è rifugiato in un androne vicino all'asilo. Spaurato, piange - a bocca larga - come una vite tagliata. Due donne, che sono scese per le scale appena dopo aver sentito il boato che sembrava venire dalla stazione, lo rincuorano(103). La Rita (Tosti) insieme a due amiche - Maria (Tosti) e Paola (Corbucci) - stavano attraversando il ponte sul Tevere per tornare a casa al Corvatto, dopo aver lasciato le scuole elementari. Si erano messe ad ammirare gli aerei che giravano alti sopra le loro teste. Quando la bomba è caduta sul pietriccio, fra la fine del ponte ed il Molinaccio, scagliando sassi tutt'intorno in mezzo ad un rumore tremendo, la Rita si è messa a correre verso casa tenendo per mano le sue compagne. Ferruccio (Bartolini) e Serafino (Pucci), che si trovano vicini a loro, urlano di buttarsi a terra. Ma la Rita vuole tornare a casa per non far preoccupare la mamma malata; continua a correre con le sue compagne, senza ascoltare lo stradino del Comune che grida di buttarsi nel fosso(104). Alla quarta elementare, nella scuola delle monache, il dettato era stato interrotto all'improvviso dagli apparecchi sempre più bassi e dal fischio della bomba. Tutte le scolare erano corse alle finestre verso Via Spoletini per guardare. "Via, via! Lontano dalle finestre" ha gridato suor Letizia, ammaestrata dai bombardamenti cui aveva assistito a Roma(105). Le ragazze della quinta, sedute in fondo all'aula grande vicino al terrazzo, dove sono state radunate insieme ad altre classi per la momentanea assenza di alcune maestre, si sono alzate di colpo e gridano, con le mani alla testa: "La mi' mammina!"(106). Le fanno fuggire tutte verso il patóllo, facendole riparare sotto la capanna dei Carbonari. Una bambina si acquatta sotto la bura di un carro, con le mani sulle orecchie per attutire i botti ed i fischi. In un cantone prega inginocchiata Suor Filomena, la cuoca"(107). Poco lontano, Maria (Bico Corradi), con l'Elda febbricitante in braccio, è riparata sotto una grossa nicchia con la signora Renzini: tutte pregano e dicono le litanie(108). Dalle elementari di Via Garibaldi, le ultime classi ancora rimaste dentro l'edificio si riversano fuori della scuola dall'uscita verso l'asilo, opposta al lato dove è caduta la bomba. Anche i bambini che si trovavano a scuola al piano terra della palazzina con la torretta in Via Fratta, scappano verso Civitella(109). Lo scoppio della bomba ha frantumato il vetro della finestrina a mezzaluna sopra il portone in fondo alle scale dell'Avviamento, che è caduto davanti alla marea di scolari che stava fuggendo. Tutti insieme hanno fanno dietro-front: chi era primo della fila si è ritrovato ad essere l'ultimo. A furia di spintoni e gomitate risalgono le scale ed escono a valanga dalla porta posteriore della scuola, diretti verso il Tevere. Qualcuno grida di stare nascosti, perché potrebbero mitragliare. La professoressa Simoncini si raccomanda di aspettarla ed a modo suo cerca di correre, sgambettando, ma inutilmente(110). Celestino (Caldari) non è più un bambino: ha 49 anni. Gli dicono di fuggire, vedendolo immobile. Lui risponde, serafico: "A mo so' vecchio... chi me tocca!"(111). Ostinata inconsapevolezza Tanti di quelli che hanno solo sentito lo schianto senza aver visto nulla, non si rendono ancora conto di cosa stia succedendo. Continuano a rifiutare la realtà. Qualcuno pensa a quello spericolato di Bice Pucci, che ha voluto salutare la zia Mariannina rasentando più del solito i tetti con il suo aereo(114). "Che matti!!! Ne sarà caduto uno sul pietriccio!", pensa Alfredo (Ciarabelli), il renitente alla leva nascosto da un paio di mesi nella casa dei Grilli, fra Via Cibo e Via Mariotti(113). Tanti altri immaginano la stessa cosa(114). "È caduto 'n apparecchio tul Tevere", si spiegano dentro il negozio di alimentari della Rosina de Pistulino (Tosti), nella strada che porta alla torre. Ma la Rosina intuisce la verità e fa riparare tutti dietro un buzzo di conserva, tra i vetri sbriciolati a terra(115). L'Argentina (Ramaccioni) continua tranquillamente a cucire, nella sua casa vicina alla pompina, credendo che ne abbiano combinata un'altra delle loro i tedeschi accampati all'inizio della strada dei cipressi(116). "Ma ch'è ... tona? Eppure era sereno!", commenta rivolta al nipote la nonna, appena tornata dal forno, mentre va ad aprire gli scuri per vedere cosa stia succedendo(117). “... vecchia rode tozzi! ["la Vecchia" rode i tozzi di pane secco]" ripete un bambino di quasi due anni: ha collegato il rumore delle bombe a quello dei tuoni, che crede siano causati da una vecchia che sgranocchia pane indurito(118). "Forse bombardano a Castello!", cerca di raccapezzarsi una ragazzina nei pressi della stazione, guardandosi intorno spaesata senza aver neppure fatto caso agli aerei. Non le passa nemmeno per la testa che il nostro paesino inerme giustifichi un'operazione militare(119). Consapevolezza In fondo al Corso - dove hanno sentito gli aerei, visto le bombe, sentito il boato, l'onda d'urto, i vetri rotti, i sassi - tutti hanno capito. Le domande sbigottite, che rimbalzano ovunque, fanno precipitare tutti nella tragica verità: "Bombàrdono, scappàmo!" grida terrorizzato Bruno (Villarini) dalla finestra(120), con il coro di tutte le scolare dietro; la Rina de Schiantino, che corre per strada insieme a tutti i colleghi della sartoria di Maccario, gli fa eco: "Scappàmo! Bombàrdono!„(121). "Bombàrdono!" urla Peppone de Pùmmene (Giuseppe Agea) sopra il ponte della Regghia della Via Tiberina (122), mentre scappa verso la Collegiata(123). Davanti al macello la gente che fugge verso la collina del Roccolo grida, come in un coro stonato: "Via, via ... che bombàrdono!!"(124). "Bombàrdono!" "Bombàrdono!" "Bombàrdono!", urlano dappertutto, come un'eco ossessionante, mentre fuggono, impazziti. Chi dentro il portone più vicino. Chi verso spazi aperti, lontano dalle case: verso il Roccolo, la Regghia, Civitella, Taschino, la Carninella. Bombardano!!! Bombardano. Davvero! Anche nel nostro paese inerme. Anche qui è arrivato il fuoco violento di un mondo impazzito. Anche qui si può morire, senza ragione, come in ogni parte del mondo quando l'uomo perde la ragione. "Ne arriva un altro! Scappiamo!". Seconda scarica Terza stazione La prima caduta di Gesù sotto la croce Il tenente Pienaar punta il suo falco pellegrino sul ponte del fiume e sgancia la seconda coppia di bombe. La casa di Bruno Gli ordigni sono(125) per Bruno (Villarini), il sarto, e per le sue scolare, che si stanno scapicollando giù per le scale. La Gigina (Mischianti), sulla cinquantina, l'unica attempata del gruppo, lascia passare gli altri che possono correre più veloci: "Fuggite voialtri che sete più giovini e aéte più da campà'!"(126). Sua figlia la scavalca insieme alle amiche, tenendo in braccio la nipote del fidanzato: un batuffolo di capelli ricci che stava per portare all'asilo(127). Tenera anticipazione dell'essere mamma(128). Sono arrivati all'ultima rampa di scale, quando l'apocalisse sopra di loro cresce fino al parossismo: una bomba centra la casa(129), che precipita seppellendo tutti nel buio della morte. Per loro tutto è finito! Cessano di vivere la Giulia, la Cecilia, la Ida, la Rina, la Viulìna(130), la piccolissima Anna Paola; e Bruno(131). Non c'è più "filo" per allungare la trama delle loro vite(132). Solo la mamma Gigina, sbalzata verso Via Cibo dalla finestra delle scale(133), trova miracolosamente scampo sotto un trave, in cima alla collina di macerie. Dentro la stessa bara di sassi muoiono Angelo, il calzolaio, e la moglie Luisa, che abitavano al piano inferiore(135). Lui era il "medico delle scarpe", che andava a piedi a lavorare con la valigetta, non avendo né una bottega né un piccolo laboratorio in casa. Il suo organetto ha rantolato l'ultima nota, schiacciato in mezzo alle pietre; i nipoti non saranno più rallegrati dalle sue melodie(136). La Felicina è schiacciata da una trave proprio sullo scalino del negozio di alimentari, preso in affitto dalla Pastàra all'angolo fra Via Spunta ed il Corso(137). I1 crollo coinvolge anche le due abitazioni adiacenti. Demolisce un'ala della casa verso il ponte, dove la Vera (Vibi) assiste terrorizzata a quest'inferno abbracciata alla mamma, a letto inferma; la polvere impedisce di vedere cosa accada; diventa difficile respirare(138). Nel portone a piano terra sono rimasti intrappolati Nello del Flemma e l'Armida de Caldaro, che ha finito il tempo per partorire(139). Dalla bottega del calzolaio del ponte, lì di fronte, nessuno può scappare. Il banchetto da lavoro è saltato e tutti sono restati senza parole, come imbambolati; un polverone ha invaso tutto e non si vede più niente. "Semo armasti chiusi dentro!", sussurra Aldo (Frambois) posando una mano sulla spalla di Peppino (Lisetti), apprendista come lui, che ha cercato nel buio, tastoni(140). Nell'edificio verso piazza, i genitori del maestro Bernacchi sono sprofondati nel baratro che si è aperto sotto di loro, mentre lui, Benedetto, stava porgendo una tazza di caffè alla moglie Marianna, malata, chinandosi verso il letto su cui era coricata(141). Silvano, il nipotino, è salvo solo perché l'angolo estremo del pavimento su cui si trovava ha resistito; è rimasto in piedi sopra due mattoni, miracolosamente restati al loro posto, di fronte al vuoto, tra fumo, polvere, calcinacci. Ma non può respirare; allora tenta di spostarsi; mette un piede in avanti; sprofonda come in una voragine; si aggrappa e scivola... si aggrappa e scivola... sempre più giù(142). Per fortuna la seconda bomba della coppiòla non è esplosa(143). La Polda, colpita alla testa da uno sciacquone caduto dal piano superiore, spira(144) dietro il portone d'ingresso della stessa casa, dove si era recata per aiutare la suocera Peppa. Pochi attimi prima, nello stesso punto si trovava il figlio Gigino, che era dal barbiere (Taticchi) quando è caduta 1a prima bomba. D'istinto si era dato a correre verso il Corso anziché verso Piazza San Francesco, che era la via naturale di fuga; si era rifugiato dietro quel portone dove abitavano i nonni, in via Cibo, per ripararsi dai sassi; dopo qualche attimo, non sentendosi sicuro, era corso verso piazza"(145). Anche l'altro figlio, Peppino, vent'anni, era dentro la barbieria con i1 fratello; come lui, è fuggito per il Corso, verso piazza. Vuole allontanarsi dalle case: si precipita dentro il bar Pazzi, corre verso il retro, salta negli orti, si lascia cadere sulla sponda del Tevere; e poi di corsa verso il Faldo, inseguito dai botti delle bombe(146). Nella barbieria di Gilì (Virgilio Occhirossi) tutti erano corsi verso Via Spunta, sul retro, che dava l'impressione di essere il punto più protetto; ma quando Toto (Antonio Silvestrelli) era giunto sulla porta, la seconda coppia di bombe è esplosa proprio in fondo al vicolo; lo spostamento d'aria gli ha sbattuto violentemente la porta sul petto; per un attimo si è sentito mancare'(147). La moglie di Schiupitino si è riparata nel retrobottega del negozio di alimentari al Corso, sotto un arco, con la figlia Emma. Con loro c'è Mario (Mariano Vestrelli), il falegname, che si è raccomandato: "Dite con me `l paternostro ... 'ché morimo tutti!"(148). Lo spostamento d'aria ha scardinato il braccio di chiusura della porta, rompendogli le coste ed interrompendo la sua preghiera(149). La maggior parte dei sarti di Maccario ha seguito Fausto (Ciocchetti) perché lui sa meglio come comportarsi sotto le bombe, dopo tre anni di guerra: è da poco tornato dalla Croazia, in licenza prolungata perché ha da poco perso il fratello maggiore(150). Ma lui, prima di essere soldato, è fratello di Peppino, che lavora nel salone di Galeno: anziché correre in direzione della Caminella, verso i campi liberi, si dirige verso la barbieria(151). II percorso è ancora del tutto sgombro(152). Come la mandria dietro al capobranco, i suoi compagni lo seguono in Via Mariotti, sotto l'arco di Fiordo: la Rina de Schiantino (Santini), Mario (Lozzi), Peppino (Rapo), di soli quattordici anni. In particolare non si stacca da lui la Nunziatina (Bendini), che di Fausto è innamorata(153). La fuga ed il destino si stanno sgranando lungo gli anelli di una catena d' affetti. L'Elda (Bartocci) si è divisa dai compagni. Ha imboccato il vicolo di San Giovanni, per rifugiarsi nell'ingresso dell'albergo Capponi: nel fitto fumo nero, intravede due soldati che hanno indossato la maschera antigas. La donna di servizio dell'albergo accende una candela che rischiara un po' 1'ambiente(156). Nella bottega di Quadrio tutto è diventato scuro. Amleto accende un fiammifero cercando di aprire la porta del retrobottega. "Ho la mia famiglia di sopra!!" pensa a voce alta. Ma la porta non si apre, perché dal lucernaio posteriore è venuto giù qualcosa(157). Davanti alla porta del suo forno s'intravede, tra il fumo, la sagoma di Luciano, il nipote di Quadrio. Non ha seguito gli amici nella corsa verso 1a salvezza: non l'hanno potuto tenere. "Vado a casa ad avvertire la mi' mamma!", ha insistito(158). Ora, per sollecitare la fuga dei familiari, li chiama urlando dalla strada, in mezzo al caos della gente che scappa alle sue spalle. Mentre la Lea (Rapo) fuggiva, il boato della seconda bomba, ancora più tremendo della prima, ha fatto volare lontano il cappello del nonno, che si preoccupa di riprenderlo; incrocia la mamma e la sorella Mariolina che stanno correndo verso casa. Tutti insieme rientrano e si rifugiano sotto il letto matrimoniale(159). L'Ornella e la Wilma, abbandonato sul tavolo il vocabolario di latino, sono corse verso la finestra sulla piazza ed hanno visto una colonna di fumo salire dal Tevere(160). Peppino (Baiocco), l'apprendista di Bruno, si è acquattato nell'orto sopra il Tevere, sul retro della trattoria di Ntonio de Ragno; da lì ha visto volare mattoni e pietre della sartoria dove intendeva salire un minuto fa, per riunirsi alla sorella Giulia. Ma era tornato indietro; al rumore degli aerei aveva ripreso il portone per salire; poi era rivoltato di nuovo, proprio nel momento in cui una lasca impressionante aveva fatto sobbalzare tutto. Era fuggito verso piazza dove si stava già diffondendo un gran polverone(161). È il finimondo(162). E una macchia rossa, in alto, / coprì il sole / il cielo gli alberi il fiume / i giochi i volti i sorrisi i baci / i miei occhi / la mia mente(163). Consapevolezza tardiva Alfredo (Ciarabelli) si era diretto in cucina per vedere dalla finestra verso il Corso se era davvero caduto un aereo; quando ha sentito il secondo boato, ancora più grosso, ha capito e non si muove più: è come stordito. Non ricorderà niente di quello che sta per succedere(164). Finalmente tutti hanno capito. Ma ormai nessuno ha più scelte. Chi si trova all'aperto, continua a fuggire a perdifiato, spinto dal terrore. Chi non è già riuscito a guadagnare l'aria oppure, al contrario, ha avuto l'istinto di ripararsi dentro un portone, resta paralizzato dove si trova, aspettando immobile che quest'inferno finisca al più presto(165). Invece è solo l'inizio. La corsa di Brizio (Boldrini) è arrivata sotto la torre(166). Sergio (Celestini), davanti alla Collegiata, ha sentito il babbo chiamarlo dal lato di Via Roma; è corso verso di lui, ma ha proseguito la fuga imboccando il ponte della Regghia verso la piattaforma. Il fronte d'urto della seconda bomba lo ha sbalzato in aria per un salto senza fine; ha l'impressione che gli sia scoppiata dietro le spalle, davanti alla Collegiata(167). Da Peppolètta, si radunano tutti nella cantina scavata sotto il livello della strada, dove il babbo aveva messo anche un'accetta, nel caso fosse stato necessario aprire un varco verso la Regghia'(168). I piloti si sono resi conto di aver mancato l'obiettivo per pochi metri(169). Forse non si rendono conto di aver colpito a morte il Borgo di San Giovanni, che è caduto per la prima volta nella sua storia millenaria: in sacrificio per l'umanità, come Cristo. Terza scarica Il tenente Lombard ripete l'esatta traiettoria del collega che l'ha preceduto. La casa dell'Elena La terza coppia di bombe precipita sibilando; esplode(170) a pochi metri dalla seconda, sulla casa dell'Elena (Boldrini), dove non c'è più nessuno. Saltano in aria le ricevute delle cambiali e le bombe a mano celate nella scatola di scarpe presa in consegna qualche settimana prima, nella convinzione che contenesse solo libri. Gliel'aveva data Tonino (Taticchi), comunista, quando era stato avvertito di un'imminente ispezione da Milio (Ramaccioni), anticomunista ma amico(171). Quarta stazione Gesù incontra sua madre Madre e figlia - la Delma e la Franca - incontrano l a morte, travolte dai detriti, nel fondo dei Fiorucci dove si erano rifugiate(172), mentre fuggivano dalla loro casa di fronte, all'inizio del vicolo di San Giovanni(173). La Delma non ha saputo trarre frutto dagli insegnamenti della mamma Abigaille, capace di interpretare i sogni e prevedere il futuro ai clienti del botteghino del lotto, che gestiva con la sorella Desdemona al Corso(174). Sotto il vicino arco di Fiordo cadono tramortiti a terra Ciocchetta e la Nunziatina(175), i giovani sarti innamorati(176); i loro compagni di fuga - Peppino, Mario e la Rina - senza rendersi conto di cosa possa essere accaduto, storditi ma illesi, li trascinano dentro la porta di un fondo appena spalancata dallo spostamento d'aria(177). La mamma e la sorella di Orlando (Bucaioni), il pescatore di ranocchie, sono fuggite verso il ponte; quando sono state in fondo al vicolo di San Giovanni, la mamma si è rifugiata nel portone di Ciarabelli e la sorella in quello precedente, l'ingresso dell'albergo Capponi. La mamma si è sporta un attimo per controllare se la figlia fosse al sicuro, rimanendo ferita in modo non grave per il crollo della casa dell'Elena(180). Sotto i detriti è rimasta leggermente intrappolata la Tuta (Lozzi), insieme al carretto con la biancheria che stava riportando dal fiume(181). Toto (Antonio Silvestrelli), dopo essersi ripreso dallo stordimento per la seconda bomba, era uscito dal retro della barbieria di Gilì (Virgilio Occhirossi); con gli altri ha cercato di fuggire in Via Spunta verso il ponte, proprio in direzione del nuovo scoppio. Rientrati precipitosamente nella barbieria, sentono un lamento provenire dall'esterno: fra la polvere trovano una fiolina (Giuseppina Mariotti) che piange, accucciata in un cantuccio dove la nonna l'ha fatta riparare (182). Brizio sta girando per la Fontesanta, dietro la casa di Broccatelli(183). I piloti scrivono sul diario di aver colpito i binari appena ad est del ponte: è segno che già non vedono più l'area intorno all'obiettivo(184). Difatti, dalla collina del cimitero è scomparso alla vista il campanone sopra le poste, avvolto dal fumo(185). Quarta scarica Tocca al tenente Mitchell ripetere la traiettoria che ha portato a sfiorare per due volte il ponte; si butta in picchiata, colpendo a pochi metri da dove sono esplose le bombe precedenti, vicino alla testata est. La casa di Moscione Mitchell centra la casa mediana della schiera verso ponente del vicolo di San Giovanni: quella di Peppe de Mosciòne (Bernacchi), operaio alla fornace. Gli ordigni sterminano tutta la sua famiglia: cinque f iglioli - Anna Maria, Raffaele, Benedetto, Valentino, Angela(186) - insieme alla loro mamma, la Sunta(187). "Un gelo s'apprese al loro volo ... e lasciarono cadere le a1i"(188). Erano tutti secchi come filigèlli, forse per costituzione; forse per la miseria. Eppure, nonostante l'apparenza, la donna allattava sia l'Anna Maria, sua figlia, che un altro bimbo, Brunello (Giancarlo Bruni), come balia. Per questo, ogni giorno venivano a prenderla a casa e la portavano di là dal Tevere, per attaccare il figlio di latte al suo seno; cercavano di nutrirla con abbondanza affinché il latte bastasse per entrambi i bambini(189). Le bombe hanno demolito anche le due case adiacenti. In quella verso la piazza, muore un'altra Sunta, la moglie di Selleri, il calzolaio(190). Dopo aver riempito le brocche alla pompa degli archi di piazza, era salita dalla Bruna (Brunori), una vicina di casa. «Quando hanno sentito gli scoppi, si sono buttate entrambe per terra, ma il pavimento è sprofondato sotto di loro(191). Sono precipitate dal terzo piano. La Bruna ha avuto la fortuna che alcune travi, dopo aver attutito la caduta, hanno formato una specie di tetto che l'ha riparata dai calcinacci. Così si è ritrovata nella stalla, vicino alla sua giovane amica ed alla cavalla(192) di Vitorio (Vittorio Giulioni): entrambe morte»(193). Nella casa vicina, ancor più verso piazza, Luciano (Bebi) è entrato nel portone, vedendo che i suoi tardano a scendere. È salito al primo piano e dalla porta grida: "Mamma! Mamma! Fuggi! Teta! Scappàte!"(194). Ma Quadrio è a letto: non se la sentono di lasciarlo solo e l'aiutano ad alzarsi. Intanto suo genero Amleto, il radiotelegrafista, con la freddezza del militare di carriera abituato al pericolo, cerca di portare in salvo verso la torre la suocera, che stava servendo in bottega(195) la Rina de Sciuscìno (Bartoccini)(195). Dalla porta del forno, perché quella della bottega - verso il ponte - è bloccata, scappa la Maria (Migliorati), insieme alla Rina. Mentre corre fra detriti e sassi si accorge che è rimasta senza una scarpa. La Maria vorrebbe dirigersi verso casa, che è vicino alle monache, ma in piazza della Collegiata il bancario Martinelli le dice di andare verso il mercato, non verso la ferrovia, perché è pericoloso(197). Nella casa adiacente a quella di Mosciòne, verso il ponte, muoiono Pasqualino e Angelino, i due figli(198) della Sunta, che la moglie del calzolaio aveva lasciato a letto. Soli, in mezzo al cataclisma, aggrediti dall'orco. La casa di Ulisse Nella casa di fronte, quella di Ulisse, a metà della schiera verso sud del vicolo di San Giovanni, si riversano le macerie delle case dirimpettaie. All'ultimo piano, la mamma Adele ha fatto riparare sotto l'architrave di cucina Gino de Bargiacca (Igino Corbucci), costretto dalla nascita su una sedia. Nel trambusto, il ragazzino si ritrova a terra sotto il tavolo(199). I suoi muscoli atrofizzati si caricano di un'altra croce. Quinta stazione Simone di Cirene aiuta Gesù a portare la croce L' androne a piano terra è pieno di gente, scesa dai piani superiori o entrata da fuori. Vi si è appena rifugiata l'Elda (Bartocci), la sartina di Maccario, che, separatasi dagli altri colleghi, non si sentiva sicura dentro l'albergo Capponi. Proprio sulla soglia ha incontrato la moglie di Paolino, il ferroviere, con la figlia Argentina di quattro anni in braccio ed il trippone con il nascituro; la bambina non riusciva a respirare per la polvere del crollo precedente; allora la mamma Marcella ha deciso di uscire(200) proprio nel momento in cui le case di fronte sono crollate su di loro(201). Anche dentro l'androne di Ulisse (Violini) è arrivata la morte: l'ingegnere romano che stava passeggiando nel vicolo(202), riparatosi lì dentro, è stato scaraventato dallo spostamento d'aria in fondo al piccolo corridoio di fronte al portone(203). La Sandra (Violini), che cuciva nel suo appartamento, era scesa in fondo alle scale - il babbo Ulisse aveva istruito così le figlie - dove ci sono muri e volte robustissimi. Ha visto l'Augusta, un'anziana vicina di casa che si era riparata dentro il portone di fronte, quello dei Brunori, dall'altra parte del vicolo. "Augusta, venite di qua... ch'è più robusto!", le ha detto. "No cocca! A mo' sto di qui!", ha risposto lei(204), un attimo prima di essere seppellita(205). Accanto all'Augusta, un gruppo di persone è sommerso dal crollo dei piani superiori: la Mimma(206), che abita lì dal '34, quando lei ed il marito Astorre (Coletti) erano venuti a casaiòlo lasciando il podere di Palazzone(207); la Cesira (Ceccagnoli), rifugiatasi dentro l'androne insieme all'Adriana (Fileni), che stava accompagnando all'asilo; Bronzone (Antonio Feligioni), sfollato da Milano. 1) Gianna Feligioni 2) Franco Pucci 3) Rolando Fiorucci 4) Giuseppe Feligioni 5) Francesco Martinelli 6) Orlando Bucaioni 7) Luigi Carlini 8) Tita romitelli 9)Domenico Fornaci 10) Francesco Martinelli 11) Mario Tacconi 12) Giuseppe Feligioni, Willelmo Ramaccioni 13) Ramiro Nanni, Come io, Ramiro, vissi il bombardamento… , manoscritto del 1979 14) Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli ed immagine del cruscotto del P40 fornita da Andrea Gragnoli 15) Fabrizio Boldrini 16) Bruno Burberi 17) Antonio Silvestrelli 18) Franco Villarini 19) Nello Minelli 20) Marino Giulietti 21) Pia Gagliardini 22) Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli ed immagine del cruscotto del P40 fornita da Andrea Gragnoli 23) Muzio Venti 24) Egidio Grassini 25) Fabrizio Boldrini 26) Ramiro Nanni, Come io, Ramiro, vissi il bombardamento… , manoscritto del 1979 27) Olimpio Ciarapica, da una poesia del 1952 28) Silvana Bartoccioli 29) Fabrizio Boldrini 30) Maria luisa Rapo 31) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 32) Fabrizio Boldrini 33) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 34) Irma Mariotti, intervista raccolta da Leonardo Tosti il 25 aprile 1994 35) Olimpio Ciarapica, da una poesia del 1952 36) Maria Letizia Giontella, “Poesia a tre voci e tre cori” , Comune di Umbertide, Concorso Nazionale XXV aprile, Centro Culturale San Francesco, 1983 37) Dante Mariucci, testimonianza raccolta dalla nipote Francesca – V elementare - 1985; Franco Mischianti, Renato Silvestrelli, Franco Villarini 38) PRO, London, Operation Record Book, Detail of work carried out by 5 S.A.A.F., 239º stormo aereo “Wing Desert Air Force”, 5º squadrone aereo 39) Orlando Bucaioni 40) Elena Boriosi 41) Olimpio Ciarapica, da una poesia del 1952 42) Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli ed immagine dell’aereo fornita da Andrea Gragnoli 43) Antonio Silvestrelli 44) Orlando Bucaioni 45) Dina Batazzi 46) Ornella Duranti 47) Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli ed immagine dell’aereo fornita da Andrea Gragnoli 48) Lidia Tonanni 49) Bruno Tonanni 50) Fabrizio Boldrini 51) Romano Baldi 52) Domenico Baldoni 53) Italo Lotti, Domenico Manuali, Giovanni Migliorati 54) Cesira Baldelli 55) Irma Mariotti, intervista raccolta da Leonardo Tosti il 25 aprile 1994 56) Lorenzo Andreani 57) Fabrizio Boldrini 58) Franco Anastasi 59) Gianna Burzigotti 60) Bruno Burberi 61) Maria Luisa Rapo 62) Renato Silvestrelli 63) Giovanna Mancini 64) Giorgio Toraci 65) Dante Mariucci, testimonianza raccolta dalla nipote Francesca – V elementare – 1985 66) Italo Ciocchetti 67) Franco Mischianti 68) Umberto Dominici 69) Maddalena Maria Marzani 70) Guerriero Boldrini 71) Orlando Bucaioni 72) Elda Bartocci 73) Ada locchi 74) Adriana e Domenica Cecchetti; testimonianza indiretta del fratello Giuseppe 75) Luigi Gambucci 76) Dina Conti, Luigi Gambucci 77) Giuseppa Ceccarelli 78) Piera Bruni 79) Lidia Corradi 80) Lea Rapo 81) Dora Silvestrelli 82) Renato Silvestrelli 83) Assunta Baruffi 84) Rolando Paneni 85) Ada Locchi 86) Don Luigi Cozzari, lettera per il 1º anniversario, 1945 87) Renato Caseti 88) Elvira Rossi 89) Giancarlo Guasticchi 90) Maria Migliorati 91) Ramiro Nanni, Come io, Ramiro, vissi il bombardamento …, manoscritto del 1979 92) Giovanni Bico 93) Giuseppe Mattioni 94) Francesco Martinelli 95) Domenico Fornaci 96) Giovanna Pazzi 97) Stefano Marsigliotti 98) Marisa Pazzi 99) Emilio Panzarola 100) Lorenzo Andreani 101) Massimo Valdambrini 102) Franco Caldari 103) Ines Guasticchi 104) Rita Tosti (la mamma è morta qualche mese dopo) 105) Giovanna Bottaccioli 106) Lidia Corradi 107) Giovanna Bottaccioli 108) Lidia Corradi 109) Giovanni Duranti 110) Margherita Tosti, manoscritto del 1985 111) Annunziata Caldari 112) Luigi Gambucci 113) Alfredo Ciarabelli 114) Aldo Fiorucci 115) Ines Biti 116) Luciano Ramaccioni 117) Emilio Gargagli 118) Mario Tosti 119) Marcella Casi 120) Egino Villarini 121) Rina Santini 122) Lea Rapo 123) Giuseppe Agea, testimonianza indiretta della figlia Elisabetta 124) Emilio Gargagli 125) Flora Grandi, lettera dell’11 settembre 2003; Franco Mischianti 126) Ines Guasticchi, Franco Mischianti, Egino Villarini 127) Guerriero Massetti 128) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 129) Orlando Bucaioni, Franco Mischianti 130) Flora Grandi, lettera dell’11 settembre 2003; Nella Palchetti Palazzetti 131) Vittime: Giulia Baiocco, Cecilia Boldrini, Giuseppina Grandi, Anna Paola Massetti, Ida Mischianti, Rina Romitelli, Bruno Villarini 132) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 133) Franco Mischianti 134) In alto: Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli In basso: pianta d’Umbertide, con il bersaglio, la fiammata dello scoppio nel punto di caduta della seconda coppia di bombe ed il fumo della prima 135) Vittime: Angelo Mischianti, Luisa Rondini 136) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 137) Vittima: Felicia Montanucci 138) Vera Vibi 139) Anna Caldari 140) Giuseppe Lisetti 141) Vittime: Benedetto Bernacchi, Marianna Manuali 142) Silvano Bernacchi 143) Renato Silvestrelli, Silvana Bernacchi 144) Vittima: Leopolda Sabbiniani 145) Luigi Romitelli 146) Giuseppe Romitelli 147) Antonio Silvestrelli 148) Emma Gagliardini 149) Guerriero Gagliardini 150) Carolina Frati 151) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 152) Giuseppe Rapo 153) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 154-155) Foto gentilmente messa a disposizione da Gianfranco Ciocchetti 156) Elda Bartocci 157) Maria Migliorati 158) Fernanda Martinelli 159) Lea Rapo 160) Ornella Duranti 161) Giuseppe Baiocco 162) Sergio Ceccacci 163) Maria Letizia Giontella, “Poesia a tre voci e tre cori” , Comune di Umbertide, Concorso Nazionale XXV aprile, Centro Culturale San Francesco, 1983 164) Alfredo Ciarabelli 165) Egidio Grassini 166) Fabrizio Boldrini 167) Sergio Celestini 168)Sergio Ceccacci 169) PRO, London, Operation Record Book, Detail of work carried out by 5 S.A.A.F., 239º stormo aereo “Wing Desert Air Force”, 5º squadrone aereo 170) Silvano Bernacchi 171) Fabrizio Boldrini 172) Vittime: Delma Tognaccini, Franca Fagioli 173) Adriana Ciarabelli, Annunziata Fiorucci 174) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 175) Amelia Lozzi 176) Vittime: Annunziata Bendini, Fausto Ciocchetti 177) Giuseppe Rapo 178) Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli. In basso: pianta d’Umbertide, con il bersaglio, la fiammata della terza coppia di bombe ed il fumo di quelle precedenti 179) In alto: Fotomontaggio di Valerio Rosi su disegno base di Adriano Bottaccioli. In basso: pianta d’Umbertide, con il bersaglio, la fiammata della quarta coppia di bombe ed il fumo di quelle precedenti 180) Orlando Bucaioni 181) Amelia Lozzi 182) Antonio Silvestrelli 183) Fabrizio Boldrini 184) PRO, London, Operation Record Book, Detail of work carried out by 5 S.A.A.F., 239º stormo aereo “Wing Desert Air Force”, 5º squadrone aereo 185) Domenico Mariotti 186) Vittime: Anna Maria, Raffaele, Benedetto, Valentino Bernacchi, Angelo Palazzetti 187) Vittima: Asssunta Palazzetti 188) Classe III E, Scuola Media Statale Mavarelli-Pascoli, Voci della memoria , Comune di Umbertide e Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertide, 2002 189) Giancarlo Bruni 190) Vittima: Assunta Caprini 191) Wanda Guardabassi 192) Vittorio Giulioni, testimonianza indiretta di Fernando Marchetti 193) Bruna Brunori, testimonianza raccolta dal nipote Matteo – V elementare – 1985 194) Fernando Martinelli 195) Francesco Martinelli 196) Virginia Tosti 197) Maria Migliorati 198) Vittime: Angelo Selleri, Pasquale Selleri 199) Elisabetta Bellarosa 200) Elda Bartocci 201) Vittime: Marcella Mazzanti, Argentina Merli 202) Vittima: Alfonso Ferrari 203) Margherita Violini 204) Vittima: Augusta Orlandi 205) Margherita Violini 206) Vittima: Giulia Pierotti 207) Rina Alunno Violini THE THIRD WAVE (1) The last four "picchiatelli" must lighten the load, now only ballast that prevents the return to base. Lieutenant Jandrell has decided to keep the Regghia bridge as a target, between the Collegiata and the square, which can still be glimpsed from above. Less and less convinced, the pilots start to unhook their bulky appendages, almost reluctantly. It's 9:53. Ninth discharge The bombs that Lieutenant McLachlan drops - they seem the violins playing "Rapastello" (2) - crash into Via Guidalotti (3). A bomb demolishes the house of Tommasi, the veterinarian (4). Inside is his mother - Sora Rosa, elderly and heavy - who had refused to follow her great-grandchildren with their mother Rachel, fled as soon as they heard the first bombs (5). Sora Checca, her daughter-in-law, remained with her. Afraid of it devices closer and closer, they were facing the window in Via Guidalotti to ask for help. On the road Hamlet was running; he, shocked, had whispered that his family members were already all dead; he had headed the appointment towards the end, under the father-in-law's house Quadrio (6). Finally Sister Rosa was convinced to escape. For the already damaged staircase (7), Sora Checca tried to get off, pulling her mother-in-law by the hand. For the shock wave, the first was ruined by hitting the face on the wall; the second (8) is dead (9). The other bomb stuck, unexploded (12), in front to the adjacent shoe shop, from where Paris (Giovanni Miccioni) he had already fled at the first outbreak, to look for his daughter Peppina at school (13), followed by Peppolétta (Ceccacci) (14). The other two shoemakers had stood still, petrified. The explosion in the house next door sparked inside the shop its tremendous strength. Selleri, seated in front of the work desk, was thrown from the chair e stripped of clothing (15). Tenth station Jesus is stripped The shoemaker is all crevelàto (16). It loses blood from the ears, eyes and body, due to the displacement of air and the rubble (17). His colleague Pierucci, the Carbonaro (18), remained dazed, but unable to move. From inside the Palazzoli barbershop, Menchino (Pucci) he despairs: "Oh God ... I committed it!" (19). It just has saw the bomb hit his representative office building sentance of agricultural machinery, from where he had left when the planes had arrived, to go and taste the usual breakfast: a fried egg (20). Tenth discharge Lieutenant Powell is already in a dive when he notices that the cloud of the last outbreak adjacent to the bridge on the Regghia it has almost completely hidden the objective. Recall the plane ahead of time, resulting in lengthen the trajectory of the bombs. The pair of bombs falls on the rubble of the houses of the hamlet of San Giovanni already demolished: he digs two craters on the mass of debris from the Bucaioni house (21) and resets the amount he was still standing. It is the coup de grace for Selleri's little sons, the shoemaker: they are pulverized. Without realizing what is happening, Peppino (Rapo), the little tailor apprentice who had stayed close to his two wounded comrades, it is covered with rubble up in the chest (23). A few tens of meters, under the bed marriage, her sister Lea cries out: "Mom! Amàzzime you ... don't make me 'mad' from them! "(24). The Borgo di San Giovanni, which has become a hellish volcano, gasps in the last spasms of agony. The bombs, burst at the base of the pre-existing cloud, they do to erupt into the sky a black, gigantic mushroom, above the crater. Towards the Calvary the lens of Doctor Balducci's camera opens, which has reached the fields beyond the Milordìno's house. The image of the dying country is fixed on his film. Eleventh Station Jesus is crucified The third stop Even the bridge in the square cannot be seen anymore from the sky. Lieutenant Jandrell no longer knows what to fish for. Upon returning to the airport from the field of Cutella, he will have to show some scalps in the game bag! He can't go back empty-handed. On the ground, the prolonged silence due to the uncertainty of the squadron once again stimulates to flee. Whoever is in the area of the Collegiata has the feeling that the danger has gone away: the last bomb has gone off inside the historic center, further back than that previous, that from Via Guidalotti had thrown stones all around them. The instinct is to get out of cover. Pierucci, the shoemaker, recovering from his daze, separates from Selleri, who cannot get up from his banquet. He leaves the shop and he goes, swaying like a drunk, towards the tower and the market. From the barbershop in Palazzoli, where he had placed himself under cover, peeps out Franco (Mischianti). He does not hear planes arriving; runs towards the market, passing in front of the still intact octagonal church (26). Elisa (Pucci) follows him, with the hairdresser's white cloth still on her shoulders (27). Many notice her for that unusual outfit, drawing encouragement to imitate her. Palmiro (Santarelli), one of the pupils who remained behind the sacristy of the Collegiate, is convinced: he runs away with her, towards the market (28). Other comrades follow him, taking different directions. Ines (Biti), the clerk of the Fornaci fabric shop, has also decided to flee, who saw Elisa running across the square. He tries to convince Checchina (Fornaci) that it is not necessary to stay indoors, although the vaults of the shop should be safe: "Better outside than under the rubble !!". Calmly, Ines takes off her apron, closes the door with the padlock. Together they run towards the market, with the speed allowed by the shorter leg than the other of the young lady (29). 1) Gianna Feligioni. 2) Lauro Beccafichi. 3) Fabrizio Boldrini. 4) Franco Anastasi, Renato Silvestrelli. 5) Venanzia Riccardini. 6) Paola Banelli. 7) Venanzia Riccardini. 8) Victim: Rosa Boncristiani. 9) Umberto Tommasi. 10) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli and image of the P40 dashboard provided by Andrea Gragnoli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target and the smoke of the bombs already fallen. 11) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the ninth pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 12) Piero Baldelli. 13) Giuseppina Miccioni. 14) Cesare Ceccacci. 15) Victim: Giuseppe Selleri. 16) Orlando Bucaioni. 17) Pompeo Selleri. 18) To Ines Biti. 19) Elisa Manarini. 20) Elisabetta Bartoccioni. 21) Orlando Bucaioni. 22) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi, with cloud derived from the photo by Roberto Balducci, on an image taken from the Photo Library of the Municipal Archives. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the tenth pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 23) Giuseppe Rapo. 24) Maria Luisa Rapo. 25) Bruno Porrozzi, Umbertide in the images, Pro Loco Umbertide Association, 1977, p. 91. Photo Roberto Balducci. 26) Franco Mischianti. 27) Ines Biti, Palmiro Santarelli. 28) Palmiro Santarelli. 29) Ines Biti. THE FOURTH WAVE Now even the bridge in the square has been completely engulfed by the smoke of the bomb that exploded a few meters away. Lieutenant Jandrell has no choice: he decides to aim against the Regghia bridge that leads to Santa Maria. Better than nothing! Eleventh discharge Lieutenant Stubbs obeys the squadron leader: swoops towards the goal, anxious to get rid of the load. The bombs fall in front of the Collegiate Church (1), very close to the target: one remains unexploded, while the other touches the sacristy of Pòngolo, breaking up (2) a clove. A huge crater opens onto the square (3). Don Luigi and his companions startle with fear, for the roar of nearby bombs and the noise deafening of the windows that break and shatter to the ground; the walls of the antisagresty and the house above, collapsing, they darken around them (4). A splinter, shot off by the explosion (5), mows Pierucci, the shoemaker, who was continuing to pace, unsteady, to get away from the Paris shop: he collapses lifeless (6) on the ground towards the tower, near a plant (7). Perhaps, while the bombs were falling, he would have thought about when, in 1921, he was forced under threat of a revolver, shouting: "Long live the Fascio, long live Italy (8). He was the first to suffer the arrogance of fascism and the last to be mowed. The elementary school kids, who were still left behind the Collegiate and the sacristy for the sense of security given by the their bulk (11), are hit by the tremendous crash, very close. The others, who had recently left that shelter, are taken in full from shock wave. Palmiro (Santarelli), blocked in the escape from the noise of the plane in beaten, he protected himself behind a tree trunk in the market (12). Carlo (Porrozzi) has just turned at the corner of Via Roma where Zurli's shop is. It is invested from a huge heat; he feels himself being lifted and catapulted several meters. He falls to the ground, injuring himself at knees (13). Vittorino (Tognaccini) is run over from behind from the blast of the explosion, as he runs towards Uncle Giosuè's tavern (14). Mario (Alpini) is hit in the side by a big guy stone; keep running up the Piaggiola towards the shoe shop - between Piazza delle Erbe and Via Grilli - of the father, who lowered the shutter up almost at the bottom. He went to the market, having seen that from Via Guidalotti one could not pass because they had hit the house near the Busattis (15). Ines (Benizi), who helps the Viglino at home, rides madly towards Piazza Marconi; the Maria Pia is perched on the handlebars; the Lucilla (Corbucci) le chases on foot, recommending to wait for her (16). Maestro Marsigliotti, all dusty for him burst, tries to take cover inside the door of the first house in Via Roma, towards the Regghia (17). A brick has landed on the pot in the kitchen of Via Bremizia, where Ersilia (Cecchetti Pinzaglia) he had put the broth back; he made the lid shine and fell among the boiled meat (18). In the notary's house, his daughter Maria (Zampa Leonardi) and the woman who helps her around the house they went down to the basement to take refuge in a dark basement. Cats around to them, as they did not realize what was happening. The bomb dropped in front of the sacristy shook the house like an earthquake: Maria imagines what oscillation there must have been now on the upper floors, which had already swayed frighteningly under their feet when the first bombs fell, much further away (19). La Dina (Galmacci) arrived at the bottom of the Piaggiola: the blast of air threw her into the door of Palazzo Baglioni; he finds himself without a coat and without shoes (20). The oratorians who watched from Santa Maria were hit with particular violence by the shock wave, which found fewer obstacles than the others in its path; Peppino (Gagliardini), who had leaned out of the ditch just at that moment, went all black (21). Twelfth discharge It is up to Lieutenant Wright to deliver the final blow. The last two bombs hit the house of the Gagliardini (22), even at almost half kilometer from the original goal of the bridge on the Tiber. The shock wave makes theirs fly bed (23) above Mariotti's roof, verso Via Roma (24). In the nearby house of the podestà Guardabassi, at the corner of Via Roma and Via XX Settembre, a little girl is thrown from the terrace inside the flight of stairs: roll up, arrive until the end. The old mayor assures us that those just fallen are the last bombs: maybe he counted the planes and the blasts. You can escape (25). Miss Fornaci and her saleswoman, Ines, they turned the stone cippus round that limits the passage to the market to pedestrians only; when the plane arrived they stooped down behind the wall towards the stream, under the first plant towards the Regghia. The fighter-bomber it rises, with a deafening roar, barely above their heads (26). The blast sent the doors open of the basements of the house where the master Marsigliotti had just found shelter; if it they were just looking for the keys, to take refuge there more safely. Every good thing came into view: lard, oil, flour and other gold, hidden there to escape the clutter. There is no time to think about the famine suffered in the past months, not even in the face of that abundance so close. The tragedy has re-established the scale of values. But for a short time: tomorrow there will be nothing left (27). Menco de Trivilino (Domenico Baldoni) from the post office arrived at the curve of the Marro, towards San Benedetto. As he glances back towards the smoke-filled town, he realizes that the last few pilots have seen nothing; they unhooked blindly. Antonio (Baroni), displaced by Capeccio, runs in the opposite direction in search of his mother who had gone to the center of the town wounded to death (29). Roberto Balducci has moved further towards the pine forest of Civitella. Photograph the last newborn mushroom, which emerges next to the pre-existing gigantic cloud (30) already dilated. It is the symbol of our ordeal. It's 9:54 am. The agony of the Borgo di San Giovanni was consumed in nine minutes (31). The heart of our country has been erased (32): it has now become a tomb. Twelfth Station Jesus dies on the cross Jesus died again: on the Calvary of St. John, next to dozens of crosses from which as many victims of ignorance, selfishness and violence dangle. The sun went out and darkened on the earth. Final strafing The rumbling of the bombs stopped. The silence that replaces them sharpens the feeling of deafness. From the temporary shelters on the outskirts, people come out who had not managed to escape: only now do they feel like doing so, encouraged by the absence of explosions. Man gradually regains possession of his rational abilities, overcoming the unconsciousness of the animal instinct. The primal terror experienced in the midst of the storm, in the eye of the storm, is gradually taking over, along with awareness, fear and dismay. From the Santa Croce area they all pour towards the Caminella and the Tiber; they instinctively lie down on the ground near Baldino, who is deaf and has not realized what is happening. He looks astonished at that stream of desperate people pouring towards the river, asking himself repeatedly aloud: "Ma ndu'va all these people?!" (33). Many crouch in a ditch full of nettles, without feeling the slightest discomfort. To get further away from hell, they climb over the embankment that separates them from the neighboring farmer - Secondo - while the low-flying planes still pass, strafing. A boy rolls to the ground and pretends to be dead (34). The final strafing is not a surprise for the pilot colonel Bice Pucci who, shortly before, in directing people to the Tiber, had recommended to Lidia (Tonanni): "Take off your red shirt ... after the machine gun bombardment ... "(35). In the bullfight of Piazza San Francesco the roles have been reversed: it is the sacrificial bulls who wear the muleta to incite the matadors. The red robe has also become a further concern for Vera (Vibi); if it is thrown on before going down - with yes and one shoe - along the pile of rubble which, from the terrace on the first floor of her house, slopes down to the street. She managed to support her mother (36), partially paralyzed, in her nightgown. While they are machine-gunning, he goes towards San Francesco, up to the Caminella, where he makes his mother sit under a tree (37). The crackling of the machine guns that followed the explosions of the bombs (38) is a further scar. At the Filippi furnace, at the bottom of the Piaggiola, they hear the gusts (39). Romolo (Romitelli), the tinsmith, swears: "Listen to these filthy ... they also machine guns!" (40). If it makes sense, in the inhuman logic of war, to destroy a bridge - and whoever has the misfortune of being nearby - with the aim of harming the enemy, it really has no justification for raging against defenseless people. Some foiled have the courage to justify everything: war is war. The planes leave Five or six planes, before leaving, go to the Hornbeam to unload some shiny objects. "Oh my God! ... they are bombing again!", The seminarians looking out from the Montone wall scream in dismay, before realizing that they are tanks (41). «Also in Monestevole, between the houses of Palombi and Ferranti, two planes, zigzagging in the sky, drop two large envelopes. As soon as they are unhooked, they look like bottles to the kids on top of the Valcinella toppétto. They believe they are bombs. They plug their ears, but as soon as they touch the ground they raise a small cloud of dust; there is a muffled thump, not a pop. The distance is considerable, but they run to see. In their pre-adolescent minds, this is a day of wonders, of celebration. They run from one hill to another, as if exalted. And it is not their discouragement or bewilderment; on the contrary, they feel the sweet sensation of being the protagonists of unusual and, in their own way, heroic events. Perhaps in Umbertide there will also be some dead; but they are not affected in their affections. The country is far away, stranger. Eight kilometers, in their eyes, are one stellar distance. Sweaty, out of breath, here they are where did those two big envelopes, close by to the house of Pulcinelli. They find two soldiers on the spot fascists, who, having found that it is empty containers, they leave again; but first they shoot you with the gun a few shots, perhaps to poke around thickness of the metal. The kids have the green light for watch. They are strange, very elongated, armed stems of pipes, electric wires, unions. They can contain a few quintals of gasoline. Maybe even more. The comments are wasted. Tonino says: "But these English have had judgment ... the drums did not drop them where they are grazing beasts, but here where there is nothing ". The petrol scattered around puts you in a good mood. It seems to smell the threshing. It is indeed a day of wonders "(42). Airplanes make a final low-flying turn (44) to check what happened; maybe they try disgust for having broken the quiet of those brown roofs of ancient, and the idyllic texture of those lace of vines stretched out among the stuccoes on the fields. Finally, get rid of any ballast - even the weights on the conscience - take a ride, all together, for, regain altitude. Then, in single file they disappear southwards, behind Montecorona (45). The fly-blind game is over. Umbertide is all landed (46). From this moment they will be remembered as "the twelve apostles" (47). Strange apostles, who have fulfilled their mission - of death or of freedom? - leaving 67 dead, three dying (48) and thousands of survivors with the death in the soul, scattered along the Calvary of San Giovanni. It's 5:10 am. The line of red-billed peregrine falcons points south. Perhaps he blushed more: from the shame of the evil they have sown. Doves crouched under the foliage of Elceto "hold the olive branch between their beaks that they cannot bring back to town after the flood: the time has not yet come for them to take off again. The Kittyhawk enterprise will not go down in history as a stage of progress: of course, the Wright brothers did not imagine the exploits of their great-grandchildren! In the flight diary the pilots note: "239 Stormo Wing DesertAir Force, 5th Air Squadron Operation no. 225 of 25 April 1944 A bomb narrowly missed the central section of the bridge to the north. A bomb narrowly missed the eastern access of the bridge to the south. A bomb hit the railroad tracks in the east access area of the bridge, interrupting the line. The other bombs fell in the inhabited area to the west of the country, east of the bridge. Leave seven houses on fire. Light anti-aircraft shots from Perugia airport [Sant'Egidio]. Visibility: haze Total flight time: 26 00 hours ". This is all for the war technicians: terribly little for those who have suffered, helpless, their exhibition. But war is also a drama for the pilots. Several of them, who are bringing death, will lose their lives in other missions (49); like Lieutenant Facer, who is about to expire after being shot down, just the day before yesterday, in the Fabriano sky. Others will see the end in the face, managing to escape it by a miracle, like Captain Pienaar, who in three months, on August 15, 1944, will live a bad adventure. At 4:41 pm, he will take off on a mission with his navigator, Lt. AR Lockhart-Ross. Arriving a few kilometers north-east of Lechfeld, at 9150 meters above sea level, he will veer left and right to ensure there is no danger. It will dive at 90 degrees towards Gunzburg-Leipheim airport, near the Danube, a few kilometers from Ulm. Suddenly it will frame a twin-engine aircraft fast approaching its tail in the rearview mirror. Pushed to the maximum the power, it will release the tanks of long range in order to exploit to the maximum the superior speed of its "Mosquito"; it will begin to turn to starboard rather than port, as is normally done when aiming for the target. As soon as this maneuver starts, it will suffer fire from the 30 mm cannon of the German plane, from a distance of about 120 meters. Captain Pienaar will see pieces of his plane fly away. Hit on the left aileron and rudder, his "Mosquito" will have a sudden deviation and will begin to spiral under the acceleration of gravity. The pilot will try to recall the aircraft, but the jammed valves will not respond to commands. When the attacker has approached 500 meters at very high speed, he will not be able to tack to starboard. Subjected to no less than a dozen unsuccessful attacks by the Messerschmitt 262, at extraordinary speed, Pienaar will see it rise and disappear against the sun each time. Fortunately, the navigator will be able to identify the route of the German plane from a trail of white vapor left behind. With the strength of desperation the South African pilot will dive into a large cumulus cloud, managing to disappear from the sight of the German. For 40 minutes the life of the two men inside the "Mosquito" will hang by a thread. With all the instruments out of order, they will be able to fly over the Alps by just 150 meters. Despite the blocked valves, the broken radio, the useless landing gear, the plane will be able to land on its belly in Udine, with only 67 liters of fuel in the tank, enough for seven minutes of flight. Pienaar and Lockhart-Ross, will be decorated for the extraordinary feat (50). But also the pilots of the 5th squadron who, like him, will return home safely will be victims of the war. Not only for the time they will have spent in lands far away from their country and from their loved ones. Afflicted by hardships and fears. Kind to obey the orders of others, perhaps without sharing them, perhaps without understanding them, perhaps without even asking the problem of judging the effects of their actions. They will also be victims for the time they will have to live, if they reflect on the terrible tragedies caused by their raids; if they imagine the victims' judgment. Who knows if any of them, even at this moment, during the flight back to Base Camp will turn a thought to those ants who are now chaotically crossing, as if mad, around the coordinates of the target? You / soldier of the night / who go / from one border of a country to another / from shore to shore / from river to river / listen ... (51) . Chances are they have neither the time nor the inclination - poor pilots! - to listen to our laments, while they are risking their lives, hanging from those trabiccoli. They are certainly not dabbling in pleasure flights. Lieutenant MWV Odenaal will be scanning the horizon to identify as soon as possible if another plane will go up, in attack action, from Perugia airport, like the Bf 110 of three weeks ago. Passing over Spoleto, they will all turn a thought to Lieutenant DR Barret, their companion whom they saw plunging towards death, on his first and last mission. Lieutenant Stubb, flying over the Rieti airport, will experience the bad feeling of last April 8 when, with his plane hit, he returned with his heart in his throat to the base. Two days later the same thing happened to him during a raid on a bridge. He and Captain Odenaal were hit by anti-aircraft. Not to mention Captain Spies who, not even a month ago, was forced to make a crash landing and spent a couple of weeks avoiding falling into the hands of the Germans. In short, there is no one among them who has not recently had nasty surprises: it is unlikely that there is room within their conscience to worry about others. It is likely that they are concerned only with avoiding attacks and arriving safely on the ground, in time to have lunch. They are not posing any problems above all because they are the last wheel of a perverse mechanism, forced to obey a distant, invisible engine. The gear cannot oppose the motion of the system: it cannot think, decide. He has no conscience; therefore it has no responsibility. It is the perverse engine that is primarily responsible; when it was started, no one can stop it until it has overwhelmed and crushed everything and everyone, in a pulp of flesh and blood, where nothing is more recognizable and judgeable. Every single tragedy is the inevitable result of the state of war: of every war, at any time. Because war is the negation of civilization, of law, of values, of feelings. In addition, to make its effects even more perverse are the soldiers and their infernal machines, which make mistakes and fail more often than you think. Violence is seldom efficient: evil cannot give birth to good. For completely opposite reasons, even the inhabitants of Fratta today have no time to think about anything else: they have to save their skin and bury the dead. But in the future, coldly, they will look for the reasons for too many inexplicable facts: the bombs scattered over the country, without any apparent logic; the trajectory of the dive, which crossed the inhabited center; the final strafing; the seven houses on fire, helpless, strategically insignificant, flaunted as macabre booty in the flight log of the raiders. Victims will be able to interpret these absurdities as the result of Lieutenant Jandrell's eagerness to show that he managed to do some damage to make a career; at the cost of telling some bombs. But they can also think the worst: the choice of fatal trajectories for civilians, the scattered bombs, the machine guns against the flies, the trophy of the burning houses could be the signs of an abominable terrorist bombing (54)! The fundamental rule of the war right to preserve the safety of civilians could appear to be circumvented. If that had been the case, all twelve apostles would have betrayed Jesus - humanity - by becoming accomplices in his crucifixion. Twelve Judas! With the mitigating factor - for individuals - of having acted without their own will and, in any case, not on their own initiative. April 25, / day of pretended glories, / of questionable and non-existent magnitudes for many, / day of upheaval, grief and ruin for others. / The helpless and defenseless country. / Death, rushing and hissing from the sky, / is satisfied in a few moments, / with an orgy of the blood of innocent victims. / A black cloud has enveloped Umbertide. / When the impiety has ceased / heaps of ruins / have obliterated hearths, houses / and many friends and people. ... like shadows they vanished / from a reality that was yesterday / and now no longer exists. / They were men, who wanted to live / who would have done without war / and the glories and manias of the Nation. / They have been erased for the mistakes of others / for the drunkenness of greatness of a wrong society / which reduces men to slaves and defenseless / without care of their intentions, / freedom and will (55). 1) Fabrizio Boldrini. 2) Emma Gagliardini. 3) Roman Children. 4) Don Luigi Cozzari, letter for the 1st anniversary. 5) Cesare Ceccacci, Renato Silvestrelli. 6) Victim: Antonio Alunni Pierucci. 7) Umberto Tommasi. 8) Francesco Pierucci, 1921/22 - Fascist violence and crimes in Umbria, Caldari Typography, Umbertide, 1975, p. 42. 9) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli, with an image of the P40 dashboard provided by Andrea Gragnoli. Below: Umbertide plant, with a still different target and the smoke of bombs already dropped. 10) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the eleventh pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 11) Avellino Giulianelli, Domenico Manuali. 12) Palmiro Santarelli. 13) Carlo Porrozzi. 14) Vittorio Tognaccini. 15) Mario Alpini. 16) Maria Pia Viglino. 17) Franco Villarini. 18) Maurizio Pucci. 19) Maria Zampa. 20) Dorina Galmacci. 21) Warrior Gagliardini. 22) Saints Improved. 23) Warrior Gagliardini. 24) Emma Gagliardini. 25) Ornella Bellarosa. 26) Ines Biti. 27) Franco Villarini. 28) Bruno Porrozzi, Umbertide and its territory , Pro Loco Umberride Association, 1983, p. 73. 29) Domenico Baldoni. 30) Giuseppe Lisetti. 31) Ramiro Nanni, Like I, Ramiro, I experienced the bombing. .., manuscript from 1979. 32) Elena Boriosi. 33-34) Amedeo Faloci. 35) Lidia Tonanni. 36) Giuseppe Lisetti. 37) Vera Vibi. 38) Silvano Bernacchi. 39) Giorgio Toraci. 40) Bruno Burberi. 41) Luigi Braconi. 42) Mario Bartocci, manuscript from 1986. 43) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant covered entirely by the smoke of the exploded bombs. 44) Luigi Braconi. 45) Fabrizio Boldrini, Luigi Braconi. 46) Amelia Picciolli. 47) Bruno Tonanni. 48) Registry of the municipal registry. 49) Letter from Lieutenant Mitcbell to Mario Tosti dated March 1986. Beautiful works! , Municipality of Umbertide, 1995, p. 53. 50) MJ Martin, Neil D. Orpen, South African Forces World War II ; Eagles victorious: operations of 'the South African Forces, Air ops in Italy , Cape Town, Purnell, 1977. 51) Maddalena Rosi, "You", National Competition 25th April , Municipality of Umbertide and S. Francesco socio-cultural center, 2002. 52) PRO: Public Record Office, London, Operation Record Book, Detail of work carried out , SAAF, 239th "Wing Desert Air Force", 5th air squadron; Taken from: Mario Tosti (curator), Beautiful works !, Municipality of Umbertide, 1995, p. 50. 53) Edda Vetturini, "Memories of wartime (Bastia Umbra 1940/45)", Proceedings - Properziana del Subasio Academy - Assisi, Series VI n. 22, 1994. 54) Sante Migliorati, Egino Villarini. 55) Olimpio Ciarapica, from a poem of 1952. La terza e quarta ondata THE FIRST STOP The last plane of the first quartet has rejoined the others, who continue to turn above Romeggio. They delay (1), to evaluate the result of the attack and reflect on what to do. The hurricane of piercing hisses, followed by explosions (2), momentarily subsided. It's 9:46. Brizio (Boldrini), having arrived at the market, at the corner of Broccatelli's house, turn towards the Fontesanta. He turns, looking towards the center: behind the fortress, a large, gray, dense cloud has swallowed other bombs which inflate it, spreading it over the town. He feels the need to sit down: his legs begin to tremble; slowly he catches his breath (3). Sitting on the side of the road, the desperate Lina (Foni Roselletti) cries, screams, invokes her hired husband: "Teo is in the square!". They try to console her, assuring her that there were no cars in the square (4). The archpriest, Don Luigi, curled up in the corridor towards the sacristy of the Collegiate, listens, wondering in terror if the sequence of bomb blasts - fallen, now near and far - is over (5). La Cesira (Romitelli), who had escaped from the Quadrio oven at the first outbreak, had thrown herself to the ground at each dive, as her son had suggested (6); now she runs quickly home. In the same way Menco de Traversino (Domenico Traversini) flees by the tree; he had dropped the spade in the garden of Sor Dino (Ramaccioni) and had fled towards the station, throwing himself to the ground at the arrival of each hiss and resuming running after the explosion. He is headed for the Migno-Migno, where he recently married his wife (7). A safer refuge Franco del Capoguardia (Anastasi) noted that the pairs of bombs fall at regular intervals, of about thirty seconds one from the other (8); after three blows he deduced that, if the neighbor had spared him, he would have had time to flee towards the tower. Thirty seconds have lasted three hours since then. Hearing the last boom not far away, he fled from the Duty Office in Via Guidalotti to the tower, followed by all the others (9). Even the receiver was convinced, thinking: "The heads of all the people who flee, certainly think more than mine alone (10)". They were lucky, because they decided to escape at just the right time, during the truce. The silence between one bomb and the next, more prolonged than the previous ones, pushes anyone who has been blocked by that hellish noise outdoors: whoever can escape by the shortest route towards the air and the light. Others are looking for a safer place. Tommasi, from the stationery shop below, yells at Ornella (Duranti) and Wilma (Borri) to get off, to take refuge in the vaulted room on the ground floor. The two girls obey, although Sora Checca (Duranti) had for some time instructed her daughter, showing her the main wall where to take shelter (11). Escape from the crater In the post office they are all crowded in front of the exit: customers, employees and the Ceccarellis. La Menchina della Posta (Domenica Burzacchi Lotti), mindful of her husband's recommendation to take shelter as soon as possible in a place covered by vaults or arches or architraves, runs away towards the vault of Via Grilli (12). The Ceccarellis run out in the opposite direction, towards the Collegiate. Gigetto (Gambucci) instead stops; he rethought the special package containing the money for the salaries of the masters (13), which Peppe della Fascina (Giuseppe Venti) brought with the cart from the station to the post office (14); climbs the stairs to close the safe (15). Outside the Quadrio oven, the people flee towards the square, extricating themselves among the debris that clutter the road: they are almost mad. Maria (Guasticchi Feligioni) - she does not imagine that her husband, Bronzone, is buried a few meters from her - desperately asks for help to get the old Lazzaro de Botaciólo down the stairs, in whose house she had been housed together with her displaced family from Milan. He sees a friend of his pass - Baldo (Ubaldo Gambucci) - who, in the midst of all that confusion, does not hear it (16). Panic has taken over; everyone becomes deaf, even in the brain, responding to the instinct of survival. Upstream (17) Luciano (Bebi) went down the stairs to check that the way out remains free; precedes the mother who is slow to follow him. The door is stuck. From the street Amleto, the radio-telegraph naval marshal yells at him to open the door: "Open ... open ... (18)". From the inside, Luciano replies that he can't do it, because something has fallen that blocks the exit (19). Meanwhile, Quadrio's daughters try to escape from the back in their nightgowns (20); Father hears their cries for help. He calls all the Saints, but no one answers (21). The radio operator hears screams coming from the next door, towards the square. They are the Capucìni - the parents and their daughter Lidia (Mariotti) - who have come down from the upper floors in flames and beg to open. The door is stuck. Finally Hamlet manages to force the opening; accompanies them through the arch of Via Mancini and the arches of the slaughterhouse in the square (22) to put them all in via Alberti (23), up to the Rocca (24). A blond boy (Umberto Bellarosa), who was fleeing from the "Tiberina" towards the Collegiate Church, arrived in front of Reggiani, could not resist returning home, upstream, in Via Mancini. Look under the arch: the old woman de Piandàna, with the bread table on her head, goes here and there like a sleepwalker, in the midst of the dust that obscures everything (25). Giovannino (Migliorati) also had the instinct to return to his house, in front of the nuns, after abandoning the teacher and his companions who fled in the opposite direction, towards the station. When he turns towards Via Spoletini, someone pushes him inside the door of the house before the level crossing (26). Nina and her husband, Valentino (Ciammarughi), were working the field near the Ramaccioni, near the Tiber. When the bombs arrived, the first thought was to go to the nuns' kindergarten, a few tens of meters from home, where Pierina, the daughter, was. They ran across the field to rejoin the child. Arriving at the school garden net, he can't get over it because of how upset he is; his wife gives him some insult as he climbs the net which, under the weight of both of them, lies down to the ground letting them pass. They immediately see their daughter walking towards them, completely calm, not at all frightened by the noise and confusion (28). Instead, a little fiery with red hair (Fausto Fagioli) cries and cries, because his mother has not come to get him: it almost seems that he has the presentiment of having lost her, together with his sister Franca (29). Even Linda (Guardabassi), when the hum of the airplanes became more insistent, fled in the middle of the fields towards the nuns' kindergarten where she had left her daughter. For the great fear of the bombs dropped above her head, when she found herself in front of the Carbonaro gorge she went straight and overtook it with a jump. Arriving at the kindergarten, Imperia sua is not found, until she escapes from under Sister Adele's skirt, where she has found ample refuge (30). Escape from the periphery From the outskirts of the historic center everyone flees to the countryside. The Boca and Spinelli do not feel safe under the counter in the cyclist's closet. They go out to flee to the countryside. The first starts running towards Peppolétta, with his head down; he notices a fountain pen on the ground but does not pick it up, remembering that at school they taught that it can disguise a bomb (33). The second, who runs away next to him, at the height of the road that leads from Via Roma to the station, because of his speed he cannot avoid a cyclist - Cannéto (Ruggero Bartolini) - who is shouting: "Oh God i mi 'fiulini !! ". Both of them tumble to the ground. Nearby the General (Mario Giornelli), standing on his chariot, whips the mule towards the countryside. Ennio (Montagnini) and Santino (Migliorati), who took shelter behind the wall of the house of the teacher Checca, call Spinelli (Renato Silvestrelli). "Lie down like the rest of us and lie on your stomach". He obeys, trying to take the position they taught in school (34). Umberto (Dominici) flees to the mechanic's shop in Peppino (Rondoni), at the beginning of Via Roma, where his younger brother Claudio works; takes him by the hand; together they run towards the Regghia joining the multitude of terrified people who pour into the countryside (35). The tide becomes more and more impressive (36). The terror is so immense that the wife of Misquicqueri (Nello Migliorati), who ran away from home with her daughter Francesca a few months old wrapped in a blanket, only when she stopped towards the Roccolo, out of breath for the race, she realized that she had lost his creature on the street. Desperate, she retraces the journey backwards until she finds it, on the ground: there are no bombs capable of detaining her (37). It went better for Maurizio, by a year. All frightened, he was wrapped in a cloth by his sister - Gianna (Feligioni), a young seamstress - who carries him in her arms running along the Piaggiola towards the market (38). Adriana (Ciarabelli), who was surprised by the bombs inside the restaurant of Ntonio de Ragno (39), escapes along the same road. He joins the crowd running towards the Madonna del Giglio, where Nellino de Pajalunga's father cries, despairing because his mules have escaped (40). Many people covered in dust and bloody arrive at the ditch of Santafede (41). Each small street is swarming with people who arrive, out of breath and shocked, from the square and the market (42). Maria and Santina de Pistulino (Tosti) are all white, candid, from dust (43). Little Luciana de Zùmbola (Sonaglia) was thrown to the ground by a blast of air. She is hurt, but the fear is stronger than the pain: she gets up and, turning back, she sees a large white cloud towards the square (44). Celso (Mola) reached the top of the Roccolo hill: he ran along the Regghia, through a green wheat field two palms high, with a short white nightgown; he tried to crouch down to hide his intimacies, but each subsequent outburst dissolved his modesty and pushed him to other sgalànci (45). From the station area, a girl runs away along the road of the oaks that leads in the direction of the pine forest, up to the Navarri farm. Following his father's instructions, he put the gold chains in his pocket and loaded the ham on his shoulder. He throws himself into the ditch where Marino de Caldaro has his work to do to force his wife Maria to crouch: she wants to keep her head up to look, without realizing that the ants are invading her (46). Rolando del Buffè, who had fled with his mother from the station, has already arrived at Caldarelli's house (47). Powerless from the periphery From the outskirts we witness, helpless, the agony of the country devastated by the blazes and the red-hot winds of its convulsions. Roberto Balducci, the doctor, has fled from his house near the station, towards the fields, in the direction of Civitella; he took his camera, sensing that the most terrible tragedy in the history of the country is unfolding. Massimo (Valdambrini), a child sheltered between the two crags where the Cupa is collected towards Pinzaglia and Navarri, is still speechless for the tremendous spectacle just interrupted: the hisses of the bombs that hurt the ears and the brain, the crashes of the explosions that they made everything tremble; the whistles of the splinters that reached up there; the shades and the planks that flew in the air (48). "Keep your head down!", Repeatedly recommend teachers to schoolchildren who have repaired in the small trenches dug in the lawn behind the elementary schools (49). Next to them Bruno de Chiocca (Tarragoni), who has come out of the school where all his companions have remained, peers in the direction of the square, embracing the trunk of the walnut that shelters him (50). From the church of Santa Maria the boys of the oratory watch astonished, crouched in the ditch between the football pitch and the house of Pippo del Caporale (Renato Caporali). Don Giovanni (Dottarelli) had them repaired below the edge of the field, recommending that they lie down with their stomach raised off the ground (51). Every now and then they take a look at the town that disappears more and more, in the midst of clouds of dust. Guerriero de Schiupitìno (Gagliardini) looks with binoculars; his brother Peppino felt the ends of his hair brushed by the movement of the air of the bombs (52) that sparkled and rotated before falling (53). From the loggia on the hill, other children enjoy the show, heedless of the anguished faces of adults (54). The Simoncini girls who escaped from the goodwill took shelter of a crag for a while; Zina (Corbucci) instead has crouched in the middle of a field and someone yells at her to move from there, because they could see her. They take them into the stable of Secondo, a farmer near the Tiber. Professor Ciangottini says to stay calm and to pray: then they begin to say the Hail Mary, all together, aloud, or only within themselves (55). Other boys of the same school, who escaped through the arch of Piazza San Francesco, sought shelter behind the embankments and in the holes of the sand miners, to admire the planes from safety as they swooped down from Civitella, dropped the bombs and went up to Corvatto , veering towards Montalto to rejoin all the others (56). Rodolfo (Panzarola), on the other hand, realizes that the show is the most tragic thing that can happen; he feels anguish and anger for this havoc against his country (57). Emilio (Baldassarri) does not go for the thin and fords the river at a run, to run home towards the Niccone (58). In his house in Piazza San Francesco, in front of the school, a boy is not at all afraid; he would like to see what happens, but his mother does not intend to leave the cellars of Ciammarughi, where they took refuge after hearing the loud noise and the stone-throwing on the roof. The son, impatient and eager to see, tries to convince her with a subtle blackmail: "Yes, I die [if I die], it's your fault!". He won it: they go out. When they arrive at the Caminella, they find a group of Neapolitans screaming like obsessed (59). Ermelinda (Rondoni Valdambrini) prays behind the bank of Secondo: she is quite right! She must thank God for being able, when she heard the first blow, to escape like a hare from the tobacconist's in the square, where she had gone to buy salt: the second bomb fell behind her, as she ran over the Regghia bridge. towards Piazza San Francesco. As soon as she crouched behind the shelter, she heard the whistle of a splinter that crashed to the ground, touching her head (60). From Ceramiche Rometti, Pietro (Corgnolini), a sixteen-year-old boy, saw the planes circling in a row, one after the other, swooping down on the town from the east and, in the ascent after the dive, disappear behind the flames and clouds of smoke rising to the sky after the explosion. He is not afraid: he is not realizing what is happening and what effects may follow (61). Rina had prepared the cake for breakfast, at the Palazzone farm, near the Gamboni lock; he was dusting it from the ashes on the loggia, summoning the men who were hoeing the grass in the garden. At the sound of planes and bombs, she ran to the window on the opposite side of the house to look toward the center. He witnesses the collapse in dismay (62). Don Luigi is standing at the door of the sacristy (63). He has looked out to scrutinize the movements of the planes, but immediately withdraws when he hears them approaching again (64). The archpriest does not imagine that they are called Kitryhawk, "peregrine falcons": he would shudder at the mere thought that a bird of prey could be attributed the qualities of a pilgrim. The train that was coming from Pierantonio stopped shortly after the toll booths on the straight. It is full of people: in addition to the students there are people heading to a fair in the Upper Tiber. Everyone rushed out; the crowd was such that someone broke the windows to get out. A carabinieri marshal has stationed himself on a stack of crossbeams: pathetically points in the air a "91-38 musket with fixed bayonet" towards the planes that are turning again from the top of Montecorona to strike towards the center of Umbertide, almost in the direction parallel to the straight (65). In fact, the squadron has made its decision: another quartet of steel birds, each with its own pair of 500-pound bombs (66), is about to rage, taking over from the one who has just returned to formation. 1) Luigi Gambucci. 2) Candido Palazzetti, Umbertide , Scholastic Patronage, Umbertide, 1958. 3-4) Fabrizio Boldrini. 5) Don Luigi Cozzari, letter for the 1st anniversary. 6) Tita Romitelli. 7) Domenico Traversini. 8) Franco Anastasi, Ramiro Nanni, How I, Ramiro, lived the bombing .... 1979 manuscript. 9) Franco Anastasi. 10) Luigi Gambucci. 11) Ornella Duranti. 12) Italo Lotti. 13) Luigi Gambucci. 14) Muzio Venti. 15) Luigi Gambucci. 16) Ines Guasticchi. 17) Giovanni Migliorati. 18) Adriana Fileni. 19) Francesco Martinelli. 20) Linda Micucci. 21) Adriana Fileni. 22) Domenico Mariotti. 23) Warrior Boldrini. 24) Lidia Mariotti. 25) Umberto Bellarosa. 26) Giovanni Migliorati. 27) Photo kindly made available by Adriana Fileni. 28) Piera Ciammarughi. 29) Concetta Mariotti. 30) Linda Micucci. 31-32) Photo kindly made available by Adriana Fileni. 33) Bruno Advantages. 34) Renato Silvestrelli. 35) Umberto Dominici. 36) Luigi Carlini. 37) Anna Migliorati. 38) Gianna Feligioni. 39) Adriana Ciarabelli. 40) Emilio Gargagli. 41) Ada Locchi. 42 Luciana Sonaglia. 43) Italo Lotti. 44) Luciana Sonaglia. 45) Graziella Gagliardini. 46) Anna Bartocci. 47) Rolando Fiorucci. 48) Massimo Valdambrini. 49) Maria Duranti. 50) Bruno Tarragoni Alumni. 51) Giorgio Pacciarini. 52) Giuseppe Gagliardini. 53) Willemo Ramaccioni. 54) Angelo Chiavini. Testimony taken from Yesterday, today ... the thread of memory , Lucignolo Aggregation Center - Committee of Memory, Umbertide, 2003. 55) Margherita Tosti, manuscript of 1985. 56) Giuseppe Golini. 57) Rodolfo Panzarola. 58) Giuseppe Golini. 59) Mario Destroyed. 60) Ermelinda Rondoni. 61) Pietro Corgnolini. 62) Rina Alunno Violins. 63) Maria Migliorati. 64) Don Luigi Cozzari, letter for the 1st anniversary. 65) Rolando Tognellini. 66) Ramiro Nanni, How I, Ramiro, lived the bombing ... , manuscript of 1979. THE SECOND WAVE (1) The clouds of dust raised by the first four bombs, falls north of the longitudinal axis of the bridge, yes moved to the south-east, pushed by a slight north wind; have risen right on the most critical point of the dive. Neither the railway bridge nor those of the national road on the Tiber and on the Regghia. The pilots, who they could see them clearly when they arrived now they can only picture them under the blanket of smoke. For hit the target should go into it: a leap into dark. Too risky! You have to give up any big target of the national road. Lieutenant Jandrell is irritated: he has failed his own mission on the last day he wanted to wear a success as Commanding Officer of Base Camp. Command to fall back on a new goal, even of minor importance, as long as it is visible (2): the bridge over the Regghia that connects the square to the Collegiata. Fifth discharge Captain Spies, in a wide circle, went over the Serra, where does the dive start. Ramiro has come to the smooth [on the edge] of the farmhouse Fontesanta; thinks the squadron commander delayed the continuation of the attack because he has saw many people running away (3). But this concern is perhaps incompatible with the precautions that pilots they must have to protect their skin (5). The fighter-bomber drops black, similar things beak-tailed suppositories (5), which strike the wing east of the post office building. La Ines (Biti), left the shelter of the conservatory buzzo in the shop of Rosina de Pistulìno (Tosti), it was barely returned to the Fornaci fabric shop. He was about to take the bag and the keys from the desk to close the shop and leave, despite the refusal of Miss Francesca (Fornaci), the Checchina. From behind the glass door towards the square, he sees the post building collapse: it is hit by a very strong explosion, a terrible gust and a lot of smoke (9). The corner between the square and the alley of San Giovanni crumbles, burying Galen, the barber, the foreign customer and the two apprentices Peppini: fiolo de Poggione (10) and `l Roscìno (11), blond, curly, with the serum above the cheekbones (12), which after a few moments followed the fate of Fausto, the elder brother who wanted to go to his aid (13). All the people present in the affected building had just come down the stairs from the floors above the barbershop (14). Italo's mother (Grandolini) is missing, who went to mass (15). There is Lina (Violini), a mathematics student in Pisa, with her father Severino; the shock wave makes her heart burst. The father, protected by a beam, feels the desperate grip of his daughter (16) who expires embraced at his ankles (17). Lodina (Donnini), the wife of the head of the bank's office, came down from the mezzanine floor together with her children - the youngest child in her arms and the other by the hand (18) - and Maria (Giovannoni), a young girl who 'helps around the house. The children die immediately (19), close to the mother, who remains almost unharmed. The girl is thrown under Lina's body (20). In the central part of the building still standing, Gigetto (Luigi Gambucci) was climbing towards the safe of the Post Office; in front of him the bombs, which fell very close, have ripped from hinge a stair window, which is ruined on the landing. Everything has gone black; dark full. It is the darkness of death that in that at the same moment he grabbed his father Baldo (Ubaldo Gambucci) (21), a few tens of meters. For a moment he was unable to take that step in more than he has rescued one of his mates escape, around the corner of Via Stella. His watch was blocked by the swarm of splinters very small that have hit it, instantly of death: 9.50 am (22). Next to Baldo (Gambucci) the boy from twenty years old (24), possibly a Jew, who had just separated from their father in front of the Capponi Hotel where they are guests (25). A few meters away lies Virginia (27); math's teacher. He had tried to join the flight of the women of the family Ceccarelli (28), who were thrown by the blast on the wall of the buildings in front of the post office, all shot to death (29). Sixth station Veronica wipes the face of Jesus It is carnage. How many tears, on how many faces, must be dried! Better luck fell to Picchiottino: his cage is was thrown from the window to under the table (30). Looks speechless; even less than men do realizes what ever is upsetting the quiet tran of greenfinch. A bottle of perfume flew from Galen's barbershop to land - miraculously intact - on the roof of the Sor Igi's house, at Corso (31). The dust storm has invaded the fruit shop della Pierina in Via Alberti, obscuring it; then Bruno (Burberi) seeks escape towards Piaggiola (32). Sixth discharge Seventh station Jesus falls the second time Those who have remained in the Borgo di San Giovanni now find themselves permanently trapped, closed by the rubble at the top and at the end of the alley: he can only wait for the end of the lottery of death. Everything is shrouded in smoke. Luciano feels trapped (33): he searches desperately protection by fixing the head inside the mixer bread, near the door (34). Above him, Lieutenant Jooste drops two bombs that do not hit the house but, rushing into the alley of San Giovanni, they undermine it from below (35): the terrible explosion guts the oven e the shop, on which the upper floors collapse. Above the tomb of the young people (36) land the elderly, lingered in the escape; Quadrio fell with his bed from the upper floors, gliding over the debris (37). He and Fernanda, mother of Luciano (Bebi), are only wounded, covered by a few rubble. The shock wave also demolishes the house next to the oven, towards the square, and dig the one in front. Under the first die, embracing each other (38), the spouses (39) who manage the Virgil's trattoria. Crouched in a corner she remained s epolta la Bettina (40), who had taken refuge from them (41). From the top floor she sinks into the restaurant and the embroiderer ends her days (42). In the house opposite, Amalia dies, the little girl who has recently returned to the village from the icy refuge of San Cassiano. Spira in the arms of the grandfather, who remained protected under a beam (43). Grandmother Marianna also lost her life (44), with the inseparable tobacco paper in her pocket to smell (45). Seventh discharge Another plane, flown by Captain Odenaal, after a dive almost parallel to the straight, drops a couple of bombs over the station, which continue towards the center and crash into Via Guidalotti, behind the house of the teacher Elide (Franchi), the wife of the band director musical (46). The intersection between Via Alberti and the alley is hit that connects Via Guidalotti to Piazza delle Erbe: the rear part of the Porrini house crumbles (47) and the Marzani, where they die embraced (48) the Barbagianni spouses (49). The corners of the osteria delle Balille and the Venanzia inn (51). Here they also pour the rubble of the building opposite, imprisoning how many had gathered at the bottom of the stairs (52). "The Franks had run away from the kitchen, when they had seen all the glass fall on them for the outbreak at the post office; they had taken the fiola - Giuliana, one year old - from the high chair. The purse with the money, ready on a nail in the back the door remained in place. They had crowded in behind the door, together with the patrons of the inn, terrified. They wanted to escape to the market. Two German soldiers they had stopped him, making it clear that it would be too dangerous. Elvira (Nanni), who had gone up to take the bag, did not have time to get back down and was blocked by the rubble on the landing, under a beam that made a hut. It is on the second floor, in the collapsed corner, towards piazza delle Erbe (53). Linda (54), displaced from Turin with her sister Mafalda, who works at the Ration Cards Office of the Municipality (55), did not understand the law: she wanted to go out at all costs, because she had the eldest daughter, Silvana, at school . She managed to escape, holding her youngest son, Giancarlo, three years old, by the hand. But it was overwhelmed by the rubble just outside the door. From inside the door you can hear the moans of the fiolo, close to the mother who shows no signs of life "(56). Eighth station Encounter between Jesus and the women of Jerusalem Women beat their breasts and moan to Him. "Do not weep over me. Weep over yourselves and your children" (57). Linda can no longer cry, neither about herself nor about her children. The same fate befell another woman, the butcher's wife (58). She, Maria, had spoken from the window of the house with Quinto, her husband, who was facing that of the town hall opposite. When the planes arrived, he had tried to get out of the house; Elvira (Caprini) had tried to hold her back, but to no avail. She passed, running from Via Alberti towards the square, in front of the shoe shop in Via Grilli, while the owner, Lilo (Angelo Alpini), was lowering the shutter to protect himself. He had tried to pull her by the hand: "'ndu gite, vinite [where you go, come] inside, ché càdon le bombe!". There had been nothing to do. "No! I have da gì da la mi 'Giovanna", she insisted, resuming the race towards elementary school, where she thought her eldest daughter was (59). He did not know that they had had it repaired in the house of the teacher Peppina, just a stone's throw away. After a few meters; Maria was mowed right under the vault: a splinter (60) of the bomb dropped at the corner of Piazza delle Erbe passed it from side to side, also wounding the mother of Chirico, the head of the railway depot, who stood behind (61). The veterinarian and the mother of Maestro Pino, leaning their hands against the wall, protected Ornella and Wilma with their bodies from all the stationery stuff that fell on the floor from the shelves (62). In the back room of the Palchetti food shop, a few meters from the explosion, everything has become dark; on the shoulders of Nino (Egidio Grassini), lying on the ground as they had taught at school, pats of lard fell from the ceiling. Several times he had tried to get up to go out in the back, in Piazza dell'Erbe, but the hiss of successive bombs had blocked him to the ground, as if crushed by the shock of the explosion (63). Nearby, other people, who had been locked in Municipality, they had looked for a way out through the woodshed overlooking Piazza delle Erbe; but to no avail, because the door was jammed. The displacement of air of the last bomb opened the door wide. Neither they immediately take the opportunity to escape through the vault; among them Gigino (Fagioli), wounded in the forehead, again he does not know that he has lost his wife and daughter. They pass by to Pazzi's wife, who is asking for help, agonizing; but, taken by terror, they do not stop (64). She is on the ground (65), leaning with her back against the wall near the urinal; leaking blood (65) that is runny on the plaster of the wall, leaving indelible traces as a warning to the survivors. Maria has not no longer even the strength to speak. Plead with it look an acquaintance to bring the little one to safety Gabriella, the daughter he has in his neck (67). The Steak is that takes the daughter, waiting for the opportune time to bring her to safety towards the countryside (68). Maria does understand that she would like to be taken back, out of the vault, on the opposite side of the outbreak. Down there, the Menchina della Posta and others, recovered from daze (69), they try to please her, dragging his heavy body outside the vault, in Via Grilli (70). Even the elderly woman who had been injured by the same splinter, try to get busy. They ask her to do more strength, to pull with both hands; she responds with his Neapolitan accent: "Nun` o tengo cchiù [I don't have it anymore] "He has a torn arm (71). Eighth discharge The pair of bombs dropped by Lieutenant Hooper falls behind the rubble of the Quadrio kiln and demolishes the house of Simonucci, the Town Accountant. All those who took shelter from the upper floors remain buried at the bottom of the staircase in Via Mariotti, towards the vault, thinking it was the safest place. In vain Marinetta (Trotta) tried to convince them to run away (73). Bengasina (74) dies with Polda, the girl who helps her with housework (75). Near them, three other women lose their lives: Gina, a teacher of literature, cheerful, cheerful, smiling; aunt Esterina, rustic, scapeciàta, grumpy (76); Giovannina, who had gone to class (77). The collapse overwhelms other inhabitants of the building, on the upper floors: an embroiderer and her son (78), who has returned for a few days on military leave from Spoleto, in aviation as a reconnaissance photographer (79). Hamlet, who had unsuccessfully tried to get in touch with his family from the alley of San Giovanni, was no longer able to return to the entrance to the oven, because a mountain of rubble now prevented access from the square. So he tried to enter from the back of the house, through the arch where there is the Maurino (Luigi Fagioli) staircase. He fell (80) there, hit by a ledge (81). A hero (82). First he sacrificed himself for the others, bringing them to safety. Then he thought, in vain, also about his family. In the end he fell, like Jesus, who redeemed all men. Ninth station Jesus falls for the third time In the nearby hairdresser, where Gina (Borgarelli) sought consolation for her terror every time there were alarms, Velia curled up under an arch, helpless in the face of the flames and gusts of dust released from the crater of Via Mariotti, through the small door towards the back of the Corso (83). When the first bombs fell he was washing Elisa (Pucci )'s head (84). Loredana (Trentini) was waiting to do her hair, obeying her mother who had been scolding her for a few days: "Me sembri` na capeciòna, with all `sti ciùrci". They were all paralyzed by the tremendous noise of the planes and by the glass of the door that fell to the ground (85). The external wall of the building at the rear of the hairdresser's, connected to Simonucci's house through a passage above the arch, collapsed, causing the kitchen of Tilde, wife of Paris (Giovanni Miccioni) to fall. Luckily she had gone to drain the lupins in the toilet, towards the Corso, instead of on the kitchen sink, as always (86). The second stop The second aircraft quartet also rejoined the formation. It's 9:51. The storm broke out six minutes ago. The dust cloud has invaded the entire historic center; up there, from the cockpits, you can no longer see anything. Lieutenant Jandrell realizes the mission is compromised. He consults with the other pilots. The opinions excited to decide on what to do, exchanged through the radio, grant a longer respite (87): on the ground, whoever can take advantage of it. At the same time in Città di Castello the alarm bellowed (88). From the crater La Velia sees that no one is moving from the pharmacy opposite; remains curled up under a hairdresser's arch, trying to squat even more (89). Instead Loredana (Trentini) and Elisa (Pucci), taking advantage of the prolongation of the quiet, sometimes leave the place. The first runs away, towards the Piaggiola, dodging a woman with a clique of hair behind her head, on the ground there at the vault, who seems to be dead. She is Pazzi's wife. Dina (Galmacci) cannot avoid beating her up. Taking advantage of the momentary silence, she comes running from the vault, after having escaped from the back room of Palchetti, in piazza delle Erbe (90). Elisa flees in the opposite direction, towards the Collegiate Church. Menchino (Domenico Pucci), her husband's cousin, sees her running with curlers on her head in the direction of home, instinctively to reunite with her son Franco, a few months old; he makes her enter the Palazzoli barbershop at the corner of the Reggiani palace, already full of people, pulling her by the arm: "Where are you going? Can't you see that bombs are falling everywhere!" (91). Others take refuge in the shops adjacent to the barbershop, where Eusebia sells the shards and Grattasassi the fabrics (92). Opposite, at the beginning of the bridge towards the Piazza, where Tonino's (Grilli) Shell petrol station was, some German soldiers got out of a truck. They shout: "Korre! Korre!" (93). On the opposite side of the square, some of the schoolchildren crouched behind the Collegiate Church run away, each to his home. Another boy, frightened by the tiles falling all over the place, runs away from the Boca basement towards the platform; he passes by a German who is cursing, pointing his gun at the sky. He throws himself in the middle of the nearby cornfield, for fear that the pilots will notice the soldier's intentions and shoot at him (94). The children Many children have watched bewildered at the end of the world (95). When he saw the first plane above the square drop things that looked like shaving soaps, the cylindrical ones, Simonello (Simonelli) felt his mother Giuseppa (Migliorati) dragged into the door of the teacher Lina (Barbagianni). Another twenty people took shelter there. Many have prayed. Father John did nothing but shout "Calm, calm" interspersed with curses, while he closed the door which opened at each explosion. Simonello asked several times: "Mom, will we die?", But he was not so afraid, because he felt safe under his protruding belly for the little sister who is about to be born (96). In the arms of an adult, in front of a window in Via Roma, Maurizio (Burelli), who has just turned two, has just imprinted in his mind the indelible image of a threatening plane and a terrifying din (97). With each bomb explosion, little Laura jumped on the bed, together with the knock of a window (98). Another girl cries, Dora (Silvestrelli); so far he has trembled with fear, like his house on the Corso where it is sheltered (99). Peppe (Magrini) is in bed - he has a fever - and listens, motionless and wide-eyed (100). Quinto de Pistulino (Tosti) is seated at the end of Via Soli, a few tens of meters from the crater, on the edge of a stuffed demijohn, supporting his twenty-month-old son. He keeps it dangling between his legs, squeezing his chest with his hands, to protect him from the impressive roars that make everything vibrate, even in the bowels (101). An enormous mushroom of smoke has engulfed the country and rises higher and higher (102); it is blown by the wind towards the "alberata" [Via Cesare Battisti], the tobacco factory, the Tiber (103). Yet, there is still someone who refuses to accept the tragedy: Santino has to forcefully persuade his mother Ida, a janitor in the kindergarten, to take refuge inside; she is lingering to withdraw the flower shards from the windows for fear that, falling, they will be ruined (104). In the crater of San Giovanni, night fell everywhere; ahead of time. Those who are not already dead can barely breathe from the dust and debris. Wait for the end (105). 1) Gianna Feligioni. 2) Avellino Giulianelli. 3) Ramiro Nanni, How I, Ramiro, lived the bombing ... , manuscript from 1979. 4) Giuseppe Cozzari. 5) Marinella Roselli. 6 Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the smoke of the bombs already fallen. 7) Top left: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli, with an image of the P40 dashboard provided by Andrea Gragnoli. Bottom left: Umbertide plant, with the target and the smoke of the bombs already fallen. 8) Top right: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Bottom right: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the fifth pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 9) Ines Biti. 10) Annunziata Caldari. 11) Maria Luisa Rapo. 12) Class III E, Mavarelli-Pascoli State Middle School, Voices of memory , Municipality of Umbertide and San Francesco Cultural Center, Umbertide, 2002. 13) Italo Ciocchetti. 14) Victims: Galeno Monfeli, Mario Arrunategni Rivas, Giuseppe Ciocchetti, Giuseppe Pierini. 15) Francesco Martinelli. 16 Victim: Lina Violini. 17) Margherita Violins. 18) Elda Villarini. 19) Victims: Domenico Donnini, Gianfranco Donnini. 20) Maria Giovannoni. 21) Victim: Ubaldo Gambucci. 22) Luigi Gambucci. 23) Photograph kindly provided by Luigi Gambucci. The watch was recovered from the pocket of father Ubaldo, a victim of the bombing. 24) Victim: Licinio Leonessa. 25) Franco Caldari. 26) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the sixth pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 27) Victim: Virginia Cozzari. 28) Dina Bebi. 29) Victims: Elda Bebi, Marianella Ceccarelli, Rosanna Ceccarelli, Giulia Bartoccioli. 30) Ornella Duranti, Margherita Tosti. 31) Giovanni Angioletti. 32) Bruno Burberi. 33) Francesco Martinelli. 34) Fernanda Martinelli. 35) 'Domenico Mariotti. 36) Victims: Luciano Bebi, Maria Domenica Bebi, Tecla Bebi, Anna Banelli. 37) Adriana Fileni, Domenico Mariotti. 38) Pia Galmacci. 39) Victims: Veronica Cozzari, Realino Galmacci. 40) Victim: Elisabetta Boldrini. 41) Dorina Galmacci. 42) Victim: Assunta Porrini. 43) Mario Cambiotti. 44) Victims: Amalia Cambiotti, Marianna Mastriforti. 45) Maria Luisa Rapo. 46) Bruno Tonanni. 47) Sergio Celestini. 48) Magdalene Maria Marzani. 49) Victims: Antonio Barbagianni, Zarelia Tognaccini. 50) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the seventh pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 51) Fausta Olimpia Pieroni. 52-53) Walter Biagioli. 54) Victim: Rosalinda Renga. 55) Piera Bruni. 56) Maria Chiasserini. 57) Luke 23, 28. 58) Sergio Celestini. 59) Mario Alpini. 60) Mario Alpini, Annunziata Caldari. 61) Giovanna Pazzi. 62) Ornella Duranti. 63) Egidio Grassini. 64) Giuseppa Ceccarelli. 65) Victim: Maria Renzini. 66) Ramnusia Nanni. 67) Paola Banelli. 68) Giovanna Pazzi. 69) Italo Lotti. 70) Mario Alpini, Sergio Celestini. 71) Italo Lotti. 72) Above: photomontage by Valerio Rosi based on a drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. Below: Umbertide plant, with the target, the blaze of the eighth pair of bombs and the smoke of the previous ones. 73) Joy Simonucci. 74) Elena Boriosi. 75) Victims: Bengasina Renato, Elvira Mortini. 76) Class III E, Mavarelli-Pascoli State Middle School, Voices of memory , Municipality of Umbertide and San Francesco Cultural Center, Umbertide, 2002. 77) Victims: Armede Gina Borgarelli, Ester Borgarelli, Giovanna Pambuffetti. 78) Victims: Neodemia Barattini, Mario Scartocci. 79) Class III E, Mavarelli-Pascoli State Middle School, Voices of memory, Municipality of Umbertide and San Francesco Cultural Center, Umbertide, 2002; Fernando Scartocci. 80) Victim: Amleto Banelli. 81) Domenico Mariotti. 82) Elio Caldari. 83) Velia Nanni. 84) Elisa Manarini. 85) Loredana Trentini. 86) Giuseppina Miccioni. 87) Domenico Manuali. 88) Alvaro Tacchini (curator), Venanzio Gabriotti - Diary , Institute of Political and Social History Venanzio Gabriotti, Petruzzi Editore, Città di Castello, 1998, p. 192. 89) Velia Nanni. 90) Dorina Galmacci. 91) Elisa Manarini. 92) Celestino Filippi. 93) Maria Migliorati. 94) Luigi Guiducci. 95) Giuseppe Magrini. 96) Simonello Simonelli. 97) Maurizio Burelli. 98) Laura Corbucci. 99 Dora Silvestrelli. 100) Giuseppe Magrini. 101) Mario Tosti. 102) Renato Silvestrelli. 103) Sergio Ceccacci. 104) Saints Improved. 105) Silvano Bernacchi, Vera Vibi.

THE HISTORY OF THE UMBERTIDE MUNICIPAL OFFICES Curated by Fabio Mariotti The ancient municipal offices of Fratta In 1189 Fratta was subjected to the jurisdiction of Perugia and had its own magistracies. The first seat of the Municipality, from the last years of the twelfth century until at least 1381, was at the end of the current Via Alberti, in the corner building between the door and the inner door of the Campana, at the top of the Piaggiola. Subsequently the town hall moved in front of the Rocca (now Piazza Fortebracci), in the building adjacent to the current theater, set back a few meters from today. In 1435, with the suppression of the monastery of the nuns of Santa Maria di Castelvecchio which had its seat there, the Municipality appropriated some rooms of the building of the present theater where the mayor's residence was also. In 1449 in the town hall there is a "lower room", used for prisons until 1815, when they will be moved to the Rocca. The municipal council met in the "upper room". The venue, in subsequent years, will also be granted for theatrical performances. After 1500 a large wooden drawbridge anchored to iron hooks was lowered in the town square, built in the rear (west) part of the Rocca. A large sundial was placed on the facade of the town hall. In 1760 the spaces used for municipal services began to prove insufficient, but only a few years later it was possible to find a suitable location. In 1787 Cardinal Angelelli suppressed the convent of Santa Maria Nuova, at the end of the Piaggiola, and the Municipality settled in those large rooms; at the beginning in the wing towards the Tiber, then the complex was renovated in the part along the road. The schools were also located on the first floor: they will remain there until the early decades of the twentieth century. The history of the current Palazzo Comunale At the end of the seventeenth century a disordered agglomeration of huts occupied the area where the Palazzo Comunale stands today. Today's Piazza Matteotti was only a small open space and did not symbolize the center of local power, which then gravitated around the Rocca. The Marquises of Sorbello had the buildings located in the area of the current municipal residence by way of emphyteusis "up to the third generation", on the basis of a contract with the Bishop's canteen of Gubbio, owner of the buildings. On the basis of this contract, the old huts were demolished and the construction of the building began which was completed on April 29, 1720. From this date the building took the name of "Palazzo Bourbon di Sorbello" and the square in front of "Piazza del Marquis ". It consisted of three levels in addition to the ground floor. On the first, the noble residence and the reception rooms with walls and vaults decorated with frescoes, the other two floors intended for accommodation. The palace, however, was inadequate to the needs of the Bourbon Marquises who, almost certainly, never became owners of the property. When the Municipality decided to occupy that seat, in the spring of 1841, it belonged, in fact, to Domenico Mavarelli who in the meantime had bought it from the Diocese of Gubbio. Mavarelli had held the position of First Prior of Fratta between 1832 and 1853. One of his relatives, Mauro, will be the first Mayor of united Italy, in 1861, and will remain at the center of city politics until 1887. The municipal residence had moved in 1787 outside the city walls, in the suppressed female convent of Santa Maria Nuova, located in the current Via Grilli, at the end of the Piaggiola. This was undoubtedly an inadequate and unfortunate location. The search for a more suitable and central location became urgent and on 17 December 1840 the City Council officially addressed the problem of moving to another location, proposing that of the "Palazzo del Marchese", now Mavarelli. The proposal, put to a vote, was approved by a majority. . The move took place in the following March and a perpetual long lease agreement was stipulated, upon payment of an annual fee of 75 scudi to Domenico Mavarelli. The works of arrangement of the building began immediately on the various floors and as they ended the various municipal activities moved there. The municipal archive was placed on the third floor in 1843. Since then, the ancient Bourbon palace of Sorbello has housed the Municipality. Under the papal dominion, it was reserved for the Governor and his family, for the “Civil and Criminal Chancellery Offices” and for the Magistrate. On the second floor were the public schools, on the third the archives. While the upper rooms have had different arrangements over the years, the noble floor has remained unchanged over time, with a few variations that concern only the destination of the rooms. The Mayor's office and the Town Council hall have always remained in place, while that of the Giunta, around 1990, occupied the space intended for the secretariat of the mayor, leaving the traditional and historic hall, which housed the executive of the Liberation and the birth of the Republic, for meetings of the council groups and press conferences. In 1923 some internal changes were made to the building and the wooden shed that cluttered the atrium was also removed. The paintings that recall ancient characters from Umberto were also restored and it was commissioned to prof. Frenguelli the execution of the two coats of arms in travertine, Italy and Umbertide, to be walled up between the central windows on the first floor. The aerial bombardment of April 25, 1944 and subsequent ones spared this construction, which however was seriously damaged in many parts by other war events. After the war, all the rooms were repaired and the frescoed vaults on the first floor were restored at a total cost of 1,500,000 lire. Due to its degraded and dangerous conditions, on 21 September 1981 the restoration and consolidation works began which were completed on 10 November 1984, with the addition of the premises built on the ancient alley of the "Scudellari", purchased to make way for the offices for the new competences of the municipal administration. The large atrium, where the information point is located and where the offices of the Mayor, the Deputy Mayor and the Town Council look out, has completely frescoed vaults and on the walls a gallery of paintings representing some historical figures from Umberto I. In the Mayor's office, whose windows overlook Piazza Matteotti, you can admire some important paintings for the history of the city: "The market square" by Ernesto Freguglia dating back to 1875; a canvas depicting "San Romualdo, the Magdalene and the Virgin and Child" by an unknown artist; a drawing of Fratta seen from the north by Giovanni Santini from the first half of the 19th century. In the Giunta room, with its completely frescoed vaults, the gallery of Umbertide historical characters continues and an ancient and precious artistic ceramic heater is housed. The hall of the council groups has completely frescoed walls and vaults and is one of the most beautiful rooms in the entire Palazzo Comunale. The Town Council Hall occupies what was once the party hall, where the ancient owners used to entertain their guests. On the wall behind the counter reserved for the council, a large fresco represents the municipal coat of arms. At the top, on the side walls, there are monumental terraces. The frescoes in the municipal halls were made in 1810 by the painter Montorsi of Perugia while Biagio Advantages of Gubbio created the sculptures on the main floor in 1842. In 2016, with the municipal council led by the mayor Marco Locchi, seismic improvement and efficiency works have been started building of the municipal building, works completed in 2021 by the municipal council led by the mayor Luca Carizia. The palace is was reopened to the usability of citizens, completely renovated, in July 2021. A Town Hall, that of Umbertide, which he knew then to preserve the best of its ancient and noble history by equipping however, over the years, their offices with the most modern tools IT systems to better respond to the legitimate needs of citizens users. Sources: Historical calendar of Umbertide 2009

The population over time Le linee di indagine I "numeri" del Piccolpasso Il Giorgi ed il popolamento sparso I "dati" della Diocesi nel 1808 I censimenti del Regno d'Italia Lo spostamento verso la città L'esubero dei lavoratori e la "morte" della mezzadria L'immigrazione L'immigrazione neocomunitaria The radical change in the resident population followed a growing trend motivated by the need to search for a better place to live, a possibility linked to job opportunities. Seasonal jobs and the development of engineering have laid the foundation for being an attractive place. Local emigration is the result of displacement flows from North Africa and South America but also from European "history". The fall of the Berlin wall triggered Albanian emigration to Italy, and today the second "foreign resident population" in Umbertide has Albania as its starting country. The enlargement of the EU in 2006-2007 has given way to an increase in "neucomunitari" residents from Romania, the third place of origin of foreign residents in Umbertide. The first sudden "detachment" of the resident population immigrated to Umbertide, already full-bodied because in a ratio of about 1/16 compared to the total resident, it certainly happened between 2002 and 2006. According to the survey " Umbertide Economy and society: the municipality and the territory " of the Umbra Research Agency, it went from 905 foreigners residing in the municipality to 1666. Based on ISTAT data referring to 31 December 2005, the population from Morocco it reached 501 units (299 males and 202 females). Residents from Albania reached 394 people (210 males and 184 females) ; from Algeria 140 (97 males and 43 females); From UK 77 (38 males and 39 females); from Romania 73 (29 males and 44 females); from South America 80 (32 males and 40 females). The dynamics linked to the enlargement of the European Union have also influenced the radical change in the population of Umbria, especially that relating to 2006-2007 which saw the enlargement extend to Romania and Bulgaria. The enlargement in 2007 led, in fact, to a notable increase of "neo-community" residents in the demography of the Municipality of Umbertide. Above all, the Romanian population increased exponentially: it went from 48 residents (21 males and 27 females) in December 2004 to 234 residents (108 males and 126 females) and in 2016 there were 459 residents (176 males and 283 females). Le linee di indagine (edited by Francesco Deplanu) As regards the demography of the territory, we propose a diachronic path, from the sixteenth century. to date, in search of significant trend lines even if exposed to the diversity of sources and survey times. We believe, however, that we can identify two "lines" of trend: 1) the change of an almost millennial form of settlement, from "scattered" to "centralized", 2) the inversion from being a land of emigration, starting in the 1960s, to being a "land of arrival", from the end of the 21st century. This attempt will not be able to give certain indications. This is because both for the vastness of the time considered that due to the lack of cognitive demographic interests in the surveys that reached us from the sixteenth century to the nineteenth century, as well as the differences in the forms of survey: from the castle to the countryside, from the “fires” to the “people.” As regards the sources, after the "Council of Trent" up to the unification of Italy it is above all the Dioceses and parishes that can give us important information. Only with the Kingdom of Italy and the contemporary ISTAT data of the Italian Republic can we get a less uncertain idea of the evolution of demography as a whole. For centuries the population of Fratta it remained in an extremely limited number. Piccolpasso in 1565 shows us in fact between 300 and 400 inhabitants. Giorgi's map, from a few decades later, always shows us a small amount of population within the walls, but it gives us a new "datum." That is, most of the population lived around the walls, and it was distributed in a "sparse" manner. Settlement that was consequence of an economic system, sharecropping, which will characterize the distribution of the fine population to the second half of the twentieth century. We can dare to find a line of union between the sixteenth and twentieth centuries, regardless of the increase in the population in approaching us, or in the constant division of the population between "countryside" and "city walls". scattered settlement linked to the exploitation of the territories: the system sharecropper. Since then, but concentrated in the last 70-80 years, we can identify two "revolutions" that have changed the use of the territory and the Umbertidese demography. The first great revolution was the crisis and then the end of sharecropping, which led to the abandonment of the countryside and the growth of the urban fabric, as well as the emigration of the population. Emigration lasted until the 1970s; internal and abroad. The second great revolution depended on another change in the production system: mechanization in the primary and secondary sector, which made the local production system attractive for some areas of the world, from seasonal to metalworking jobs. This second major demographic change transformed us from a land of emigration to a land of immigration. Let's start with "order": Piccolpasso in " The plants and portraits of the cities and lands of Umbria under the government of Perugia ", he spoke of 80 fires connected to the castle: " Fratta dei Sigli di Uberto fires about 80. ". Historians in general hazard a number of 4-6 "souls" for "fire", we can consequently think of a population of 320 to 480 people. Piccolpasso, "The plants and portraits of the cities and lands of Umbria subject to the government of Perugia" by G. Cecchini, Publisher of the National Institute of Archeology and Art History, Rome 1963. Image from "Central Institute for the Single Catalog of Italian Libraries and for bibliographic information": https://manus.iccu.sbn.it//opac_viewImagesManuscript.php? ID = 69561 Giorgi's Charter from the mid-16th century it is instead a "thematic map" which had the intent to represent the numerical entity of the "souls" present in the various parishes (two sheets obtained from two copper plates (475 x 680 mm each) of the Diocese of Gubbio. " Diocese of the city of Gubbio, described by the Most Reverend Don Vbaldo Georgii Clerico Evgubino ... " It is the representation of the data that the bishop Mariano Savelli, in 1567, asked to indicate to the parish priests with the number of families belonging to their parish and the distances that separated from the parish church, under the penalty of 50 florins as a fine for “reluctant” parish priests. Perhaps the final figures are at the end of 1570. The Charter (98 x 68 cm) is a real demographic census of the Diocese of Gubbio according to what was established in the Council of Trent, 1563, for the reorganization of the parishes. The Charter was created with data regarding the state of souls, with the location of parish churches, parish churches, inhabited areas, villas. On the map there is a division into squares and rectangles that roughly delimits the parish district, usually with numbers indicating the distance in miles from the parish. In the southern area, where our "Fratta" insists, we see that the percentage of dispersion of the rural population is very high, this suggests to "sharecropping". In contemporary documents there is also talk of "vinea" which indicates the cultivation of the vine practiced on the ground. Surely this spatial distribution of the population, with scattered settlements, speaks to us of a new tranquility of being able to live outside the city walls compared to past centuries and of a productivity of such places. It does not describe the territory, where it is cultivated or wooded, but the distribution of the population. With some precision, however, it is also possible to obtain the number of inhabitants of the various places, as well as of the entire diocese which had more than 20,000 inhabitants, taking into account that each "house" indicated 5 people. In the quadrant of the parishes around “La Fratta” they are identifiable 42 “houses” outside the walls and 22 inside. Within the walls of ancient Fratta, with the parish of San Giovanni in good evidence, considering this "rule" to be true, there are 22 "houses", or about 110 people. walls in the countryside. Since the houses in the quadrant are 42. For the same counting system there are 210 people outside the walls, about 320 people in the parishes of Fratta. Very similar to that of Piccolpasso. "Diocese of the city of Gubbio, described by the Most Reverend Don Vbaldo Georgii Clerico Evgubino ..." Image from "Lithographic copy of Giorgi's map published in 1574" by the Flag-waving Group of Gubbio with the contribution of Enrico Passeri Financial Advisor of the Azimut Group ", 2005 Until the Kingdom of Italy we have no univocal and easy to interpret data while the contemporary age, with its large population movements from the countryside to the city in the post-war period and the immigration flows of the last decades, can be investigated in more detail. These will be the events on which we will focus in order to better understand in which direction the identity of our country can go. For this at the end of the page you will find the references to the subsections of "arrivals", with the first stories of the people who arrived with the immigration phenomenon and of the "departures", with the first stories of our emigrants especially in the period 1950-70. However, we know, for example, that in the register of souls of the Diocese of Gubbio of July 1808 it appears that in the "Fratta" there were 346 inhabitants in the parishes of San Giovanni Battista and of Santa Croce (with Sant'Erasmo) 1051 inhabitants, both urban and rural, there were therefore 1397 souls in total. The source is a post by the local historian Cece di Gubbio . However, it is impossible to compare these data with those of about 50 years later, with the Kingdom of Italy, which present more than 10,000 inhabitants in the municipality of Umbertide. This is because the Diocese does not correspond to the whole territory of the "Comunità di Fratta" Institution (denomination of 1808) and there should be other parishes under the Dioceses of Città di Castello or Perugia, with the relative documents. Other information on the settlement of Umbertide in the nineteenth century comes to us from Renato Codovini thanks to the reworking made by Fabio Mariotti in our section on " Fratta-Umbertide 800 ". During the Napoleonic rule, in 1812 the" Maire "Magnanini communicated as a population of the Community of thicket "about 1,000 inhabitants", to specify after a few days a smaller number, 790 inhabitants. The first more precise indications in the following decade they do not come from a secular source, but from a religious one. Codiovini informs us: " In 1833 we have a first" state of souls ", a statistical survey wanted by the bishop, made by the parish priests house by house and therefore quite reliable. From this we learn that the inhabitants of the town are 825 gathered in 205 families, with an average of 4 people per family. Of these, 140 belong to the parish of S. Erasmo and S. Croce united and 65 families to that of S. Giovanni Battista. ". The fluctuations of the population, however limited, may depend on which parishes or settlements are counted. Certainly the population was not only minor, but was still mainly present in the rural settlements and in the smaller villages of the surrounding area. The evolution of the population from the Kingdom of Italy to today However aggregate, why total, these are the general data of the Umbertidese population from the unification of Italy to today. They serve as a basis for reflecting on the population movement of the last 150 years, even if they do not give us the measure of the significant movement of inhabitants from the countryside to the city. Year Residents 1861 10.184 1871 11.174 1881 11,537 1901 13.007 1911 13,248 1921 14,588 1931 15,647 1936 15.146 1951 16,077 1961 14,497 1971 13,498 1981 14,183 1991 14,379 2001 15,254 2016 16.607 According to prof. Bruno Porrozzi who dealt with it in his book " Umbertide and its Territory. History and images. " In the 1950s our town began to develop towards the south-east of the still well-defined central nucleus near the "Fratta" as the city center is still called by older people . The majority of the population was still in the countryside but would later move to the urban area. In the countryside characterized by polyculture "p greased " from farmhouses, farms and modest hamlets, it was inhabited essentially by families of sharecroppers and other nuclei, linked to some extent with agriculture (blacksmiths, farriers, carpenters, masons, small traders, brokers, etc.); everyone worked to provide the citizens with supplies . "With the birth of an artisanal and industrial development in the 1960s, together with the change in the rules on sharecropping in 1964, the population shifted towards the center. At the beginning of the 1980s, prof. Porrozzi " In the Municipality of Umbertide, sixty-one sharecroppers with one hundred and fifty-nine units currently operate in agriculture, thirty companies with one hundred and twelve permanent employees, fifty-six companies with temporary workers, three hundred and seventy-nine companies directly managed with seven hundred and sixty units. Five cooperatives have been set up (CAU , Molino Popolare Altotiberino, Fratelli Cervi, CIZAUP, Alto Tevere Tobacco Producers), which employ a few dozen permanent workers. ". In this modernized context, the population had chosen to move towards the city center. The synthesis more significant than the changes, however, is not only the doubling over twenty years of downtown population from 4780 a 8629 people, out of about 15,000 inhabitants of the Common, but they are data concerning the work sector from the primary sector compared to the secondary sector . Within 30 years, this relationship is reversed completely; these are the numbers: we passed by 4957 agricultural workers in 1961 just 1359 in '71, and even a 1104 workers in 1981. While in the face of 1363 workers in industry in 1961, you grow up to 1960 employees in '71 and 2249 in 1981; with a clear shift of workers in the service sector not taken into consideration by the data of prof. Bruno Porrozzi, in “ Umbertide and his Territory. History and images ". To understand which sector of the primary sector was affected, let's insert a new graph between sharecroppers and direct farmers even if with only the data of 1970 and 1982: in 1970 there were 1340 sharecroppers and in 1982 alone 159, in 1970 they were counted 918 direct farmers which will be reduced slightly in 1982 or a 760 direct workers. In short, it was the sharecropping that died. The resident population of Umbertide which had reached 16,077 units in 1951, began to abruptly decline. In 1971 only 13,498 residents were registered ("Umbertide economy and society: the Municipality and the territory ", p. 22. AUR data processing on ISTAT data). The need for emigration from 1950 to 1970 If you also consider Giovanni's studio De Santis " Anthropo-geographical features of the << Alta Valle del Tevere >> area" in " The upper Tiber Valley ", extracted from " Umbria Economica" , year III, n. 4 - 1982 printed thanks to the then "Banca Popolare di Spoleto", we can see how from 1951 to 1971 the population of the Municipality of Umbertide decreased by 14.4 percent, from 16,077 to 13,498 a significant migratory flow towards foreign destinations and the Roman area generated by the inability of the production system to "maintain" the population. It influenced greatly in the precarious agricultural production system, innervated for some time from the cultivation of tobacco, the "peronospera tabacina", second Paola Laura Ciabucchi " Shadows and lights of industrial development in the Upper Tiber Valley " which reduced the cultivated area in the Upper Tiber Valley by 50% and reduced the number of employees from 1664 to 217. From that moment there was a need to grow industrial areas in our areas, allowing the current industrial development. Industrial development, which together with seasonal agricultural work and the normal tendency of emigrants to move to where they exist emigrated nuclei of the same areas has favored an inversion of trend in the population leading to the current situation of more than 16,000 inhabitants, substantially identical to 1951. In particular, the evolution of the engineering system, born connected to agricultural production already before the war, saw the birth of several companies and in 1963 the birth of Metalmeccanica Tiberina. The agricultural production system first, with seasonal jobs also linked to the cultivation of tobacco, and today the engineering and "automotive" sector, which grew alongside several large companies in the area, have acted as a catalyst for many people coming both from abroad and from other Italian regions. Current Population Growth: Immigration In fact, in recent decades, in this Umbertidese population has increased the number of "foreign" families; the definition that follows is that of the ISTAT legislation which identifies foreign residents without "citizenship": this research it does not identify the situation of naturalized immigrants, a recent phenomenon. In about 15 years it has rapidly gone from less than a thousand resident foreigners to more than 2700 according to the latest Census which was also distributed with a division by nationality of arrival. For 2020 we only have the aggregate data of 2611 people residing in Umbertide with non-Italian citizenship: Foreign resident population on 1st January 2002- Total 905 Foreign resident population as of January 1 - 2016 -Total 2703 Sources http://demo.istat.it/str2002/index03.html http://demo.istat.it/pop2019/index.html http://www.comuni-italiani.it/054/056/statistiche/popolazione.html Also from the same Istat source of the 2016 census it is possible to know which are the different nationalities of origin of resident foreign citizens: four, Moroccan, Albanian, Romanian and Algerian are over 100 units. In short, a substantial part of the resident population in Umbertide is the bearer of varied histories and cultures. The awareness of how the past has structured the traditions in addition to the rural and urban territory in which they live today should be everyone's heritage, especially from the second generations who, in addition to bringing their own cultural and experience baggage, will have to feel part of the social fabric general as completely as possible. If it is possible to trace a synthesis of these last 40-50 years, it can be seen that in the last decade of the last century, 1980-2000, a stable community residing in Umbertide has materialized, in order of magnitude, Moroccan, Albanian, Algerian and the United Kingdom. In the following twenty years the Moroccan and Albanian communities have grown, while the Algerian ones have remained stable and the United Kingdom; the Romanian community, on the other hand, ranks third in terms of total attendance. As for the flows of the largest community, that of Morocco, emigration to Italy, rather than to France as had traditionally occurred previously, developed after the oil crisis of the 1970s. On the basis of the general indications that should be compared with those of Umbria, there are two main regions from which to leave for Italy: Chaouia and Tadla, located in the central area of Morocco, two of the 16 regions then abolished in 2005. The Moroccan community in our territory has grown steadily, in 2005 there are 501 residents, in 2016 the residents are registered 757 people. Different speech, as written above, for the Algerian community which appears to have decreased since 2005, where there were 126 residents, while to date are indicated in number of 140. Stable in absolute numbers, but relegated by one "place", it now ranks fifth among the nationalities of foreign residents, it is Great Britain, with 77 people in 2005 and 78 residents in 2016. After the data and numbers of the demographic change we can continue in the "memory", with the singles screw e stories of the old and new people from Umberto I. By clicking on the "hot words" highlighted in yellow the first stories of who left and who arrived . SOURCES: - Bruno Porrozzi, Umbertide and his Territory. History and images. Ass. Pro Loco Umbertide, publishing Cartolibreria 10+ 10 of Venti Maurizio, Umbertide - Simona Bellucci, Umbertide in the 20th century: 1943-2000, Nuova Prhomos Editions, 2018. - Paola Laura Ciabucchi " Shadows and lights of industrial development in the Upper Tiber Valley " in " The Upper Tiber Valley ", extracted from "Umbria Economica, year III, n.4 - 1982 print of the "Banca Popolare di Spoleto" (p. 87 -89) - John De Santis " Anthropo-geographical features of the << Alta Valle del Tevere >> area" in " The upper Tiber Valley ", extracted from "Umbria Economica, year III, n.4 - 1982 print of the "Banca Popolare di Spoleto" (p. 55) - AA. VV., “ Umbertide Economy and society: the municipality and the territory ” of the Umbra Research Agency (AUR), 2008. - “Lithographic copy of Giorgi's map published in 1574”, by the Flag-waving Group of Gubbio with the contribution of Enrico Passeri Financial Advisor of the Azimut Group ”, 2005. - Maria Oda Graziani, "The Georgi card", Municipality of Gubbio and Ass. Sbandieratori Gubbio with the contribution of Enrico Passeri Financial Advisor of the Azimut Group, Graphic Art Gubbio, 2005 - http://demo.istat.it/str2002/index03.html - http://demo.istat.it/pop2019/index.html - http://www.comuni-italiani.it/054/056/statistiche/popolazione.html - " THE MOROCCAN MIGRANT AS DEVELOPMENT AND INNOVATION AGENT IN THE COMMUNITIES OF ORIGIN ", European Commission - Directorate-General for Justice and Home Affairs, Exodus edizioni srl, Milan 2002 (pp. 96 and following can be downloaded at the link: https://www.puntosud.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/migrante-marocchino_ITA.pdf) - h ttp: //leg15.camera.it/cartellecomuni/leg14/RapportoAttivitaCommissioni/testi/14/14_cap05_sch04.htm - https://www.umbertidestoria.net/fratta-umbertide-dell-ottocento - https://manus.iccu.sbn.it//opac_viewImagesManuscript.php?ID=69561 Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com Marc Bloch: «The good historian resembles the ogre in the fairy tale: where he smells human flesh, there he knows that he is his prey. " I "numeri" del Piccolpasso Il Giorgi ed il popolamento sparso I "dati" della Diocesi nel 1808 I censimenti del Regno d'Italia Lo spostamento verso la città L'esubero dei lavoratori e la "morte" della mezzadria L'immigrazione L'immigrazione neocomunitaria

Sanctuary of Maria Santissima Assunta in Rasina The ruins of an imposing architectural structure in the hills of the Niccone valley curated by Fabio Mariotti The Sanctuary is located in the Municipality of Umbertide, on the hills north of the Niccone valley, in the immediate vicinity of the Rocca di Rasina, in the center of a plateau about 600 meters high and surrounded by thick wood. Very little is known about this imposing church also because there is no historical documentation on its origins and the writings that are interested in it can be counted on the fingertips. The information reported here is taken from the book "The Sanctuary of Maria Santissima Assunta in Rasina" by the Perugian architect Luca Sportellini published in 2011 which has as an interesting subtitle "Analysis and proposal for attribution to Francesco di Giorgio Martini". Lo Sportellini, in fact, on the basis of an accurate technical study and on the historical period in which the work is presumed to have been completed, puts forward the fascinating hypothesis that the project of the church was drawn up by the famous Renaissance architect Francesco di Giorgio Martini, among other things, for the project of the Ducal Palace of Urbino. It is clear that this is only a hypothesis and, to use the same words of the author of the text, "this hypothesis is still considered an open question that will have to be carefully evaluated by specific skills before being able to definitively establish if really there was an involvement of the great architect and if so, to what extent should a debt be recognized to his work ". To enter into the merits of the structure, it is an organism with a central Greek cross plan, whose arms measure up to 24 m. and whose vault reaches a height of about 14 m. (a considerable size, considering that it was built in the open countryside, in a particularly isolated area). In Sportellini's opinion, other elements, "including the presence of Doric architectural orders, the pre-existing chapel incorporated in the Lauretan manner, the crossed vault set on a basic pseudoctagon, make this building exceptional to the point of being able to a certain interest in the history of Italian architecture of the late 15th century ". It is assumed that the construction of the sanctuary began between 1485 and 1491 and ended between 1501 and 1504. The construction of sanctuaries dedicated to the Madonna is in fact one of the main trends of Italian architecture at the end of the 15th and the beginning of the sixteenth century. It is therefore very probable that the foundation of the Rasina church was due to a miracle that occurred through the intercession of the Madonna to whom the chapel on which the sanctuary was later built was dedicated. This would also explain the location of the structure in such an isolated and not easily accessible place. From the few archival information found, it appears that the church in 1800 must have already been in a state of semi-abandonment and then finally went into disuse with the first collapses and structural injuries that occurred at the beginning of the 1900s, in particular on the occasion of the Umbrian-Aretino earthquake. in 1917, while the definitive collapse of the central vault, already seriously compromised, was determined by the 1997 earthquake. The now secular state of neglect and its considerable size unfortunately suggest that its complete reconstruction is difficult if not impossible. At least an intervention that would prevent its definitive disappearance would be desirable. Photo: - Superintendence for Historical, Artistic, Ethno-anthropological Heritage (1942) - Peppe Cecchetti - Amedeo Massetti (2011) Sources: "The Sanctuary of Maria Santissima Assunta in Rasina" - Luca Sportellini - EFFE Fabrizio Fabbri Editore Srl - 2011 1942. Photo Superintendence of Historic Heritage 1942. The interior of the church 1942. Image of the vault 1942. Glimpses of the interior 2011. Glimpses of the interior 2011. Some pictures of the ruins

Write a title here. Click to edit and add your own. This is a paragraph area where you can add your own text. Just click “Edit Text” or double click here to add your own content and make changes to the font. It's a great place to tell a story about your business and let users know more about you. Track Name Artist Name 00:00 / 01:04 Arrivi e Partenze Il popolamento di Umbertide.... Partenze Settimio Presciutti A cura di Loredana Presciutti "Settimio Presciutti nasce nel 1924 e sposa nel 1951 Annunziata Bomboletti più giovane di tre anni, nata nel 1927... Carlos Tonanni A cura di Francesco Deplanu Jaboticabal, in Brasile, in 50 anni passò da essere un villaggio ad una città: era una “parrocchia” nel 1848, venne smembrata dal distretto di “São Bento de Araraquara” e passò ad avere lo status di “città” nel 1902. ... Gino Monsignori A cura di Miriam Monsignori Mio padre, Gino Monsignori, nell’estate del 1954 è un giovanotto ambizioso di appena 22 anni che desidera... Carlo Becchetti A cura di Francesco Deplanu Carlo Becchetti, nato nel 1936 in una famiglia mezzadrile, con un il fratello Primo di 14 anni più grande, emigrò in Svizzera per poi tornare. Write a title here. Click to edit and add your own. This is a paragraph area where you can add your own text. Just click “Edit Text” or double click here to add your own content and make changes to the font. It's a great place to tell a story about your business and let users know more about you. Il popolamento di Umbertide.... Arrivi Ashley Amerson Product Manager Brad Grecco Marketing Associate Kelly Parker HR Representative Marcus Harris Account Director

Gli umbertidesi del Gruppo di combattimento “Cremona” di Federico Ciarabelli 14 settembre 2014 Indice 1 - Costituzione del Gruppo 1 1.1 - Il Gruppo di Combattimento 1.1.1 - Militari e volontari 2 - L’elenco dei “Cremonini” 2.1 - Alcune note su Guido Cecchetti 2.2 - Un volontario non umbertidese 3 - La partenza dei volontari 4 - Decorazioni e riconoscimenti 8 4.1 - La decorazione di Guerriero Leonardi 4.2 - La decorazione di Rino Pucci 4.3 - Croci di Guerra al Valor Militare 4.4 - Altre decorazioni e riconoscimenti 5 - Il rientro delle salme 6 - I volontari umbertidesi in alcune pubblicazioni del primo dopoguerra 7 - Altri documenti 7.1 - Il “Club Cremona” Sommario Il testo riferisce su alcuni documenti conservati in archivi pubblici e privati riguardanti i combattenti del Gruppo di Combattimento “Cremona” che – nel gennaio/febbraio 1945 – partirono da Umbertide per il fronte ravennate. L’analisi delle fonti ha reso possibile stabilire l’elenco corretto, aggiornando quelli precedentemente pubblicati. Gli archivi consultati sono: Archivio di Stato di Perugia, Archivio storico del Comune di Umbertide, fondo Raffaele Mancini depositato presso la sezione Anpi di Umbertide, Archivio fotografico del PCI di Umbertide. 1 - Costituzione del Gruppo La Divisione “Cremona” – da cui ebbe origine il Gruppo di Combattimento – era impegnata in Corsica l’8 settembre 1943. Dopo un breve periodo in cui partecipò al conflitto contro i tedeschi al fianco dei maquisards e dell’esercito francese, fu da questo disarmata e inviata in Sardegna, dove rimase fino al settembre 1944. Venne quindi trasferita ad Altavilla Irpina (AV) e poi ad Ascoli Piceno. La Divisione giunta in Italia era ridotta decisamente male: disarmata, falcidiata dalla malaria e dal tifo, male attrezzata, malnutrita e a ranghi ridotti non costituiva più, di fatto, un elemento utile per contribuire alla liberazione del territorio nazionale. 1.1 - Il Gruppo di Combattimento Lo Stato Maggiore dell’Esercito decise – alla fine del 1944 – di riorganizzarlo costituendo il Gruppo di combattimento “Cremona” agli ordini del generale Clemente Primieri. Il Gruppo fu strutturato in tre Reggimenti: 21º, 22º Fanteria, 7º Artiglieria e delle unità di supporto (1), sul modello delle divisioni britanniche. Il Gruppo venne inquadrato nel 1º Corpo d’Armata canadese (VIII Armata Britannica); il raccordo con gli Alleati venne svolto attraverso il 51º B.L.U. (British Liaison Unit). In aggregazione alle forze Alleate, sullo stesso settore del fronte, combatté anche la 28ª Brigata Garibaldi “Mario Gordini”, comandata da Arrigo Boldrini (2). Il Gruppo entrò in linea sottodimensionato (3) – nonostante l’apporto dei volontari – sul tratto tra Ravenna e Alfonsine nei primi mesi del 1945. Il 2 e 3 marzo ebbe luogo la più cruenta azione tra quelle a cui partecipò. Al termine di quello scontro ci fu la conquista della località di Torre Primaro. Il conflitto continuò sul fiume Senio, superato il quale il Gruppo liberò Alfonsine (10 aprile 1945), quindi avanzò affrancando anche Cavarzere, Chioggia, Mestre e Venezia. Al termine della campagna militare le perdite registrate dalla “Cremona” furono: 234 morti (di cui 208 in combattimento), 614 feriti (di cui 608 in combattimento), 73 dispersi (4). 1.1.1 - Militari e volontari Il Gruppo di combattimento arruolò i volontari provenienti dalle zone liberate (principalmente da Toscana, Emilia-Romagna, Umbria e Marche). Essi avevano in molti casi già partecipato alla Resistenza o erano organizzati dai rinati partiti politici (5). La loro immissione determinò una condizione di complessa gestione per le gerarchie militari del Gruppo. Il Comando e gran parte degli ufficiali, infatti, erano fedeli alla monarchia sabauda e interessati ad assicurare a questa, grazie alla nuova collocazione delle truppe al fianco degli Alleati, una posizione un po’ più vantaggiosa in vista degli accordi di pace. Tale visione contrastava con le intenzioni e il pensiero dei volontari che, spesso, non riconobbero l’autorità degli ufficiali ubbidendo invece ai loro comandanti partigiani. In questo quadro – e in presenza di seri problemi legati alla disponibilità di divise e armamenti, scarsità di razioni, fenomeni di abbandono dei reparti – il Comando attuò delle iniziative per migliorare le condizioni di vita e instaurò un proficuo confronto con i capi dei volontari (6). Ma non sempre le tensioni si stemperarono. Una vera e propria protesta si verificò quando, in occasione della visita alle truppe di Umberto di Savoia nella sua qualità di luogotenente del Regno del Sud, la truppa subissò di fischi il corteo e al presentat’arm alcuni volontari rovesciarono la canna del fucile verso il basso. Altri coprirono il suono della banda musicale, che eseguiva la marcia reale, intonando la canzone (7): Già trema la casa Savoia Macchiata di fango e di sangue Si svegli il popol che langue Si svegli il popol che langue. In riferimento a questo episodio Orlando Ceccagnoli, in una testimonianza (8) resa per lo spettacolo teatrale messo in scena nel 1975 ad Umbertide in occasione delle celebrazioni del 30º anniversario delle vicende, raccontò che vari volontari – fra i quali Ceccagnoli stesso e Serafino Faloci – furono posti temporaneamente agli arresti per impedire loro di partecipare alle manifestazioni di protesta. 2 - L’elenco dei “Cremonini” Il primo elenco pubblicato fu riportato nel quadro realizzato poco tempo dopo gli eventi bellici. Si tratta di una composizione grafica costituita da disegni e un collage fotografico. La figura centrale venne presa dai diplomi rilasciati dall’Anpi ai partigiani (9). I ritratti fotografici furono collocati ponendo in posizione centrale Quirino Pucci, Giuseppe Rosati (caduti in combattimento) e Pasquale Ceccarelli, nella sua qualità di tenente comandante. Gli altri componenti vennero disposti su due file in ordine (quasi) alfabetico. Non di tutti i volontari vennero pubblicale foto e di quelli senza immagine furono riportati i nomi in un riquadro. Già questa lista dei combattenti (composta di 23 nomi) fu redatta con delle omissioni e imprecisioni: • si nota l’assenza di Orlando Ceccagnoli; • è sbagliata la scritta “Volontari umbertinesi”; • Guerriero Confini è indicato come Giovanni; • Trippelli è riportato come Trippella • Addo Gennari è rinominato Aldo. Nel quadro non venne elencato Leonello Galina, che non partecipò alle azioni belliche perché dovette rientrare a Umbertide (10). In successive pubblicazioni i Cremonini umbertidesi risultano essere 24 (11). In realtà i volontari furono 25, dei quali 24 combattenti. Dalla comparazione delle liste emerge che Guido Cecchetti fu citato solo nel quadro. 2.1 - Alcune note su Guido Cecchetti Guido Cecchetti era militare di carriera e dopo l’8 settembre 1943 rientrò ad Umbertide. Partecipò alla Resistenza nella Brigata proletaria d’urto San Faustino (12) tra febbraio e luglio 1944. Dopo lo scioglimento di questa formazione (luglio 1944), si presentò al 22º Reggimento Fanteria “Cremona” e fu poi assegnato al 7º Reggimento Artiglieria. Cecchetti era pienamente coinvolto nell’azione degli antifascisti umbertidesi. Già nel 1944, infatti, Raffaele Mancini lo propose (13) per la carica di segretario del Comitato dei Patrioti. Ecco il testo della lettera: Al Sindaco del Comune di Umbertide Rendo noto alla S.V. che il serg. mag. Cecchetti Guido sarebbe disposto ad assumere la segreteria del Comitato dei Patrioti di questo Comune. La prego volerlo prendere in considerazione dato che il mio attuale impegno non mi consente di poter oltre tenere tale incarico. Dal giorno di oggi do al suddetto le relative consegne. Con osservanza Raffaele Mancini Umbertide lì 29 novembre 1944 2.2 - Un volontario non umbertidese I documenti analizzati hanno permesso di identificare il volontario Veschi. A lui si fece riferimento negli elenchi con i nomi di Armando o Francesco, ma una lettera (14) del Sindaco Bellarosa ne riporta i dati anagrafici e, sebbene fosse indicato Bologna come luogo di nascita, da ulteriori ricerche è risultato che Romeo Veschi nacque a Maiolati (Ancona) (15) nel 1925. In altra missiva (16) il Sindaco dichiarò che Veschi – nel periodo di presenza a Umbertide – non ebbe fissa dimora e che non vi fossero parenti residenti nel Comune. 3 - La partenza dei volontari I documenti consultati forniscono notizie anche in relazione alla partenza dei volontari che – come già noto dal racconto dei reduci – avvenne in date diverse. Se il nucleo principale partì il 29 gennaio (dall’analisi dei fogli matricolari o delle testimonianze si può ipotizzare che fossero: Alboni, Bargelli, Beacci, Bruschi, Ceccagnoli, Ceccarelli, Caprini, Confini, Faloci, Galina, Loschi, Mola, Pucci, Rosati, F. Silvioni, G. Silvioni, Trippella, Veschi, perché risultano arruolati tra il 27 e il 30 gennaio 1945), altri anticiparono l’arruolamento (Lozzi 3 gennaio, Leonardi 14 gennaio, Cecchetti e Mariotti 20 gennaio) o lo posticiparono (Benito Silvioni 3 febbraio, Paneni 10 febbraio). La sera del 28 gennaio si svolse al Teacine di Umbertide (oggi Teatro dei Riuniti in piazza Fortebraccio) una festa per salutare i volontari in partenza. Alcune informazioni sullo svolgimento della serata sono state documentate nel lavoro teatrale di Roselletti (17). Testimonianza di Anna Ciarabelli: “Io me ricordo che la sera prima che ’sti ragazzi partissero era stata fatta ’na festa: se ballaa proprio perché doveono partì ’sti ragazzi de la “Cremona” tant’è vero che m’arcordo che io ci so’ vinuta dal Niccone. Adesso ’n m’arcordo né come né con chi. . . ma c’ero. E me ricordo ’l particolare che se ballaa con tanta allegria e io diceo: Ma devon partì ’sti ragazzi, devon partì ’sti fioli e ’n’ho capito la festa da ballo. E ’stu Rino l’avea preso tanto l’allegria e per 1u’ dovea esse proprio ’na gran festa perché ’l facea siguro pe ’n’ideale anche perché me sa che la famiglia. . . penso che ’n era tanto contenta. Ballaono tutta sorta de balli de danze , e ’stu Rino era ’n ragazzo robusto; ’n bel giovanottone. . . e facea anche ’n po’ effetto a vedello. . . se notava ’n somma. E pu ci n’erono tanti. . . c’eron tutti! Me ricordo anche ’l punto ’ndu ero che gni guardao perché Rino ballaa da solo ’n mezzo e noialtri giovani gn’aveime fatto ’l cerchio ’n po’ perché s’era messo a ballà a torso nudo come si facesse la danza del ventre e ’n po’ perché gni se volea bene tutti perché era l’amico degli amici; era l’amico de tutti. E diceo: Guarda stu giovanotto che spirito che cià. . . lu’ devesse proprio uno convinto perché sinnò tutte ’ste cose ’n le farebbe. . .”. Durante la serata furono fatti probabilmente anche dei discorsi. Orlando Ceccagnoli (18), infatti, così ricordò quella serata al Teacine: “Noi eravamo ad un veglione organizzato dal Fronte della Gioventù Comunista e venne un capitano a dicci: “Ragazzi, c’è bisogno de gente giovane che viene a combatte per salvà l’Italia”. Lu’ avea già segnato dei nomi s’un taccuino e noialtri aderimmo ’na ventina, fra i quali chiedemmo che venisse con noi un comandante e se presentò l’Avvocato Ramaccioni, alora era Sindaco di Umbertide ed era Ufficiale di marina e disse: “Vado via io con loro”. Senonché al mattino aspettammo ’l nostro comandante e non c’era. Si presentò alora un certo Ceccarelli, sottotenente dei paracadutisti, che facea ’l contabile ta n’a ditta che arfacea ’l ponte. Questo, quando vide che noi eravamo ’n po’ titubanti nel partire, visto che ’l comandante ’n c’era e che ci dispiacea, . . . non fece altro che abbandonare la borsa coi soldi che avea dentro, le fatture, i pagamenti, i libretti degli operai e disse alla Mariettina de Ragno che era la padrona del Bar de Piazza: “Tenete questa borsa consegnatela alla mamma mia, al babbo mio e fategli tanti abbracci e tanti saluti, e montò con noi. Noi se partì da la piazza, giù verso la Piaggiola perché ’l ponte era rotto, con il camion scoperto e se cantaa tutti allegri. La gente forsemnon se rendea conto. . . pensava forse che andaime a ’n’altra festa da ballo, forse. . . purtroppo ’nvece Umbertide ha subito quello ha subito.” Venne inoltre data lettura di una lettera scritta da Fernando Bernardini (19), indirizzata ai genitori residenti a Badia San Cassiano. La lettera giunse a destinazione con il contributo di un militare inglese a cui la Brigata Cacciatori delle Alpi, in cui militò Bernardini, dette assistenza per oltrepassare le linee nemiche. Il testo non viene riprodotto per rispettare la volontà dell’autore (20). Il copione dello spettacolo teatrale riporta altre due testimonianze relative alla partenza dei volontari. Rosa Capecci riferì (21): “M’arcordo che poco doppo che semo arrivate ’n piazza partirono ’sti ragazzi sopra ’n camion aperto tu ’l di dietro; e c’era Pretone (22) che era tra i più allegri e cantaa e scherzaa e pu, quando partirono cantarono tutti ’n coro “tornerai. . . ””. Dal racconto di Gina Confini (23): “Quello che per davvero me dispiace è che Umbertide a la partenza de ’sti freghi reagì con ’n certo assenteismo”. 4 - Decorazioni e riconoscimenti Nei testi pubblicati le informazioni presenti in relazione alle decorazioni ricevute dai combattenti non risultano complete. Infatti oltre alla Medaglia d’Argento al Valor Militare concessa a Guerriero Leonardi, va aggiunta quella di bronzo al Valor Militare (alla memoria) concessa a Pucci. Inoltre le Croci di Guerra al Valor Militare (24) assegnate sono due e non una sola. 4.1 - La decorazione di Guerriero Leonardi Leonardi è stato decorato con Medaglia d’Argento al Valore Militare con la seguente motivazione: Comandante di squadra fucilieri durante un contrattacco nemico sotto le raffiche di mitragliatrici, batteva la postazione, impegnava il fucile mitragliatore della sua squadra aprendo il fuoco sul nemico. Ferito da pallottola che gli amputava un dito, al Comandante di plotone che voleva avviarlo al posto di medicazione rispose: “Sig. Tenente, ho ancora nove dita per fare fuoco.” Impegnava quindi nuovamente l’arma e continuava l’azione, fino a contrattacco respinto. Lasciava il riparo soltanto al mattino dietro ordine perentorio del Comandante di Compagnia. Zona Po di Primaro (Ravenna) 3/3/1945 4.2 - La decorazione di Rino Pucci Pucci è stato insignito di Medaglia di Bronzo al Valore Militare (alla memoria). Qui di seguito se ne riporta la motivazione: Capogruppo fucilieri, durante un contrattacco tedesco malgrado le violente raffiche delle mitragliatrici avversarie, concorreva con il fuoco del moschetto automatico a respingere il tentativo. Successivamente, passato il suo reparto all’attacco, si sostituiva ad un tiratore di fucile mitragliatore rimasto ferito e, mentre fra i primi si dirigeva sull’obbiettivo, cadeva mortalmente ferito da raffiche di mitragliatrice. Zona Po Primaro 3/3/45 4.3 - Croci di Guerra al Valor Militare Le pubblicazioni riguardanti i volontari umbertidesi riportano la notizia che Benito Silvioni è stato decorato con la medaglia di questa classe. In realtà i decorati furono due e la medaglia non fu assegnata a Benito, bensì al fratello Fioravante. • Pasquale Ceccarelli • Fioravante Silvioni 4.4 - Altre decorazioni e riconoscimenti Queste sono le decorazioni (25) che risultano concesse ai volontari umbertidesi: • Antonio Bargelli, Croce al Merito di Guerra e Distintivo della Guerra di Liberazione, • Augusto Bruschi, Croce al Merito di Guerra per la partecipazione alla guerra di Liberazione, • Claudio Caprini, Distintivo della Guerra di Liberazione, • Orlando Ceccagnoli, Croce al Merito di Guerra, • Guido Cecchetti, Croce al Merito di Guerra e Distintivo della Guerra 1940-1943, • Serafino Faloci, Croce al Merito di Guerra e Distintivo della Guerra di Liberazione, • Francesco Loschi, Distintivo della Guerra di Liberazione, • Rolando Paneni, Croce al Merito di Guerra e Distintivo della Guerra di Liberazione, • Quirino Pucci, Distintivo della Guerra di Liberazione, • Benito Silvioni, Croce al Merito di Guerra (1940-45), • Guerriero Silvioni, Distintivo della Guerra (1941). Tutte le informazioni relative alle decorazioni sono state tratte dai fogli matricolari (26) e dal testo di Mastrobuono (27). 5 - Il rientro delle salme I funerali dei caduti umbertidesi sul Po di Primaro e di Giuseppe Starnini (28) si svolsero a Umbertide il 5 dicembre 1945. L’Archivio storico del Comune di Umbertide conserva alcuni documenti inerenti la traslazione delle salme. Il 16 maggio 1945 il Sindaco scrisse al Prefetto di Ravenna (29): “I familiari dei volontari suddetti [Pucci e Rosati] desiderano ora trasportare quì [sic] in Umbertide le salme dei loro cari. Ed è a mio mezzo che gli stessi chiedono a V.E. l’autorizzazione per il trasporto delle salme in parola dal Cimitero di Mezzano ad Umbertide, autorizzazione che invocano in assenza di tasse”. La Prefettura di Perugia (30) inviò al Sindaco – perché questi lo notificasse ai familiari del caduto – il decreto di autorizzazione al trasferimento della salma di Starnini da Firenze a Umbertide. Il Sindaco di Umbertide, il 29 novembre 1945, scrisse a quello di Ravenna per chiedere aiuto e l’appoggio poiché è desiderio vivissimo delle famiglie dei Caduti e della Sezione Partigiani d’Italia di Umbertide di effettuare la traslazione delle due Salme ad Umbertide e lo pregò di adoperarsi perché tale desiderio si potesse realizzare (31). Nell’Archivio umbertidese non vi è traccia di risposte da parte della Prefettura e del Comune di Ravenna. Probabilmente esse non vi furono dato che un gruppo di umbertidesi, rimasti sconosciuti, partì e trafugò le salme. In relazione ai funerali abbiamo la testimonianza di Gina Confini (32): “L’unica volta che gli umbertidesi l’hanno veramente sentita e hanno capito quello che ’sti ragazzi aveono fatto, è stato quando hanno riportato Rino e Rosati dal cimitero d’Alfonsine. . . (33) che pu’ ’n è stata ’na cosa semplice perché ’sti ragazzi rubarono addirittura i corpi. 6 - I volontari umbertidesi in alcune pubblicazioni del primo dopoguerra Le vicende dei Gruppi di combattimento (34) furono documentate fino dal primo dopoguerra. Il primo testo dedicato al “Cremona” (35) venne pubblicato a cura dell’Esercito italiano nel 1945. La citazione che segue è tratta da quel testo e descrive il momento dell’immissione dei volontari nelle file dell’esercito regolare: “Il Gruppo è autorizzato a reclutare volontari, traendoli dalle disponibilità della zona. La scelta cade su quelli che hanno già impugnato le armi contro i tedeschi, combattendo inquadrati in formazioni di patrioti. Sono elementi che anelano a continuare la guerra di liberazione da essi volontariamente intrapresa ed il cui spirito dimostra una ferma volontà di battersi e di vincere. Sono patrioti che giungono accompagnati dagli stessi capi agli ordini dei quali hanno operato e che ora, equipaggiati dal Gruppo, vengono a rinforzare le file degli anziani del «Cremona» che tanto dura lotta stanno combattendo. Sono patrioti delle zone di Perugia, Gualdo Tadino, Firenze, Città di Castello, Spoleto, Terni, Umbertide, Arezzo, Ancona. . . , patrioti di diverse regioni che hanno già combattuto per la stessa causa e che ora – incorporati in reparti regolari – si fondono con i fanti, gli artiglieri e i genieri del Gruppo. È il primo sintomo, il primo passo verso la costituzione di quello che dovrà essere il nuovo Esercito italiano. Gli umbertidesi furono inseriti nella 9ª Compagnia; Ceccarelli comandò il 2º plotone e quasi tutti gli altri servirono nel 3º plotone (36). Cecchetti fu destinato al 7ºArtiglieria”. Troviamo un riferimento alla Compagnia degli umbertidesi in Pierangeli Ricci (37) nelle pagine che raccontano la battaglia sul Po di Primaro. Alle prime luci dell’alba del 3 marzo il nuovo schieramento dei reparti è il seguente: Avanzate: 9ª compagnia del 22º a sinistra; 11ª compagnia del 22º a destra; Ambedue a circa 200 metri da Casa dei Venti. Rincalzo: 10ª compagnia del 22º fanteria nel bosco, all’altezza di un gruppo di case senza nome. 7 - Altri documenti L’Archivio storico del Comune di Umbertide conserva altri documenti relativi ad aspetti personali dei volontari. Ve ne sono di riferiti ad attività lavorative svolte prima della partenza per il fronte, altri connessi ad attività politiche: Addo Gennari, Claudio Caprini e Guerriero Silvioni furono presenti il 23 luglio 1944 all’assembla costitutiva del CLN di Umbertide, come risulta dall’atto di costituzione del CLN di Umbertide (38). Tra le attività di interesse pubblico attuate dopo il rientro a Umbertide, se ne segnalano alcune di Pasquale Ceccarelli e Claudio Caprini. Esse possono valere come esempio dell’impegno politico, sociale e culturale, nonché dell’attiva partecipazione alla vita comunitaria profuso dai Volontari. Pasquale Ceccarelli svolse per alcuni mesi del 1945 (da maggio a novembre 1945) la funzione di assessore supplente della Giunta comunale. Propose al Sindaco (39) - per conto di un gruppo di persone - l’istituzione di una scuola serale gratuita “Allo scopo di dare a chiunque la possibilità di potersi istruire ed emancipare”. Claudio Caprini fu il primo Presidente della sezione Anpi di Umbertide (40), partecipò all’assemblea costitutiva della società sportiva Tiberis (41) e promosse – per conto del gruppo dei volontari – la realizzazione del “Club Cremona”. In anni successivi, Serafino Faloci fu Sindaco di Umbertide dal 15 giugno 1952 al 26 novembre 1960. 7.1 - Il “Club Cremona” I documenti riferiti alla costituzione del Club conservati sono due: 1. la richiesta avanzata al Sindaco (42), 2. la risposta del Sindaco (43). Di seguito si riporta il testo della domanda: Egregio Sig. Sindaco I volontari del gruppo di combattimento “Cremona”, organizzati in Sezione Permanente, chiedono a codesta Amm. Com/le il permesso di poter usare la parte estrema del luogo così detto Mercato Vecchio, per organizzare un locale di trattenimenti all’aperto. Si garantisce che anche le abitazioni più vicine a detto luogo vanno esenti da eventuali disturbi acustici che la gestione del suddetto locale può provocare in ore notturne. Gli eventuali introiti della gestione, che prende il nome di “Club Cremona”, una volta rifusi i capitali impiegati nella costruzione, andranno a tutto beneficio di Istituti ed Enti di assistenza. Fiduciosi della V/a comprensione, fraternamente Vi salutiamo. Per i Volontari del “Club Cremona” F.to Caprini Claudio Ringraziamenti Debbo molti ringraziamenti a tutte le persone che hanno messo a disposizione la loro competenza e conoscenza per indirizzare questa attività ed in particolare al personale dell’Archivio di Stato di Perugia, dell’Ufficio anagrafe e all’Archivio storico del Comune di Umbertide. Grazie ad Achille Roselletti per avere messo a disposizione il copione dello suo spettacolo teatrale. Esso costituisce una preziosa fonte di informazioni e testimonianze dei diretti protagonisti. Acronimi AdSPG - Archivio di Stato di Perugia AsCU - Archivio storico del Comune di Umbertide Fonti delle immagini - Circolo Filatelico «V. Monti»di Alfonsine, Diario storico militare del Gruppo di Combattimento Cremona - Archivio della Sezione Anpi di Umbertide - Archivio fotografico PCI Umbertide - Archivio fotografico Comune di Umbertide Riferimenti bibliografici - Bernardini Fernando. «I miei ricordi di guerra : Realizzato nel 1966 a Siena, dopo oltre venti anni, grazie alla conservazione di alcuni appunti dell’epoca Partigiana, che rispecchiano fedelmente il susseguirsi di quegli epici eventi. Rilegato nel 1978, con l’aggiunta di materiale dell’epoca e di alcune, brevi, considerazioni finali.» 1978. - Bruschi Augusto, cur. 35 giorni con la “Cremona”: Testimonianze fra cronaca e storia tratte dal diario di Quirino Pucci, fante del 22º Regg.to Fanteria. s.e., s.l., s.d. - Circolo Filatelico «V. Monti» di Alfonsine, cur. Diario storico militare del Gruppo di Combattimento Cremona. Bacchilega Editore, Imola, 2009. - Consulta Comunale per le celebrazioni del 30º anniversario della Resistenza e della Liberazione Umbertide, cur. Rino Pucci : da San Faustino a Po di Primaro. Testimonianze. Supplemento al n. 11 di Quaderni Regione dell’Umbria. Regione dell’Umbria, Perugia, s.d. - Da Lio Nicolò. La guerra non è né bella né comoda : Il Gruppo di Combattimento “Cremona” nella guerra di Liberazione 1943-1946. Fondazione Bella Ciao di Ravenna : Istituto Storico della Resistenza e dell’Età Contemporanea in Ravenna e Provincia, Ravenna, 2012. - Divisione di Fanteria Cremona. Il Gruppo Cremona nella guerra di Liberazione. Edizioni Tipografia, Roma, 1945. - Ginestri Gianfranco e Janna Carioli. Il canzoniere ribelle dell’Emilia Romagna. Edizioni del Gruppo Free, Bologna, 1967. - Labanca Nicola. «Militari e Resistenza. Le svolte della storiografia». In: I Gruppi di combattimento : Studi, fonti, memorie (1944-1945). A cura di Nicola Labanca. Carocci editore, Roma, 2006. - Mancini Raffaele. A mezzanotte abbiamo scommesso sulla levata del sole: (San Faustino Sud). A cura di Sezioni Anpi e Volontari della Cremona di Umbertide. 2ª. Tipografia Caldari, Umbertide, 1977. / Lettera ad un amico: 25 aprile 1998. A cura di Comune di Umbertide. Tipolito Caldari, Umbertide, 1998. - Mariotti Fabio. «Caduti per la Libertà». In: Umbertide Cronache (1995). Bimestrale del Comune di Umbertide, anno XVIII, n. 1, 1º bimestre. - Mastrobuono Giuseppe. Il Gruppo di Combattimento “Cremona” nella guerra di Liberazione. 3ª ed. Centro studi e ricerche storiche sulla guerra di Liberazione, Roma, 2003. - Pierangeli Ricci Mario. Il 22º reggimento fanteria “Cremona” nella guerra di liberazione 1943-1945. Ed. Regionale, Roma, 1947. - Roselletti Achille. “Tebe dalle sette porte, chi la costruì?” Dattiloscritto.1975. NOTE 1. Le unità di supporto al Gruppo furono così definite: 54ª Sezione sanità, 84º Ospedale da campo, 33º Ospedale da campo, 44º Reparto trasporti e rifornimenti, Officine meccaniche, Parco mobile, 94ª Sezione carabinieri, 739ª Sezione carabinieri 2. Arrigo Boldrini, Ravenna 1915 - ivi 2008, nome di battaglia Bulow. È stato comandate partigiano, dirigente del PCI, senatore della Repubblica, Presidente dell’ANPI dalla fondazione al 2006, quando ne divenne Presidente onorario. Decorato con medaglia d’oro al valore militare il 4 febbraio 1945 sulla piazza di Ravenna dal generale Mac Creery, comandante dell’VIII Armata. 3. In Mastrobuono, Il Gruppo di Combattimento “Cremona” nella guerra di Liberazione, p. 34, si evidenzia come l’organico avrebbe dovuto essere costituito da 500 ufficiali e 8.500 uomini, mentre “il Gruppo entrò in linea con una deficienza complessiva di 2.500 uomini rispetto all’organico.” 4. Mastrobuono, Op. cit. p. 141 5. Per informazioni sulle complesse condizioni di inserimento dei volontari, si veda Pierangeli Ricci, Il 22º reggimento fanteria “Cremona” nella guerra di liberazione 1943-1945 , cap. V. 6. Uno studio approfondito della situazione e delle iniziative intraprese è riportato in Da Lio, La guerra non è né bella né comoda : Il Gruppo di Combattimento “Cremona” nella guerra di Liberazione 1943-1946. 7. Si tratta di una canzone popolare di cui esistono varie versioni. Una – parzialmente diversa da quella qui riportata – è stata pubblicata in Ginestri e Carioli, Il canzoniere ribelle dell’Emilia Romagna. 8. Roselletti, “Tebe dalle sette porte, chi la costruì?”, p. 27 9. Alcuni sono visibili sul sito web “Storia e memoria di Bologna”, http://memoriadibologna . comune.bologna.it/ 10. Bruschi, 35 giorni con la “Cremona”: Testimonianze fra cronaca e storia tratte dal diario di Quirino Pucci, fante del 22º Regg.to Fanteria, s.p., bollettino n. 20. Va per altro sottolineato che Galina fu considerato un volontario: lo vediamo presente in divisa con gli altri Cremonini sia ai funerali di Pucci, Rosati e Starnini, sia alla manifestazione del 1º maggio 1946 11. L’elenco dei Cremonini umbertidesi è stato pubblicato uguale in molte opere: Bruschi, Op. cit., s.p.; Mancini, A mezzanotte abbiamo scommesso sulla levata del sole : (San Faustino Sud), p. 81;, Mariotti, “Caduti per la Libertà”, p. 41. 12. Commissione regionale per il riconoscimento delle qualifiche partigiane, Allegato D n. 37, n. 2333, AsCU, fasc. Elenco partigiani 13. Lettera del 29 novembre 1944, AsCU, 1944, Fasc. VI-1-4 14. Comune di Umbertide, prot. 7099 del 25 ottobre 1945, AsCU, 1945, Fasc. I-5-4 15. Dal 1939 il comune ha assunto la denominazione di Maiolati Spontini 16. Comune di Umbertide, prot. 7462 dell’8 novembre 1945, AsCU, 1945, fasc. I-5-4 17. Roselletti, Op. cit. p. 10-11 18. Roselletti, Op. cit., p. 13-14 19. Bernardini, “I miei ricordi di guerra : Realizzato nel 1966 a Siena, dopo oltre venti anni, grazie alla conservazione di alcuni appunti dell’epoca Partigiana, che rispecchiano fedelmente il susseguirsi di quegli epici eventi. Rilegato nel 1978, con l’aggiunta di materiale dell’epoca e di alcune, brevi, considerazioni finali.”, p. 28. Fernando Bernardini, (Umbertide, 1925 - Siena, 1998), nome di battaglia Libertas, tenente, commissario di battaglione, croce al merito di guerra, cittadino onorario di Vittorio Veneto, ha combattuto nelle file della Brigata Cacciatori delle Alpi, Divisione d’assalto Garibaldi “Nino Nannetti” nella zona del Pian del Cansiglio (tra Veneto e Friuli-Venezia Giulia). 20. Si veda Mancini, Lettera ad un amico: 25 aprile 1998 21. Id., p. 11 22. Soprannome di Alfredo Bargelli 23. Id., p. 13 24. Le ricompense al Valor Militare sono assegnate per segnalare come degni di pubblico onore gli autori di atti di eroismo militare. La Croce di Guerra al Valor Militare è assegnata solo in caso di conflitto. 25. La Croce al Merito di Guerra è concessa a tutti i partecipanti ad un evento bellico. C’è da dire che non tutti quelli che ne avrebbero avuto diritto l’hanno effettivamente ricevuta. Del tutto analoga è l’assegnazione del Distintivo della Guerra di Liberazione. 26. Rubrica dei fogli matricolari, vari anni e matricole, AdSPG 27. Mastrobuono, Op. cit., p. 173 e p. 178 28 . Giuseppe Starnini, arruolato nel Gruppo di combattimento “Legnano”, morì il 30 aprile 1945 in seguito alle ferite riportate in battaglia nei pressi di Bologna. È stato decorato con la Medaglia d’Argento al Valore Militare e, su proposta del generale Utili comandante della Divisione “Legnano”, con la “Croce commemorativa di Montecassino”, onorificenza concessa dal Presidente della Repubblica Polacca (Comando 68º Reggimento Fanteria “Legnano”, prot. n. 1945/Op. del 7 giugno 1946, AsCU, 1946, fasc. I-2-2). 29. Comune di Umbertide, prot. n. 3096 del 16 maggio 1945, AsCU, 1945, fasc. VIII-2-2 30 . Prefettura di Perugia, prot. San 26108 del 2 ottobre 1945, AsCU, 1945, fasc. IV-6-3 31. Comune di Umbertide, prot. 7830 del 29 novembre 1945, AsCU, 1945, fasc. IV-6-3 32. Roselletti, Op. cit., p. 12-13 33. In realtà quello di Mezzeno, frazione di Ravenna. 34. Oltre al Cremona, esistevano i Gruppi di combattimento Friuli, Legnano e Folgore. 35. Divisione di Fanteria Cremona, Il Gruppo Cremona nella guerra di Liberazione 36. Bruschi, Op. cit., s.p., bollettino n. 21 37. Pierangeli Ricci, Op. cit., p. 87 38. Mancini 1977, Op. cit., p. 85 39. Lettera prot. 7875 del 9 settembre 1945, AsCU, 1945, fasc. IX-4-1 40. Documento prot. 7837 del 29 novembre 1945, AsCU, 1945, fasc. II-4-4 41. Verbale n. 1 del 5 maggio 1945 della Società sportiva Tiberis, AsCU, 1945, fasc. VI-2-3 42. Documento prot. n. 4740 del 25 luglio 1945, AsCU, fasc. III-4-3 43. Comune di Umbertide, prot. n. del 27 luglio 1945, AsCU, 1945, fasc. III-4-3 GALLERIA FOTOGRAFICA

Luca Signorelli e la Deposizione della Croce Proponiamo dalla Tesi di Laurea della professoressa Ricci Vitiani Valentina su “LA COMMITTENZA DI LUCA SIGNORELLI IN UMBRIA: NUOVE INDAGINI E RICERCHE”, un sunto che inquadra la presenza e l’attività del pittore nelle nostre zone. The Deposition of the Cross Luca Signorelli and the Deposition of the Cross We propose from the Degree Thesis of Professor Ricci Vitiani Valentina on " THE COMMITTEE OF LUCA SIGNORELLI IN UMBRIA: NEW INVESTIGATIONS AND RESEARCH " , a summary of the initial setting that frames the presence and activity of the painter in our areas and we report in full the section on our" Deposition of the Cross ". The section with the explanatory documents and the bibliography used is reproduced here in its entirety. The complete degree thesis can be consulted in this section (under construction). Introduzione La Deposizione della Croce Appendice Documentaria Bibliografia Photo by Fabio Mariotti: The Deposition of the Cross by Luca Signorelli (edited by Valentina Ricci Vitiani) Introduction Luca Signorelli's experience in Florence suffered an abrupt interruption in 1492, with the death of the Magnifico. Moving away from the Tuscan capital, the painter will find himself busy in the suburbs, but always in a receptive and open environment and, moreover, historically in constant contact with the most advanced Medici court to which he had often shown loyalty and offered his help. Luca Signorelli's artistic activity in the Upper Tiber Valley was remarkable: the sources attest to the presence of numerous altarpieces licensed by the Cortonese, but also the private buildings housed the artist's works. In the Upper Tiber Valley the painter's production was concentrated in particular in Città di Castello, of which the artist in 1488 became an honorary citizen. In Città di Castello the copious activity of the Cortonese was therefore linked to the relations with the illustrious Vitelli family, with whom the painter played the role of true court artist. In the city the painter was already active starting from 1474, even if most of the works can be dated between 1493 and 1498. Subsequently, when the pictorial geography of the artist was reduced to the peripheral environments of the Cortona area, his works reached Morra, Montone, Umbertide. Perhaps the fame of the painter who worked in Montone gave the artist the allocation of the Deposition from the Cross by the Confraternity of S. Croce di Fratta, today's Umbertide: various considerations lead to a similar reflection, including the geographical proximity between the two centers and the chronological one of the execution of the two altarpieces. For Umbertide 's table, the investigation contributed effectively to clarify aspects that in the past, due to an incorrect interpretation of the known documents, have been misunderstood. In particular, it was possible to trace a new documentary source in the State Archives of Perugia, the first in chronological order concerning the project of the clients to entrust the execution of the panel to the Cortonese. It is a notarial deed stipulated on July 8, 1515 by the same Confraternity which contains the appointment of the prosecutors Orsino di Giovanni and Giacomo di Arcangelo, in charge of reaching agreements and obligations with master Luca, painter of Cortona and receiving promises from him " pro pingendo per ipsum unam tabulam sive cunam “, the document preceding the deed of assignment of the painting, unfortunately not yet found. The Perugian document was precious in correcting certain inaccurate information that in the past had been wanted to be read in some notarial papers of the time preserved in the Municipal Archives of Umbertide and known since the nineteenth century due to the transcription made by Gualandi. On the basis of incorrect interpretations of much of the material that has come to light, scholars have assumed for the Deposition the existence of a coping made by Luca Signorelli at the end of the large panel. In truth this part of the painting, theoretically a Pietà, is not documented, since the terms contained in the documents and which should have referred to this, have been corrected in their incorrect transcription and interpretation. IS It was also interesting to dwell on the references of the Umbertidese table to the local literature of the time, in particular with regard to the texts of the sacred representations set up by the disciplines of the Confraternity of Santa Croce centered on the theme of the Passion: it is above all with a text dating back to 1496 that the excited and theatrical Deposition from the Cross shows significant adherence in several details. Introduzione La Deposizione della Croce Appendice Documentaria Bibliografia THE CUSTOMER OF LUCA SIGNORELLI IN UMBRIA: NEW INVESTIGATIONS AND RESEARCH from Valentina Ricci Vitiani Deposition from the cross 1517 Umbertide, Museum of Santa Croce, Oil on board, cm. 198 x 147, main table; 17.5 x 184 cm, predella Signed and dated on the predella: LVCAS SIGNORELLVS DE CORTONA PICTOR PINGEBAT / MD / .XVI Inscription on the cross: INRI Provenance: Umbertide, church of Santa Croce. The episode in the foreground in the altarpiece is that of the Deposition from the Cross of the body of Christ: two men, on two stairs, carefully lower Him from the Wood; at the foot is the unconscious Virgin, the body dropped on the knees of the pious woman. They assist to episode la Magdalene, holding out her hand to collect the blood that still flows from the dead body of Christ, Mary of Cleopes and Salome; the female character in the foreground on the left, dressed in precious robes, was identified by Daniel Estivill with a symbolic figure "which could represent the Holy Church, in an attitude of contemplation before the mystery of the passion of the Son of God made man": for the scholar, the colors of her garments could allude to specific virtues, white to the purity of faith, red to charity, green to hope, virtues that "define the ideal of the life of the Church", while the character's halo it would indicate the note of holiness. In reality, such an interpretation does not seem too convincing; more likely the hypothesis that it could be St. Helena, mother of the Emperor Constantine, to whom we owe the discovery of the relic of the Holy Cross. In the group under the Cross there are also Cassius and St. John the Evangelist. Behind the main scene, in the landscape in the background, the episodes are depicted they precede and follow the Deposition: on the left the three crosses of Christ and the two thieves, on the right the stiffened body of the Savior is carried inside the tomb. The painter's signature can be seen in the small pillar that delimits the panel on the right; but the cryptography that appears on the sleeve of the female character on the left of the table is also interesting: one can in fact decipher a date, 1516, and some letters, certainly an L and a V. The predella, divided into three parts, contains five different stories: The defeat of Maxentius with the army of Constantine chasing the enemy; The invention of the Cross in the presence of the Empress Helen and the bishop of Jerusalem Maccarius, The miracle of the young man resurrected from contact with Wood and, more to the right, S. Elena crossing the river with the retinue of her ladies; The entry of the relic into Jerusalem. The colors are bright, metallic, the table is full of characters, tragedians with excited movements, whose gestures they produce a pressing and nervous rhythm: each expression is exasperated as in the representation of a drama on stage. The table is located behind the main altar of the church of Santa Croce in Umbertide (PG), now used as a museum. The Central Archives of Rome preserves some documents dating back to the last years of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the following century that testify to the will and the attempts by the Congregation of Charity of Rome, at the time owner of the Deposition, to sell the painting: it is the correspondence of the Prefect of Perugia, the National Gallery of Rome, the Ministry of Education in an attempt to prevent the Congregation from l alienation of the table, saved from the legislation of the time after having already risked migration in the period of the French requisitions. Until 1974 the painting therefore remained in its original location, to then be transported to the meeting room of the Civil Hospital of Umbertide, where it remained there for nine years in precarious conditions of conservation, until, in April 1983, it was sent to the Institute of Restoration of Rome. At the restoration, carried out after a long time, namely in the years 1993-1996, followed by the museumization of the table, placed again in its original location behind the main altar of the Church of Santa Croce. The preparatory drawing of the figure of Christ is kept in the Lugt collection in Paris (2538). The chronology of the table is certain: from the documents that I will later analyze in the study of the genesis of the work and its commission, we know that the table was completed around the middle of 1516. As can be seen from various documents, the panel was commissioned to Luca Signorelli by the Confraternity of Santa Croce di Fratta (ancient name of Umbertide), probably born between the end of the 13th and the beginning of the 14th century; the origin of the congregation is to be traced back to the spread, in the Perugian territory, of the related disciplinary movement to the proselytism of Raniero Fasani, a pious layman who in 1260 preached the expiation of sins through the practice of flagellation as a re-enactment of the Passion of Christ. It is probable that the Confraternity of S. Croce originated from one of these groups of flagellants, whose existence in Fratta is documented since the beginning of the fourteenth century with a privilege granted by Pietro di Rosso Gabrielli in 1337, in which there is talk of an indulgence of forty days for all those who had helped through alms the 'completion of the works for the construction of a hospital, run by the congregation itself. The Confraternity owned in Fratta and in the surrounding territories of various immovable structures, of a church and of the hospital mentioned above. The institution was regulated by a Statute that within certain limits it could be modified by the confreres if there had been a reason; the oldest copy of the Statute of the Confraternity that has come down to us dates back to 1567 and contains the regulation of all those practices to which the institute was dedicated. In addition to being a strong point of reference for the spirituality of the time, in the sixteenth century the brotherhood certainly had to represent a political, economic and social center of considerable importance. From the Statute we know what were the main tasks performed by this: the company took care of the hospital, welcoming the poor, distributing alms, providing gifts to girls from less well-off families and burying the dead when the latter could not provide for the transport of the deceased. Some news about the brotherhood and its history are given to us by Francesco Mavarelli in his Historical news and praise from the company of disciplines of Santa Maria Nuova and of Santa Croce in the Land of Fratta (Umbertide). From his studies we learn that the first name adopted by the congregation was that of S. Maria Nuova, from the small church where the brothers gathered to devote themselves to religious activities and the recitation of lauds. The church, built around the middle of the 13th century in the lower village of Fratta, was initially officiated by Augustinian monks; the position was compliant to the charitable activity of the order, always ready to offer his availability to travelers who, caught by the night, were forced to stay out of the city. However the relations between the Disciplinati of our Confraternity and the monks soon had to loosen, if already from 1341 the church was officiated by ecclesiastics of various religious orders or directly by the chaplain of the company; from the 16th century onwards, the carrying out of the sacred rites belonged to the friars of the adjacent Franciscan community and later to a chaplain compensated with 30 scudi who also had the task of teaching the young boys of the town. As early as 1338 the name of Santa Croce appears: in that year an indulgence of 40 days was granted to those who had visited the church and the hospital during certain days, including that of the dedication to Santa Croce: in a brief issued by the bishop of Gubbio the company is indicated as the Fraternity of the Disciplinati of S. Maria Nova and S. Croce. Canon Guerrini and Professor Lupattelli affirm that the Confraternity officially assumed the name of Compagnia di S. Croce in 1566, the year in which it joined the company of S. Girolamo della Carità in Rome. In the period from 1798 to 1814, i.e. in the years of the French occupation, the company will change its name to that of Compagnia del Sacramento in S. Croce to avoid deletion. From the analysis of the documents it is clear that the original church in which the brothers gathered must have measured about one third of the current one, equipped with a portico renovated in the year 1536 and demolished in 1556, when there was a first extension, for the which it was necessary to appropriate a wall belonging to the Franciscans. In 1606 there was a second extension, to carry out which permission was asked by the Confraternity to occupy the land of the Friars' lawn, the current Piazza San Francesco. The last works between the years 1635-1647: the building will take its present form. Of the relationships that existed between the painter and his clients we have in this case an interesting documentation, mostly contained in an important register of the sixteenth century in which the Confraternity noted all the income and expenses made in the period that interests us. Also refer to the Confraternity, to Luca Signorelli and to the table of the Deposition by Umbertide, some documents preserved in the State Archives of Perugia and in the Notarial Archives of Umbertide, some of which have remained unknown until now. In Perugia there is a previously unpublished act, drawn up by Berardino di Nicola di Costanzo di Fratta, with which the Confraternity elects Ursino di ser Giovanni and Iacopo Arcangeli procuratori "ad pasciendum et patos faciendum et obligationes et ad promittendum nomine dicte fraternitatis, obligandum et promissiones recipiendum to prefate magisterium Luca pro pingendo per ipsum unam tabulam sive cunam ad predictum promissionis instrumentum vel instrumenta locationis ad pingendum conferendum, celebrandum, cum pleno et sufficient mandate ... “. This is the first document drawn up for the Confraternity that mentions the panel, and the name of the painter who would soon start the work appears: it is July 8, 1515. The notarial deed, as well as for its importance of its content, confirms the correction of old transcriptions of documents already known but published according to a paleographic interpretation not too correct in some significant points of the text, interpretations which, we will see later, have contributed up to now to feed hypotheses for the which in fact documentary evidence is instead non-existent, or at least unknown: all this has been verified through a more correct transcription of clearly legible terms in the original Perugian text and which also recur in some subsequent documents, preserved in the Notarial Archives of Umbertide, below. Unfortunately it was not possible to trace the deed containing the agreement between the two parties regarding the realization of the table. However, we have the aforementioned series of records contained in the company's accounts, which informs us of the relationship between the painter and his clients. From the documents we know that in the years in which Signorelli is called to create the panel, the depositary of the Confraternity was the Censorium of Ser Giovanni: his is the task of noting the records of the payments made by the company to the painter. The first note found in the aforementioned Book of income and expenses of the Confraternity of S. Croce, containing the payments made to the Cortonese, refers to the expenses incurred to pay the notary who signed the contract; in fact, the Censorium of Ser John writes: - “Item, to the notary who made the contract of the table …… fio 0-4-0. " From the registration we know that the notary who drew up the commission of the table, whose identity is unfortunately unknown, was paid with four baiocchi. Further below we read: - “Item, I lent to the Fraternita doi Ducati which I paid to the pentor . . Fior. 3-36-0 ": not having cash in hand, the Confraternity borrowed two ducats from the depositary Censorio di ser John; it is the first deposit received by Luca Signorelli. So in the register we find written: - “To Renzo who is cum Berardino per mandallo cum a letter to Mastro Luca . Fio. 0-24-0 ": for the first time the name of Luca appears among the recordings of the book; in all probability he was in Cortona, considering the consistency of the expense made by the Confraternity to send to the painter the messenger with the letter. Subsequent registrations referable to Luca Signorelli and to table inform: - “Item for them…. to tan them for the pentor . . Fio. 0-7-0 " (unfortunately the missing term is indecipherable); - “Item in una soma de lengnie for the pentor . . Fio 0-2-6 "; - “Straw items and tallow candles for the pentor . . Fio.0-4-0 "; Wood, straw and sevo candles are bought for the painter who was working on the table; probably Luca Signorelli is in Umbertide; - “To mastro Luca pentore one florins Fior.1-0-0 "; it is obviously a deposit paid to the Cortonese; - “items for the boards for the capsa for the table Flower. 1-0-0 "; it is the implementation of the original frame of the table. The term capsa, previously transcribed as hood, with an incomprehensible meaning, is instead to be understood, according to a more correct transcription, as the containment apparatus of the painting. At this point there are two notarial deeds drawn up by two different notaries from Fratta, Berardino di Nicola di Costanzo and Marino Spunta: in their documents we read that the Confraternity, in need of money, sells some parts of land owned by him: June 26, 1516 it is sold to Bartolomeo Christians “Eminas duas […] of a tenimento terre posite in tenimento dicti castri Fratte in vocabulo Ranco Giorgio […] et plus et minus […] ut ascendant ad valorem florenorum quadraginta“; on the 26th day of the following month, the Confraternity sells an additional piece of land to Bartolomeo himself, “In the curia castri Montonis in Faldo vocabulo of the value this time of XX florins, money that “idem Ursinus prior habuit in cash with recourse magistro Luce de Cortonio pictori pro pictura tabule picte in altars Sante Crucis, videlicet pro rata. " So it is the following annotation of the aforementioned Book of entries and exits: - “To mastro Luca on the 29th of July in 1516 by reason of the table Fio. 70-0-0. " It is the registration of a new payment to Luca Signorelli, very substantial: the table must now have been finished. In the register follow the following notes: - “Item for tip to the boys of mastro Luca . . . Flor. 0-72-0 "; after paying the painter, the boys are also offered their tip; - “Item to Mastro Goro who put on the table . . Flower. 0-67-0. “; more or less at the end of July 1516, the panel is placed in the location for which it was intended, that is, behind the main altar of the church. - “To mastro Luca and for him to Pietro Paolo di Renzo . . Flower. 1-0-0. ". We are now the following year, 1517, and the payments to the painter continue: - “To mastro Lucha for the table… fio. 8-0-0 ". Other expenses then follow: - “In gold and glue for piety . . Flower. 0-35-6 "; It is the registration relating to the expense made by the Confraternity for the purchase of material to be used in the gilding of the original frame. From 1527 is a deed drawn up by the notary Marino Spunta di Fratta, with which the Confraternity returns thirty florins to Meo - Bartolomeo - Cristiani, "quos idem Meus mutuaverat gratia et amore dicte fraternitati et hominibus ipsius pro solvendo mercedem his magister Luce de Cortonio pictori pro pictura quam fecerat de tabula seu cuna capelle et fraternitatis Sancte Crucis in ecclesia predicta existente in maiori altars “. A different reading of the expression "seu cuna", erroneously transcribed "seu top", has contributed, as we shall see, to believe the hypothesis that the painter had created for the Confraternity, in addition to the panel with the Deposition, also a sort of its completion, a lunette with the Pietà; in reality, however, the discovery of the document of Perugia and above all the new paleographic investigation made it possible to correct the transcriptions of the documents relating to the table in some points, reaching conclusions contrary to those traditionally sustained: the expression "seu cuna" it appears already in the first document mentioned, where the two terms are really clearly legible, and refers to the entire altarpiece. The panel was placed on the wall of the main altar of the original church of Santa Croce. The elaborate intaglio work that still frames the table today was made in 1612, well suited to the sumptuous and rich taste of that era: it is the work of Giampietro Zuccari of S. Angelo in Vado, as the archival sources recall. As I mentioned, an incorrect interpretation of the sources gave rise to the idea that in addition to the realization of the table with the Deposition, a lunette with a Pietà was also created by Signorelli to be placed on the table. The first to support such a hypothesis was Guardabassi, who in his manuscript preserved in the Augusta Library in Perugia, speaking of the panel, hypothesizes its completion, consisting precisely in a lunette with the Pietà. The scholar derives the idea from the shape of the painting, almost square, and above all from that annotation contained in the mentioned Book of income and expenses, in which the expenditure of 35 soldi and 6 denari for gold and glue is noted " for the Pietà “. Girolamo Mancini was of the same opinion. The opinion of the canon Antonio Guerrini disagrees, and in his History of the land of Fratta writes: “But which Pietà? if it was restored in 1517, when in 1616 our distinguished artists Flori and Sermigni replaced in that altar a stone frame the grandiose exhibition of carved and gilded wood, which still exists today, they would certainly have in their wisdom, in their love for religiously respected (however reduced) art that interesting part of our classic painting! " The existence of the hypothetical completion lunette is also spoken of in the most recent studies, of a local nature, carried out on ours, to which I have now often referred. The new interpretation and transcription of the archival sources and the set of information derived from the new documents found, however, leads us to exclude the existence of the hypothetical coping, or at least to ascertain that in reality there is no reference to this in the sources mentioned. The use of the term Pietà refers to the content of the table, which depicts the Crucifixion of Christ and the robbers, the Deposition, the Lamentation or Pietà and the Transport of Christ's body to the Sepulcher. Pietà is the term used to indicate the large table and its contents in the 16th century. The theatrical character of the picture, which I have already highlighted, seems to recall the narrations staged by the various religious congregations of the time, including the Confraternity of Santa Croce. That of the Sacred Representations was a typical activity of these groups of flagellants, from their origins. That this type of sacred theater was also practiced by the Confraternity of Santa Croce di Fratta are proof of some texts of religious content handed down in writing and which were recited by the confreres on particular occasions and holidays, often with the aid of special scenographies. In an inventory of the company drawn up in 1341 it appears that "unum librum cartarem bombicinarum in quo sunt laudes" was ordered, unfortunately not received: the components of the collection focused on the theme of the Passion of Christ, subject of the large table ed expression of the penitent devotional spirit of the Disciplined. Some religious compositions were recited in procession. More often they were staged in the oratory; on these occasions some scenic devices were used, especially when the laude with univocal chant was replaced by the one with alternate chant and the narration by the dialogue between several characters. It is possible for us to hypothetically reconstruct the partial content of the ancient book that was lost thanks to the transcription by an unknown hand of the lines of a laude with a single song on the theme of the Passion of Jesus Christ and a dramatic representation with several characters that included the use of a special stage apparatus, the Rapresentacio sancte apolonie virginis. In the inventories of the Confraternity there are also objects and clothing used for the shows: Mavarelli writes about it: "In fact, among the other objects and tools necessary for the sacred shows, we find a" vesta de chamois " which evidently refers to a laude or representation having as its object the Passion of Jesus Christ and it is not to be assumed that in the not large collection there were more lauds dealing with the same subject ". In particular, the text that has come down to us focused on the Passion of Jesus Christ, dated 1496, which was staged by the confreres on the occasion of certain religious holidays and anniversaries, it begins like this: Christo's passion We cry with pain For us fo crucifixo Yeshu our lord Weep bitterly And don't forgive yourself The mourning virgin By god, you accompany her Yes you consider Pain that felt her When jl figluol vedea Die among doi latronj In the Deposition Luca Signorelli seems to have imprinted and blocked the drama of the event revived by the actors of the sacred representation: the fainting Virgin painted at the foot of the Cross is that of the text, which “He felt such great pain / Lo cor came less / down on the ground trangoscione”; and so the Christ who “… I am crowned / Of them cruel thorns / Bloody head. [...] Yeshu gets undressed / De tucti i vestimenti / Steva shameless / Among so many people [...] Li vestimenti de sotta / Tucti was pin de blood / havean made the crunch / tucti was pin de blood / That was the great pain / when the stripper / The wounds rinovaro / that dier them keystrokes ". The table seems to refer to the passage also in detail, such as for example in the nail taken from the feet of Christ that "Era si immeasurable", "Era si grande aguto". Thus the painter remains faithful to the description of the stiffened body of the Savior that appears in the passage. In general, most critics agree in judging the autograph work and often remember it as the masterpiece of the painter's old age. The intervention of the workshop, when identified, is mostly limited to the predella, which, however, most scholars praise as the best among his. Contrasting opinions on the table were expressed in the second half of the 19th century: Guardabassi describes it as one of the best works by Luca Signorelli, while Cavalcaselle and Morelli consider it to be inaccurate. While Cruttwell says she is convinced of the Signorellian authorship of the panel, Mancini does not consider the execution of the same too valuable, but appreciates with enthusiastic judgment the predella with the Stories of the True Cross. According to Venturi the work would go ascribed to Luca Signorelli together with the workshop. Unlike most of the critics, Morisani tends to identify Signorelli's hand mostly also in the predella; vice versa Lenzini Moriondo confirms a consistent intervention of the shop also in the main table. They favor the attribution to the master Salmi, Scarpellini and Pazzagli. The recent enthusiastic judgment of Kanter on the execution of some portions of the table, for the critic certainly by the hand of Signorelli; to be attributed to the master are undoubtedly the figure of the pious woman on the left, that of the dead Christ, the St. John the Evangelist; some passages of inferior quality, such as the scene of the Burial of Christ, suggest in the panel the intervention of a collaborator, identified by Kanter with Francesco Signorelli, who is also responsible for the predella which "does not reveal in the least the intervention of the safest hand and vigorous of Luca. " The last studies I have mentioned, from Kanter's comments to Henry's observations, have been conducted on the basis of already known documents, often incorrect in their interpretation, without the considerations allowed by the paleographic corrections together with the discovery of new documentary material. Regarding the possibility that the aids have intervened in the realization of the altarpiece, a topic most discussed by scholars, we believe that a partial collaboration of the master with the aids may be probable, considering the date of execution of the same, that is, being a work of late maturity of the artist, when he often found himself using the support of the workshop. In this regard, there is an unpublished document preserved in the State Archives of Perugia, a notarial deed drawn up by Berardino di Nicola di Costanzo di Fratta “in capella sive ecclesia Sancte Crucis“. The document concerns the appointment of a procurator by Ursino di ser Giovanni, prior of the Confraternity in the period in which Luca Signorelli was called to paint the table, dates back to 1516 and is drawn up in the presence of the painter Vittorio di Montone. This leads us to think that Vittorio Cirelli, a Montonese artist who started painting with Luca Signorelli, was able to collaborate in the execution of the panel, but also personally wanting to believe that in the Deposition the hand of the older master is in any case to be traced in most of the itself and that the aids were made to complete small portions of the entire work, of very valuable workmanship even in the narrative scenes of the predella. Sources: Bibliography: Mancini 1832, II, pp. 72-73; Gualandi 1845, pp. 36-38; Milanesi 1850, p. 154; Waagen 1850, pp. 568-569; Crowe and Cavalcaselle 1871, p. 32; Guardabassi 1872, pp. 354-355, 367; Waagen 1875, pp. 135-136; Vischer 1879, pp. 114, 270-271; Berenson 1897, p. 181; Magherini Graziani 1897, pp. 212-215; Crowe and Cavalcaselle 1898, pp. 481-494; Cruttwell 1899, pp. 14, 100-102, 139; Mancini 1903, pp. 207-211; Berenson 1909, pp. 251; anonymous 1909, p. 70; de Wyzewa 1910, pp. 335-343; Venturi 1913, pp. 301, 402-406; Crowe and Cavalcaselle (cur. Borenius) 1914, pp. 107, 109; Venturi 1921, p. 65; Psalms 1921, pp. 13-14; Dussler 1927, p. 209, pl. 141, 143-144; Berenson 1932, p. 533; van Marle 1937, pp. 90-92; Morisani 1942, pp. 31-32; Cortona / Florence 1953, pp. 111-113, nos. 58-59; Psalms 1953, pp. 35, 59, 66-67, 72; Psalms 1953 a, pp. 116, 118; Baldini 1964, p. 489; Scarpellini 1964, p. 125; Lenzini Moriondo 1966, p. 28; Berenson 1968, p. 400; Battisti 1971, I, p. 489, n.249 (ed. 1992, p. 376); Mancini and Scarpellini 1983, pp. 33-34; Kanter 1989, pp. 244-248; Lightbown 1992, p. 152; Codovini and Vispi 1994-1998, p. 1-19; Van Cleave 1995, pp. 156-157; Henry, Kanter, Testa, pp. 153-154, 239-240. DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX ... 60. 1514 February 13, Umbertide ASPg, Notarile, not. Berardino by Nicola di Costanzo, Bastardelli, 931, cc. 509r-510r Giovanni Francesco of the late Alberto di Umbertide and citizen of Perugia, mayor and procurator of the fraternity of S. Croce and Raniero di Giovanni, prior of the fraternity, sell to Matteo di Alberto of the said place, stipulating all rights for the heirs of Felice di Gentile di Perugia and share that the brotherhood has or may have in the future on three quarters of a piece of land located in the vicinity of the castle in the word Botani for the price of eighteen florins that they confess to have received and for which therefore they issue the payment receipt. 61. 1515 July 8, Umbertide ASPg, Notarile, not. Berardino by Nicola di Costanzo, Bastardelli, 932, cc. 407r- 408r Ser Censorio di ser Giovanni, Orsino di Giovanni, Piergentile di ser Giovanni, Giacomo di Arcangelo, Pierangelo di Giacomo, Ciono di Piero, Meo di Filippo, Raniero di Giovanni camerlengo, Meo, Cristoforo di Silvestro, gathered in the chapel of S. Croce name Orsino di Giovanni and Giacomo di Arcangelo as their own proxies, entrusting them with making agreements and obligations and promising in the name of the fraternity with master Luca painter of Cortona and receiving promises from him "pro pingendo per ipsum unam tabulam sive cunam" and to do with him the act of allocation of the same. 62. 1516 March 9, Umbertide Municipal Library of Umbertide, Notary Archive, not. Paolo quondam Cristoforo Martinelli, 76, c. 68v. Giovanni Francesco of the late Alberto di Andrea di Umbertide, as mayor and procurator of the fraternity and of the hospital of S. Croce of the said place, having a sufficient mandate, as shown by the acts of the notary from Umbria Ser Bernardino, and Orsino di Giovanni, prior of the fraternity and also Paolo di Sebastiano di Paolo, chamberlain sell to Francesco and Piermatteo del fu Giacomo Martinelli, of Umbertide, and to the notary, stipulating for their brother Renzo, a piece of land located near the said castle in the word Ranco Giorgio undivided for another fourth part with his brother Nicola for the price of thirty-one and a half florins, which they confess to having received in cash and in money numbered in gold and money, for which therefore they issue the receipt for payment. 63. 1516 June 26, Umbertide ASPg, Notarile, not. Berardino by Nicola di Costanzo, Bastardelli, 932, cc. 791v.-794v. Giovanni Francesco of the late Alberto di Umbertide and citizen of Perugia, mayor and procurator of the fraternity of S. Croce together with the prior Orsino di Giovanni, the chamberlain Raniero di Giovanni and the brothers ser Censorio di Giovanni, ser Marino di Domenico, Giacomo di Arcangelo and Piergentile of ser Giovanni sell to Bartolomeo Cristiani two mines of a piece of land located in the vicinity of Umbertide in the word Ranco Giorgio and more or less that rises to the value of forty florins, which they confess to have received and for which therefore they issue the receipt for payment . 64. 1516 July 26, Umbertide Municipal Library of Umbertide, Notarial Archive, not. Marino Spunta, prot. 105, 2nd quarter (numbering ad annum), c. 78v. Orsino del fu Giovanni di ser Orsino di Umbertide, prior of the fraternity of S. Croce in the same place, and ser Censorio di ser Giovanni, Giacomo di Arcangelo di Nicola and Antonio di Piero, officers and men of the said fraternity, having the authority to to do the things infrescribed by the general meeting of the brotherhood, forcing all the goods of the hospital and of the same fraternity, they sell to Bartolomeo del fu Tommaso Cristiani di Umbertide a piece of land located in the word Faldo in the district of Montone for the price of twenty florins or for the higher and lower price that will be estimated by two commonly elected men. Of which twenty florins the same Orsino prior confesses to having received in cash to pay "magister Luce de Cortonio pictori pro pictura tabule picte in altari Sancte Crucis, videlicet pro rata" with the agreement to be able to buy it back within ten years. 65. 1516 August 26, Umbertide ASPg, Notarile, not. Berardino by Nicola di Costanzo, Bastardelli, 932, c. 837v. Orsino di Giovanni di ser Orsino appoints Ser Giovanni's Censorium as procurator, instructing him to represent him in every litigation. The deed is made "in capella sive ecclesia Sancte Crucis" in the presence of the painter from Montone Vittorio. 66. 1527 April 6, Umbertide Municipal Library of Umbertide, Notarial Archive, not. Marino Spunta, prot. 105, 3 ° quinterno (numbering ad annum), c. 67v. Meo of the late Tommaso Cristiano alias Mascio di Umbertide confesses that he had received from Nardo of the late Mariotto di Giovanni di Meo, prior to the present of the brotherhood of S. Croce di Umbertide and stipulator for the said fraternity, thirty florins, which Meo had given "gratia and love dicte fraternitati et hominibus ipsius pro solvendo mercedem suam magistro Luce de Cortonio pictori pro pictura quam fecerat de tabula seu cuna capelle et fraternitatis Sancte Crucis in ecclesia predicta existente in altari maiori ”, as of this loan results from a deed drawn up by the notary of Umbertide ser Berardino di Nicola di Costanzo. Meo does this because he confesses to having received the money in this way, that is, twenty-eight florins from Giuliano di Angelo di Luca Fornari depositary of the fraternity and two florins from the notary himself, of which thirty florins thus received therefore issues a receipt for payment. 67. Christo's passion We cry with pain For us fo crucifixo Yeshu our lord Weep bitterly And don't forgive yourself The mourning virgin By god, you accompany her Yes you consider Pain that felt her When jl figluol vedea Die among doi latronj Time and to be resurged And cry with pain L annima comtemplare The sancta paxione That it lasts too long That we don't hear of it Since then we believe Jeshu will die for us What a god to die for us The story reconte Con tucto how much jl core I must think That you can't be enough Neither lengua nor scriptura The death I make lasts Of our Savior He came on Thursday evening Near a la paxione Yeshu made dinner Cum discipol sueie Tucti comunicoe And you can relieve the pious ones Yeshu turned to serve A traitor Judah Yeshu the turned to comfort Cum sweet parliament Who must leave them In great doubt That sappressava jl time Yeshu had to die We have to maintain En gran tribulatione Yeshu at the olive grove He went to oratione Menò giovanni and pietro And jacobo magiure Yeshu is scary Who had true flesh He sweated drops of blood It strongly nowva. The apostles sleep And christo while he was awake But little if they heard Of the punishment he carried His patre called him But he already didn't know In ante pure volea That he died for us And he is a traitor He came with a lot of people To betray the lord It came promptly That said the fraudulent Master god to save Then if you go ahead And in the mouth the bascione Here people came Cum many great lights And incontinent peter A coltel drew out The ear to a coupon And Christo tell them Coltel back in sheath that pleases your gentleman When Christo fo taken He took no breath To him the derieto Tightly tied together Yeshu fought himself Like a thief That they had abandoned him all your friends and friends And peter denies it Giovanni sen fugiva For us the abandonment Patro his heaven Christo son of god What fooled alone If I find any That he wanted to star cum him And peter painful Looking for Christo already I went to warm to the fire At anna pria's house An ancilla tell them You are de la su people He answered contentedly You never knew more Cum fine great fear If he began to ecuse it swear it then Cum mouth and cum your hands He says in truth I don't know who he is Never in my life You never saw him again The first evening came And the canton rooster And to himself Because he is arcordone I denied it my lord Three times I say it I don't know where I am Yes, I don't find him Yeshu fo introduced That he was a traitor Yeshu fo acused Cum false witnesses great noise faccialli saying undress undress Tie it to the column Tight cum the rope Cum tanto de dur scourge make him scourge he was so morbid tucto make him tremble Without pity Give them to the sever The whole meat alisa Pina de lividore All that evening I will give them the keystrokes L coperson in gl ochi door That he saw no light And for more honor In my face I spit them out The beard peeled them to give them more pain Tirravan their hair She gave them cheeks And those were the hitmen They were chosen Danvanli the bearded Et cum man cut D prophesies Who made you of us Yeshu fo crowned Of the cruel thorns Bloody head Corialli up to the pious The Jews laughed The head hit him Cum le rods the Feriano mocking him The virgin mary you havea great tremor what a tucta that evening there was a great noise Alore adimandone and said to an ancilla You know me you tell news Of my child Yeshune You figluolo and taken madonna in veritade And so hurt her What a tucto and full of wounds Lo tu figluol domane Sententato evening You will see him hanging En forca de thief Madonna did not pose And he found no place The apostles asked If they had seen him Whether I live or die Say it truthfully I can no longer carry That me if the core starts I speak john and peter And I talked to the mother Your son is taken Know it but n citade We cannot enter that the doors are closed doman give them death without any reason Madonna heard this He felt such pain The heart is less Down to earth trangoscione Say love son Not festi but sin You're imprisoned You weren't a thief Then came the question Get him out of prison Send him to judge That he was a criminal There was a great noise Say be cricifixo Dician be crucified Lassato be the thief Lassato be the thief Lassat sij Barabano And this sinner We condemn it all Up to Mount Calvary Fierli carry the cross Shouting out loud Be dead with pain When I am judged There was great existence The mouth of pilate Si de quilla sententia The third hour came Send him to hang De fuori de la citade Where the evildoers Fierli carry the cross It was a heavy burden Not if podia change He was so weakened The mother already de rieto Who wanted to help him He could not take them So much was a great noise There was a great noise De rietro them gian shouting She mocked him The lotus gian lying to him Givanlo spatassando Soon the voleanmenare Yeshu wanted to spoil And doi thief cum him His mother his taipina Yet he wanted to see him Pararse entered the street Where there was to revolve Nol podde support Christo when he sees it He was greatly distressed Than in strangoscione land When madonna il vedde On earth strangled He felt great pain What if you leave and breathe My figluol you were born To alarm me so much pain Now that I will do tarpina Yes don't see you You carry so much weight Sweet figluol pleasing Why you vie de rieto Figluol so many people O my grieving mother Don't ask me Menanme to hang Cum quisti doi ladronj Figluol I can not bring I know crucifixa with you Et where you turned Yes I will come to you When you will be open Nol podaro see Figluol let me die Ch I do not want to live more Then that I give to the place Where he must dress Undress him naked Without pity Now what was the mother doing When he saw him naked Say I'm a figluolo I cannot live longer Yeshu gets undressed De tucti i vestimenti Steva ashamed In among so many people They were obnoxious Cum villania tamanta What even the clothes of the leg They leave the robbers You dress them de sotta Tucti were pin de blood Havean crunched Tucti were pin de blood That was the great pain When I undress him The wounds renovate That will give them the keystrokes Tolser clothes them And misarce the fate Christo they said to each other Mourning the times (?) You are worthy of death Thief you go watching You are boasting of us You say you were sir Yeshu has taken off his clothes And set up in the wood And tightly bolted Cum three iron latches It was so cold When he keyed it Blood if it froze What a descurria di fuore Le man li chiavellaro Leave it spent Li piei li sopronaro I put the third chiuovo It was immeasurable He was so great aguto And so much fo beaten Not if vedea de fuore And so much the ironing The nerbora stendea The bones I schopparo them The flesh breaks The blood comes out It fell down to the earth O virgin polzella So much was your pain ... ... ... Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com Photos: - Photo: Giulio Foiani - Photo: Fabio Mariotti BIBLIOGRAPHY Anon. 1909 Anon., Umbrian Art Review, I, (1909), p. 70. Baldini 1964 U Baldini, Luca Signorelli, in Universal Encyclopedia of Art, XII, Venice-Rome, 1964, pp. 487-491. Baptists 1971 E. Battisti, Piero della Francesca, Milan 1971, Milan 1992. Berenson 1897 B. Berenson, The Central Italian Painters of the Reinassance, London 1897. Berenson 1909 B. Berenson, The Central Italian Painters, London 1909. Berenson 1932 B. Berenson, Italian Pictures of the Reinassance, Oxford 1932. Berenson 1968 B. Berenson, Italian Pictures of the Reinassance, Central Italian and North Italian Schools, London 1968. Borenius 1929 T. Borenius, Dussler Review 1927, in "The Burlington Magazine" LIV (1929), pp. 41-42. Pigtails & Vispi 1994 R. Codovini & P. Vispi, Luca Signorelli's Paintings at Fratta Perugina, Rome 1994. Crowe & Cavalcaselle 1871 JA Crowe and GB Cavalcaselle, Geschichte der Italienischen Malerei, Leipzig 1871, vol. 4. Crowe & Cavalcaselle 1898 JACrowe and GBCavalcaselle, History of painting in Italy, Florence 1898, vol. VIII. Crowe & Cavalcaselle [cur. Borenius] 1914 JACrowe and GB Cavalcaselle, A History of Painting in Itali, vol. : Umbrian and Sienese Masters of the Fifteenth Century [cur. T. Borenius], London 1914 Cruttwel 1899 M. Cruttwel, Luca Signorelli, London 1899. Gualandi 1845 M. Gualandi, Original Italian memoirs concerning the beautiful atriums, Bologna, 1845. Down Guard 1872 M. Guardabassi, Index - Guide of Pagan and Christian Monuments… of Umbria, 1872. Downwinds M. Guardabassi, Notes on the church of Santa Croce in Umbertine, vol. 5, fasc. 2258, ms. preserved in the Augusti Library, Perugia. Guerrini 1883 A.Guerrini, History of the land of Fratta now Umbertide from its origins until the year 1845, Umbertide 1883. Henry, Kanter, Testa 2001 T. Henry, L. Kanter, G. Testa, Luca Signorelli, Milan 2001. Kanter 1989 L. Kanter, The Late Works of Luca Signorelli and His Followers, 1489-1559, PhD thesis, New York University 1989. Lenzini Moriondo 1966 M. Lenzini Moriondo, Signorelli 1966. Lightbown 1992 R. Lightbown, Piero della Francesca, New York, London- Paris 1992. Magherini Graziani 1897 G. Magherini Graziani, Art in Città di Castello, Città di Castello 1897. Mancini and Scarpellini 1983 Cur. FF Mancini and P. Scarpellini, Painting in Umbria between 1480 and 1540, Milan 1983. Mancini 1832 G.Mancini, Historical and pictorial instruction to visit the churches and palaces of Città di Castello, Perugia 1832. Mancini 1903 Girolamo Mancini, Life of Luca Signorelli, Florence 1903. Mavarelli / Porrozzi F.Mavarelli, Historical news and praises of the Company of disciplines of Santa Maria Nuova and Santa Croce, Umbertide…., Cur. B. Porrozzi, The work of Francesco Mavarelli, Città di Castello 1998. Milanese 1850 C. Milanesi, G. Milanesi, C. Pini, V. Marchese, Notes and commentary on the life of Luca Signorelli, in G. VasarLI, 1985.i, The Lives of the Most Excellent Architects, Painters and Sculptors, Florence [1568] , cur. C. Milanesi et al. Florence (14 vol. 1846-1870.) VI, 1850. pp. 136-158. Porrozzi 1983 B. Porrozzi, Umbertide and its territory, Città di Castello 1983. Porrozzi 1998 B. Porrozzi, The work of Francesco Mavarelli, Città di Castello 1998. Porrozzi 2001 B. Porrozzi, edited by, Statutes and Orders of the Fraternity of Santa Croce in Fratta (Umbertide) from 1567 to 1741, Città di Castello 2001. Psalms 1921 M. Salmi, Luca Signorelli, Florence 1921. Psalms 1953 M. Salmi, Luca Signorelli, Novara 1953. Psalms 1653 a M.Salmi, Chiosa signorelliana, in “Commentari”, IV, (1953), pp. 107-118. Van Cleave 1995 C. Van Cleave, Luca Signorelli as a Draughtsman, unpublished doctoral thesis, Oxford University 1995. Van Marle 1937 R. van Marle, The Development of the Italian Schools of Painting, XVI, The Hague 1937. Venturi 1913. A Venturi, History of Italian Art, VII. 2 Milan 1913. Venturi 1921 A. Venturi, Luca Signorelli, Florence 1921. Vischer 1879 R.Vischer, Luca Signorelli und die Italienische Reinassance Eine Kunsthistorische Monographie, Leipzig 1879. Waagen 1950 GF Waagen, Die Maler Andrea Mantegna und Luca Signorelli, in „H Istorisches TaschenbUch“ 3.1 (1850) PP. 473-594, spec. PP. 554-594. Waagen 1875 GF Waagen after A. Waagen, Uber Leber, Wirken und Werke der Maler Andrea Mantegna und Luca Signorelli, in Kleine Schriften von GF Waagen, Stuttgart 1875, pp. 80-144, in part. Pp. 128-144. de Wyzewa 1910 T. de Wyzewa, A propos de quelques dessinsi italiens: une „Descente de Croix“ by Luca Signorelli, in „Revue de l'Art Ancien et Moderne“, XXVII (1910), pp. 335-343. LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS SCC = Historic Archive of Città di Castello AS Pg. = State Archives of Perugia BCCC = Municipal Library of Città di Castello. BCM = Municipal Library of Montone BCU = Municipal Library of Umbertide

In questa sezione, con le sue sottosezioni, viene presentata la storia documentale ed archivistica, che tende soprattutto a descrivere gli accadimenti istituzionali e politici.  History In this section, with its subsections, documentary and archival history is presented, which tends above all to describe institutional and political events. For the moment we will focus on the main town, Fratta and then Umbertide, and on the hilly and flat rural territory. The main settlements present in the municipal territory are still not investigated, some such as Preggio with an established settlement history even older than the current Umbertide; we will try in the continuation of this adventure to heal these shortcomings. The history of the populations who inhabited our territory, the productive use they made of it, the settlements built, centralized and isolated, touch a horizon of aspects so broad that they all deserve to be addressed. Our intent, in fact, is to present all the different "perspectives" with which the "history" of our country can be reconstructed. The "short time" in fact, the guideline of the research reported in the subsections described above, gives us a story focused on the birth and history of the main agglomeration of Fratta / Umbertide, but allows us to see only the institutional-political events, as far as they can add up in a millennial diachronic sequence. While the development and consequences of economic structures require an investigation that you seek with a "long time" to be recognized, they are detailed in the " Thematic history " page . At the moment for the subsections " From Antiquity to '700 " and for " Nineteenth century and Risorgimento " we present a historical reconstruction based on paper archives starting from the XII century, while we will subsequently analyze more adequately the history of our most fragmented territory, that is to say that up to the origins. " The Fratta of the sixteenth century" and " The War of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany " retrace the events and social life of the sixteenth century. Together with them, for the same historical period, we have created the subsection on the Statutes of the Fratta of 1521, which allows you to read and download the Statutes in a complete transcription in the vernacular with an interactive internal search mode. And many more The contemporaneity will be investigated above all in the section " From the twentieth century to today ", benefiting from a greater series of historical sources and news. The reference sources of the first two subsections are those of the SIUSA (Unified Information System for Archival Superintendencies) which in 2010-11 with Sargentini Cristiana and Santolamazza Rossella drafted and corrected the relative entry on "Fratta / Umbertide". As regards the history in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, also for our country it was necessary to resort to the statutory sources of Perugia, which constitute the reference regulatory framework for the communities scattered in the countryside; in particular the Perugian reform of 1396, with which the roles of castellan and podestà of Sigillo, Montone and Fratta, up to then carried out by two distinct officials, were unified forming "unum officium et unum corpus castellanantia cum potestaria". With this resolution, a "vir bonus et fidelis" was designated to administer each of those communities. The territory of the castle of Fratta from that moment had different "institutional profiles": from sec. XIV - sec. XVIII was a " Community" of the "State of the Church", a denomination which, due to the loss of archival material, with certainty will return only in the period 1815 - 1870, after the short period in which Fratta was part, from 1798-1814, of the Communities of Lazio in the French period; in the 1859 it was established as a "Municipality" and then equipped with a " Civil State Office" in Umbria, 1860 - 1865. In this period, in 1862, it passed from the name of Fratta to that of "Umbertide". A bibliography " Texts and links to consult" with the studies published on Umbertide and his history and society and a sitography to deepen on the web, they will allow us to continue in the knowledge of our Umbertide. The page on the " Degree Thesis " will host the parts or complete theses of young and old who have wanted to study our territory in some aspect and wish to make it a common cultural heritage. Photo: Umbertide da Montacuto: the growth of the city to the south of the original nucleus of Fratta. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com Winston Churchill "The farther backward you can look, the farther forward you are likely to see." "The more you can look back, the more you will be able to see forward."