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Questa sezione, " Privacy policy" o "informativa sulla privacy", è dedicata a rendere nella maniera più chiara e trasparente possibile la "liberatoria" per l'uso delle immagini o testi che potreste inviarci e come ci siamo adeguati al GDPR. Disclaimer, cookie and GDPR information This section, " Privacy policy " or " privacy policy ", is dedicated to making it clearer and more transparent possible " release" for the use of images or texts that you could send us, " how cookies work " on the site and how we relate to the use of any personal data based on the European " GDPR " taken from Italian legislation. The GDPR, which entered into force on 25 May 2018, aims to protect the fundamental right to privacy and the protection of personal data of EU citizens. At this time we do not collect personal data through "forms" or similar systems, but for clarity we insert all the information relating to a possible use on our part of personal data. The information we collect, to date, is sent by the people themselves after they have been informed of the "privacy policy" (visible on this page) and the relative "release" for the use of images and texts "which is available for download below. in .pdf and .docx. The site aims to disseminate the history, culture and memory of those who lived in Umbertide (Pg) to contribute to the construction of a common cultural identity in compliance with the Constitutional principles. This disclosure is and will remain non-profit. Data owner and manager On the site http://www.umbertidestoria.net more people write but the " owner " and " manager" of the data processing is always the same person: Francesco Deplanu, born in Città di Castello on 09/30/1968, resident in via G. Garibaldi 53, CF DPLNFC68P30C745P. The site itself is registered in its name. 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If you can access the sites mentioned it means that you have already accepted the "privacy policy" of Facebook and Instagram. the GDPR This information is inspired by the GDPR entered into force on May 25, 2018, but also to Recommendation no. 2/2001 that the European authorities for the protection of personal data, gathered in the Group established by art. 29 of the directive n. 95/46 / EC, adopted on 17 May 2001 to identify some minimum requirements for the collection of personal data online and, in particular, the methods, timing and nature of the information that the data controllers must provide to users when these link to web pages, regardless of the purpose of connection. Purpose of the treatment The personal data provided are proposed on a voluntary basis for the cultural and social purposes set out above, that is to disclose the history, culture and memory of those who lived in Umbertide (Pg) to contribute to the construction of a common cultural identity in compliance with the Constitutional principles. This disclosure is and will remain non-profit. Methods of treatment and conservation The treatment will be carried out in form manual, in compliance with the provisions of art. 32 of the GDPR 2016/679 and Annex B of Legislative Decree 196/2003 (articles 33-36 of the Code) on security measures, by the " responsible" of the data processing indicated above . We point out that, in compliance with the principles of lawfulness, purpose limitation and data minimization, pursuant to art. 5 GDPR 2016/679, subject to the free and explicit consent expressed at the bottom of this information, personal data will be kept for the period of time necessary to achieve the purposes for which they are collected and processed. Communication and dissemination scope We also inform you that the data collected will never be disclosed and will not be communicated without your explicit consent. Transfer of personal data Your data will not be transferred either to member states of the European Union or to third countries not belonging to the European Union. The information that with your consent will be published on the website is "hosted", or stored in "hosting", by the company wix.com, indicated above, which allows the structuring and maintenance of the website. Such content is stored on servers in Europe and the United States as indicated by wix.com. Data provided voluntarily by the user The optional, explicit and voluntary sending of e-mails to the address umbertidestoria@gmail.com indicated on this site entails the subsequent acquisition of the sender's address, necessary to respond to requests, as well as any other personal data included in the message. These data will be kept for archiving purposes until a request for deletion by the writers, which may take place at any time. Interaction with external platforms The site contains links to other websites that have their own privacy policy other than that described on our page. Interaction with social networks The site allows the passage to social pages always called " umbertidestoria " of Facebook and Instagram. For these platforms, interactions and information are subject to the User's privacy settings relating to the respective social network. Users are requested to read the privacy information notes provided by the entities providing the services in question. Facebook policy: https://www.facebook.com/about/privacy Instagram information: https://help.instagram.com/519522125107875 Francesco Deplanu uses social channels to inform citizens about their activities. Through this document the modalities of one's presence on social networks are defined. Presence on social networks and on new communication platforms Affected platforms: Facebook - Instagram Social channels and new communication platforms are used to relaunch the contents of one's business, to promote events and forms of participation, to listen to the voices of citizens and to answer any questions that may be asked. Taking advantage of the typical opportunities of these services, it can occasionally share and relaunch contents and messages of public interest and usefulness created by third parties, limiting itself to verifying the reliability of the source but not certifying the contents. To interact through these channels Francesco Deplanu produces texts, videos, infographics, images that can be used and relaunched always citing the reference sources. Moderation and Privacy on social pages The users of the social pages who will interact with the “umbertidestoria” pages are invited to keep respectful tones. Everyone and everyone has the right to intervene on social channels and to express their opinion freely, without prejudice to the public interest of the arguments. It is not possible to use social spaces for personal situations. In these spaces the normal rules of fairness, respect for the opinions of others and privacy apply. They will therefore be promptly removed: - comments and posts containing insults, foul language, offenses, threats or attitudes that harm the dignity of the person, violent or inappropriate towards other users present or not in the discussion, bodies, associations, institutions or those who manage and moderate the channels social; - comments and posts that infringe the rights of minorities and minors, the principles of freedom and equality; - comments and posts for commercial purposes or referring to non-verifiable external content; comments and posts containing advertisements and any type of electoral propaganda - Comments and posts containing personal data (common, sensitive and judicial) published by users on our social profiles will be removed and reported to the Manager. They will then be subject to moderation: - off topic comments with respect to the discussion of a specific post (off topic); interventions inserted repeatedly; - comments and posts written to disturb the discussion (so-called "trolling" or "flame"), or offend those who manage and moderate social channels; spam. Francesco Deplanu reserves the right to use the "ban" or block against users with clearly false accounts, those who repeatedly violate these conditions or those contained in the policy of the tools adopted and also reserves the right to report to the managers of the platform and law enforcement. Responsibility for contents The authors of the comments are considered responsible for the contents of the same and exonerate Francesco Deplanu from any responsibility, who does not have access to the data that is collected and processed independently by the managers of the social network platforms. For more information on the logic and methods of processing the data collected by social networks, users are invited to read the information notes on privacy provided by the entities that provide the services in question: Facebook policy: https://www.facebook.com/about/privacy Instagram information: https://help.instagram.com/519522125107875 Special categories of personal data Pursuant to articles 26 and 27 of Legislative Decree 196/2003 and articles 9 and 10 of EU Regulation no. 2016/679, the interested party could give the data controller data that can be classified as "particular categories of personal data", that is, data that reveal "racial or ethnic origin, political opinions, religious or philosophical beliefs, or 'trade union membership, as well as genetic data, biometric data intended to uniquely identify a natural person, data relating to the person's health or sexual life or sexual orientation ”. These categories of data can only be processed prior free and explicit consent of the interested party, expressed in writing. Existence of an automated decision-making process, including profiling The HOLDER OF THE TREATMENT does not adopt any automated decision-making process, including profiling, referred to in Article 22, paragraphs 1 and 4, of EU Regulation no. 679/2016. Rights of the interested party At any time, the interested party may exercise, pursuant to art. 7 of Legislative Decree 196/2003 and articles from 15 to 22 of EU Regulation no. 2016/679, the right to: a) ask for confirmation of the existence or otherwise of their personal data; b) obtain information about the purposes of the processing, the categories of personal data, the recipients or categories of recipients to whom the personal data have been or will be communicated and, when possible, the retention period; c) obtain the rectification and cancellation of data; d) obtain the limitation of the processing; And) obtain data portability, i.e. receive them from a data controller, in a structured format, commonly used and readable by an automatic device, and transmit them to another data controller without impediments; f) oppose the processing at any time and also in the case of processing for direct marketing purposes; g) oppose an automated decision-making process relating to individuals, including profiling. h) ask the data controller to access personal data and to correct or cancel them or limit their processing or to oppose their processing, in addition to the right to data portability; the) withdraw the consent at any time without prejudice to the lawfulness of the processing based on the consent given before the revocation; j) lodge a complaint with a supervisory authority. You can exercise your rights by sending a request to the email address: umbertidestoria@gmail.com Download the release to grant images, texts or videos for publication on the site http://www.umbertidestoria.net For clarification umbertidestoria@gmail.com

Architettura rurale nell'Alta Valle del Tevere - Boldrini Fratta (ora Umbertide) dal 1796 al 1814 - Giovannoni La Rocca di Umbertide centro espositivo per l'arte contemporanea- Pannacci Umbertide dall'Unità d'Italia alla caduta della destra storica (1860-1876) - Rondini Lo sviluppo locale del Comune di Umbertide - Simonetti Museo Mercato Città di Umbertide- Restauro e riuso di un'area ferroviaria dismessa - Venturelli Thesis In this section you will find some degree thesis in history, geography, art history, architecture or in any case centered on the Umbertidese and neighboring territory. The research works, in part or complete, are kindly granted by the authors. The lyrics they appear as they were made at the time of the thesis defense and have not been revised. The works are visible by clicking on the relative image but are not downloadable either printable. However, we believe that creating a space to make individual studies made so far visible can help the development of historical and social interest in our country and our environment. Thanks at the moment in chronological order: Anna Maria Boldrini with her work on the rural architecture of the area, Daniela Giovannoni for the work of her sister Cesarina Giovannoni on the Fratta from 1796 to 1814, Valentina Pannacci on the Rocca di Umbertite and its use for contemporary art, Diego Simonetti who took care of the development of our municipality from agricultural to industrial, Alessandro Venturelli who attempted to develop a project for the eventual reuse of an abandoned railway area. Their theses can be reached from the vertical menu below (version for desktop and tablet). Architettura rurale nell'Alta Valle del Tevere - Boldrini Fratta (ora Umbertide) dal 1796 al 1814 - Giovannoni La Rocca di Umbertide centro espositivo per l'arte contemporanea- Pannacci La committenza di Luca Signorelli in Umbria - Ricci Vitiani Umbertide dall'Unità d'Italia alla caduta della destra storica (1860-1876) - Rondini Lo sviluppo locale del Comune di Umbertide - Simonetti Testimonianze artistiche medievali ... Valdambrini Museo Mercato Città di Umbertide- Restauro e riuso di un'area ferroviaria dismessa - Venturelli "Rural architecture in the upper Tiber Valley: Umbertide in the 16th century" by Anna Maria Boldrini Academic year 1990-91 University of Perugia "Events of an Umbrian village in the French age. Fratta (now Umbertide) from 1796 to 1814" by Cesarina Giovannoni Academic year 1968-69 University of Perugia "Introduction and Chapter 1" extracted from "La Rocca di Umbertide exhibition center for contemporary art" by Valentina Pannacci Academic year 2005-2006 University of Perugia "Umbertide dall'Unità d'Italia alla caduta della destra storica (1860-1876)" di Gioia Rondini Anno Accademico 1979-80 Università degli Studi di Perugia "Local development of the Municipality of Umbertide" by Diego Simonetti academic year University of Perugia taken from “City Market Museum of Umbertide. Restoration and reuse of an abandoned railway area " by Alessandro Venturelli academic year 2012/13 School of Architecture University of Florence NB: The work is a study on the possible reuse of the railway workshops with internal technical tables when the disposal was thought: - Complete historical table where the historical vicissitudes of the structure are reconstructed with the expansion over time of the Mechanical Workshops. - extract from the table SURVEY OF THE STRUCTURE SECTIONS CURRENT - extract from the table URBAN ANALYSIS AND FLOWS CONNECTION - CON PLANIVOLUMETRIC Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com La committenza di Luca Signorelli in Umbria - Ricci Vitiani “LA COMMITTENZA DI LUCA SIGNORELLI IN UMBRIA: NUOVE INDAGINI E RICERCHE” di Valentina Ricci Vitiani, Anno Accademico 200 2-03 (estratto pp. 1-6: "Premessa" e pp. 179-196: "Deposizione della Croce di Umbertide" ) Università degli Studi di Perugia taken from “City Market Museum of Umbertide. Restoration and reuse of an abandoned railway area " by Alessandro Venturelli academic year 2012/13 School of Architecture University of Florence NB: The work is a study on the possible reuse of the railway workshops with internal technical tables when the disposal was thought: - Complete historical table where the historical vicissitudes of the structure are reconstructed with the expansion over time of the Mechanical Workshops. - extract from the table SURVEY OF THE STRUCTURE SECTIONS CURRENT - extract from the table URBAN ANALYSIS AND FLOWS CONNECTION - CON PLANIVOLUMETRIC Testimonianze artistiche medievali ... Valdambrini

Umbertide 1944-1946: from the Liberation to the Referendum " Political-Administrative activity" 1946 - Le prime consultazioni elettorali Le elezioni del 2 giugno 1946 - il Referendum 1945 - L'amministrazione comunale ...tra speranze e delusioni L'attività di epurazione Introduzione Gli ultimi sussulti di guerra Le elezioni politiche Il Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale 1944 - La liberazione ed il Comitato di Salute Pubblica 1944 - L'amministrazione Comunale - I primi passi by Alessandro Cancian Author's Note "Umbertide 1944 -1946: From Liberation to Referendum - Political-Administrative Activity" This is the title of the degree thesis, which completed my studies at the Faculty of Sociology of the University of Urbino, back in 1992. The intent that drove me to undertake this work, in addition to the passion and pleasure of being able to study and deepen the past events of my city, was mainly to fill a gap that, at the time, I had found in the studies conducted on the history of Umbertide and its territory. I was amazed, in fact, that no author had ever considered the immediate postwar period (1944-1946), a really interesting period for the various ferments that characterized it. However, the many difficulties I encountered in researching historical sources convinced me that this historical gap was not due to the disinterest of scholars, but to the scarcity and ... disorder in which the documentation to consult lay, which only for a very short time (i.e. from when it was possible to publish the documents) the Municipality of Umbertide he was trying to give a proper arrangement. Not even the press of the time was of much comfort to me; he seemed, in fact, to have almost totally disregarded what happened in our territory. The oral testimonies, often fragmentary and confused, were also of little support, also taking into account that many protagonists of the events I was about to investigate had now, unfortunately, disappeared. All this, however, did not cause me to lose heart; on the contrary, it stimulated me to a greater commitment, both in research and in verifying the sources, and then in "mending" the events with the ultimate aim of giving their succession continuity and reliability. In addition to published sources such as books, newspapers and magazines, certainly the most interesting material, because it is absolutely unpublished, the subject of my meticulous investigation were the Acts and the Register of Minutes of the then CNL Municipal Section of Umbertide, and the Acts and the Register of the resolutions of the then Municipal Council of Umbria. Even today, as then, I do not intend to risk an assessment of what I actually managed to achieve. As I stated at the end of my work, I would have contented myself with arousing the curiosity of those scholars who, from the height of their experience and professionalism, would certainly have been able to achieve much more completely what was in my intentions. May 2020 The last gasps of war Immediately after the political-military events of '43, some Umbertidesi antifascists contact the clandestine National Liberation Committee (1), without the local fascist authorities doing much to catch the subversives in the act, well known in a small town which was Umbertide (2). At the end of 1943, the presence of the German army in the territory of the Upper Tiber Valley begins to become more consistent and more dangerous. The soldiers of the Wehrmacht are flanked or, even worse, are replaced by units of the SS, who see every Italian as a "traitor" and behave accordingly: then, especially in the countryside, raids and cruelties of all kinds begin. Against the German troops and the fascist militia there is the I 'Proletaria d'Urto Brigade, a new partisan formation better known as the San Faustino, born on the initiative of a group of anti-fascists, mostly liberals, headed by Bonuccio Bonucci of Perugia . Almost all of them come from the areas of Perugia, Umbertide, Città di Castello, Gubbio. San Faustino operates in the Umbrian-Marche Apennines and in particular in the mountain range of the municipality of Pietralunga. And since the partisan presence in this territory represents for the Germans a serious threat to transit on the alternative routes of connection for the transport of weapons, ammunition and provisions, there are several roundups put in place, which involve or keep in suspense the inhabitants of the countryside surrounding Umbertide. Yet the greatest tragedies have yet to unfold ... At 10.20 am on 25 April 1944, a squadron of 12 Allied fighter-bombers dives from the hills of the Serra. The objectives of the raid are the two bridges over the Tiber: that of the state road "Tiberina 3 bis" (the famous road of the Rome-Berlin axis) and that of the Central Umbrian Apennines, which connects Umbertide to Fossato di Vico and Arezzo. The populous district of San Giovanni (today Piazza XXV Aprile) is unfortunately close to the objectives: the two bridges remain standing, but 74 (they are 70 ed) unarmed citizens perish under the bombs dropped by pilots who are perhaps too young and inexperienced. In the afternoon a new raid which, fortunately, causes neither victims nor damage. Three days later, with a third bombing, an arch of the road bridge is destroyed. The railway one will be blown up later by the German sappers. For many years, historical credit was given to a popular voice, which held the Prefectural Commissioner Ramaccioni responsible for the deaths of the bombing, for not wanting to sound the air alarm sirens. Instead, research carried out by scholars Bruno Porrozzi, Raffaele Mancini and Mario Tosti, made it possible to return, after a long time, the truth of the episode and to remove this shadow about the behavior of the Commissioner (3). When, on June 20, 1944, the news arrives that Perugia is in the hands of the Anglo-Americans, the inhabitants of Umbertide are convinced that the following day they too will be "freed". And instead the Allies, by now for consolidated war strategy, take it easy: 15 days must pass before the 8th Army riflemen appear in the rubble of the San Giovanni quarter. Fifteen days in which the Germans (after the flight of the main fascist hierarchs), remain absolute masters of the territory of the Upper Tiber Valley, which is put to fire and sword. In Umbertide the Tobacco Factory and the Railway Workshop are set on fire. The countryside is looted. And, unfortunately, the Nazi anger is blindly vented even on unarmed citizens. On June 24, 1944, near the ancient castle of Serra Partucci, a few kilometers from Umbertide, a retreating German unit took up arms to five young men. The reason has always remained unclear, even if the popular rumor speaks of retaliation for a never ascertained wounding of a German soldier. Four days later, in the locality of Penetola, in the countryside of the Umbertide district of Niccone, without any reason (not even explainable in the light of the raw logic of war), a platoon of SS (but it is to be believed that some of them were Italians wearing the German uniforms ...), is tainted with an atrocious crime: penetrating a peasant house in the middle of the night, they set it on fire, firing on anyone who tries to escape the stake. Twelve people perish thus barbarously, including three women and five boys. 1. The Umbertidese artisans G. Vestrelli (carpenter) and A. Taticchi (barber), together with prof. R. Simonucci, received news and orders from Pio Taticchi (Antonio's brother), who resided in Rome and had in fact contacts with men of the National Liberation Committee, still "clandestine". 2. More than an oral testimony, however, reports that the "historical" nucleus of the Umbertidesi antifascists had never been too inclined to proselytize, especially among young people: and this "closure" has certainly avoided leaks about the activities of the nucleus itself. 3. Precise documents attest that Ramaccioni has long ago requested an "air warning signal", which the Prefecture refuses to grant. Introduzione Gli ultimi sussulti di guerra 1975. Bonuccio Bonucci, founder of the San Faustino Brigade, receives an honor from the Mayor Celestino Sonaglia Prefectural Commissioner Luigi Ramaccioni 1944 - La liberazione ed il Comitato di Salute Pubblica 1944 - L'amministrazione Comunale - I primi passi 1944 - The Liberation and the Public Health Committee On 5 July 1944 the allies entered Umbertide without encountering any resistance. The wounds, however, are still too much alive, too deep among the people of Umbria to give rise to outbursts of joy for the “liberation”. On the same 5th July, eleven citizens gathered in the home of maestro Raoul Bonucci to set up a Public Health Committee. Maestro Raffaele Mancini, who lost part of it, reported the following: “It was a spontaneous and completely improvised meeting. […] We were convinced that in some way it was necessary to act, but honestly we could not organize the hundred ideas that each of us was proposing. Fortunately, prof. Simonucci, municipal deputy secretary and a man of great experience and considerable culture. In a nutshell he convinced us that first of all it was necessary to deal with the situation of Umbertide, where chaos was in danger of taking over. Raoul Bonucci's house was a stone's throw away: eleven of us were there. The intention was to define ourselves as the National Liberation Committee, Umbertide section. But it would take the approval of the Provincial CNL, as well as a representation of the various parties. The professor. Simonucci then proposed the denomination Committee of Public Health […] We therefore took into consideration the situation of our town and began to get busy ”. The Public Health Committee does not have a charter. Only ten days later, someone wanted to make that informal meeting official, drawing up a meager list of eleven names, with the party to which they belong to the side: Boldrini In the Communist Boldrini Nenella Communist Mancini Raffaele Communist Communist Nanni Ramiro Taticchi Antonio Communist Simonucci Raffaele - C? Bonucci Raoul - C? Rometti Aspromonte socialist Baldelli Dante socialist Ramaccioni Renato P. Action Improved Socialist Joseph It is curious to note how the editor, in an attempt to attribute to each member of the Committee a political connotation, is in some difficulty. Does the letter C prove it? alongside the names of Simonucci and Bonucci (Communists?) On how much and how the Committee of Public Health work, you do not have official documents, but we know for sure that one of the first assignments that it is attributed is to form teams of "vigilante" to avoid acts of looting among the rubble and the houses that the "displaced" people have left unattended. It also works to fight the black market and, above all, the first official contacts are made with the provincial section of the Committee of National Liberation, which is based in Perugia. However, beyond its specific activity, it should be recognized that the Committee of Public Health, in these moments of strong disorientation, plays a role of fundamental importance in terms of stimulation and coordination of the first, frenetic initiatives, waiting for the official bodies to regain control of the political and administrative life of Umbertide. Thus we arrive at 23 July 1944, the day on which the local section of the CNL of National Liberation is established, the Public Health Committee is dissolved, also because the Allied Military Governor has now appointed a Mayor. 1944 - The Municipal Administration… the first steps The Allied Military Governor appoints Dr. Mariano Migliorati, surgeon, as Mayor. The Mayor, who had been entrusted with the mandate to form a Municipal Council, after a few days proposes to the Allied Military Governor a list of names taking into account their moral position more than their political one. Names are all accepted. Composition of the Municipal Council: Giuseppe Migliorati, Aspromonte Rometti and Tramaglino Cerrini are socialists; Nello Boldrioni and Giuseppe Rondoni are communists; Francesco Martinelli is close to the Action Party; Renato Ramaccioni is a liberal; Attilio Scannavini is a Christian Democrat, along with Giorgio Rappini, of whom there is no precise information. Municipal Secretary A. Bartolomei is appointed. The council met for the first time on 9 August 1944 and immediately resolved, on the order of the Allied Military Governor, to take disciplinary measures against those municipal employees who, "given political precedents", cannot remain in service. 16 employees are thus identified, who will be suspended from service and salary from 15 August. This measure will have a long aftermath and will be the subject of numerous disputes and disputes between the Municipality and the Prefecture. Furthermore, it should be noted that discontent is spreading in the village due to the sad phenomenon of hoarding: it appears, in fact, that most of the traders and producers have accumulated and hidden in improvised warehouses "lots of various kinds" that are sold on the "black market". Therefore, the suspicion arises that the employees of the Annonario Office and the Annonary Vigilant Corps are not doing their duty, or that they are even complicit in this situation. It was therefore decided to dismiss some employees (replacing them with new ones) and to suspend the aforementioned brigades indefinitely. In their place, a Nucleus of Annonary Police has been set up (as indeed the provisions of the "superior bodies" require) to be entrusted with the task of carrying out checks on the real or presumed irregularities that many citizens are denouncing. Therefore the Council, given the serious conditions in which almost all citizenship is found, appoints the members who must make up the Administration Committee of the Local Municipal Body for Assistance (ECA), as ordered by the Prefecture of Perugia. On 28 August 1944 the meeting of the Municipal Council is dedicated to the appointment of the new head physician of the Civil Hospital of Umbertide. The task (on the proposal of the Allied Military Governor himself) is entrusted to the mayor himself, dr. Mariano Migliorati, who takes over from dr. M. Valdinoci, suspended for political reasons, and included in the list drawn up in the session of 9 August. Giuseppe Migliorati replaces Mariano Migliorati at the helm of the Municipality On 2 September 1944 the office of Mayor remains vacant and therefore a new appointment must be made. Also in this case it is the Allied Military Governor who indicates the replacement, choosing from among the members of the same council the surveyor Giuseppe Migliorati, well known in Umbertide, and highly esteemed. Even if there are no official objections to this choice by either the men of the CNL or the Board, almost certainly there must have been some contrast, because with the entry into force of the new Mayor there is an almost total renewal of the Board, which now it has been extended to 12 members. Scrolling through the names, we note that only A. Martinelli of the Action Party and the socialist A. Rometti remain of the previous one, who is also a close friend of the Mayor. It also appears significant that of the other 10 members none belong to the Communist Party. The New Administration immediately worked to resolve the most pressing problems. In this regard, the Mayor sent a very detailed report to the Prefect of Perugia, about the disastrous conditions in which the town of Umbertide and the municipal area in general found themselves, also offering valuable advice on how to deal with and resolve them. To combat the sad phenomenon of hoarding and the so-called "black market" and to cope with the lack of shops, in August the Municipal Administration created a Bottegone Comunale del Popolo , for the distribution of rationed goods, collected in a special Center where all producers can converge. The management is entrusted to a provisional Board of Directors, chaired by two men of the Executive (the socialists Aspromonte Rometti and Tramaglino Cerini), who take care of its organization and operation. It is said that the Bottegone will continue to operate until normal commercial activity is restored, and then decide whether to close it or transform it into a consumer cooperative. The initiative found wide acceptance and so, in a short time, the Bottegone found itself having to cope with a mass of work that no one expected. It was therefore decided to transform it into a consumer cooperative. In this regard, Rometti is responsible for drafting a "leaflet" sent to all workers, so that they become members. In the heading of the Flyer we note that Rometti has replaced the more technical wording of "Magazzino" from the popular dialectal term "Bottegone". But on November 12, 1944, when the deed of incorporation must be drawn up before the notary, the sentiment of tradition prevails, and the cooperative was called by its first name "Bottegone Comunale del Popolo". 191 shares are awarded, for a total of £ 20,300. For the record, the Bottegone will function until the seventies, when it will be replaced by COOP - Umbria. Another delicate situation that the council has to face is that of housing. After the war raids, the population has spread a little everywhere, but it is pressing to return to the village, where, however, many houses have been destroyed, and many others damaged. In this way, a special office and a special commission are created to supervise the relevant services. The commissioner Arnaldo Zurli presides over the census of the lodgings and their assignment. It is established that each room must be occupied by at least two people and, where possible, families are invited to welcome other families. A Commission is also appointed to fix the rental prices which must be fair and in keeping with the economic situation of the tenant. In doing so, it is possible to buffer a dramatic situation. Regarding the viability, the council promotes a voluntary consortium among the interested parties, for the construction of footbridges to replace the destroyed bridges within the municipal area. A commission is then appointed for the bridge-reconstruction consortium, which is entrusted with the task of drawing up estimates and supervising the works. In late autumn, the need arises to provide somehow the heating of the houses and it is decided to distribute coal and wood to the population through the special Wood and Coal Commission which will have to work to ensure that the distribution takes place in an equitable manner and privileges the most needy. These, therefore, are the initiatives taken by the Municipal Council from August to November of '44. This is no small thing, if we consider that it must act in constant conflict with the local section of the CNL, which increasingly sees in the figure of the Mayor an expression of prefectural power (or that of the Allied Military Governor) and not of the will of the citizens of Umbria. A conflict that ends up determining the resignation of Migliorati, despite the Allied Military Governor try in every way to avoid them. In his place is appointed the lawyer Renato Ramaccioni of the Liberal Party, first president of the CNL and former member of the Executive headed by Dr. Mariano Migliorati. On 29 December a new council is appointed, made up of 6 members: 2 communists (Dante Baldelli and Giuseppe Rondoni), 2 socialists (Tramaglino Cerrini and Virgilio Occhirossi) and 2 who declare themselves "belonging to no party" (Francesco Martinelli and Lodovico Conte Ranieri). Count Ludovico Ranieri will attend only at this first meeting, then he will always be absent. It is therefore to be assumed that his represents an appointment "of convenience", perhaps to satisfy the upper middle class of Umberto and to balance, at least in part, the total absence of the Christian Democrats. Reproduction of the original document Dr. Mariano Migliorati Giuseppe Migliorati 1945 - The Municipal Administration ... between hopes and disappointments On January 18, 1945 the administrative activity resumed; but it seems to be proceeding a little slowly or, at least, no longer in spirit with that boost of enthusiasm that characterized the previous Council led by Migliorati. Identifying the exact reasons for this slowdown is not easy, because the documentation is really scarce. Based on the correspondence that the Municipality has with the CLN and with the various local committees, we can first of all deduce that it is in enormous financial difficulties, which do not allow it to intervene effectively on the disastrous social economic reality. Add to this that the work of the Municipal Administration, with the passing of days, falls more and more under the control of the higher bodies (of the Prefecture in particular). In fact, they give precise directives and perhaps impose specific expenditure items, which not only leave the concrete and daily needs of a large part of the population unsatisfied, but also exacerbate the already ill-concealed contrasts between the new council and the CNL. The Municipal Administration thus finds itself acting in an atmosphere that is anything but serene. On the one hand, the directives of a state that is gradually reorganizing its bureaucratic apparatus: on the other, the pressure of local committees, determined to resolve certain situations in a more radical way. Despite these difficulties of the path, the council still manages to take some commendable initiatives. For example, the Bursar Office is created, which is part of the Accounting section, which is assigned, among other tasks, those of providing for the transport of destitute citizens due to war and the payment of subsidies to the poor. A new commission is appointed for the first degree decision of appeals against municipal taxes, with Dr. Mariano Migliorati as president: it is hoped that the head physician of the hospital, whom everyone esteems for his professionalism and honesty, can somehow avoid the avalanche of protests that reach the municipal offices. However, it has just solved this "problem", and already the Ramaccioni council is still called upon to deal with the serious housing problem. Unfortunately, the number of homeless people is still significant, as renovations are proceeding slowly. On the other hand, property owners are in no hurry to speed up the restoration work on housing, which may then be forced to rent to ridiculous hormones ... A Committee for Building Repairs was then formed, chaired by the engineer Dante Pannacci, with the surveyor Giuseppe Migliorati representing the homeless and the engineer Giovita Scagnetti as the representative of the homeowners. Even the welfare and social security conditions of agricultural workers (who have resumed work in the countryside) leave much to be desired, so a Commission is appointed to carry out investigations on the matter. However, despite not standing idle, the Municipal Administration is unable to mend a peaceful relationship with the CLN. And this must create a lot of difficulties for them in action, because at the beginning of April the Mayor communicates to CLN. of having resigned in the hands of the Prefect, who however rejected them. It seems evident that this is a shrewd move by Ramaccioni, to mean that he does not want to remain in office ... in spite of the saints. On the other hand, it can also be a precise signal of willingness to re-establish good relations with the CLN Astorre Bellarosa is appointed Mayor of Umbertide The situation remains, however, what it is. And then on April 26, citing work reasons, Ramaccioni goes to Rome, after having delegated the senior councilor Giuseppe Rondoni to replace him. But Rondoni is a representative of the PCI and the delegation is not approved by the Prefect, who the following day sends one of his Commissioners to Umbertide to take over the management of the Municipality. It is clear that we do not want to leave the administration in the hands of a council chaired by a communist, moreover very close (due to ideological and friendly ties), to some men of the CLN In truth G. Rondoni is a man of great moral depth, which he has always put before the interests of the community to those of the party and, above all, to yours. But how always happens, these qualities will be recognized only after death ... Meanwhile, from Rome, the lawyer Ramaccioni insists that his own be accepted resignation and the Prefect can only acknowledge it, granting the authorization for a new appointment. Perhaps the CLN would like to re-propose the Rondoni, but the opportunity suggests not to ... force your hand. We then try to find a person who results appreciated by all: CLN, population, Governor and Prefect. The choice falls on communist Astorre Bellarosa , a self-taught craftsman, a man of vast experience human and, above all, of great balance. His appointment bears the date of May 6, 1945. The new council takes office on May 24 instead. It is largely formed by communists and socialists: Astorre Bellarosa, Giuseppe Rondoni, Vincenzo Rondoni, Renato Martinelli and Pasquale Ceccarelli of the PCI; Dino Bernacchi ed Arnaldo Zurli of the PSI, Guido Guidi of the DC Despite good intentions, it too can certainly not work miracles in coping and solve the problems that always remain the same; but on the other hand, you can ask sacrifices to the population because they have a broad consensus and great trust. The financial crisis forces, in fact, to take painful measures: the most rigorous parsimonies are required in the disbursement of expenses and the revision of all services so that they can function with the minimum staff. Here the Technical Office is forced to fire an employee and all permanent workers (carpenters, blacksmiths, bricklayers ...), in addition to reducing the number of roadmen. A reconstruction plan is underway In the meantime, the council activates a rational and concrete reconstruction plan, entrusting its realization to the same Technical Office, assisted by a new Building Commission and by all the engineers, surveyors, artists and professionals of the capital. The Reconstruction and Expansion Plan was approved in the session of 21 July. Furthermore, since the Prefecture has not yet done so, with a subscription from all citizens, forty thousand lire is collected to be used for the clearing of the rubble that obstruct the main square 1 and the adjacent streets. As the Migliorati had done, the Mayor Bellarosa also urges the Prefecture to take measures for the accommodation of the schools, which will absolutely have to start functioning again. In this regard, a resolution of the Executive which gives a favorable opinion to the establishment of a "balanced" high school assumes considerable significance. A few months earlier, the National Education Association “A. Vespucci ”had proposed to open a first class of scientific high school in Umbertide. The proposal seemed tempting, but the Municipal Administration could not have committed itself financially. Therefore, some private individuals who had declared their willingness to give the necessary contribution had moved. And so, in the session of 30 August, the Mayor informs that this will not constitute a burden for the Municipality, since the population has offered to cover the commitment of twenty-four thousand lire per year. The Executive therefore gives a favorable opinion. The Lyceum, however, will only begin to operate in 1946. In September, discussions are held on the proposed tax relief for the construction of new buildings. Emphasis is placed on the urgent need to encourage by all means the initiatives aimed at building new residential homes, not only to meet the numerous families still affected, but also to deal, in some way, with the phenomenon of unemployment which, in given the winter, it risks aggravating Umbertide's already precarious economic situation. It is therefore decided to grant total exemption from the consumption tax of all building materials to all those who will start the works by 1945, in order to complete them as soon as possible. Only objectively demonstrable delays will be allowed. The buildings completed promptly will enjoy, for a period of five years, exemption from the municipal tax. This is a resolution that will prove to be of fundamental importance for the rebirth of Umbertide. Also in September, the Mayor - applying a legislative decree Lieutenancy of 8.3.1945 - initiates the constitution of a Tax Council, an elected body, which has the task of supporting the work of the financial offices for a wide and equalized tax action. At the end of 1945, when we go to make the final balances, we realize that the deficit increases. And then the municipal administration is forced to take another rather "unpopular" decision, but inevitably dictated by the need to give breath to an increasingly asphyxiated budget: it restores the sale of the popular buildings located in via XX Settembre, whose auction it had been interrupted in 1925. These houses are, in this period, inhabited by disastrous families who pay, when they can ..., a purely symbolic rent. This constitutes a huge loss for the municipal administration. Yet, despite the year ending with the further request for sacrifices, and above all for the most destitute population, we must affirm that the Bellarosa administration has marked a decidedly positive step in the difficult path of reconstruction. And it did so, in particular, on the level of "moral" reconstruction, always working with great honesty and transparency, involving citizens as much as possible who, made responsible for a participation that has been forgotten for years, show themselves willing, at least to a large extent, to face sacrifices with the awareness of making them for a better tomorrow. 1 . On 5 July, on the proposal of the CNL, the square was named after Giacomo Matteotti, martyr for democracy. 1945 - L'amministrazione comunale ...tra speranze e delusioni Astorre Bellarosa 1946 - Le prime consultazioni elettorali 1946 - We return to democratic participation. The first electoral consultations In the first months of the new year the activity of the Municipal Administration is almost totally dedicated to the preparation of the upcoming electoral deadlines (1), which fall into a scenario made dramatic by the serious economic and social difficulties in which the Municipality of Umbertide is struggling, and for whose resolution it always continues to operate. We cite, for example, its effective contribution in favor of the unemployed, with the creation of a Committee for Winter Assistance; the establishment of a Board of Directors of the Civic Hospital ; the establishment of a Public Transport Service between Umbertide and Perugia; the formation of a new committee for the reconstruction of Umbertide (the post-war Committee ). But the desire to successfully carry out that revolution for freedom, which was born with the partisan struggles, and which was about to be sanctioned by a free democratic choice in front of the polls, gives such great enthusiasm that, often even the serious contingent problems take a back seat. The administrative elections The administrative electoral consultation, which will take place on April 7, finds only three parties well organized in the Umbrian territory: the Communist Party, the Socialist Party and the Christian Democrats. The dispute, however, will not be three; in fact, in November 1945 the local sections of the PCI and the PSI stipulated a pact of union, which leads them to appear under a single list (2) It is therefore a direct confrontation which, implying unequivocally bringing to light the inevitable political and ideological diversifications, certainly upsets the image of loyal collaboration offered up to now by the parties. Obviously, this does not mean that until that moment there had been a total absence of contrasts. But the common anti-fascist and republican impulse managed, at least in most of the occasions of dispute, not to unleash bitter ideological diatribes, both within the Giunta and in the ranks of the CNL The election campaign is largely left to improvisation and volunteering. More passionate, but also more concrete and incisive appears that of the Social Communists, conducted extensively by various activists who beat the entire municipal territory inch by inch, sometimes even going even further (3). We have significant testimony of one of these electoral interventions in two articles which appeared respectively in the socialist weekly "La Rivenditazione" (distributed in the Upper Tiber area) and in "Il Socialista", a periodical of the PSI of Perugia. There is news of a propaganda trip by the Umbertidesi social-communists in the hamlet of Preggio, still considered very linked to fascism. In turn, Communists and Socialists speak. The intervention of a comrade from the section of the PCI of Montecastelli is also mentioned. Apparently more cautious and less striking, but no less intense, appears the activity of the Christian Democracies, which for the most part entrusts its electoral campaign to the collaboration of parish priests, who try to persuade especially women, easier to fall into feelings of guilt, when they are faced with the risk of not being able to enter church anymore or, even, that of excommunication (4). It is the text of a Pastoral that, under the direction of the Bishop, parish priests will have to read during a Sunday Mass at the end of January and which, almost certainly, contains accusations against communism and socialism. I have not been able to find the text of the Pastoral, but we have found an article in "The Vindication" of 2.2.46, in which a severe criticism is made not so much of its content (which the writer admits he does not know), as of the the way it was read and explained to the faithful. Even if the article is reproduced in its entirety at the foot of this chapter, it is worth highlighting some passages: "... we cannot fail to note the sectarian spirit ... of some canonical commentator, who ... felt entitled to also promulgate otherworldly penalties for who has not followed the dictates of the pastoral care in question ... ", and again" ... The scandal aroused ... demonstrates how inappropriate is the propaganda, clearly political, made in church in favor of a single party ... "and continues" ... the clergy is clearly conservative and carries out this intimidating campaign on souls to be able to continue to be the main pillar of reaction and capitalism “. For the sake of truth, however, there is an obligation to point out that not all priests are so diligent in propaganda. For example, Mancini and Palazzetti remember very well that some parish priests of the Umbertidese countryside disregard the directives of the Curia and do not read the letter in question on that Sunday. The two social-communist-inspired newspapers published and distributed in the Upper Tiber Valley (the aforementioned "The Claim" and the communist weekly "Voce Proletaria"), give ample space to the chronicle of the Città di Castello district, but only very rarely do they speak of what happens in Umbertide. On the contrary, the religious fortnightly "Voce Cattolica", and the Christian Democrat fortnightly "Libertà", they are felt on more than one occasion. In the issue of February 23, 1946, "Libertà" addresses for the first time the issue of administrative elections in the Municipality of Umbertide, speaking of great electoral expectations within the Christian Democrats, which responded to the Social-Communist alliance by expanding the list of own candidates to some independents. In truth, rather than real "independents" they are representatives of those parties (such as the PLI) that do not show up for the elections: this, obviously, in an attempt to collect the vote of the sympathizers of the aforementioned parties. It is also specified that the Christian Democratic party will present itself with its own distinct character, which however does not mean renouncing to collaborate for the interest of the people. This, expressed, declaration to "collaboration" (even if it cannot be excluded that it is dictated by true availability), appears perhaps more realistically to be interpreted as "putting your hands forward". The Umbertidesi Christian Democrats, in fact, are well aware that they are leaving at a disadvantage compared to the "left"; and then they do not want to ensnare themselves in sterile as well as irritating positions of clear split with the direct competitors. The same article ends by expressing doubts about the merger between PCI and PSI which, apparently dictated by unity of purpose and concord, actually constitutes a sort of forcing that has left several candidates unhappy who, in addition to being opposed to some points of the program, ... aimed at individual affirmation. Another workhorse of Christian Democratic propaganda is represented by the letter with which Dr. Stefano Codovini (who was, albeit for a very short period, in the Board of the CNL), justifies his resignation from the Communist Party, within which he performed the functions of orator and propagandist. The religious fortnightly "Voce Cattolica", published on March 30, 1946, gives great prominence to this story, in an article entitled "PCI in crisis?" , which begins by announcing, very subtly, that Codivini resigned because he became a Catholic. In truth, Codivini's training and education were already clearly Catholic and his adherence to the ranks of the PCI, probably due to a certain influence of his uncle Riego, had never been too convinced. But the opportunity is too tempting to pass up, and so the article ends by quoting the words of the "former communist" verbatim. Scrolling through a few passages, we note that it is a real "j'accuse" against Marxist ideology: "Since Communism is a materialist philosophy, it does not recognize God or religion ... The leaders of Communism have always contested religion, thus resulting in atheists and materialists ... Today the PCI also includes Catholics in its ranks but it is all temporary and utilitarian tactics ... Therefore the Catholic who resides in this party is a Catholic who does his utmost to create a society from which he will be repudiated. " The story of the parish priest of nearby Montone also becomes a reason for electoral controversy. "Voce Proletaria" of 23 March 1946, publishes the news of the arrest of the priest, accused of having stolen eleven quintals of wheat, not giving them to the people's granaries. But on March 31, "Voce Cattolica" takes care to announce that the Court has amply demonstrated that this is a misunderstanding, and does not miss the opportunity to stigmatize the behavior of those who exploited the episode to widely defame the parish priest in propaganda speeches. . Quite interesting, to savor the atmosphere in which the electoral campaign takes place, is also the elzeviro that "Libertà" publishes just one day before the elections (ie April 6, 1946), entitled "... Under the heading ... to these cheerful comrades … ”And formed under the pseudonym of“ the one who laughs ”. Surely reference is made to the fact that during the electoral campaign often the speakers of the DC were so disputed and disturbed that they could not carry out the rally. I think it is worth reporting the article, written with a very particular irony and, in the last line, even a little ... hermetic: “In a low voice because otherwise they would go down with the shotgun. You are (you of the areas where our representatives have spoken) of the jokers: keep your friends happy, when it is the turn of the DC exponent, you retreat neatly on the trees or on the walls and start screaming and whistling. Then "authoritative" voices tell us that they are only irresponsible elements and that the necessary measures will be taken (many of these irresponsible ...). But we did not want to reproach you, dear comrades who are so happy: we just wanted to ask you, after having made the image of the haystack dog barking from afar flash before your eyes, if Mrs. Democracy is always prosperous and fat as we wish ". The programs of the two electoral sides In short, the debate involving the two sides is quite lively and, at times, even bitter. But we must also recognize that the administrative nature of these first elections ultimately also favored a constructive exchange of views and proposals on the issues of urban reconstruction, the reorganization of social and, indeed, administrative life. To confirm this, it is sufficient to make a comparison of the electoral program of the Social Communists and that of the Christian Democrats. The program of the PCI and PSI (which consists of 10 points), is reported by "Voce Proletaria" on 13.3.1946. That of the DC (summarized in 11 points), is instead published by "Libertà" on 30.3.1946. Well, 8 points are almost identical: Immediate and energetic arrangement of the finances and technical-administrative offices of the municipality; Drafting of a new master plan and construction of public housing; Scrupulous observance of the law that obliges landowners to renovate farmhouses in need of interventions, Rapid reactivation of the railway and of communications with neighboring areas; Improvement of Health, with particular regard to the accommodation and strengthening of the Civic Hospital; Industrial expansion and development, involving public and private companies, to give "bread and work"; Arrangement of the aqueduct, in the capital and in the hamlets; Interventions in favor of the school: fight illiteracy; give impetus to kindergartens; build school buildings in the hamlets; establish recreation centers; start the teaching activity of the Scientific High School. Of the remaining three points of the DC program, two refer respectively to the strengthening of agriculture and the necessary accommodation of veterans. The first point, on the other hand, is of a more purely political nature. Freedom and autonomy of the Municipality are hoped for within the national framework, together with a direct participation of citizens in the life of Umbertide, perhaps resorting to a referendum, if the case so requires. How to interpret? It can be assumed that the Umbertidesi Christian Democrats truly fear, on the national level, an overwhelming victory of the left, with consequent repercussions on the local administrations which would be totally in the hands of the Social Communists. Or it is a question of a preliminary ruling, to instill fear and doubts in the voters. As if to say: be careful who you vote for, because you could find yourself, even in Umbertide, under the Communist "dictatorship" ... The two points of the social-communist program speak in turn of greater tax justice (through income assessment) and heliotherapy colonies for children. Therefore, the basic theme on which the analyzes of the parties converge (that of budgetary consolidation, the efficiency of the administrative machinery, essential socio-structural interventions), finds numerous points of contact. Furthermore, both sides share the need to take new paths, which guarantee the effective functioning and the democratic nature of primary public services. We must also say that the fact that for the first time in Italy women are called to the polls has considerable political significance in this electoral contest. It is about the achievement of a “truly” universal suffrage, a source of great satisfaction for the democratic parties, which see in this enlargement of the right to vote a new and decisive step towards those goals of equality and justice advocated in every electoral rally. We said before that in this period the Municipal Administration of Umbertide is almost totally occupied in handling the bureaucratic process of preparation for the elections iter already begun in November 1945, with the drafting of a report concerning the compilation of the male electoral list (5) . The five reports on the state of electoral work that it must gradually send to the Prefecture make it up. Among them, significant is that of 31.3.1946 in which it refers to having drawn up and approved the electoral list for women, including those born in 1924. Another aspect that the Mayor Bellarosa intends to take care of with particular attention is that public order. In a letter sent to the local CNL on 26.2.1946, he expressed the need to convene the Party Heads, so that they undertake to guarantee order and tranquility. In this way, in fact, not only will political maturity be shown, but a clear response to the cliques will also be given reactionary and fascist who still try to have their say in the Italian political context. In this context, there is no shortage of curious notes. Like when the prefect orders, with a circular of 22.2.1946, to also mobilize the Municipal and Country Guards, in uniform and armed, and the Mayor replies that they do not have both the uniform (they go with the armband) and guns (removed by the fleeing Germans). In the month of March the Municipal Commission for the cancellation of the electoral lists of people who have held certain fascist positions. This Commission was appointed by the Prefect with decree n. 478 of 1.3.1946 and is made up of a representative of each party: A. Scannavini (DC), C. Palazzetti (PCI), V. Occhirossi (PSI). After careful examination, it proposes the cancellation of a dozen people, in addition to the 16 employees already suspended. But C. Palazzetti, President of the aforementioned Commission, reports that “… almost none of the proposed cancellations will then become enforceable. In fact, an appeal to the Prefect for obtain suspension and thus have the right to vote. And this will also happen for the referendum elections on June". On March 17, the Mayor informs the Prefecture about the regularity of the presentation of the two lists of candidates, one of which bearing the "hammer and sickle" mark and the other the "Crusader shield" mark with the word "libertas", each including 24 candidates. For the record, we will say that the two lists are presented to the District Commission of Città di Castello at the same time and on the same day: 4.00 pm on 7.3.1946 On April 7, therefore, we go to the polls, and the turnout is really high: out of 9,689 registered on the electoral lists, voters are 8,258, equal to 85.21%! The counting of the ballots takes place in an atmosphere of anxious expectation. "Voce Proletaria" of April 13 reports: “The whole country was gathered in the main square, awaiting the results of the elections. When the speaker made known the outcome of the ballot, which sanctioned the overwhelming victory of the Social-Communist coalition (it obtained 6,283 votes against the 1,507 of the DC), an imposing procession with red flags in the front row and the fanfare to sing popular anthems walked the main streets of the town amid popular enthusiasm. Once back in the square, first the Mayor and then comrade Puletti thanked Umbertide on behalf of the party ”. The same article speaks of a double victory for the Social Communists, who dispelled the legend of Preggio (the populous fraction with a high percentage of fascists), obtaining a clear affirmation there too. The reaction of the Christian Democrats is not one of bitter disappointment: even if a few more votes were expected, the defeat was widely expected. We are consoled, then, with some inferences about the methods used by the Social-Communists during the electoral campaign or by trying to attribute their success to fortunate contingent facts. For example, "Libertà" of April 20 writes "Thinking back to the propaganda systems used to grab the vote, we believe that opponents should worry about any legitimate reactions". And, moreover: "... Social-communist victory also seconded by 3 currents, of which victory we must keep in mind the various elements that determined it" (6). In a more general way, "Catholic voice" limits itself to acknowledging a defeat of the Catholic sense, without going into political and ideological quibbles or excuses. Finally, it is interesting to note how Don Torquato Sergenti, many years later (in 1980) defines the victory of the left in Umbertide as "subversive", and signals it as a shock of political involution. The results of the electoral elections determine, in the municipality of Umbertide, the election of 30 councilors: 15 communists, 9 socialists and 6 Christian Democrats. It should be noted that in the PCI - PSI community list the difference between who has obtained the highest number of consents (the communist Bellarosa, 6,340) and who has had the least (the communist Corbucci, 6,256) is only 84 votes ... of the DC it was Vincenzo Goti who obtained the greatest number of preferences: 1595. The City Council, freely elected for the first time by a universal plebiscite, met on 28 April 1946. The outgoing Mayor Bellarosa took the floor to thank the CNL, his party, the Chamber of Labor, the Association of Farmers and Industrial. He underlines, therefore, how it is now difficult for Umbertide to resume life as always, after the war has tried the country so hard. Finally, he does not fail to underline the difficult economic and financial situation of the Municipality "... a situation that must be immediately taken into consideration by the new administration". At the end of the speech, the councilors are invited to vote to elect the new Mayor: out of 30 present, well 29 votes (there is only one blank ballot) confirm Bellarosa in office, who then returns to warmly thank all the councilors "remembering they who will have to administer and act in the most just way possible, now that the people themselves have placed their trust in them ". On behalf of the representatives of the DC (which the drafter of the report cites as "Popular Party ..."), the lawyer Vincenzo Gotti then asks to speak, to signify that the minority agrees to offer its collaboration to the majority, in the tough path that awaits you. However, he is keen to underline that “… such support will often take on the role of criticism, which in any case will always be an open and constructive criticism, aimed only at giving advantages and benefits to the Administration itself. The program that our party has in mind and wants to carry out ", continues Gotti," concerns the economic improvement and the moral elevation of the working classes to ensure that capitalism and workers peacefully reach out their hand ", in a spirit of true "social justice". Perhaps Gotti, in expressing this last thought, wanted to pull some water on his mill. Let us not forget, in fact, that he is the Sole Administrator of the Autonomous Tobacco Farm, within which trade unionism is quite active ... Some councilors from the majority also intervene who, in summary, all repeat the same concepts: they speak of the exultation of the Umbertidese people, they hope that the future will be better, they hope that peace is truly the only sovereign of our times, that social justice will never fail in everyone's life. Once the various interventions are closed, the vote for the formation of the municipal council takes place, which sees elected: Giuseppe Rondoni and Candido Palazzetti for the PCI, Alessandro Renzini and Virgilio Occhirossi for the PSI alternate members are Vincenzo Rondoni of the PCI and Luigi Giulianelli of the PSI The minority excluded itself, warning in advance - again through Gotti - that it will vote blank not out of opposition, but as acts of respect towards the majority. Note: The government established in May 1945 by Ferruccio Pari was succeeded, in December of the same year, by a new government formation headed by Alcide De Gasperi. The nascent Italian democracy must now equip itself as soon as possible with its own freely elected local administrations, express itself on the institutional form of the state - whether monarchy or republic - and elaborate the new Constitution. Obviously, this does not mean that until that moment there had been no total absence of contrasts. But the common anti-fascist and republican impulse managed, at least in most of the occasions of dispute, not to trigger bitter ideological diatribes, both within the Giunta and in the CNL It is interesting to note how the most active propagandists of the PCI and the PSI are almost all elementary teachers: R. Mancini, U. Alunni, M. Belardinelli, A. Bernacchi, D. Bernacchi, C. Caprini, E. Maestri, C. Palazzetti, R. Puletti, F. Rometti and V. Rondoni. Here, about that what "The Vindication" writes on 5.1.1946: "... the women of the countryside, on which Voce Cattolica is very important so that they do not give us the vote, will be able to obey or not, but even if they obeyed they would be at the side of their men and at our side for the establishment of the socialist society; the women of the city ... smile at Bianco Spino and his anathemas and stay with us even if we wear the red carnation in our buttonhole ... ". From these minutes it appears that those entitled to vote are 4,733. but after examining the position of various people with a positive criminal record or accused of fascist offenses or deceased, 104 are removed. So 4,629 male voters remain. I refer verbatim, without having any possibility of giving an explanation about the current "3" and about the "elements various ". The letter from the Mayor to the local CLN April 28, 1946. The first democratically elected municipal council takes office The elections of June 2, 1946 The Referendum The electoral consultation on the institutional form of the state (whether monarchy or republic), is undoubtedly more heartfelt than the administrative one, in consideration of the fact that the structures and foundations of the future Italian state would have been designed by the Constituent Assembly, also elected from the vote of June 2, 1946. Already after the administrative elections, and precisely on April 28, 1946, "Voce Cattolica" warns: "No one can escape the immense significance of this act, in comparison with which administrative elections represent a an event of rather modest importance ". Therefore it is inevitable that the tones of the electoral debate will be characterized more and more in an ideological sense and that the controversy will become more intense. Again the fortnightly "Voce Cattolica", in an article of May 26, tries to explain what unites or divides Communists, Socialists and Catholics. It recognizes that the three great Italian popular parties are equally motivated by the desire to implement the idea of human brotherhood and to improve the conditions of the poor and the workers, fighting the common battle against the capitalist system, defined as individualistic, immoral, exploiting the workers. But on these unitary elements - the article still warns - the legitimate concern prevails that power may fall into the hands of Marxist parties that deny God, do not admit religion, do not believe in the indissolubility of the family, want to abolish private property, advocate a totalitarian state and wage a struggle that often borders on class hatred. These, in short, are the issues on which the DC forces the socialists and the communists to confront each other who, while pressing on those of economic and social reforms, reject the accusation of being the enemies of religion. Above all, they try to highlight how contradictory the attitude of the Christian Democrats is, as we read in an article in "Voce Proletaria": "... It is not possible today to be at the same time a party that claims to want a profound social reform ... and at the same time being the party that unleashes the struggle against the Communist Party ... if the Christian Democrats really want a social transformation, it must not fight as our party is doing because ... it would only do the interests of the enemies of the people ... ". In short, the ideological clash takes precedence over the confrontation on concrete problems, thus widening the rift between popular-based parties. On May 9, 1946, the Umbrian Episcopate issued a communiqué in which it recalls the grave obligation of voting and the absolute prohibition of adhering in any form to ideologies and parties condemned by the Holy See, such as those inspired by Marxism or state secularism, despite the much acclaimed respect for religion. On 2 June, therefore, the people of Umbria return en masse to the polls (the percentage of voters is very high: 92% !!), which give an unequivocal response about the institutional form of the State: 6,840 votes for the republic, against 1541 in favor of the monarchy. Political elections As for the election of the deputies of the Constituent Assembly, this time ten parties are competing, against the three that had presented themselves to the administrative session: PCI, PSI, DC, PRI, Action Party, Movimento Naz. Ric., Monarchist Party, Everyman, National Democratic Union, Social Christian Party. The results, compared to the elections of April 7, confirm another overwhelming victory of the left, and in particular that of the Communist Party: 4,975 votes out of the 8,898 available. The Christian Democracy undergoes a significant decline, almost certainly due to the dispersion of votes that flowed into the smaller parties: it obtained, in fact, 1,424 consents compared to 1,507 (out of 8,256 voters) obtained in the administrative. However, it remains the second party voted and, as our current politicians would say, “all things considered, it holds up”. The PSI, which ran alone this time, also achieved significant success with 1,225 votes. And it appears even more significant if we consider that in the nearby Città di Castello (as reported by the socialist weekly "La Vindication" of 8.6.1946), the Socialist Party obtained almost 2,000 votes. Of the other parties, only Giannini's Man Whoever saves a little face, with 238 votes ... The electoral results of the Municipality of Umbertide fully contradict the national ones, where the DC asserts itself as the central pivot of the Italian political system (with 32.5% of the votes), while the PCI 8 with 19%) is the third force, after the PSI (with 20.7%). And the echo of these results must have caused a sensation in some way, because the rumor is spreading that Umbertide intends to change his name to that of Palmiria, in honor of the leader of the PCI Palmiro Togliatti. This arouses the ire of the Mayor, who officially protests with the press, which has given credit to a news result of a sick and desperate mind ... This curious episode is reported by the socialist newspaper "L'Avanti" of 17.9.46, which informs that a few months earlier some national newspapers (such as Corriere della Sera) had published the news. Le elezioni del 2 giugno 1946 - il Referendum Le elezioni politiche The National Liberation Committee ... between politics and reconstruction The Constitution Act of the National Liberation Committee, municipal section of Umbertide, bears the date of 23 July 1944. At the meeting, held in the hearing room of the Magistrate 's Court in the Town Hall, 32 people were present. circular N.1 of the Provincial Committee of National Liberation of Perugia ... having felt the need to proceed with the constitution of a local Committee ... proceed to the conformation of this constitutive act from which the representative distinction is thus arranged ". Following are the names of: Carlo Pini of the PLI; Giovanni Bambini of the DC; Zurli Arnaldo and Rometti Aspromonte of the PSL; Renato Ramaccioni of the Action Party; Puletti Ruggero and Tonanni Remigio of the PCL; no name is indicated for the Labor Democracy (1). Apparently this meeting is characterized by an atmosphere of serenity and harmony. Yet we find it strange, for example, that the Constitution Act closes with these words: "This deed of constitution is definitive since the organization of the various parties has made it possible to elect their own representatives". This footnote (and above all that meaning of definitive) leaves room for some perplexity: definitive because the parties collaborated and proved to be in agreement? It really seems a somewhat forced and perhaps even belated clarification, almost certainly conceived later and, that is, at the time of typing the report. In our opinion, however, that final could represent a failed attempt to silence certain discontent and disagreements that may have arisen following that meeting. And this thesis of ours finds concrete comfort in the examination of the minutes of the first session of August 18, 1944, from which it appears that the representatives of the political parties are the following: Liberal Party: Pini Carlo and Ramaccioni Renato Action Party: Ramaccioni Giuseppe Socialist Party: Zurli Arnaldo and Tonanni Remigio Christian Democracy: Children Giovanni and Raffaele Zampa Communist Party: Puletti Ruggero and Codovini Riego Labor Democracy .: Bottaccioli Giuseppe and Bettoni Raffaele. As can be seen, with respect to the names that appear in the minutes of the Constitutive Act, we have corrections and additions, which immediately question the validity of that definitive character at the bottom of the Act itself. It should be noted, first of all, that there are two representatives for each party, with the exception of the Action Party which has only one. So Ramaccioni Giuseppe and Ramaccioni Renato found their definitive position (2); Remigio Tonanni passes from PCI to PSL; Labor Democracy is no longer an orphan of representatives; Aspromonte Rometti no longer appears (3). Almost certainly this has happened: most of the 32 men present have no experience of those subtle "games" that characterize politics. Of course, everyone has an ideal of reference and perhaps recognizes themselves in a group, but it is realistically to assume that many of them showed up at the meeting without knowing exactly what they should have done and, above all, far from imagining. that it would be necessary to agree on a certain party or group strategy. And here we are comforted by R. Mancini, who reports: "When those present were invited to declare which party they belonged to, some proved rather uncertain, before replying; others, on the other hand, completely confused, pointed to one, only to correct themselves at a later time. " And so, in the course of the session, very probably few people really realize the political importance of the representative distinction within a body such as the CLN. And it is this minority that directs the "game", without encountering any opposition at the moment. It may also be that someone, in his heart, does not agree with what is being decided; but who feels like disturbing this first democratic meeting? Only in the following days, when there is more time to reflect, to meet with greater tranquility and thoughtfulness, do second thoughts emerge that can even lead to some controversy. Hence, the opportunity for a comparison to reach that definitive composition of the CLN that satisfies everyone a little. In the session of 18 August the President is also appointed (we do not know if by election or by acclamation): he is the young lawyer Renato Ramaccioni, of the Liberal Party (4). Secretary and Cashier are appointed, respectively, Ruggero Puletti of the PCI and Giovanni Bambini of the DC The activity of the Umbertide CLN has a rather troubled start. The difficulty of finding, within, a precise political structure, the lack of clear ideas about one's duties and, above all, the immediate establishment of a climate of conflict with other bodies (City Council, Allied Military Governor, Prefecture) , ensure that its first steps are characterized by uncertainty and contradiction. And in fact, since the first meeting (precisely that of 18 August 1944), it is clear that the main concern of the Board is to determine a precise hierarchy of competences between the Executive and the Committee itself. The topics on the Agenda are different (5) but the discussion is animated almost exclusively on points 2) and 3) which concern the activity of the municipal council, namely: 2) Decentralization of offices; 3) Invitation to the members of the Executive to make a report twice a week to their parties on the problems raised for consultation by the Executive. It begins with the proposal of the PCI and the PSI regarding the need for the resolutions of the Executive to be submitted to the control of the CLN, before being disclosed. According to the President, the proposal arises following a Circular issued by the Provincial CLN, with which the Committee is entrusted with administrative control tasks in the State as well as political administrations. It is therefore unanimously resolved to invite the municipal council to present a weekly report on its activities, so that the local CLN Board can check and approve. But it certainly must not be the aforementioned Circular that determines this position. The deeper reasons are instead sought in two very specific facts: in the discontent that aroused, within the CLN, the appointment as Mayor of Giuseppe Migliorati (considered too moderate and too close to the city bourgeoisie) and, above all, in the accumulation of offices administrative documents attributed to the socialist Aspromonte Rometti, in which the Mayor places unlimited trust. In truth, the fact that Rometti holds so many public offices may not be a novelty and at other times no one would have contested it. In fact, the man, of proven socialist faith, possesses high moral and intellectual qualities, supported by a remarkable spirit of initiative and a great capacity for organization, which involves a bit everyone. In the village he is respected and enjoys a wide charisma. He is among the animators of the Public Health Committee, is councilor in the first council led by Dr. Mariano Migliorati and actively works to the constitution of the local National Liberation Committee, which relies heavily on his contribution. But Rometti is linked by close friendship and party faith with the surveyor Giuseppe Migliorati, who on 15 August 1944 was appointed Mayor. And almost certainly, before accepting the post from the Allied Governor, Migliorati must have snatched a promise of close collaboration from his friend. Realizing that misunderstandings would inevitably arise between the new Mayor and the CLN, Rometti does not want to take a compromise position (ie to be part of the Giunta and the CLN at the same time), and decides to collaborate with Migliorati. He therefore deserted the constitutive meeting of the CLN, during which a last attempt is made to make him desist from this decision: as we have seen, he is elected as a member of the Board, as if to put him in front of the fait accompli and in front of precise moral responsibilities. But he remains firm in his position and unleashes the resentment of the Social-Communist component, which in the course of this first official meeting accuses him of accumulating offices. However, Rometti is never explicitly mentioned. The socialist Zurli, in fact, in making a long speech about point 2) to the agenda and in stating verbatim that "there can be no sound administration when a single individual centralizes offices and prebends in himself ...", has the common sense and the foresight not to mention names (6). But we will find out whether it is Rometti later, when the subject will be treated again, and this time with a lot of name, during the fourth meeting on September 1st. Although nothing particular emerges from the minutes, even this first session of the CLN must have generated a bit of a storm. This is testified by the fact that the Committee, when it meets again on 26 August (7), is extended to include five other members: they are Dr. Sante Pannacci (PLI), accountant Alvaro Alberti (Democrazia del Lavoro), by Angelo Martinelli (Action Party), Reale Cecchetti (Independent) and Stefano Codovini (PCI). And at the beginning of the aforementioned report it is said that the need was felt to have to extend the number of representatives within said governing body, provided they are of proven anti-fascist faith, seriousness and rectitude, in order to reach the formation of a more broad views and knowledge. So why this need for expansion? A plausible answer can be offered by the extremely conciliatory tenor of the letter that must be sent to the mayor, to delimit and define the tasks of the CLN towards the Municipal Administration, as the first point on the agenda states. And it is also significant both that the letter is transcribed in the minutes as to avoid that, once the text is approved, there may be late second thoughts ..., and that it is precisely one of the new nominees who dictate its content: Alvaro Alberti , of Labor Democracy. There is no doubt then that the first meeting (characterized by too much intransigence and excessive censorship towards the Giunta), not only must have aroused strong concerns in the Allied Governor's entourage, but certainly must have also caused some perplexity to the Allied Governor. inside the CLN. This could also be confirmed by the fact that the second meeting of the Board, called on 22 August, was almost deserted. In fact, in the minutes, also without the o.d g., Only five present are indicated, who discussed the positions of some former fascists. Here then, in order to avoid the consequences of a harsh conflict with the established authorities, it was decided to expand the Board to more ... conciliatory and politically not too rigorous elements, perhaps suggested by the Military Governor or by the mayor Migliorati himself. An attempt is made to better define the role and tasks of the CLN We were therefore talking about the proposal presented by Alberti about the need to write a letter to the council, to delimit and define the tasks of the CLN and to ensure that the Mayor becomes a trait of union between the Liberation Committee and the Allied Governor. It is worth quoting some passages, because - as we said earlier - its content is quite significant to understand that it is an act ... remedial towards the Executive. It is said that the CLN intends to enter into close collaboration with the Mayor, who is invited not to consider this participatory will as a form of dictatorship that the Committee would like to have over the other management bodies. Above all, the Mayor is asked to indicate where the CLN sphere of activity begins and ends. The letter ends with these words: "The CLN aware of the serious problems that beset those who have to manage the Municipal Administration and those who have to solve the problems of unemployment and nutrition, wants to have the opportunity to submit the best solutions to the SV such problems arise ". Accepted unanimously, the text is therefore transcribed in the minutes. But the President of the Committee, the lawyer R. Ramaccioni, perhaps believes that there has been an exaggeration, in terms of "reparation": towards the Executive, this appears to be a beautiful and good submission ... In particular, he is not convinced that it is the Mayor who has to establish where the influence of the Committee can reach, and so he proposes that the Board should in any case contact the Allied Governor of the nearby city of Gubbio, to have him issue a declaration that define the tasks and limits of action of the Committee itself (8). The proposal is accepted. During this session, strangely, no mention is made of the position of Aspromonte Rometti, who, moreover, must have been the casus belli for the deterioration of relations with the Mayor. However, the question returns to the first point of the agenda of the following meeting (1 September 1944), but in a somewhat calm, albeit decisive tone. After a long discussion, it was approved to send a letter to the Mayor, drafted in the following terms: "The Committee found that Mr. Rometti Aspromonte focuses on his person the following activities: 1. President of the Hospital 2. Organizer of the Bottegone. 3. Municipal Councilor. 4. Organizer of Trade Unions. In order for the above-mentioned activities to be effectively carried out with absolute dedication and effective performance, the Committee deems it useful to decentralize them to more than one person "(9). This is a precise request, but formulated without polemical tones and taking care not to exert any pressure ("... the Committee considers it useful ..."). A sign of renewed harmony and trust? ... Perhaps it would be better to talk about an unsuccessful attempt. In fact, the extreme conciseness of the letter should not be overlooked, in stark contrast to the redundancy of the previous one; not even the absence (controversy? ...) of President Ramaccioni escapes; and finally do not escape what is resolved in point five of the agenda of the same meeting ("Lists of people to be arrested or stopped"): no decision will be taken on the matter, until it is known what measures the Mayor has taken against Rometti (10). But, clearly, Migliorati must not take into consideration the CLN proposal, because on September 14 the Board meets again to decree, controversially, its dissolution. It is the President who takes the floor and declares that the CLN of Umbertide "due to the futility of the work done so far, in the face of the vanity of its attempts to collaborate with the Mayor, decides to dissolve in protest towards the Provincial CLN which does not he took care of neither its emergence nor its development ". In summary, this must have happened: once it realized that the Mayor wants to take autonomous decisions, the Umbertidese Committee turned to the provincial CLN, sure of finding concrete moral support. But when he realized that no one was moving from Perugia, he tried to do it alone, both by using conciliatory tones towards Migliorati, and by turning to the Allied Governor of Gubbio. These attempts are also in vain, and the Committee's anger explodes, which, in our opinion rightly, takes it first and foremost with the provincial CLN. The President therefore proposes to write a letter of protest to the CPLN of Perugia announcing the dissolution of the local Committee. This proposal is put to the vote and unanimously accepted. The letter has an immediate effect. Bonuccio Bonucci, former animator of the Public Health Committee, belongs to the Provincial CLN, who understands that the dissolution of the local Committee would leave the "political" control of Umbertide in the hands of the Allied Governor and representatives of the most "moderates", with the consequent marginalization of those, such as the PCI, closest to the proletariat. He then convinces the President of the provincial CLN, Dr. Abbatini, to go with him to the town of the Upper Tiber Valley, to make immediate contacts with the most representative exponents of that Committee. Even if we do not know the date or the place where this meeting takes place, it is clear that it still gives positive results. Bonucci and Abbatini must undoubtedly carry out an excellent mediating action, both by calling the men of the Umbertidese Committee to a behavior of greater availability towards the Municipal Administration, and by obtaining, from the Mayor, assurance to a greater openness towards the advice given by the CLN and, in particular, towards a rapid solution of the Rometti case (11). But the mediation of the CPLN, while effective, is not painless. The Board of the CLN yes renews and enters into force the Statute Giuseppe Ramaccioni (Action Party), notary Raffaele Zampa (DC), Riego and Stefano Codovini (PCI) and Giuseppe Bottaccioli (Labor Democrats) leave the Board. Enter, instead, Astorre Bellarosa and Rondoni Giuseppe of the PCI, Benvenuto Mastriforti and Valerio Gennari of the PSI In short, the Action Party disappears, while the DC and Labor Democracy reduce representativeness to a single member; for its part, the PLI increases it to three, as does the representativeness of PCI and PSL A reshuffle, therefore, all in favor of the left and the PLI, which is the party of the President. And so the subsequent meeting on 25 September opens with a speech by the lawyer Ramaccioni who welcomes the new members, who have come to give their contribution to the renewed Committee, which proposes to collaborate with the Mayor and to put the better solutions that will be proposed to solve the problems that weigh on those who have to manage the Municipal Administration in a spirit of absolute harmony. Hearing Ramaccioni speaking in these terms is somewhat surprising ... A truly participatory speech? We harbor our doubts and we lean towards a speech of convenience, dictated by the need for compromise. In fact, we said that the Mayor must have given his assent to the renewal of the party representatives in the Committee and must have "settled" the Rometti case. However, he asked, in return, for an officer promised not to contest the decisions of the Executive. However, there must be good intentions, because the Statute that will regulate the life of Umbertide's CNL is transcribed from good memory and for the good of everyone. Almost certainly it was the President of the Provincial Committee, on the occasion of his visit to Umbertide, who brought a standard statute into view, to clarify the ideas to the men of the CLN club. Let us mention the most significant passages (12). For example, in points a) and b) of article 1 concerning the Attributions and Functions of the Local Committee for National Liberation we read: a) "The Committee has the purpose of coordinating and unifying the action of the various political parties represented in it, in order to ensure a union of all the active forces of the Municipality, for the destruction of Nazi-Fascism, and for the national reconstruction ". b) "The Committee must get in touch with the Allied authorities of the Municipality, ensuring them the most complete collaboration ...". There is therefore no question of control to be exercised over local administrations, but of coordination and collaboration. Point a) of article 2, concerning the composition of the Committee, also seems to be of considerable importance: "The Committee must be composed of the representatives of traditionally anti-fascist parties, which are represented in the current national democratic government, namely: Liberal Party, Democracy del Lavoro, Christian Democracy, Action Party, Communist Party, Socialist Party ". We conclude by recalling point a) of article 6, which states about the rights and duties of the members: "In all cases in which a vote is required, each representative has the right to cast his or her vote, regardless of how much possible from Party interests and conforming to the needs of the present moment, which require serenity of conscience and objective cooperation ". Despite some inevitable contrasts (13), concord and collaboration between the Executive and the Committee seem to hold, at least for some time. This is borne out, for example, by the fact that the Mayor willingly accepts to participate, on October 27, 1944, in a session of the CLN in which the appointment of the Judge Conciliator and his deputy is discussed. This appointment is the responsibility of the Mayor, but the Committee intends to propose names of his choice, among which the Migliorati should choose. And the Mayor entrusts the task to the accountant Francesco Martinelli, who is one of the men proposed by the CLN But then, almost suddenly, the situation precipitates with a series of events that it is rather difficult for us to mend in their exactness, but which we will try to analyze anyway. The CLN protests with the Prefect for the interventions promised and never carried out On November 4, 1944, the CLN wrote a letter of vibrant protest to the Prefect of Perugia (and PC to the Mayor of Umbertide) to try to hasten at least some of those interventions that were always promised and never kept (14). After a brief presentation of the situation, the letter immediately takes on highly polemical tones. There is talk of the population that with the arrival of the Allies hoped to have something, but that instead, disappointed, protest both against the city authorities and against the superior provincial authorities. He is also bitterly ironized on the fact that, while the various posters and circulars concerning the blocking of foodstuffs or the payment of taxes arrive regularly (indeed, sometimes well in advance ...), aid instead always struggles to find the way to Umbertide, where it has not yet been found a room that can serve as a warehouse for the storage of foodstuffs. It is also requested that electricity be restored and the example of Norcia is cited, whose public streets are illuminated. In fact, it seems almost a joke that the electricity has been reactivated in a village closed in the mountains, difficult to reach even in normal situations, while a town still remains in the dark just thirty kilometers from Perugia ... And yet - the letter warns - all these inconveniences are well known, because various commissions and authoritative people often come to Umbertide. "On the contrary, last Sunday, Mr. Bonucci, in a meeting of the COS on the discussion of city problems, listened to the requests and protests in the hands of the population and promised to be the spokesperson for your Excellency. The days have passed and already a certain skepticism hangs ". So, after having just mentioned the flood of the Tiber, the writing ends with these words: "How is it possible not to understand? And if it has been understood, why not take the necessary measures? of the population, hopes and demands a prompt and energetic intervention (15) ". Reading between the lines, it is clear that the criticisms are also directed at the municipal administration, accused, in particular, of not having been able to obtain even the most immediate measures, while for example Gubbio and Città di Castello have already enjoyed many help, although their situation is, in some ways, less disastrous than that of Umbertide. But it will be precisely this pointing the finger at the Giunta del Migliorati that causes a sort of fracture within the Committee. It can be deduced from the fact that, strangely, it is not Ramaccioni who signs the letter as president of the CLN, but the socialist Valerio Gennari, whose name, in the minutes of the sessions, appears for the first time in a meeting on November 5. In short, the letter bears the date of November 4, but it is certainly ratified the following day, during a meeting whose process gives rise to some perplexity. In fact, the minutes begin by warning that, since there is no majority, the agenda cannot be discussed (which in any case is not specified). Then these words are deleted and the session proceeds, but only to examine some trade licenses. Ramaccioni, mind you, is present. The Committee meets again three days later, that is on 8 November; but the minutes are not drawn up: only the names of the very few present are transcribed, including both Ramaccioni and Gennari. From this moment, and until the middle of December, the few resolutions that we have managed to trace all bear the signature of Gennari; only once does that of Ramaccioni reappear and, coincidentally, at the bottom of an act that cancels a previous purge measure signed by Gennari ... Meanwhile, the Mayor Migliorati suddenly resigns in the hands of the Allied Governor. And everything would lead us to suppose that this decision too must be linked to the Committee's moment of crisis. But what happened? The not conspicuous documents in our possession (little comforted by the oral testimonies, rather confused and contradictory), do not allow us to give precise outlines to this story, also forcing us to formulate only one probable hypothesis, which in truth could also prove to be risky, but which it is necessary to "marry". Let us propose it, therefore, with the help of documented events. After the misunderstandings of the first moments, we have seen that a good relationship of collaboration has been created between CLN and the Mayor, with a consequent rediscovered personal understanding between Migliorati and Ramaccioni: an understanding that is certainly not frowned upon by the Communist component of the Committee which he believes he can identify, in the good relationship between the two bourgeois-moderates, a sort of compromise to keep the progressive forces on the sidelines of Umbertide's administrative life. After all, Mancini and Palazzetti themselves report that even if every attempt at protest had been silenced for reasons of expediency, it must mean that the men of the PCI and the most extremist wing of the PSI had never shared, in their hearts , nor the appointment of G. Migliorati as Mayor, nor that of R. Ramaccioni as President of the CLN. Therefore, within the CLN the balance is rather precarious and it is sufficient that the decision to send the aforementioned letter of protest to the Prefecture (whose context reveals explicit criticisms of the municipal administration), to cause disagreements between the President (who sees in this resolution a will to "overlap" the Municipal Administration) and some of the members. The Mayor understands that Ramaccioni is about to lose the consent and control of the Committee and that, consequently, the Executive will now find itself more exposed to the attacks and requests of the CLN He then tries a maneuver of force, giving his resignation and causing an administrative crisis, from which he believes he can only get out by giving more power to the council itself. Obviously everything depends on the Allied Military Governor who, in the design of the Migliorati, should reject his resignation. However, the Committee senses this strategy and sends a letter to the Military Governor, in which it means that according to Italian democratic traditions it would be incompatible to reconfirm the Mayor who requests his will to be resigned. The letter, signed by Gennari, is dated November 9, 1944 and is also sent to the Mayor for information. And in another letter (also dated 9 November 1944 and also signed by Gennari), the CLN presents to the Governor a list of seven names of people who reflect the popular will, as they are chosen by a Committee composed of 6 parties democratic politicians who collaborate in the Italian reconstruction. If they are approved, the same in the first meeting will elect the person of the Mayor by majority vote. In drawing up the list, the Committee, very shrewdly, proposes only two members of the PCI, moreover recognized by all as rather moderate elements: Giuseppe Rondoni and Astorre Bellarosa. He therefore indicates four people who are not members of any party: Antonio Beatini (of the Mazzinian faith, as he used to say), the engineer Giorgio Rappini (close to the DC), the Marquis Ugo Patrizi (of liberal extraction) and the accountant Francesco Martinelli, formerly appointed Conciliator Judge (who declares himself, simply, of no party). The only name that is somewhat perplexing is the one at the head of the list: it is Aspromonte Rometti, the former municipal councilor, already a casus belli of strong contrasts between CLN and the Mayor. Why now does the Committee "candid" him even to the Mayor, while just a month before he was bitterly opposed? There is only one plausible explanation: his name represents a sort of guarantee towards the Military Governor, who knows and esteems him. And it is also to be believed that Rometti was not even consulted, but that CLN made his name "motu proprio". But the Governor totally disregards the indications of the Committee and proposes the engineer Giovita Scagnetti, a professional who has always shown himself willing to collaborate with the Municipal Administration. Scagnetti, however, cannot be liked by the CLN, because, although he is not a member of any party, he has never shown sympathy for the movements of the left; indeed, in the disputes between tenants and owners, it has in fact always sponsored the latter. Then, with a letter dated November 22, Gennari informs the Governor that he is against the appointment of Scagnetti and invites him to read the list of candidates already proposed with the letter of November 9, which are the true expression of the will of the Committee. This communication convinces the Governor to give up the Scagnetti, but not to please the CLN So, pending a better solution, he invites the Migliorati to remain in office. It is to be assumed that at this point a whole series of informal discussions and meetings begin to find, in fact, a solution to the stalemate that has arisen. And towards the middle of December the twist occurs: Migliorati definitively resigns and in his place the Military Governor appoints the lawyer Renato Ramaccioni. Yes, it is the former President of CLN But, seen in the light of the hypotheses we had formulated, his appointment should not surprise too much ... On 29 December 1944 the new council officially took office, in which only two names appear (G. Rondoni and F. Martinelli), among those indicated by the CLN Defeated on the political level, the Committee suddenly finds itself even without a guide. And in fact, even though Ramaccioni did not enjoy unanimous approval within the Board of Directors, it is however undeniable that his presence as a man of culture and law was of fundamental importance, especially as regards the organization and especially if we consider that the The committee was made up of many self-taught people. An attempt is therefore made to deal with this situation by appointing Professor Dante Baldelli to the office of president; but after a few days he is forced, due to a serious illness, to be admitted to a clinic in Rome. Now it is truly a crisis, for the Committee, which almost risks being dissolved. Suffice it to say that for five months (from November 1944 to April 1945), the minutes of the meetings do not bear any annotation of any session, but only many blank pages: a clear sign that the activity of the Umbertidese CLN, in this period takes place in a rather precarious way, disorganized and perhaps even with some controversy between the parties. For example, a letter that the PSI writes to the Committee itself (it is dated January 24, 1945 and perhaps it is not the first ...), in which it is again requested to send in advance, to the Socialist Section, the orders on the day of each meeting. This, in order to be sure that the point of view expressed by our delegates on each issue corresponds perfectly to that of the ... Section. Therefore, the letter not only testifies that the Committee, even if it has lost its President and without putting anything in the minutes, still carries out some activity; but it also confirms that not everything goes smoothly on the political level. We can say, at this point, that for Umbertide's CLN a period characterized by a strong and disordered will to affect the moral, material and socio-political reconstruction of Umbertide comes to an end. The enthusiasm is in fact very great, but it is almost never organized in a precise and concrete programming of interventions. Being able to finally discuss, debate and propose one's ideas in full freedom gives that certain sense of euphoria that is badly combined with concrete and hasty work. Even the desire to "do justice", which animates the vast majority of its members, soon finds itself entangled in the labyrinth of various skills; and we will see this more fully when we talk about purification. The lack of precise directives by the Provincial CLN of Perugia also plays a decidedly unfavorable role, which forces the Umbertidese Committee to act, at least in these first months, completely autonomously and almost in a situation of isolation. Agreement in the CLN between PCI, PSI and DC The situation returned to normalization, as we said, in the spring of 1945, with a meeting that saw only the representatives of PCI, PSI and DC The fact that in the minutes of the session these representatives are defined as delegates, seems to mean that the new CLN Board stems from a precise will to agree between the aforementioned three parties, while no mention is made of Labor Democracy, Party of 'Action and PLI What happened then? To formulate at least one hypothesis for an answer, it is necessary to pause in a brief digression about the reorganization of the parties in the Umbertidese territory (16). Immediately after the liberation, only Communists, Socialists and, in part, the Christian Democrats took action to give themselves at least a minimum of organization and structure. The PCI was already quite organized since the mid-1930s, when the clandestine cell headed by Antonio Taticchi and made up largely of men from the Republican Party operated in Umbertide. Therefore, with the fall of fascism, it was not difficult for him to pass from clandestinity to officialdom. We do not know the exact date on which this passage takes place, but it is assumed that already before August 1944 an Umbertidese Section of the PCL had to operate, because in that period R. Mancini and other companions constitute, in the rural hamlet of S. Benedetto , the first cell of the Communist Party, which on September 15, 1944 obtained recognition as a subsection, precisely by the Section of Umbertide (17). The PSI (which defines itself as the Italian Socialist Party of Proletarian Unity), constitutes its first Section on November 19, 1944, directed by an Executive Provisional Committee (and named after Giuseppe Guardabassi), which includes G. Migliorati, M. Migliorati, V. Occhirossi, G. Bartolini, A. Silvestrelli, A. Zurli and A. Renzini (18). As for the DC, we know (especially from oral testimonies), that immediately after the Liberation G. Bambini and E. Pazzi are the animators of the Christian Democratic group, which will be constituted in Section only in the first months of 1945. The other parties, on the other hand, seem to live only ... in the hearts and minds of their representatives, who generally participate in the political life of the city in the guise of "mavericks", that is, through completely individual interventions and initiatives, far from any strategy party. The ideological differences between the three main camps begin to emerge At the end of '44, while the ideological differentiations between the three main camps are taking shape more and more, the Christian Democrats begin to fear that they will soon have to compete with a compact front of the left, which for some time have been making agreements (19) . Fear reinforced by being ousted from the new Municipal Council of Mayor Ramaccioni and by being, even within the CLN, in a clear minority (they have only one representative). At this point all that remains is to try to coagulate, around the DC, the men of the "minor" parties, in order to rearrange, at least in part, the strong imbalance between the opposing sides. Surely this adjustment does not take place painlessly; on the contrary, it must cause a certain confusion in the Umbertidese political context, already made rather precarious by the conflict between CLN and the Municipal Administration and not even extremely secure in the social-communist alliance; it is certain, in fact, that, despite the apparent agreement, PCI and PSI live and operate in a climate of ill-concealed mistrust, above all because of a certain psychological subjection of the socialists towards the communists, judged - sometimes rightly and sometimes misinterpreting their strong will to action - a little too "overbearing." When the situation becomes really difficult, one realizes that only a "balancing" action by the Liberation Committee can remedy it (20). But, of course, a Committee that, like the one from Umberto I, is almost in shambles cannot do it. First of all, it is necessary to put it back into its ranks and make it really efficient. Meetings are then organized, agreements are made and in the end it is decided that the Board will be restricted to only the representatives of PCI, PSI and DC (two per party). And it is established that the President and Secretary by mutual agreement will have to choose from among the six delegates themselves. The PSI delegates its representativeness to a young man (Mario Belardinelli) and to the now "tested" doctor Mariano Migliorati, first Mayor of Umbertide. Giovanni Bambini and Eugenio Pazzi represent the DC, while the PCI delegates Astorre Bellarosa and Aspromonte Rometti (21). Mariano Migliorati new President of the renewed CLN Mariano Migliorati is elected President of the renewed CLN. And here it is to be assumed that his election was "piloted" by the parties, (if not also by the leaders of the Provincial CLN of Perugia), with the aim of putting a man who had always held himself above the head of the Committee. outside the political fray: the figure of a "pure" is fundamental to regain credibility, especially towards the Governor and the Prefect (22). At first, this does not really appear to be a move with rapid effects, because the diffidence on the part of the Prefecture is still quite evident. Suffice it to say that on April 26 it is precisely the Prefect who rejected the suggestion of the Umbertidese Committee about the man to be designated as a temporary substitute for the Mayor Ramaccioni, and to send his Commissioner to direct the Executive. But only a few days are enough (perhaps those necessary to obtain the necessary information from the Prefecture), to see this attitude totally changed and to ensure that the renewed Committee savors its first political success: it will be a member of the CLN, the communist Astorre Bellarosa, to be appointed successor of Ramaccioni, now firmly determined to resign definitively. To take up the new office, the 23 May 1945 Bellarosa leaves the Committee and is replaced by Riego Maccarelli. But beyond this moral victory, which still remains of great significance, what counts is the fact that from this moment on, any ideological reason for conflict between the Municipal Administration and CLN is eliminated. And this, comforted by the rediscovered internal equilibrium and by the good relations with the other bodies in charge, determines a radical renewal of the Committee's activity, which will truly adhere to the tasks established by its Statute: to collaborate, to suggest, to link up. And the commitment to meet at least once a week, taken at the end of the first session, is also substantially respected: from 12 April to the end of December 1945, 31 meetings were in fact recorded. But the frequency of the sessions is certainly not a sign of frenzy. Indeed, the examination of the Register of the aforementioned minutes (unfortunately only rarely supported by other documentation), allows us to affirm that the work of the CLN, in this period, is characterized more on a qualitative level than on a quantitative one, whether it is traits of purge, whether it be reconstruction or socio-moral initiatives. The CLN tries to report the most pressing problems of the city By this we mean that the Committee is no longer pervaded - as happened in the first moments - by the urge to remedy everything immediately. Now he is concerned above all with identifying and selecting the most urgent problems to submit them to the attention of the Executive or the parties or other organizations, which are responsible for any intervention in this regard. And if his operational contribution is also necessary, he certainly does not hold back, especially when it comes to "making himself heard at the top". By way of example, we offer a brief summary of the most important initiatives (with the exception of those relating to purge), taken by CLN in the period from April 1945 to June 1946. Since the first meeting, the "renewed" Committee feels the need to reorganize the COS (Center for Social Orientation) in Umbertide. With a clear Marxist matrix, COS is an organism which, in its general programmatic lines, aims to promote the study of the problems that social transformation presents in the various economic, political, juridical, scientific, moral, religious and cultural aspects (23) . And this study of general and local problems must be carried out on the basis of a concrete, independent sociality, criticized by prejudices and privileges, convinced that the transformation to be made brings with it not only economic, political, administrative, but also moral and cultural problems ( 24). In small towns such as Umbertide, COS does not only play a role of social promotion; in particular, it takes on the task of re-aggregating citizens and making them participate in local political and administrative problems. The population is in fact invited to periodic meetings, during which free conversations are stimulated: everyone can express their criticisms and their own proposals regarding the political and administrative organization, purification, food, market, transport, the viability, etc. The organization of the COS is strongly supported by the Provincial CLN and by the left-wing parties, because they see in them an effective tool for the "re-education" of citizens to democratic participation: which ends up transforming - albeit indirectly - into a sort of control and stimulus, with regard to Local Administrations forced to submit to the directives of the Allied Governors. Although the documents are really scarce, it can be assumed that the COS is starting to work in Umbertide, above all thanks to the commitment of its President Riego Maccarelli. But over time, the meetings must expire in chaotic assemblyism, because in December the CLN is still grappling with the Center which, it is said, must absolutely be reorganized. To this end, the Secretaries of the three parties are invited to participate in a session, during which it is established that the COS meetings are directed by people who know how to keep the environment calm and correct, also inhibiting the participation of those who cannot discuss. the problems in a concrete way. The problem of financing the COS is also examined and in the end the Secretaries of PCI, PSI and DC take on the burden. On January 5, 1946, the COS will meet on the following Sunday, with the following agenda: a) Communications from the CLN President b) Appointment of President c) Various. From this date we have no more news about the COS It is therefore to be assumed that, as the interest gradually waned, it ended up melting by force of inertia. CLN also tackles with great commitment the question of the destroyed Umbrian Central Railway, whose reactivation would not only obviate the serious problems of traffic and transport, but would also make a major contribution to solving the equally serious problem of unemployment. In fact, the Committee, in perfect harmony with the municipal administration, realized that it is useless to carry out reconstruction projects if Umbertide is not removed from the almost total isolation with the main roads. Here he then takes on a whole series of initiatives aimed at stimulating the competent authorities, starting with the creation of a city commission for the reactivation of the Umbrian Central Railway, on behalf of which Rometti goes to Rome for a meeting with the Minister of Transport, in order to raise awareness about the reconstruction of the railway bridge over the Tiber. On his return, Rometti reports that, although there are great difficulties, the authorities have made a clear commitment to send technicians for a rough estimate. And actually the technicians come and evaluate. But the bureaucracy proceeds slowly and so in April 1946 the CLN still has to urge the Mayor and the party representatives to a meeting that will lay the foundations for the work to be done for the reconstruction of the railway in particular and for that of Umbertide in general. The meeting takes place on May 4th at the CLN headquarters. In addition to the six members of the Board, the Mayor, the Secretary of the Chamber of Labor and the secretaries of PCI, PSI and DC are present The program for the reconstruction of Umbertide "The President exposes and illustrates the program for the reconstruction of Umbertide and says that in order to implement it as soon as possible it is necessary to start the practices with great energy, and there is also a need, on the part of everyone, of that activity that will gradually come withholding of the case ". It is therefore decided to meet tomorrow evening, May 5, to appoint a committee, which is given the name of the Committee for the reconstruction of Umbertide. It is made up of the president of the CLN, the Mayor, the Secretary of the Chamber of Labor and professionals from the country (25). We have not found any documents that refer specifically to this activity, but certainly we have worked in a concrete way, because in July 1946 the Minister Leone Cattani communicates to the President of the Committee - the lawyer F. Andreani - that the five expert reports of the Umbertide interesting works were approved by decree of 25 June of the Provveditorato alle OO.PP. for Lazio and Umbria. Another focus of interest is the problem of unemployment. In the session of 23 September 1945, following indications in a circular from the provincial section of the CLN, the Umbertidese Committee, in agreement with the Chamber of Labor and the Municipal Council, decided to convene a session to solve this problem and to draw up a program which will later be implemented. But the implementation of this program must encounter considerable difficulties, because on December 9 we return to the subject again and the need emerges to clarify the malfunctioning of the local section of the Chamber of Labor, whose secretary is currently the socialist Agostino Bernacchi. The problem of unemployment is also tackled with a different strategy, that is, starting from the assumption that nothing can be done without a minimum of planning, the formulation of which all the organizations and associations of the Municipality will have to contribute. And it is essential that this program stems from a precise analysis of the actual potential of the territory which, at the present moment, unfortunately is almost exclusively reduced to the agricultural sector and, to a limited extent, to the construction sector. In this sense, a fundamental role could be played by the local Chamber of Labor, which however (at least in the opinion of the Committee) does not seem to work as it should. At the end of the discussion, we are convinced that everything depends on the scarce collaboration of the representatives of the three parties and certainly not on the work of Bernacchi, who is busy with commendable spirit of dedication. It was then decided to invite the Secretaries of PCI, PSI and DC to meet to establish the measures to be taken so that the local section of the Chamber of Labor can function regularly. The issue is resumed in a subsequent session of 23 December, during which the outcome of the meeting of the three party secretaries is assessed, which took place in the presence of the Committee itself: from the discussion it emerged that the malfunctioning of the Chamber of Work is not due to the absenteeism of the political forces, but to the lack of a representative of the farmers. The Committee immediately undertakes to write to the Agricultural Union of Città di Castello, so that it can appoint a representative. But while waiting for the Chamber of Labor to organize itself, the CLN - at the suggestion of the Communist Party - promotes the constitution of a Winter Assistance Committee to help destitute families, who risk spending the winter in the cold, to the inability to get firewood. Not only the parties and the municipal administration are involved in this project, but also the other local socio-political organizations: the Italian Women's Union (26), the Combatants 'Association, the Veterans' Committee and the Youth Front. (27). A Commission made up of four representatives of the aforementioned organizations and operating under the direct control of CLN is appointed to make this Committee work. , which the municipal administration would be forced to suspend due to lack of funds, and which instead it is essential to continue, both to avoid the risk of infectious diseases (28), and for the need to provide work for those heads of families whose children already endure the cold and hunger of this harsh winter. Therefore, appealing to the sense of human and civil solidarity of those who have been better treated by fate, the wealthiest are asked to pay a contribution (29). The initiative must have a truly satisfying answer. Suffice it to say that the landowners not only contribute their share, but also make available to unemployed workers an adequate number of days to be carried out on their property for the entire two-month period January 15 / March 15, 1946, and this in order to meet for as much as possible to those who truly suffer (30). But, alongside these interventions that we could define as "priorities", the CLN takes on many other initiatives, equally significant and commendable. There is an obligation to report at least some of them, proceeding in a quick chronological excursus of the Register of Minutes: MINUTES No. 18, dated May 29, 1945 Since the President Migliorati will have to participate in the congress of all the CLNs of the province of Perugia, it is necessary to draw up a report illustrating the political and economic situation of Umbertide. It was decided to make contact with the Mayor, so that he could indicate which interventions should be privileged. MINUTES N.24, of 29.7.1945 The CLN turns to the Finance Office to ask for an extension of war damage reports, because the population of Umbertide and nearby Montone have not received the appropriate forms. MINUTES N.26, of 12.8.1945 It is decided to write a letter to the Mayor so that the permission of the dancing parties that have been taking place for some time and continue almost uninterruptedly be at least limited. To push the CLN to formulate this proposal, it is a highly moral reason (not only because the ruins, the agony and the mourning of our Umbertide require a very different behavior on the part of everyone, but also to educate the youth to love country and to human respect), combined with reasons of a social nature (the inevitable economic and social effects that can derive from the state of affairs that are complained of have also been considered). MINUTES No. 39, of 2.XII. 1945 The PCI has submitted a manifesto for approval, which the CLN authorizes to print and disseminate. The manifesto is aimed at the citizens of Umbertide, who are invited to denounce every maneuver and every manifestation of neo-fascism, to fight alongside the mass organizations to fight ... every liberticidal attempt, from whatever side it comes and to associate with the democratic parties to overcome this very critical moment and to be able to proclaim the Italian Socialist Republic tomorrow (31). There is also a premise, which partly explains the reasons for this appeal: ".. the neo-fascist forces organized in self-styled democratic movements and parties, try to exploit the difficult internal situation ...". Surely the Italian Communists, in this period, had the feeling that they were trying, in the plots of national politics, to create moments of tension to prevent the affirmation of the left forces. MINUTES N.49, dated 2.3.1946 The Committee considers it appropriate to invite the secretaries of the PCL, PSI and DC in order to agree on the forthcoming electoral campaign for the local elections. MINUTES No. 51, of 9.3.1946 President Maccarelli exposes the behavior that every citizen should keep in view of the elections and reads a manifesto he has compiled, submitting it for approval. The manifesto is not only approved, but the representatives of the three parties invited to the meeting decide to bear the printing costs. We point out that in the course of all these months there are various replacements among the members of the Board, decided from time to time by the respective parties to which they belong (31). There is also a rotation among the Presidents. In replacement of M. Migliorati, on 7 July 1945 the communist Riego Maccarelli (32) was elected, who on 9 December of the same year had to resign for health reasons. He is succeeded by prof. Giulio Briziarelli, of the PSI Although of different cultural backgrounds (one self-taught worker, the other didactic director), both are distinguished by moral rigor and a profound sense of justice, always combined with a high respect for the individual. And it is under the presidency of Briziarelli that, on July 17, 1946, the National Liberation Committee, section of Umbertide, will decree its dissolution. Il Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale The deed of constitution of the CLN of Umbertide Manifesto of the PCI aimed at citizens Letters from the parties to the CLN Resolution to dissolve the CLN L'attività di epurazione The purge activity Although there are not many Umbertidesi fascists who have shown extreme bias or who are guilty of serious episodes of intolerance, there is still the risk of summary vendettas, especially in the climate that has been established on the emotional wave of barbaric episodes of Penetola and Serra Partucci. So immediately after the liberation, the Allied Military Governor arrested 25 members of the Fascist Republican Party, who were held for a few days in the local prisons of the Rocca (35). This provision certainly appears appropriate, because it avoids the triggering of an indiscriminate "manhunt", as unfortunately easily happens in certain situations. Similar facts had already occurred in Umbertide, immediately after the declaration of armistice of 8 September 1943. We have news of it from a report sent by the CLN to the High Commissioner for the Purge in which, among other things, there is talk of the beating of a fascist during the September movement (36). Even the Public Health Committee ensures that stupid vendettas are not perpetrated; but surely this is not enough to - prevent some unconscious acts of violence carried out against fascists by some reckless; luckily they are all resolved with a beating, without the dead man escaping. The first official act concerning the purge is of 9 August 1944, when the newly established Municipal Council, according to the orders received by the Governor of the Allied Military Command, proceeds to purge those personnel who, due to political precedents, cannot remain in service. There are 16 employees suspended from service and salary, all "accused" of being squadrists and / or members of the former Republican Fascist Party. The "purged" employees present an immediate appeal to the Prefecture, which will be partially accepted. On 9 February 1945, in fact, the Mayor Ramaccioni invites the Accounting Office to immediately arrange for the issuance of the checks due to the staff suspended for purge as per the provision issued by the Allied Military Government, following an official act of the Prefecture. Therefore, while remaining suspended, the municipal employees will still have to receive the salary. And the matter will drag on for several months, as we will see later. Since August 1944 it is the local National Liberation Committee that has taken every decision regarding the investigations and sanctions to be imposed on the collaborators of Nazi-fascism, because the dead under the rubble of our country who sleep unattended, the families deprived of what they they loved more and more holy, the young people who were shot, entire families burned alive, the endless griefs of the nation want severe justice. Let's say immediately that it will certainly not be easy to ascertain facts or misdeeds, and it will be equally difficult to dictate and keep faith with uniform criteria of judgment in the evaluation of very particular cases, also because not all those who have found compromises with the Social Republic have joined them voluntarily. The Sforza Law on purge also contributes to increasing the difficulties which, drafted in a rather hasty manner and made known on 29 July 1944, does not always offer clear directives either as regards the methods of applying the sanctions or, above all, regarding the determination of areas of expertise. Basically, the various peripheral National Liberation Committees should know that all the practices concerning the purge must be subjected to the careful examination of the Provincial CLN which, in turn, will forward them to the Provincial Delegation of the Adjunct High Commissioner for the purge. which is responsible for the last control act. Instead, the Provincial Delegation of the High Commissioner for the sanctions against Fascism issued the final sentence (37). But the actual absence of effective links between the peripheral CLNs and the provincial section means that initially this process is mostly disregarded. In truth, this situation can also constitute a reason ... of convenience for the local Committees, which thus have the possibility of taking more immediate and direct initiatives. Even the Umbertidese Committee, in the absence of precise indications on the matter, often interprets the Sforza law in its own way and arrogates itself the right to decide on the matter and to "demand" that the Municipal Administration execute (or that private citizens put in place deed), as resolved by it. And here, for example, after having expressed a negative opinion on some trade licenses, the CLN sends a letter to the Mayor (on 23.X.44), which ends with: "So that the above is made executive" . Equally significant, in this sense, is the letter sent to the tenant of an office that the Committee judges to be of secondary importance. Well, he is peremptorily invited to leave the aforementioned room free for no later than 25 pv, which on 1 December will be delivered to Mrs. Gnagnetti Matilde ved. Tosti, which was left without a shop following the bombing of 25.4. 44 (38). Even when the tone of the communication is formally more conciliatory, the intention to "force the hand" still shines through. For example, in a letter sent to the Mayor on 9.XII.44 to request the dismissal of the municipal veterinarian, even if using expressions that are anything but mandatory ("... this Committee feels the need to express to the SV the opinion that he is dismissed .... It is hoped that the SV will welcome the expression of this Committee ... "), but it is important to underline that the veterinarian does not enjoy the sympathy and trust of the majority of the population. It is therefore not surprising that this way of operating not only risks determining, every time, a situation of conflict between CLN and the Municipal Administration (39), but also causes diatribes within the Committee itself, where most likely the line hard is opposed to soft. And this is confirmed, for example, by what happens during the first meeting (18.8.44), when we examine point 4) of the agenda: "Examination of the sales licenses and revocation of the same for fascists or philotedeschi ": it is reported that the topic provokes an animated discussion at the end of which there is a position of total disagreement, so much so that it is decided to ask the Mayor for the immediate convocation of a Commission made up of people who have an honest past and knowledge of the public ". However, it must be said that the purification activity carried out by CLN from August 1944 to April 1945, although characterized by a decisive and sometimes ... eager desire to do justice (40), never goes beyond the law , even at the cost of swallowing bitter morsels (41). Above all, the men of the Committee must be given credit for not giving too much credit to the "voices" in the streets or to confidential outbursts about abuses perpetrated by this or that "fascist". Citizens are invited not to limit themselves to sterile moral lynchings, but to denounce facts and people on the basis of irrefutable testimony. A poster that appeared on the walls of Umbertide in October 1944 testifies to this desire for objectivity: in urging the population to report fascist and black market crimes, it is recommended that the reports be made with honesty and seriousness, specifying the facts (42). Objectivity, honesty and seriousness are also confirmed by the fact that sometimes the Committee returns to its decisions, following more detailed investigations. In November 1944, for example, it expressed an unfavorable opinion with regard to a request for "discrimination" (43) presented by a lady; but on 12 December the CLN re-examines the file and declares that it has ascertained that the registration of the same to the Fascist Republican Party was actually due not to factious fascist spirit, but to coercion of the authorities of the republican period and to the concern to maintain the office of typist, the only source of income for a living. When, in April 1945, the total renewal of the Umbertide CLN took place, the purification activity slowed down. This is most likely to be connected to the presidency of Dr. M. Migliorati, who perhaps tries in every way to avoid investigations and measures that could seriously embarrass him, above all because of his professional position as primary hospital. In this regard, we have the testimony of C. Palazzetti: "Partly because of his willingness to help everyone, partly because some of his patients could also happen to be investigated, Dr. Migliorati really reluctantly accepted to make decisions regarding purge ". And most likely it will be the thankless task of purge that will determine the abandonment of the Presidency by Migliorati. The fact that in the minutes of 7 July 1945 no explanation is given for the change to the Presidency (44), and the fact that Riego Maccarelli signs in place of the President one day before being officially elected (45), lead realistically to assume that Migliorati has left due to some internal conflict, however not explicit in any of the minutes. But let's examine the minutes of the previous session (that of 2.7.1945): well, of all the minutes drawn up starting from April 12, 1945, strangely this is the only one not to mention the names of those present and it never appears that the President took the floor. Which suggests that the Migliorati was not present. And, coincidentally, in the course of that session the determined will to carry out a prompt and clear purge of those state and parastatal employees compromised with the past regime is manifested. It can then be assumed that Migliorati, already not very enthusiastic about the role of President (let's not forget that he was almost certainly ... "convinced", for the already indicated reasons of credibility, to assume the Presidency of the renewed Committee) and not feeling at all at ease in that of "purifier", faced with the impossibility of avoiding certain acts which, even if suffered, are still due, put aside. Or it is possible that he is advised or ... invited to step aside (perhaps by the provincial committee), precisely because of his lack of decision-making in terms of purge. Some might argue, much less suggestively, that Migliorati may have resigned because he is too busy in his profession as a doctor. Surely this is also a hypothesis to be taken into consideration, even if it seems strange that such a normal decision is not recorded ... The fact is that, under the Presidency of the communist Riego Maccarelli, the purification activity is characterized, compared to the previous ones. Committees, of greater scrupulousness and, above all, of more incisive rigor. In a meeting held in July 1945, Maccarelli bluntly criticized the work of those who preceded him. Textually it states that, from a whole series of facts, "... one can deduce the lack of activity of the previous Committees, their disinterest, their little initiative, which allowed themselves to be carried away by sentimentality, thus not fulfilling the task that the population had entrusted him. But currently the CLN carries out its increasingly growing activities with justice and truth following the best democratic tradition ". A severe criticism therefore and, at the same time, an announcement of a more serious commitment, especially as regards the purge activity, to which that "justice and truth" certainly refers. Purpose that is maintained. From this moment, in fact, in almost every meeting, the names of people on which to obtain information are mentioned; reports that have already been completed are approved; various applications for discrimination are evaluated or discrimination occurring without the opinion of the Committee is contested; they urge themselves to take action; attempts are made to regulate the issue of hunting licenses (46); requests for certificates of good moral and civil conduct and declarations of refusal to call to arms after 8 September 1943 are examined: all made by people who are suspected of collaborating or of common crimes. However, every act is undertaken with care and responsibility. In fact, Maccarelli is immediately concerned to suspend the release of documents or declarations ad personam, until the provincial CLN has given clarification on the matter. A few days later, the vice-president C. Palazzetti (who went to Perugia, to have a meeting with the lawyer Monteneri, President of the CPLN), reports that the local committees can issue certificates and personal declarations to the interested parties and finally clarifies that complaints must be forwarded to the CPLNP. which will then forward them to the competent offices. But President Maccarelli must not be satisfied with this oral answer, because on August 17 he asks in writing, to the High Commissioner for the Purge, to be authorized to issue certificates and declarations. And he is right not to trust the unwritten words: on the 29th of the same month he receives a negative response: "In general, the National Liberation Committees have no hierarchical dependence with this Delegation ... Therefore it cannot authorize .. . to issue ... special certificates ". The purge activity continues intensively even under the presidency of prof. Giulio Briziarelli. But as you progress through it, you realize that the results do not correspond to expectations. Although the Provincial Delegation for the Purge calls the peripheral Committees to a greater zeal, because the pending purge judgments against the various employees must be completed which, often suspended, constitute a serious burden on the administrative budgets (47), in truth a definitive sentence never appears among the various papers. For a certain period the Committee does not give up and continues regularly to carry out investigations and to propose names of people to be purged; then, faced with the almost total lack of results (and perhaps also because it is absorbed by the problems of reconstruction and by those of the electoral consultation), it gives less and less space, during its meetings, to purging. Only in the spring of 1946 did they try to take the situation back in hand. In the session of 19.V.46, in fact, it is said: "After a laborious discussion, this Committee establishes the following: a) to invite the Marshal of the RR: CC for the day 22 cm in order to make arrangements to be able to carefully monitor the operated by local fascist elements. b) to invite the Mayor to the same session ". The meeting of May 22 takes place regularly, but it seems that, when it comes to the conclusions, very little is said again: it is only decided to collect, through trusted people, all the information regarding the conduct of the fascist elements of the place and of refer them to the local RRCC station which will think to act in the best possible way. But, despite the propositions of a new commitment, only in one meeting is there still talk of purge, indicating the names of some former fascists on which to ask for information. The law on amnesty closes the purge processes At the beginning of July, Palmiro Togliatti, Minister of Grace and Justice of the new coalition government (set up by A. De Gasperi in those days), promulgates the law on amnesty, which determines the definitive closure of the purge processes. The provision, even if perhaps considered appropriate in parliament, certainly cannot satisfy those who have worked so hard to try to do justice to the abuses and crimes perpetrated during the "twenty years". In Umbertide it is above all the PSI to be indignant. This is demonstrated by the declaration that appears in "La Venda" of 28.8.46: "After the publication of the law for the purge of Togliatti, the section of the PSI of Umbertide, during the assembly held on 27.07, voted on the following order of day: "Noting the sense of bewilderment and mistrust caused by the aforementioned unjust law ... deploring the proponent of such an absurd political attitude, which could also have serious national consequences, makes a vow that firm and clear action is taken as soon as possible restorative ". It is clear that the indignation of the Umbertian socialists is not only against the law itself, but is also directed against Togliatti, defined as the proponent of such an absurd political attitude ... But even the men of the PCI do not agree with this provision, even if it originated from the will of their charismatic leader Togliatti. The burning disappointment provokes (as reported by C. Palazzetti), a reaction of disappointment and mistrust especially within the CLN: "In those days there was discussion, criticism, confrontation. Although perplexed, I was among those who positively interpreted the law on amnesty. But I also understood those who, due to tragedies experienced personally, could not see so many years of suffering erased with a swipe of the sponge ... ". And so, on July 14, 1946, the CLN of Umbertide unanimously decrees its dissolution, voting on the following agenda: "The National Liberation Committee of Umbertide, which in its work inspired by principles of human justice already felt the mockery of the purge, joins the protest of the people against the provision of the absurd amnesty recently promulgated and, remembering the sacrifices, the tears, the infinite sufferings, the victims and the immense ruins of the Nation caused by fascism and the Nazi-fascist war, resigns his resignation '”. Note: 1. See, in the Appendix, p. XX the minutes of the Constitution Act. Those present are: Mancini Raffaele, Boldrini Nello, Polpettini Vittorio, Puletti Ruggero, Renzini Alessandro, Ramaccioni Mario, Taticchi Antonio, Nanni Ramiro, Loschi Luciano, Rondoni Vincenzo, Gennari Addo, Beatini Lamberto, Migliorati Natale, Alunni Umberto, Gennari Aspromonte, Caprini Claudio, Caprini Nazzareno, Ramaccioni Giuseppe, Rinaldi Antonio, Pini Carlo, Sonaglia Gino, Codovini Stefano, Becchetti Giuseppe, Migliorati Giuseppe, Bottaccioli Giuseppe, Silvioni Guerriero, Simonucci Raffaele, Villarini Mario, Destroyed Amedeo, Chiodini Giuseppe, Children Giovanni, Ramaccioni Renato. 2. And in fact it was the correction and the superimposition carried out between the two homonymous Ramaccioni that made us suspicious. Renato is initially typed, as a representative of the PLI, under the name of Pini, while Giuseppe is noted alongside the Action Party; then someone deleted Renato's name from the PLL, to write it, in pen, alongside the Action Party, to replace Giuseppe. 3. We will see a little later the reason for Rometti's self-exclusion. 4. We have already seen that Ramaccioni will subsequently be appointed Mayor of Umbertide. 5. To be precise, the following seven points are indicated to be addressed: 1.Replacement of fascist or pro-German personnel from state and para-state administrations. 2.Decentralization of offices. 3. Invitation to the members of the Executive to make a report twice a week to their parties. 4. Examination of sales licenses and revocation of the same for fascists or pro-Germans. 5. Establish definitively the premises for the CLN 6. To call further meetings for the global organization of the parties. 7. The need for the Committee to come into close contact with the Provincial Committee of LN and with elements of the FSS and, if this is impossible, with the R. Questura. 6. As regards the positions "accumulated" by Rometti, see below. 7. This meeting is held in the former convent of San Francesco, in the music room, which from now on will be the permanent seat of the CLN. 8. The fact that a Military Governor is used unrelated to the Umbertide events, while it would have been more obvious to consult the Provincial CLN, testifies that there is an almost total lack of connections between the latter and the local Committee. 9. See, in the Appendix, p. XXI. 10. In truth, we find it quite difficult to establish a relationship between people to be arrested and the "Rometti case". Perhaps it can be assumed that the Mayor, in order not to assume the inconvenient role of the purifier, tries to "download" this responsibility onto the CLN, inviting him to compile or perhaps give his approval regarding the aforementioned lists, and that the Committee, sensing this move, resort to a sort of moral blackmail by conditioning their collaboration to the decentralization of the positions accumulated by Rometti. 11. And in fact on the 19th of September Rometti resigned as a member of the Executive, while retaining the other offices. An explicit gesture of protest towards his friend Migliorati, who has cornered him, offering him the opportunity to give up some job? Or, more subtly, an official resignation from the position of greater political weight, but with the tacit understanding of remaining a friend-adviser to the Mayor anyway? ... 12. See, in the Appendix, pp. XXII, XXIII, XXIV, XXV. 13. As when, for example, in the meeting of 16 October, the CLN disputes i rents established by the Municipal Commission, finding them unfair with wages and salaries, and therefore resolves to ask the Mayor to enlarge the aforementioned Commission, appointing, from among its members, representatives of employees and employees. 14. It is worth dwelling on this letter for a moment, if only to compare it with the one sent just a month and a half earlier, to the same Prefect, by the Mayor Migliorati. Both written with the same intent to obtain help, however, they are characterized by a totally different spirit and tone. Rather formal, almost "cold" the letter from the Mayor, which is limited to a list of the interventions to be carried out, supported by meager data and figures. Warm, controversial, but no less concretely essential, in the descriptions, that of the CLN, which almost certainly decided to contact the Prefect after the overflowing of the Tiber (3 November 1944) who, adding further inconveniences to a reality that was too tried by destruction warfare, ended up exasperating the citizens of Umbertide. 15. See, in the Appendix, pp. XXVI and XXVII, copy of the original. 16. We must warn that party archives are certainly not a source of information: no one has a single document that can refer to this period. Even the newspapers of the time did not give any news. Therefore, what little we are given to know, we have obtained from the rare personal papers of some militant or from oral testimonies, which are very vague and fragmentary. 17. See, in the Appendix, p. XXVIII, the report drawn up that day by R. Mancini. 18. In the Appendix, p. XXIX, we report the letter with which the Provisional Committee announces the constitution of the section to CLN, indicating the names of the comrades delegated to represent the PSLU.P. within the CLN itself. We also report, on the same page, a photocopy of a PSLU.P.card, taken from the cards of A. Renzini. 19. Among the documents of A. Renzini we found an invitation to take part, on Thursday 23 November at the Communist headquarters located in the premises of the Teatro dei Riuniti, in the meeting called between the leaders of the two proletarian sections. 20. It is no coincidence that the first session of the new CLN opens with the resolution that the renewed CLN in the ranks is in fact the balancing body of the political life of the country. 21. How is it possible that a "historical" socialist like Rometti has passed into the ranks of the Communists? Oral testimonies tell us of disagreements with the comrades of the local section of the PSLU.P .: nothing more precise is known to us. 22. R. Mancini and C. Palazzetti comfort us, in this hypothesis of ours, reporting that perhaps the most suitable person (for spirit of initiative and capacity for organization), to hold the office of President is undoubtedly Rometti. But his centralizing character and his momentary ... uncomfortable political position (he had passed from the PSI to the PCL), make him prefer the Migliorati. However, it must be said that most of the activities carried out by the "renewed" CL N. will be the result of Rometti's initiative. 23. So it is said in a pamphlet printed and disclosed in August 1944 in Perugia, where the Center began its activity on July 17 of the same year. See, in the Appendix p. XXX, copy of the booklet 24. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXI. 25. See, in the Appendix, pp. XXXII and XXXIII. 26. The invitation is signed by the new Secretary, Egino Villarini. The last three lines, almost incomprehensible, should indicate the day of the meeting (a Sunday), already agreed by the other Secretaries. 27. It was Mrs. Anita Zanottì Giacchi (director for many years of the Municipal Childhood Nursery), who gave life to Umbertide, the UDL, a women's movement of communist inspiration. The aforementioned was part of the Board of the CLN, which deemed necessary a female representation. But, when in September 1945 Zanotti proposes to the Mayor to appoint a representative of the UDL within the council, he receives a negative response, due to the fact that the council has deliberative power, while women have only consultative power. 28. We know very little about this "movement" which, by the admission of the founders themselves, is made up of independent young people, Communists, Socialists, Christian Democrats, the Cremona Club (veterans of the "Cremona" Partisan Division), the Student Union Italians. It was formed on August 16, 1945. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXIV, photocopy of a card of the Youth Front, kindly granted by R. Codovini 29. We speak of "limbs of human bodies" still lying under the rubble. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXV. 30. It should be noted that the amount of this contribution, although voluntary, has already been established on the basis of the actual size of the capital of the various owners. 31. So writes (20.1.1946) the secretary of the Provincial Farmers' Association of the Umbertide area. 32. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXVI, the typewritten text of the manifesto. 33. In the Appendix, pp. XXXVII and XXXVIII, by way of example, we report a copy of three letters with which PCL, PSI and DC inform CLN that they have decided to alternate their representatives. It should be noted that none of them ever explain the reason for the replacement. 34. We will see, in the following Chapter, the reasons for this rotation. 35. A curiosity: for the administration of food to these people (233 meals in total), the Municipality supports the expense of L. 1,631. 36. Indeed, the "beating" did not happen as it is crudely written. In fact, it refers to an episode that occurs inside the public telephone post. Suddenly, among the people, the rumor begins to spread that a well-known fascist trade unionist has entered the premises of the TIMO. Instead he is a bank manager of the same name. But now the crowd is crowding and a true fascist, who is there, tries to block the access. Then everything subsides and the "fascist" himself can be medicated by the pharmacist. 37. In truth, in the various papers we have found different terms of these organs: "Office of sanctions against Fascism", "Provincial purge commission". 38. The letter, dated 19.X1. 1944, has the subject "Provisions". 39. While perhaps considering them to be correct, the Mayor could not enforce certain resolutions; in fact, he had to carry out only the measures taken by the High Commissioner for the Purge or by the Allied Military Governor. 40. The letter referred to in note 66 ends with these words: "This deliberate is the solution of a high sense of justice that acts with serenity, punishing the guilty to facilitate those who unjustly were the object of the disastrous consequences that ensued ". 41. We would like to point out that among the members of the Committee there are those who have suffered (or believe they have suffered), harassment and injustices by the fascists. 42. The manifesto is shown in the Appendix, p. XXXIX. 43. When a person is accused of a political crime (almost always it is a question of belonging to the PER or of "fascist intemperance" or of collaboration with CSR and with the Germans), he can contact the local CLN to certify that these accusations are unfounded or that the offense was committed in particular situations. If the application is successful, the applicant obtains the so-called "discrimination": the fact loses the character of a crime, precisely due to the presence of a discriminant, that is, a cause of justification. 44. It is simply said that "the President and the Vice President have been elected. The following are elected: President R. Maccarelli ...". 45. The letter sent to the Mayor on 5.7.1945 bears his signature, in which he warns that "the CLN has expressed the opinion that the main square is dedicated to G. Matteotti". 46. In more than one meeting, it is insisted that for the issue of such licenses any doubts must be clarified by the Committee, because "... it is within its competence to resolve and conduct in the right light those cases that are compromised with the past regime ". We shouldn't be too surprised that CLN. gives such great importance to the control of hunting licenses: obtaining it means, in practice, having one or more rifles at hand, complete with regular firearms. And in moments of such great tension it is obvious that the Committee avoids keeping armed (albeit improperly), any fascist-hunters. And when it is realized that very little can be done about it, the Carabinieri Marshal is also invited to a meeting, who is asked to intervene to regulate these concessions. Unfortunately, the marshal is also involved in the general disorientation; he replied, in fact, that this was not within his competence and "limited himself to expressing an opinion". 47. This is a circular dated 13.9.1945., Which is of particular interest to Umbertide, whose Municipal Administration, as we have seen, has a long dispute with the Prefecture, due to employees suspended for a year now. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

L'Abbazia di San Salvatore di Monteacuto e poi Montecorona Il Ciborio di Montecorona Monuments, Museums and Sacred Places L'Abbazia di San Salvatore di Monteacuto e poi Montecorona I ruderi della chiesa della Madonna della Costa Il Ciborio di Montecorona The abbey of S. Salvatore of Monte Acuto, then Montecorona The abbey of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto, then Montecorona, 4 km from Umbertide, was a powerful monastic institution, not a de facto hermit, but well rooted in the territory and an economic and jurisdictional interlocutor of both civil and ecclesiastical power . Despite the traditional attributions of its foundation to San Romualdo, this foundation does not seem to be a historical truth; although in a short time its "management" was entrusted to the Benedictine current which was based on San Romualdo. The "management" was then assigned to the Cistercians in the 13th century; substantially returned to the Camaldolese in the sixteenth century. Since then, its history has been linked to that of the hermitage above. In this article we will focus above all on the possible history relating to the origin of the Abbey in the eleventh century. and up to the sixteenth century. Above all we will dwell on its foundation which, despite the erudite "assignments" of the seventeenth century, is neither certain nor known. In the continuation we will dwell on the description of the beautiful 8th century ciborium brought back to the Abbey by San Giuliano delle Pignatte, because this is considered to be its original place. Its existence opens up scenarios, still not investigated archaeologically, of the early medieval presence of one pre-existing religious structure on the same site as the abbey. We will conclude with an in-depth study on the reuse materials present in the crypt of the Abbey. By whom was the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monteacuto really founded? In a historical conference in 2009 on the Abbey, its history and its characteristics, ("THE ABBEY OF SAN SALVATORE DI MONTE ACUTO - MONTECORONA IN THE XI-XVIII CENTURIES"), the problem of the foundation was retraced, presenting the few traces available, and highlighting the fixed points traceable after the destruction of the Abbey archive in the war between the Oddi and the Baglioni in the mid-1400s. The professor. D'Acunto, during the study days of June 2009 dedicated to the Abbey, argued the possibility that the original building was even older than the indications of early millennium. Perhaps a pre-existing structure, a hypothesis to be investigated with archaeological methods, could have arisen from the role of local early medieval aristocratic elites. Hypothesis that could explain the presence in the area of the "Carolingian" ciborium of the eighth century of San Giuliano delle Pignatte. Tradition, on the other hand, has reported 1008 as the date of the foundation and the person of Romualdo as the founder. Felice Ciatti in the "Of the annal and historical memories of the things of Perugia, Part Four, that is, Pontifical Perugia", of 1638, supported the foundation by San Romualdo. This foundation is not confirmed, however, by all the sources that refer directly to San Romualdo. Ludovico Iacobilli, on the other hand, in his Lives of the saints and blessed of Umbria, published between 1647 and 1661, was the first to affirm that the abbey of S. Salvatore was founded in 1008, ascribing it to the Cistercian Order ... probable date of existence but we do not know from which sources it took this indication. In the following centuries, however, it was the Camaldolese who managed the institution. Certainly, even if we are not sure that the reference is to the current building, since it was consecrated only in 1056, we have news of the role of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto in the territory as early as 1036. In fact on this date the papacy granted the exemption in S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto from the jurisdiction of the diocesan ordinary, or rather from the power of the Dioceses that surrounded it (Perugia, Città di Castello and Gubbio). This is a sign of the institution's rising importance. This information is provided to us by Stefania Zucchini who dealt with the question in “Umbrian monastic foundations between the 10th and 12th centuries and S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto”. Giovanna Casagrande in "The Abbey of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto in the Cistercian period through the Protocol of the notary Achille of Bernardino di Montone (XIII century)", underlines, however, how under the Emperor Henry VI, in 1186, we to indirectly identify the indication of the importance already acquired by the monastery, that its probable pro-imperial position in the clash between the Empire and the Papacy. In fact, Henry VI recognizes the jurisdiction over the countryside to the municipality of Perugia, but excludes some lay lords from this jurisdiction… and our monastery of S. Salvatore. This would find further confirmation in the diplomas of Otto IV (1210) and of Frederick II (1220). As regards the uncomfortable pro-imperial position of the institution, Prof. Casagrande points out that Gregory IX found a "solution" after the peace of San Germano in 1230, in the stasis clash between the papacy and the Empire. In fact, an abbey of the imperial part in the Perugian territory, but close to the border with Città di Castello, it could well be a nuisance. "So 1234 actually marks a turning point ... On June 26, 1234 Gregory IX wrote to the abbot and the convent of Cîteaux so that the monastery of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto does not remain "in spiritualibus et temporalibus desolatum" and intends to "ibidem Cistercensem fundare sistema" and orders that "immediate subiaceat reverentia filiali »To the abbey of Cîteaux.". In this way the monastery passed to the Cistercians. Subsequently, with Pope Eugene IV, in 1434, the management of the institution changed again and returned to the Camaldolese, but the "handover" was anything but immediate. This was a troubled period, think of the noble conflicts in Perugia which involved the destruction of the documents in the Abbey's archive when the Oddi, based in Umbertide, were attacked by the Baglioni. In fact, the forces of the Baglioni also poured into the Abbey causing the destruction of goods and documents, only some brought by the Oddi to safety in the Rocca di Spoleto. Finally, the canon Galeazzo Gabrielli da Fano, commendatory of the abbey, donated it in 1524 with all its appurtenances to the company of San Romualdo, including a small church dedicated to San Savino, not far from the Abbey. The company, in the general chapter of 1525 and more explicitly in that of 1530, which was held right in the abbey of San Salvatore, approved the construction of a hermitage that was to serve as the mother house, following the design of the Hermitage of Camaldoli, and at the same time it was decided to erect it near the abbey on the mountain called "Montecorona". From this moment the word "coronesi" is also used to indicate the monks of the abbey of San Salvatore and the hermitage above. The hermitage and the Abbey were thus connected by a long path called "brick", even two meters wide, built with blocks of dry-laid sandstone that can still be traveled today. After the foundation of the Hermitage, it is remembered as the Hermitage of Monte Corona, a name later extended to the abbey as well, which became San Salvatore di Monte Corona. The abbey, in addition to the appurtenances not for religious use, is structured in an upper church, with a large nave at the entrance and the raised presbytery above the crypt, divided into three naves with an apse. Basement insists a crypt which can itself be considered a lower church with 5 naves and 3 apses. A bell tower that probably in some periods, given some slits, had different purposes from the current one and different construction moments that see it pass from a circular to an octagonal base. The crypt: The basement crypt is of the “ad oratorium” type, a vast and unique room with 5 naves although it ends with 3 apses, divided into 30 cross-vaulted bays with Byzantine-style decorations from Ravenna. The cross vaults are supported by columns of various styles, reused material from the first century. BC to the fourth century. AD, except one which is later. Along the walls of the area the arches of the cruises fall on semi-columns leaning against pilasters, creating an articulation of the walls accentuated by the presence of arched recesses, in turn pierced by double niches. The bare material, of the columns e it could come from a pre-existing pagan or early Christian temple. For this reason, there would be a need for archaeological investigations on the site of the present abbey. Externally to it are visible vertical pilasters. The upper church and the presbytery The part of the church that stands above the crypt was built first and consecrated by San Giovanni da Lodi, bishop of Gubbio; the central nave was added to it in the 13th and 14th centuries; so the oldest part served as a presbytery with 3 naves marked by 4 round arches. Each nave ends with an apse. An arch divides the oldest part from the most recent one. At the center of the great nave of the present Presbytery, there was an altar, whose table is now leaning against the wall of the left aisle. In 1959, in the execution of the renovation and restoration works, an 8th century Ciborium was placed in place of the great altar, present in the nearby Church of San Giuliano delle Pignatte. Later we will describe the Ciborium and the techniques of descriptions that were investigated in the 2009 conference on the Abbey. A 16th century wooden choir is located in the apse which has an ogival arch. Here we have paintings by unknown authors, right above the wooden choir: the TRANSFIGURATION - CHRIST IN GLORY AMONG THE PROPHETS AND APOSTLES, sec. XVII, an oil on canvas measuring 340 x 190 cm; the MADONNA DELLE GRAZIE, from 1549, oil on canvas, 174 x 167 cm; the ASCENSION, from 1602, oil on canvas, 168 x 104 cm; the FLAGELLATION, sec. XVI, oil on canvas cm. 102 x 75 (which does not appear in the video images because it is covered by the Ciborium); S. Andrea XVIII century, tempera canvas measuring 160 x 76 cm; the MADONNA DEL ROSARIO AND SAN DOMENICO, sec. XVII, oil on canvas, 236 x 100 cm. The most recent part of the upper church has a single large nave with two ribbed vaults and two chapels on the sides adorned with Baroque altars. The bell tower The bell tower which probably had different uses over the centuries has a particular structure diversified in three moments: the base is circular in shape, perhaps from the Lombard period, then it has 11 sides in the 14th century, endecagonal with battlements that were integrated, finally, in the octagonal continuation which now shows the large clock and bells. Sources: Proceedings of the Conference (Abbey of San Salvatore di Montecorona, June 18-19, 2009) edited by Nicolangelo D'Acunto and Mirko Santanicchia in Bulletin of the National History Deputation for Umbria, CVIII (2011), fasc. I-II (pp. 165- 183). Monographic section: "THE ABBEY OF SAN SALVATORE DI MONTE ACUTO - MONTECORONA IN THE XI-XVIII CENTURIES" - History and art - - Nicolangelo D'Acunto: "The origins of the monastery of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto and its monastic network" Maria Teresa Gigliozzi: "From the Benedictines to the Cistercians: the architecture of the abbey of San Salvatore in Montecorona in Romanesque Umbria" Giovanna Casagrande: "The abbey of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto in the Cistercian period through the Protocol of the notary Achille of Bernardino di Montone (13th century)" - Stefania Zucchini: "Umbrian monastic foundations between the 10th and 12th centuries and S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto" -The indications on the paintings in the apse of the upper church come from the “Alto Tiber” Archaeological Group with the patronage of the Municipality of Umbertide: “Initiative“ adopt a work of art from your territory ”with the contribution of local companies. http://turismo.comune.perugia.it/poi/abbazia-di-san-salvatore-di-montecorona https://www.iluoghidelsilenzio.it/abbazia-di-san-salvatore-di-montecorona/nggallery/page/1 For the images of the 2009 Conference see: https://www.comune.umbertide.pg.it/it/page/l-abbazia-di-san-salvatore-di-montecorona Abbey of San Salvatore - interior of the crypt The Abbey of Montecorona during the flood of the Tiber in 2005. By clicking here you can to download the photo in original resolution. For a study of the extent of the flood in Umbria you can see the IRPI report here ( Tiber River Basin Authority). The Monastery, the Montecorona Hermitage seen from Montacuto at the "Croce". THE CIBORIO OF THE ABBEY OF MONTECORONA formerly of San Giuliano delle Pignatte (By Francesco Deplanu, from the 2009 study days dedicated to the Abbey and indicated at the bottom) This artifact is one of the very few early medieval cibori that have come down to us intact. Its canopy has a square plan, and is made up of four slabs of equal size, two and two, placed on four supports with a monobloc capital and a crowning with an octagonal pyramid ending with a pinnacle. Where does the Ciborium come from The Ciborium was moved (or moved again) in the 1950s from "San Giuliano delle Pignatte" inside the Presbytery of the upper church of the Abbey of S. Salvatore of Montecorona. This choice is based on the certain inadequacy of the position of the Ciborium in the small church of San Giuliano delle pignatte, a photo from the 1950s shows it positioned with one side against the wall in a clear position that does not respect its function. The prevailing hypothesis is that it is a "dismantling", perhaps precisely from the place where the Abbey stands today. it underwent a period of near abandonment. It is probable at this point that the artefact was moved in that period, also taking into account the decorations on the wall of the small church. Let's start with a "conclusion" before describing in detail this treasure of the Abbey of S. Salvatore, that of Donatella Scortecci in "THE CIBORIO DELL'ABBAZIA DI MONTECORONA" in the study days of 2009: "the stimulating reflections proposed by Nicolangelo D 'Acunto on a possible lay foundation of the monastery by noble elites would well explain the presence of a luxury artifact, such as the ciborium, a liturgical object for display, to be flaunted. Perhaps a donation from the founder, a treasure exhibited as was widespread practice in the early Middle Ages by the hegemonic classes who, through what have been defined earthly and heavenly treasures, represented themselves, reaffirming their status to the religious and secular community, earning, if anything, also a place in paradise ". The Ciborium is an artifact of the "Carolingian" period, built in the eighth century. d. C .. With this identification, Prof. Scortecci recalls how it is not possible for the sculptural creations of the period to catalog them as "Lombard" or "Byzantine", or "barbaric", because there is "evidence of a variety of languages that contribute to the definition of a unitary context ". Furthermore, it must also be considered that the difference between the client and the workers who then create the artifacts must be considered, with their more complex ethnic, social and economic origin. We can therefore, in summary, indicate the sculpture as "early medieval". It is clearly a liturgical furniture that we can define as "luxury", and which is the testimony of a religious commission of high prestige, probably also economic. By indicating the front plate that looks at the faithful as plate "A", it can be seen that it is of a different material than the rest of the artifact. Also with regard to the Ciborium of San Prospero in Perugia, always “early medieval”, the tendency to standardize production is clear, reserving only the front plate, the more complex and full of symbolism decoration. In fact, the two side faces "B" and "D" and the back, indicated with "C", are also similar in the decorative motifs, with the body of the slabs having the same three-ply braid with buttons that accompanies the archivolt, and the same palm with long fringed leaves that fields the resulting spaces. However, only the frames of the upper margin have three variants of the usual spiral motif. In the front plate you can see a “cantharos” where two large peacocks cool off. The peacock, an immortal bird, which drinks from the cantharos is an iconography that goes from antiquity to the whole of the early Middle Ages. However, its extensive use does not make it possible to trace back to specific customers or workers. Harmonic forms are certainly not found here in the arrangement of the drawing of that of the aforementioned Perugian Ciborium; the birds in our ciborium are more cumbersome and a kind of "horrori vacui" with S-shaped "volutine", small circles with quatrefoil flowers and a short intertwining of mesh, this above the "braid" that runs through the arch, seems to prevail. How the Ciborium was built The structure of the Ciborium rests on four columns that form a quadrilateral with monolithic capitals in sandstone. Columns and capitals that support four variously sculpted stone slabs. Indicating the front plate that looks at the faithful as plate "A", it can be seen that it is of a different material, pietra serena, of a blue-blue color, like the columns, compared to the side ones, all instead of different materials, always sedimentary, or compact micritic limestones, which we can indicate as tending to a white color. Above the front slabs rises a pyramid made up of 11 slabs: eight major stone slabs, triangular in shape, as well as three smaller ones used to close the gaps left by the placement of the first eight. This can only be seen from the inside due to the “dull”, grayish plaster applied in previous restoration interventions. On the top there is a pinnacle that may look like a bell even if, again due to the "dull" present, it is difficult to see well. These indications come to us from Laura Zamperoni in "Stone materials, executive technique and state of conservation" presented again during the days of 2009 indicated in the notes. This distinction is important because in addition to the different color that can be immediately identified, the different stone nature has led to a different destiny of conservation: the pietra serena of the front facade has been damaged more than the "white" parts of the three "secondary" facades "(" B "," C "and" D ") in limestone. In particular, plate "A" has a fairly thin grain size and free from large colored impurities; the other three, on the other hand, are characterized by extremely small and homogeneous alveoli. What is worrying, as mentioned before, is the durability of the sandstone of the columns and related capitals. Sandstone (and pietra serena) which is exposed to an important erosion phenomenon that "pulverizes" it. Erosion also present in the front plate visible to the faithful but fortunately to a lesser extent than the capitals. Erosion that does not affect the "white" parts in limestone. These considerations lead Zamperoni (... and all of us) to say that "given the exceptionality of the artefact, a conservative restoration intervention would be desirable both to improve the state of alteration and to block its deterioration, and to enhance its historical-artistic importance. … ". Furthermore Zamperoni writes, after having studied the artefact in detail that “interesting considerations can be drawn on the working technique of stonemasons. The tools and the work of the artisans are characterized by a strong conservatism that has contributed to maintaining almost unchanged, until the 19th century, working methods and tools, with a certain reluctance to introduce innovative elements. As is well known, the tools for working stone essentially belong to two large classes: percussive and abrasive. In the first group are inserted the various hammers and cutting tools (chisels and the like), in the second the saws, drills, files and all the powders used for polishing. The percussive instruments shape the stone by striking and crushing it, the abrasive ones by rubbing it. Most of the early medieval and medieval stone sculptures were made with the direct cutting process, without making use of models in ductile material: the design was traced directly on the planes of the block (front and side) to then be engraved. ". This allows her to argue that flat and sharp edge chisels were used for the construction. Specifically, a chisel called "little nail" seems to have been used: thin but sturdy which allowed to reach fine but deep carvings; but also a "group of flat and sharp edge chisels (from 3 mm up to 8 mm) capable of smoothing the surface producing shading effects that essentially depend on the angle at which the instrument was held on the stone and on the intensity with he was hit. "In addition, the flat chisel was also used for the low-relief creations; finally he identifies a series of" bush hammering "in the intrados of the arches but also on the shafts of the columns and the capitals in the non-decorated parts, the latter probably not contemporary. Front plate of the Ciborium of the eighth century AD I ruderi della chiesa della Madonna della Costa Stone carving in the 19th and 20th centuries. Having placed the attention on the methods of construction of the Ciborium, the use of the tools used, has highlighted the strong conservatism of the masons' workers over the centuries. This allows us to indicate a hypothesis of "continuity", clearly only spatial to the state of knowledge, on the methods of sculpting stone in the areas under the influence of the Abbey of San Salvatore and the Hermitage of Montecorona. That is to remember, without clearly claiming to establish a real connection, how even the workers of the 19th-20th centuries of Niccone's stonemasons used tools that were partly similar: think of the “bocciarda” who had become the “liar” in our dialect. We also add, more to meet some curiosity, news of much later on the stones that could still be found in the nineteenth century in the area of the discovery of the Ciborium and the Abbey of San Salvatore. In the text of Bernardino Sperandio, "Of the Umbrian construction and ornamental stones" a document is reported among the "Inventories" entitled "State of Mines, Mineral Sources, Quarries, Workshops existing in the Municipality of Fratta, province of Perugia, district of Perugia", ASCU year 1861. This inventory indicates the "Quarries and Torbiere" of Fratta (cited in the text "Umbertide" also if in fact his name hadn't been changed yet). The document reports various types of stones, among these the "Strong sandstone or stone are used for use [...]" (the "pietraforte" in Tuscany is a very solid sandstone) and their presence is indicated as well as in the Parish di Romeggio, also a site in the “parish of M. Migiano owned by the suppressed Eremo di Montecorona”. As far as quarries and peat bogs are concerned, the "substances" indicated in 1861 were "white marble", "dark red or white marble", "cenerino marble", "red veined white marble", "white veined marble", "black marble" , "Sand quarry", "Clay quarry", "Pozzolana quarry", "Quarry for Macine" as well as "Strong sandstone stones". The "quarry for millstones" was located at the Parish of San Giuliano, or in the area of San Giuliano delle Pignatte. Precisely the Montecorona area, along the Nese stream, was characterized by the presence of "calcarenites", or "marbles". Sources: -Donatella Scortecci, “The ciborium of the Montecorona abbey”, with a contribution by Laura Zamperoni, “The ciborium and early medieval sculptural material. In "THE ABBEY OF SAN SALVATORE DI MONTE ACUTO - MONTECORONA IN THE XI-XVIII CENTURIES" - Bulletin of the National History Deputation for Umbria, CVIII (2011), fasc. I-II (pp. 165- 183). Proceedings of the Conference (Abbey of San Salvatore di Montecorona, June 18-19, 2009) curated by Nicolangelo D'Acunto and Mirko Santanicchia - Bernardino Sperandio, Of the Umbrian construction and ornamental stones., Perugia, Quattroemme, 2004 (p. 265, pp 288-289). https://www.umbertidestoria.net/gli-scalpellini-di-niccone Photo: -Image of the Ciborium located in San Giuliano delle Pignatte by Mons. Renzo Piccioni Tignai published in the “Bulletin of the National History Deputation for Umbria, CVIII (2011), fasc. I-II (pp. 165- 183). " - Other images and videos: Francesco Deplanu. The Church of the Madonna della Costa and the wooden statue (Curated by Francesco Deplanu) The Church of the Madonna della Costa of Monte Acuto This little one church on the slopes of Monte Acuto, known among other names over time as “S. Giovanni della Costa ”,“ Santa Maria della Costa ”and later known as“ Madonna della Costa ”, is located on the southwest coast of Monte Acuto. This church today is dilapidated but until 70 years ago it was a popular place of worship that is still lived and deeply felt. Anciently it was employed by the Abbey of San Salvatore di Montecorona, then passed under that of the Perugia dioceses. The church has a rectangular plan, with an entrance door under the bell tower and, opposite to it, a small door to the right of the altar connected to a small sacristy is still visible. The building shows its different construction phases with a lower part in well-worked stone masonry ceasing on a floor highlighted by a frame above the entrance door. Above this frame, on the main gabled façade, the bell gable was built. On the entrance a small niche above the architrave bore a dedicatory inscription which is now illegible. The left facade of the church is partially embedded towards Monteacuto. The opposite facade, on the right, it bears the trace of a loophole and “looks” at a panorama that opens up between valleys and high hills. The added walls are in unworked stone and everything had been plastered both inside and outside. The roofs appear to have been trussed and on the back wall a niche is still visible where the statue of the Madonna with the child was housed. Several photos from the recent past show signs that look like those of frescoes in the part near the altar area. Immagine 1: Chiesa della Madonna della Costa. Campanile a vela visibile tra la boscaglia; facciata principale (foto di Fabio Mariotti, scattata circa nel 2000). La Storia Una struttura per il culto è presente fin dal 1145: è documentata la sua presenza nella Bolla di Eugenio III del 1145 vche ede tra i beni confermati all’Abbazia di San Salvatore la “Cellam Sancti Joannis in Monte Acuto, cum Ecclesiis, & pertinenti suiis”. Nel primo elenco delle comunità perugine del 1258 è indicata come “Villa S. Iohannis de Costa”. Dal 1361 la parrocchia “eccelse S. Iohannis de Costa Montis Acuti” possiede un catasto di beni propri e nel 1367 si ha notizia della dotazione di una campana. Nel 1564, sotto il Vescovo Della Corgna, alla parrocchia di San Giovanni, denomina in questo periodo sembra anche Santa Maria, fu unita la chiesa diroccata di Santa Lucia, che sorgeva presso il castello della Fratticiola di Montacuto. Altre notizie più recenti ci attestano della diminuita importanza del luogo, perlomeno dal punto di vista dell’organizzazione parrocchiale, tanto che nel 1821 la parrocchia di San Giovanni/Santa Maria fu unita provvisoriamente alle parrocchie di San Simone in Monestevole, San Bartolomeo in San Bartolomeo dei Fossi e San Michele Arcangelo in Racchiusole. La chiesa, in tempi più recenti, venne chiamata della “Madonna della Costa” di Monte Acuto, per via della statua lignea medievale della Madonna con il bambino che lì si trovava. L’insediamento in età alto medievale attorno a questa zona vide una quasi costante presenza di una quarantina di “fuochi” (come media gli storici riferiscono che un fuoco era composto da 4 persone. n.d.r.): nel 278 sono riportati 42 “fuochi”, nel 1882 sono 32, nel 1410 supponiamo circa 38 (perché si contarono 152 “bocche”, cioè persone); ma già tra il 1438 ed il 1501 si contavano un numero minore di popolazione dimorante, tra i 20 e i 29 fuochi. Sicuramente l’insediamento sparso dei secoli a venire mantenne parte della popolazione nelle zone nelle vicinanze della chiesa, vista la necessitata di un popolamento connesso al sistema produttivo. Quasi in concomitanza con la fine della mezzadria, che possiamo datare ad inizio anni’60, nel 1954, crollò il tetto della chiesetta che fu dichiarata inagibile. Fino a quel momento, la domenica dopo l’Ascensione, veniva festeggiata in loco la festa della “Madonna della Costa”, che vedeva anche la presenza della Banda di Preggio; notizia attestata almeno fino al 1947 a causa di uno scontro politico che in quell’anno ebbe un certo risalto. La statua della Madonna con il bambino Che sappiamo al momento della storia della “madonna con il bambino” nella chiesetta della Costa di Monte Acuto ? E’ una statua lignea di un autore ignoto del romanico umbro del secolo XII (datata 1150 - 1199), alta cm 132 e dipinta in maniera policroma. E’ difficile pensare che nel corso di 8 secoli dalla sua realizzazione datata già dalla seconda metà del 1100, cambiando la tipologia di popolamento e di conseguenza il valore e la funzione dei luoghi di culto, la locazione della statua sia stata la stessa. Anche le indicazioni delle fonti storiche indicano un “peregrinare” della statua, “peregrinare” influenzato anche dalla dottrina della Chiesa dopo il Concilio di Trento. A questo proposito si può affermare che la statua lignea della madonna con bambino non fosse posizionata fin dalla sua realizzazione nell’attuale chiesa, ridotta quasi in cumuli, o nelle strutture originarie dedicate al culto in quel luogo. Seguendo le indicazioni di Elvio Lunghi, professore di Storia dell’arte medievale a Perugia, lo spostamento sulla “costa” di Monte Acuto della scultura lignea dovrebbe essere avvenuto successivamente alla seconda metà del XVI sec.: da San Giuliano delle Pignatte dell’Abbazia di Montecorona dove venne descritta come una “madonnam rilievi” nelle fonti delle visite pastorali del Vescovo Fulvio Della Corgna . Infatti nei decenni seguenti la conclusione del concilio tridentino i vescovi furono particolarmente rigidi verso le immagini obsolete o semplicemente mal conservate oltre che all’uso di statue lignee utilizzate in maniera lontana dalla liturgia, in questo periodo è anche possibile che le immagini sacre meno adeguate fossero destinate a una sede meno prestigiosa. Questo potrebbe essere stato il destino della nostra statua ritenuta comunque di “valore” e, piuttosto che eliminata, venne spostata in un luogo meno importante. Spostamento funzionale a salvarne il valore popolare di devozione; devozione molto sentita nella zona tra Romeggio e Preggio e proseguita fino al dopoguerra. Immagine 8: Statua della Madonna della Costa da: https://www.beweb.chiesacattolica.it/benistorici/bene/5504739/Bottega+umbra+sec.+XII,+Statua+della+Madonna+della+Costa Immagine 9: Statua della Madonna della Costa pubblicata in: Elvio Lunghi, “Considerazioni e ipotesi sulle sculture lignee nelle chiese dell’Umbria tra XII e XIII secolo” in “Umbria e Marche in età romanica. Arti e tecniche a confronto tra XI e XIII secolo”, a cura di E. Neri Lusanna, Todi, Ediart, 2013, pp. 203-212 Il destino delle opere lignee delle nostre zone sotto il potere temporale della Chiesa, risentì notevolmente del Concilio post-tridentino. Basti pensare al bellissimo gruppo della “Deposizione” di Montone, originario della Pieve di San Gregorio, che fu trasformato per secoli in “Crocifissione” con braccia e piedi non coevi e con la sparizione certa, perché poi ritrovata, della statua di Giuseppe d’Arimatea. Questa statua fu “ricomposta” con la testa ritrovata sempre nella Pieve di San Gregorio nel 1956, mentre il resto del corpo venne ritrovato sempre qui, nel 1977, tra le macerie di una volta crollata, e poi individuato come parte del San Giuseppe dal prof. Toscano nella Galleria Nazionale dell’Umbria. Solo da allora si prese consapevolezza dell’originaria disposizione e funzione che si può godere oggi nel Museo di San Francesco a Montone. Immagine 9: Deposizione della Croce di Montone (particolare) (foto di Francesco Deplanu). Immagine 10: Deposizione della Croce di Montone (particolare). Statua lignea di San Giovanni d’Arimatea ricomposta (foto di Francesco Deplanu). Per capire la portata del cambiamento che avvenne nel periodo post-tridentino basta leggere, riportate nelle pagine di Lunghi riprese dall’Archivio Vescovile di Perugia che riporta le visite pastorali sempre sotto il Vescovo Fulvio Della Corgna. Ad esempio nella chiesa di San Giustino alle porte di Perugia una statua della Madonna fu direttamente data alle fiamme: “Visitavit figuras virginis in quadam nicchio cum filio in brachio vetustate consumptas / quas igni comburi iussit». Ovvero: “In una nicchia ispezionò una statua della Vergine col figlio in braccio consumata dal tempo che ordinò fosse bruciata dal fuoco.”. Ma vediamo cosa scrive a proposito della statua lignea della madonna Elvio Lunghi, in “CONSIDERAZIONI E IPOTESI SULLE SCULTURE LIGNEE NELLE CHIESE DELL'UMBRIA TRA XII E XIII SECOLO”: “Nel Museo del Duomo di Perugia è conservata una scultura romanica in legno policromo di una Madonna in trono con il Bambino benedicente in grembo, che vi è stata depositata per esigenze conservative dall’abbazia di San Salvatore di Montecorona. È agevole riconoscervi una statua della Madonna che il vicario del vescovo Fulvio Della Corgna vide il 24 novembre 1564 sopra l’altare maggiore della chiesa di San Clemente nel villaggio di San Giuliano delle Pignatte, nelle immediate vicinanze di quell’abbazia cistercense. La Madonna era in rilievo e era posta tra due tavole dipinte con le storie del Santissimo.” Riportiamo per intero, vista la brevità, il passo che nelle note il Lunghi ripropone della visita pastorale, testo sempre conservato nell’Archivio Diocesiano di Perugia: “«Visitavit madonnam rilievi cum tabulis pictis Santissime inde / quas reaptari si potest santissimi aut retineri quanto decentius». Ovvero “Ispezionò una madonna in rilievo con tavole dipinte della storia del Santissimo, poi le quali se è possibile siano restaurate o conservate nel modo più decente”. Il passo è brevissimo ma accerta la presenza certa di una statua della madonna nella zona, difficile pensare che non fosse quella poi finita sulla Costa di Monte Acuto. Gli sportelli laterali sono andati perduti ma la madonna in legno con il bambino ha “proseguito” il suo cammino. In una data imprecisata, ma successiva chiaramente a questa visita pastorale del Della Corgna, arrivò alla chiesa di San Giovanni della Costa .”. Lo scopo di queste visite pastorali post tridentine era anche di “correggere la dottrina cattolica, espellere le eresie, promuovere i buoni costumi, e per quanto riguarda l’aspetto degli edifici religiosi era accertare l'idoneità degli edifici di culto e la celebrazione degli uffici liturgici secondo le nuove regole stabilite a Trento. Fonti: Elvio Lunghi, “Considerazioni e ipotesi sulle sculture lignee nelle chiese dell’Umbria tra XII e XIII secolo”, in Umbria e Marche in età romanica. Arti e tecniche a confronto tra XI e XIII secolo”, a cura di E. Neri Lusanna, Todi, Ediart, 2013, pp. 203-212. Luca Mor : “Esposte a Montone le sculture lignee medievali della deposito Christi, Bollettino d’arte” del Ministero per i beni e le Attività Culturali”, n. 108 - Aprile Giugno 1999. Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, Libreria dello Stato Giovanna Sapori, “Il Gruppo Ligneo di Montone”, in Museo Comunale di San Francesco a Montone - Regione dell’Umbria - Electa Editori Umbri Associati, Perugia 1997. - https://www.iluoghidelsilenzio.it/chiesa-della-madonna-della-costa-monte-acuto-di-umbertide-pg/ - https://www.beweb.chiesacattolica.it/benistorici/bene/5504739/Bottega+umbra+sec.+XII,+Statua+della+Madonna+della+Costa - http://www.chieseitaliane.chiesacattolica.it/chieseitaliane/AccessoEsterno.do?mode=guest&type=auto&code=32565 - http://www.umbrialeft.it/node/33429 - https://www.stradeeposti.it/stradeeposti/Italy/Umbria/Umbertide/Monte-Acuto/Umbertide_Monte-Acuto_Chiesetta-della-Madonna-della-Costa.html - https://www.umbertidestoria.net/cenni-storici-della-banda Under construction... The "Croce" of Montacuto and the Apennine chain behind it. Photos before the restoration. The Collegiate Church in 1918 Piazza XII Settembre in 1912 Piazza San Francesco and the Deposition by Signorelli SOURCES: - Photo by Francesco Deplanu, Giulio Foiani and Anna Boldrini. - Photo: historical photos of Umbertide from the web and from various private archives to which we applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark in this way we try to avoid that further disclosure on our part favors purposes that are not consonant with our intentions exclusively social and cultural. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

THE CERAMIC ART IN UMBERTIDE curated by Fabio Mariotti The potters of Fratta from 1400 to 1800 The working of ceramics in our city, which was then called Fratta, dates back to 1400 as reported by Filippo Natali in his essay "News and memories on the figuline and the art of the potter in FRATTA (Umbertide)" published by the Tipografia Tiberina in 1890. “News that the Magi, Cristiani and Pellicciari left handwritten, village historians who lived between the first half of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and which are preserved in the Communal of Perugia. But what better than anything else attests to the existence of ceramic factories in Fratta, are the works themselves, as can be seen from the objects scattered around the various museums and private collections, not only in Italy, but in Europe. also, manufactured in this place ". Natali reports what was written by the Magi on the so-called "War of the Grand Duke of Tuscany" and the siege of Fratta in 1643: "The Florentine army after having given free passage and walk to the prey and luggage, he made high, part beyond the Nicone, part of this river, and waited for the slope of the waters (sic) in order to cross the Tiber and attack the Earth from the weakest side; also the Pallavicino to have its people more united, and to take away from the Every advantage of the Florentines caused all the houses and shops to be set on fire of the village and the market square, where the Vasari business in that time, to the great benefit of the public and private sectors, it flourished. Fire lit in the church of S. Erasmo, it was secretly pitiful by some extinct soldiers. The rest was completely incinerated. It was all done with such speed, that the owners of the shops and houses did not have time to save anything ". "The furnaces and the shops of the potters of Fratta, burned and destroyed in 1643, arose further north of the country, no trace of the former can be traced, for the houses that today were built on those rubble make up the Largo di via Cavour (the current area of Piazza Marconi, Ed.) at most it could be found in Campo Mavarelli near the road limited by the wall. The new furnaces were raised near the mill, where still today there are three, those of Martinelli, whose family for a series of uninterrupted generations, he has practiced and still exercises the art of the potter; and I am not mistaken to say that the scratch works that can be seen in some collections, of the 17th and 18th centuries have come out of the Martinelli factory… .. ”. This centuries-old tradition has been revived since the first half of the twentieth century by courageous and innovative entrepreneurial initiatives that have been able, despite a thousand difficulties, to establish themselves on a national level, starting with that of Ceramiche Rometti . The rediscovery of this artistic and high-quality entrepreneurial activity is due, in my opinion, to the great exhibition that the municipal administration of Umbertide dedicated in 1986, in the new exhibition space "Center for contemporary art" recently created at the restored Rocca, to the works created by Cagli and Leoncillo in the period in which they worked within the Umbertidese manufacture. It is no coincidence that the exhibition had this title: “Cagli and Leoncillo at Umbertide's Ceramiche Rometti”. Inaugurated on 13 September, it ended on 30 November 1986 with a great success with the public, testified by the presence of over two thousand people from all over Italy. There could not have been a better start for the Rocca's exhibition space which, in its 35 years of activity, has hosted the works of the best Italian interpreters of contemporary art and which continues to do so even today. After Rometti, from one of its ribs, Ceramiche Pucci was born in 1947 on the initiative of Eng. Domenico Pucci whose business ceased in 1962, after he changed his company name to Maioliche Pucci in 1958. Despite the short period of time in which the Ceramiche Pucci operated, they showed "the significant expression of an artistic path that has left an indelible mark on each of its specimens", as stated by Angelica Pucci at the end of her essay, dedicated to the history of this manufacture, published in the catalog of the exhibition held at the Rocca in 2006. CERAMICHE ROMETTI - History of a manufacture by Marinella Caputo (From the catalog of the exhibition "Le Ceramiche Rometti" - Rocca di Umbertide "Center for contemporary art" - June / November 2005) It is possible to say that the Rometti brand entered the history of Italian ceramics of the twentieth century, thanks to a happy combination of events. The cultural climate of the twenties, of enthusiastic experimentation, but also of functional rigor and technological momentum, must have undoubtedly favored the birth of an entrepreneurial project that was also a creative adventure, with difficulties and dark periods, but also unquestionable successes. In the fervor and inventiveness that characterized the applied arts in those years, ceramics played a central role. Already in the nineteenth century ceramic production was increased, thanks to the influence of the Arts and Grafts movement which rediscovered and valued artistic craftsmanship, together with the expertise and secrets of ancient traditions. In the twentieth century a new social configuration, in which the middle classes are emerging, is at the basis of the great development of the production of decorative and functional objects destined for a wide diffusion. There are many Italian centers in which new activities are started, just think that Richard Ginori was born in 1923, under the artistic direction of Giò Ponti, and the Italian Ceramic Society of Laveno in the same year began to make use of the collaboration of Guido Andlovitz. The versatile research of the two designers will lead to the affirmation of a trend that will soon spread very widely, stimulating the emergence of a taste that was certainly perceived as modern. At a local level it is worth mentioning La Salamandra di Perugia (founded in 1923) which inaugurates a modern decorative line in the field of Umbrian ceramics. The 1925 Exposition Internationale des Arts Décoratifs et Industriels Modernes in Paris, which became so famous as the starting point of a new style, called déco, in fact sanctions a trend already underway, giving it peremptory visibility. Design applied to industry in the third decade of the twentieth century has, despite its inevitably pragmatic aspects, a flavor of utopia, nourished by the experience of the Bauhaus, or inspired by the various constructivist movements present in Europe. In the Italian context, the theoretical source may perhaps be found in the manifesto of the Futurist Reconstruction of the Universe, published in 1915, with the signatures of Balla and Depero. The idea of "rebuilding the universe, cheering it up" must have seemed an electrifying prospect to many, in those roaring years, of heroic or sinister roars. The need for a new taste, the urgency of a modern lifestyle, were no longer claimed by a privileged and blasée elite, but penetrated very deeply into society, becoming, as they say, a mass phenomenon. This was the heated climate, on the creative and productive side, in which the Ceramiche Rometti di Umbertide saw the light. “Ars Umbra” is born, the first embryo of Ceramiche Rometti Settimio Rometti founded the de facto company Ars Umbra in October 1927 together with his nephew Aspromonte Rometti. Both are owners of the company, registered with the 1st Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Foligno, with a capital of L. 40,000 (1). This is the official beginning of the Rometti Artistic Ceramics, even if for some years now, Settimio Rometti, who was an adult man well integrated in public life, had shown interest in ceramic production. His first contacts took place at the Pasquali Furnace (formerly Pasquali & Cerrini) in Umbertide. In 1920 the firm had founded a School of Art applied to Industries, where Rometti worked as a technical teacher. It is therefore to be assumed that he already had significant experience. The school represented a production reality for artistic majolica, glazed tiles and ceramics. The works were marked La Frattigiana-Umbertide, and it is assumed that Rometti's contribution in this type of activity was decisive. The Frattigiana becomes an independent factory, within the Pasquali Furnace (owned by Roberto Cerrini) and the collaboration of Settimio Rometti, in a role that we could define as artistic direction, constitutes the indispensable premise for the start of his own business. Soon, the production of the Pasquali furnace and consequently of the Frattigiana, went through a crisis that culminated in the failure of 1923. Settimio Rometti, from this date until 1927, will certainly have designed his own factory, leading to the creation of Ars Umbra. It is possible that in those years he had carried out a type of reduced production, with provisional means, dealing with practical problems, but also updating himself from an aesthetic and formal point of view. His training in the field of drawing and applied art can be traced back to the Municipal Technical School, directed, from 1913 to 1926, by Decio Scuppa. We know that in 1910 Septimius and his brother Barbato were among the best pupils of Scuppa, who in that year was a teacher of drawing. The graphic ability of Septimius is confirmed by drawings and canvases made at an older age, as there is no documentation of his youthful years. In any case, his taste in the decorative field will certainly have refined in the early twenties, moving towards secessionist trends that still showed considerable vitality at European level. The experience of the Roman secession, at the end of the second decade of the twentieth century, had created a beneficial opening towards the climate of the avant-gardes, helping to promote a new creative path, more meditated and certainly moderate, compared to the radical proposals. and traumatic, of futurism. In his entrepreneurial project, Settimio welcomes the contribution of young people, in the figures of his nephews, Aspromonte, known as Riego, son of his brother Paolo and Dante Baldelli, son of his sister Stamura. His intention to give life to a new and quality creative proposal is clearly delineated from the very beginning. Since Umbertide did not have a prestigious ceramic tradition, such as Deruta, Gubbio or Gualdo Tadino, he sought his collaborators elsewhere. From Gubbio comes the turner Crescentino Monarchi, from Gualdo Tadino come the Angeli brothers, one a turner, the other a painter. From Rome, where he had gone to attend courses at the Academy of Fine Arts, his nephew Dante Baldelli arrived in 1928 and at this moment he would begin his fruitful collaboration with Ceramiche Rometti, which lasted a whole decade. His friends Corrado Cagli and Mario Di Giacomo will soon join him. Corrado Cagli and Mario Di Giacomo arrive in Umbertide This is the most experimental and innovative period of Rometti, a true golden age, perhaps evoked in many of the subjects that appear on the vases of those years. These are allegorical figures or scenes marked by an Edenic vision, expressed with youthful optimism and purity. There is, of course, a didactic intention that seems to escape the celebratory momentum so widespread at the time. However, it must be attested that most of the forms, the decorative repertoire and the figurations, which emerged in the first years of Rometti's life, will last for a long time, constituting the distinctive character of the manufacture. It is an experimental and extremely productive era on the creative side. The sculptures produced by Cagli and Di Giacomo between 1928 and 1930 represent artistic results of indisputable value and are configured as exclusive sculpture experiences. In fact, Cagli will subsequently develop his research especially in the field of painting and Di Giacomo will commit suicide in 1934. At that moment the "black fratta" (NF) appears, as it is called in the commercial catalogs of Rometti. Sometimes the acronym NF is also found in the brand. Obtaining this enamel took on legendary tones that refer to a fortuitous circumstance. According to oral testimonies, collected by Codovini, the composition derived from an error in the color formula. The result of the wrong dosage was placed in a two-quintal barrel and it was discovered by chance that it produced a metallic black of notable effect. The enamel owes its reverberant quality to the presence of lead crystalline, manganese and copper, with a prevalence of crystalline. This technical innovation, developed between 1927 and 1928, must undoubtedly have increased the plastic research of the artists, since it is a color particularly suitable for sculpture. Cagli created some of the most significant works of his debut in NF, such as Santone, Icaro, Eolo. Di Giacomo gave life to his figures as supple as arabesques, exploiting the evocative elegance of black and the surface, made mobile by iridescent reflections. The euphoric climate that developed in Rometti's early years fed on many different components. The late echoes of the secession are welcomed above all by Settimio Rometti who crystallizes the organic element in stylized motifs in his plate with the Madonna of the grain (probably from 1927), organized in a dense two-dimensional texture. Even the tableware or services belonging to the early days of the manufacture have floral decorations, resolved in fluid cascades of emulsified colors. On a similar level, of symbolist inspiration, are the Salome and other similar sculptures by Di Giacomo, while his Battitore belongs to a twentieth century tradition, for the synthesis of the volumes and futurist for the dynamism of the subject. The fundamental contribution of Cagli with his NF sculptures, plates and vases, has a rather eclectic connotation that will be analyzed more extensively in the course of the text. For the moment it is sufficient to state that the young artist looks in various directions, undergoes the fascination of a futurism that has become pragmatic and applicative, looks in the direction of Valori Plastici (see respectively Icaro and Santone) and at the same time opens up to international experiences. How can we not think, looking at the plate with the figure of a Reaper, a bacchant running with ear and scythe, of the Picasso of the famous Two women running on the beach (Paris, Picasso Museum) of 1922? As for Dante Baldelli, who soon took over the technical and artistic direction together with Settimio and Aspromonte (3), his stylistic orientation certainly goes in the direction of deco and futurist graphics and design and many of his works find comparisons in ceramics. by Andlovitz, by Ivos Pacetti (Ilsa and Spica, Albisola), by GB De Salvo (Casa dell'Arte, Albisola Capo), by Tullio d'Albisola in the production of the Faci of Civita Castellana or of the Galvani of Pordenone. He is an artist of remarkable graphic skills, updated on the most innovative orientations of Italian and international design. The collaboration of Cagli and Baldelli. in the two-year period 1938-1939 it was undoubtedly very narrow, so much so that at times individual attribution is difficult. Both shared an interest in simple vascular shapes, emphasized by geometric motifs. among which concentric circles predominate, with graphite and painted linear figures, in which the hand of the single artist is more evident. During his stay in Umbertide, Cagli often returned to Rome. At the end of 1929 he took part in an exhibition at the Società Amatori e Cultori di Belle Arti together with Balla, Dottori, Fillia, Prampolini and other futurists. The work he exhibits, Il Vasaio, seems a clear allusion to his current activity. Mascelloni attributes the NF sculptures to the period preceding the 1929 exhibition, while most of the vases should be ascribed to his second stay in Umbertide (1929-1930). This is a problematic dating, where brand analysis or stylistic definition rarely helps. The head of Icarus, however, with its highly aerodynamic character, is perhaps more directly connected than other works to the Futurist experience, and could be dated just after the exhibition, perhaps at the beginning of 1930. Cagli definitively left Rometti at the end of 1930 to settle in Rome. Before leaving, he painted the wall paintings of the Mavarelli-Reggiani house, with agricultural scenes, commonly identified with the title Battle of the grain, the name of the project implemented by the fascist regime in 1925 to increase the production of wheat. The language of these paintings finds compelling comparisons in many of the motifs found on the ceramics. At this point Baldelli and Aspromonte (Settimio remains more concentrated on the administrative sector) become the dominant figures of Rometti, but Cagli's legacy remains, unequivocally, at least for the entire first half of the thirties. Rometti launches on the national market From 1931 the company began a greater presence on the market and a more intense advertising campaign (4). The first recognitions also arrive, such as the two gold medals obtained in that year, at the Nice Fair and at the Bologna Littoriale Fair. Participation in the Florence Handicraft Fair was also appreciated by the press, and so was the participation in the Permanent Umbrian Handicraft Exhibition in Perugia. The following year is characterized by the renewed presence at the Craft Fair in Florence and at the Fiera del Levante in Bari. In relation to the latter, a sales and exit voucher was found with the heading Ceramiche 'Rometti Fonda "Ars Umbra Umbertide (Umbria). Among the cuttings of the typography Barbagianni di Umbertide, packaging labels were found with the words Icafa Industria" Ceramica Argento "Fonda Amedeo. It is a commercial collaboration, in view of the creation of a company that did not see the light due to the death of Fonda in an accident, which occurred during the journey to Umbertide to stipulate the company. 1932 is also the year of Mussolini's visit to Rometti. At this date the factory is in full working order. Fifteen workers work there, with a daily wage of L. 5-6 and six or seven women with a wage of L. 2-2.50. It is interesting to consider that the Santone head, the most expensive object for sale, cost L. 600 (Catalog Rometti 1931-1933). In October 1932, Gerardo Dottori wrote an article on the "Empire", in which he talks about the success of some vases with subjects inspired by fascism and states: "Reading the news in the newspapers and seeing the photographs of the Rometti ceramics, we were amazed not to see the name of Corrado Cagli, who we knew was the creator, designer and often performer of these ceramics ". This is an important testimony that ascribes to Cagli vases and plates with subjects such as The March on Rome, I Ritardatari, L'Ascesa, however attributable to the artist on a stylistic basis and, in some cases, signed. Thus we have further confirmation of the duration of the creations of the two-year period 1928-1930. The years between the third and fourth decade of the twentieth century, despite their creative verve, correspond, in Europe and the United States, to a period of profound economic crisis, in which exports undergo a significant decrease and objects luxury goods are increasingly exclusive and inaccessible to a large number of consumers, contrary to what had happened in the previous decade. Even the Ceramiche Rometti, which had established themselves as an example of an original and poetic design, are suffering the effects of the economic crisis and Settimio, the company's dean, tries to run for cover. We have already talked about the search for partnerships with the Fonda company in Pola, an attempt to inject new capital into the company. The data would lead to affirm that everything happened in 1932, rather than in 1934, because the documents that mention the Amedeo Fonda company date back to 1932, but it is possible that the negotiations went on until 1934, the year of the sudden death of Amedeo Fonda according to the testimonials. According to the story of Rolando Fiorucci, the Fonda company supplied the material for a line of cups with a silver ring at the base, too expensive to establish itself in a period of economic depression. In any case, Septimius was very upset by the event, seeing the possibility of saving Rometti vanish. Also among the clippings of the typographical printed matter, a Program for the newly established "Ceramiche Rometti" Umbertide Limited Company, dated 1933, emerged. At that date, therefore, the Anonymous Company was in the process of being established and the heading Ceramiche Rometti Ars Umbra continued to be used. which also appears in the brands of the time. Speaking of brands, the time has come to say a few words on a rather delicate issue. From 1927 to 1935 both "Ceramiche Rometti" and "Ars Umbra" (composed in a triangular graphic solution) were used with great ease, sometimes accompanied by "Umbertide" or "Made in Italy". sometimes a triangular graphic sign made up of three lines with the letters RCB at the vertices that certainly make us think of Rometti, Cagli, Baldelli. Between 1933 and 1935 we sometimes find the inscription SACRU of the Società Anonima Ceramiche Rometti Umbertide. It may be interesting , in this regard, to cite two articles on the V Triennale di Milano, both of 1933, one on the "Illustrated Magazine of the People of Italy", the other on "Lidel. The first talks about Sacru, the second by Ceramiche Rometti. It is therefore possible that the SACRU brand appeared sporadically even before SACU, perhaps on the initiative of Settimio who may have proposed it to the members of the manufacturer that will take that name by omitting the R of Rometti. The variety in the trademark heading was explained by some former workers of the firm, who argue that beginners were required to practice signing before moving on to more demanding jobs. It can be assumed that there were signature models that the most inexperienced people imitated, choosing from the various headings. It is an image that gives a taste of lived to the typical Rometti italics. Returning to the events of the manufacture, 1934 was the year of the establishment of the Società Anonima Ceramiche Umbertide, made up of twenty-five local shareholders, with shares of L. 50 each, (in number from 2 to 6). In April 1935 the bankruptcy of the de facto company Ceramiche Rometti was registered with the Royal Civil Court of Perugia. Neither Settimio nor Aspromonte were among the founding partners of Sacu and this is connected to the absence of the name Rometti in the new company name. It is known from oral evidence that Septimius did not take the decision well at all and left his city for some time, going to Rimini, to a local ceramic factory. A few months later he worked as a technician at La Salamandra in Perugia and, according to the oral testimony of Rolando Fiorucci, he subsequently went to France, to Nice, to work in the construction company of his brother Clotide. Fiorucci recalls that Septimius used to say: "I'm saving lira for lira, in order to be able to return to Rometti as an owner and not as a worker". And he returned there, recalled by the Sacu partners who felt a deterioration in business after the departure of Settimio and his nephews Riego (or Smucchia) and Dante Baldelli, both outside Umbertide, Riego in Milan and Baldelli in Città di Castello. In March 1937 the change of the company name to Sacru (Società Anonima Ceramiche Rometti Umbertide) was communicated to the Provincial Council of Corporate Economy. The production of these years includes research on the shapes and color combinations of the glazes. Essential silhouettes, geometric decorations, the subjects are increasingly stylized. Black enamel is associated with coral red and in the polychrome, synthetic and fluid figurines, the combination of colors is rather lively. The war years marked a period of sharp decline and, it seems, for about a year, of interruption, in the production of Rometti. In 1942 Settimio decides to leave Sacru and establishes the Rometti Settimio company, Artistic Ceramics Manufacturing. In the meantime, Domenico Pucci had already become a majority shareholder in Sacru for some time and in 1943 he transformed the company from a limited liability company into a limited liability company, continuing to use the Ceramiche Rometti brand. From 1942 to 1947 there are two Rometti companies We are faced with two Rometti companies, one located in via Spalato (today via Spoletini - Ed), managed by Domenico Pucci, the other in via Garibaldi, managed by Settimio Rometti. The production is quite similar, but Settimio's Rometti gives more space to small sculptures, reliefs, plastic vases, while that of Pucci is more concentrated on services, boxes and small objects of use. Settimio Rometti, in the new headquarters which is the same as the current Ceramiche Rometti (before moving to the new factory in the middle of the straight - Ed), can finally manage the new company by himself. The grandchildren took different paths, Dante Baldelli has his own ceramic factory in Città di Castello and Riego works in Milan, achieving some success as a window dresser. Next to the factory there was (and still is partly) a pine forest, where Septimius led the workers to do gymnastic exercises before starting work. In the vicinity, then, stallions were allocated seasonally who inspired the Rometti logo with the prancing horse that is found starting from 1942. There are also sculptures of the Rometti horse made in fratta black - which re-emerged after the early thirties - in shaded gray or in red. The overlap of the two companies lasted five years, until the establishment of the Ditta Pucci in 1947. The following year, the Rometti company also changed its name from Rometti Settimio to Ceramiche Rometti di Rometti Settimio and in 1952 it became a Limited Liability Company. A series of sketches for the Four Seasons and the larger-scale realization of Primavera at the end of the 1940s give us an idea of Settimio's orientation, towards a lively and popular taste, perhaps to evoke freshness and vitality, after a period darkness of dictatorship and war. The creation in the 1950s of functional or decorative objects, such as liquor and smoking sets, boxes in the shape of a house, baskets, candelabra, vases with relief elements, tiles and ornaments follows the trends of the era of a calm stylization and a picturesque, sometimes naive taste. In this phase, the company increased its exports and participated in exhibitions and fairs, such as the one in Milan, taking advantage of the climate of economic rebirth, widespread internationally. Even the Pucci firm, oriented towards a production that favors tea or coffee services and other tableware, is experiencing a phase of economic stability that lasts throughout the 1950s. The Pucci Ceramics Company was liquidated in 1960. Pietro Finocchi takes over from Settimo Rometti Settimio Rometti retired from the scene two years later, leaving the company, which still exists today, to the partner Pietro Finocchi who had followed the events of the company since 1934 and had joined the company - since 1959 a general partnership - together with Manlio Banelli (who died in 1962). We can therefore fix at the dawn of the sixties the epilogue of the historical period of the Rometti manufacturing, a disruptive project that tended to shape the taste, rather than follow it, but also a fascinating example of micro-history that involves the small center of Umbertide in a great creative experience. * * * * * * * * * * In the sixties the historical period of Ceramiche Rometti ended, however they continued their activity by orienting themselves towards a more commercial and less artistic production. Pietro Finocchi was replaced by Dino Finocchi who carried out the business with great commitment, also going through difficult phases linked to the crisis in the reference market. With the arrival of Massimo Monin I, patron and entrepreneur of art, and Jean-Christophe Clair , multifaceted and visionary artistic director, Rometti begins in 2012 a new and prosperous phase, still ongoing. The extraordinary ability of the two manager-artists lies in finding a perfect balance between a contemporary vision and the enhancement of the Rometti heritage. The Manufacture boasts prestigious collaborations with brands and artists who have chosen its uniqueness to produce exclusive pieces and collections. B&B, Roche Bobois, Cartier, Borbonese, Fresh and many other big brands, international design names such as Ambrogio Pozzi, Liliane Lijn, Sergio Fiorentino, Chantal Thomass, Studio MAMO, Christian Tortu, Ugo La Pietra and Kenzo Takada: a constellation that shapes the past and present history of the iconic Rometti brand, fueling the race to collect pieces that have embellished almost a century of art. The Rometti Ceramics Gallery In 2011 the permanent art gallery of Ceramiche Rometti objects was inaugurated at the "Modern Factory", in Piazza C. Marx, the collection of works created by the artists who have worked in the prestigious Umbertidese factory in almost 100 years of history. . Corrado Cagli was one of the most important Italian artists of the twentieth century and at the beginning of his career he constantly worked on Ceramiche Rometti. The Cagli Archive therefore made an important contribution to the creation of the exhibition space. The collection consists of about 200 works recovered by the current owner in over 40 years from antique dealers, markets and private individuals that allow you to retrace the history of the company but also the history of Umbertide who is internationally recognized with this manufacture. The opening of this exhibition space, as well as the due recognition of the many people from Umbertide who have worked in the company in almost a century of history, also constitutes a new opportunity for the many art lovers and tourists who will visit Umbertide. You can admire objects made with the famous and unique "Nero Fratta" (metallic color with iridescent reflections) or with engravings on "bianchetto", another innovative technique by Rometti since the 1930s and finally decorations that marked a revolutionary phase for the tradition Italian ceramics. The Rometti Prize To relaunch its artistic production, re-engaging with the historical tradition, the Rometti Ceramics launched in 2013 the “Rometti Prize”, a special recognition that aims to reward projects and artists who offer an original contribution to the art of ceramics. Intended for students enrolled in academies and art and design institutes from all over the world who embrace the initiative, the Rometti Prize gives the finalists an internship in manufacturing where they will concretely carry out their project and a cash prize. Sources: - “Le Ceramiche Rometti” - Ed. Skira, 2005 - Catalog of the exhibition at the Rocca from 25 June to 6 November 2005; - "Cagli and Leoncillo at the Ceramiche Rometti di Umbertide" - Ed. Mazzotta, 1986 - Catalog of the Exhibition at the Rocca from 13 September to 30 November 1986; - "Amabili presenze - Ceramiche Rometti from Art Déco to Design 1927 - 2012 "- Catalog of the Exhibition in Rome from 3 October to 3 February 2013. The photos were taken from the catalogs. I vasari di Fratta dal 1400 al 1800 Ceramiche Rometti - Storia di una manifattura Ceramiche Pucci - La storia Ceramiche Rometti - Storia di una manifattura I vasari di Fratta dal 1400 al 1800 CERAMICHE PUCCI - The history by Angelica Pucci (From the catalog of the exhibition "Le Ceramiche Pucci" - Rocca di Umbertide "Center for contemporary art" - June / October 2006) 1947, the Ceramiche Pucci Umbertide are born It was May 1, 1947 when Ceramiche Pucci Umbertide was officially born: "[...] in recognition of the effective and competent work carried out by the Sole Director Dr. Eng. Domenico Pucci in the ten years that have passed since he took over the administration of the company [...] "-, SACRU (Società Anonima Ceramiche Rometti Umbertide) considers it appropriate to change the company name to" Ceramiche Pucci Umbertide ", a limited liability company whose object is the production and trade of artistic ceramics of family and industrial use. The presence of Domenico Pucci in the factory dates back. therefore, far back in time: former shareholder of Ceramiche Rometti Umbertide, managing director and then chairman of the company's board of directors from December 1936, starting from March 28, 1943 he became majority shareholder and sole director and without board of statutory auditors of the Ceramiche company Rometti Umbertide, which on that very date was transformed from a limited liability company to a limited liability company. In fact, it is therefore he who personally directs the new company, although this will still retain the "Ceramiche Rometti Umbertide" brand until May 1, 1947. With perfect management continuity, of workers, systems and products, the Ceramiche Rometti brand therefore gave way to the Ceramiche Pucci brand in the middle of the post-war period. In the post-war reorganization, although much more attention was paid to the reasons of the market, the social principles that had always characterized the profile of the company were not evaded, accompanying its transformations and witnessing - with the presence among the shareholders of citizens of all social extraction and any economic power - how the artistic ceramics factory was felt by Umbertide not only as an economic force, but above all as the expression of a village community proud of being able to boast a quality product, the result of the skill of workers competent and specialized in the various sectors of the supply chain. The management not only maintained this priority, but also worked to ensure that the social objectives could be satisfied in the best possible way, allowing the expansion of the activity, which even in the midst of the difficulties experienced by craftsmanship in general, saw the number of fifty-two employees. Domenico Pucci was not an "artist", but an "entrepreneur" and as such he had long ago brought his managerial skills to the service of the business with a remarkable foresight for the time. The character qualities, the propensity to always look forward with optimism even in times of difficulty and, above all, the experience gained through personal contacts with the Milanese environment, receptive to innovations and dynamic in the most disparate sectors of the economy, had always solicited great attention towards the production chain and the diversification of the product with the intention of marketing it not only on the Italian market, which was then in severe crisis, but also towards those foreign markets which, like the American one, showed interesting signs of vitality . The economic marginality of the Umbrian region and of the town of Umbertide were therefore not an obstacle to the desire to project itself decisively on the national and international market with the awareness of the exquisite shapes and decorations, which still make today, of the remaining specimens, objects sought by the collectors from all over the world. The birth of Ceramiche Pucci, however, takes place in a particularly difficult historical and economic moment, because, to the difficulties generated by the war, are added the no less serious ones of the post-war period when the urgency to rebuild what is necessary inevitably made the desire to look with interest at an asset that could be considered luxury. The minutes of the assembly, already during the conflict, complained about the difficulties in supplying raw materials, the need to make up for the absence of male workers called up to arms with female personnel, the limitations or even the suspension, by government decree, of the production of an asset not compatible with the state of war, the almost total closure of international markets, energy costs in continuous rise. Difficulties begin after the war Despite this, with the exception of 1944, the year of the bombing of Umbertide, the financial statements manage to close in the black, albeit with extremely low margins. The real difficulties emerge after the war, just at the moment in which the transformation takes place and the Ceramiche Pucci brand is born. When in Italy the reconstruction begins, in fact. the artisanal sector does not find substantial support in the choices of governments, which instead goes to support large companies, as if only the latter had to support the economy of a country that was trying to recover. However, it should be noted that craftsmanship, by its very nature. it could not collect the breadth of consensus typical of large industry and agriculture. Disappointment and regret constantly emerge in the minutes of the post-war assembly which see the lack of government support as a serious aggravating factor in a situation that is already very difficult in itself, an inevitable consequence of the precariousness of the moment: the costs of raw materials undergo significant increases, electricity in 1949 it rose by about 50 per cent compared to 1947, the social and insured contributions paid by the employer increased by 40 per cent in 1948 alone, the percentages in banking transactions became ever higher. Competition on the international manufacturing market of other countries that have resumed their activity becomes tighter, the internal market of the sector is in crisis, because that middle class, which constituted a large part of the clientele, is forced to turn its interest towards basic necessities. All these difficulties hardly make it possible to maintain a balanced budget and jobs, but do not produce profits that can be reinvested to expand an activity which, in any case, in the small town, plays an economic role of fundamental importance. To overcome the difficulties, action is taken on several fronts The rather complicated entrepreneurial choices are faced by Domenico Pucci with immediate interventions on several fronts, with the primary objective of consolidating the presence in the market both in defense of jobs and of that "made in Italy" which, for his awareness and conviction, receives appreciation for the originality and quality of the product. The key issues on which he decides to operate are many and simultaneously affect both the structural elements of the production process and distribution in the markets: - reorganization of the supply chain; - maintaining the old prices in order not to reduce sales beyond a certain limit and to safeguard production; - diversification and upgrading of the product aimed at conquering foreign markets still sensitive to the taste and refinement of Italian artistic ceramics. The modernization of the supply chain, which had already started between 1943 and 1944 when the factory was moved from via XII Settembre to via Spalato (now via Spoletini), is completed in the large, newly built premises which facilitate its reorganization in all aspects. The geographical location, the lines of communication, the means of transport and the difficulties inherent in the historical period had led to choices that favored functionality and autonomy as much as possible. The latter went so far as to equip the company with functional appendages such as a sawmill for the production of packing cases and shavings, essential for the safe transfer of such delicate goods on long road, railway or even transoceanic sections. The processing residues were used, in winter, to heat the compartments, such as the warehouse, which were not reached by the heat produced by the ovens. The organization of the company spaces was conceived by favoring a serial layout which required to incorporate the schemes of industrialized work without going to the highest levels of the production chain, not properly suited to an exquisitely and unequivocally "artistic" production. The location of the departments highlighted a specific attention to minimizing the travel spaces since the material, very delicate, in its various processing phases was transported without automated systems; the "dirty" areas were kept separate from the "clean" areas, and moreover, areas with a "naturally" controlled temperature were located, to allow a correct drying phase of the worked clays. The earth was pre-worked in an external pavilion, where, from the material first taken from the fields, by means of chalking and passing through the sedimentation tanks and filtering phases, clay loaves were obtained; these entered the real "factory" in which it was possible to identify the two "lungs" of the layout: the processing of clay and terracotta decoration, separated from each other by the area reserved for the cooking ovens, which served both departments. Being able to count on a stable supply of electricity, the wood-burning ovens used during the war had been replaced by electric ovens which, with a more stable and controlled cycle, the quality of the product increased. There were always two stages of cooking (clay-bistugio, bistugio-decorated product), sometimes three when the artifact was finished in pure gold or with special enamels. The intermediate location of the ovens area favored a balanced distribution of heat, which in winter kept the work spaces at temperature and in summer allowed the dissipation of excess heat to the outside, through suitable ventilation of the central area, without the other two departments were disturbed. The warehouse for the storage of the finished product, packaging and shipping was a body adjacent to the production area and saw, for most of the time, the shipping area located in a strategic position towards the railway station, located in the immediate vicinity, since the delivery took place almost entirely by rail. From the warehouse the crates were transferred, on hand-pushed carts along a very short path, directly to the freight cars, through a reserved access at the rear of the station. The exclusively commercial and accounting sector had a reserved area, but always and in any case contiguous to the production area, and was equipped with an exhibition room, which was nothing more than the historical archive of the objects produced, systematically marked with the number of catalog or often, as happened with the most commercially successful products, with a name that recalled the most evident characteristics of the decorative element. Participation in fairs and exhibitions in Italy and abroad Outside the factory, the company organization expressed itself with the marketing of the product through multiple initiatives aimed at developing the ability to enter the markets, first of all the representation system and participation in events of national and international interest such as trade fairs and permanent exhibitions. The more or less fixed presence of highly skilled representatives in strategic positions on the national and international territory (Europe, Central and North America, Japan) reveals choices sensitive to the reopening of markets after the war. The goal is to support competition from manufacturers from other European countries, such as France and Germany, or from outside Europe, such as Japan, which among other things benefit from the support given to the sector by national governments, that support which, as underlined previously, it lacked the productive vivacity and artistic originality of the Italian artisan enterprise. It is always with a view to the market that Ceramiche Pucci are systematically among the exhibitors of the Fiera Campionaria di Milano, sporadically also among those of the Fiera del Levante in Bari and occasionally also among those present at the Toronto, Casablanca and Barcelona fairs, with costs often consistent, but still justified by the hope of rising turnover. Upstream of these interventions there is an incessant and careful preparation of the samples that every year see renewed shapes and decorations by extremely qualified and competent workers, as well as sensitive to the needs of customers and to the orientations of taste. In this regard, it is enough to recall the decorations in pure gold and special enamels that characterize the early fifties, when the taste is oriented towards greater richness and lively and brilliant colors, expression of a vision of reality now far from the austerity of the war period. It is a very specific phase which, during the fifties, promoted particular decorative choices on the artistic level - which best characterize the originality of Ceramiche Pucci - and, on the commercial level, contributed to a valid affirmation of the product on the markets, positively influenced by the economic revival now underway. However, artistic innovation never lost sight of the two fundamental needs of customers, to be identified in the double diversification of the product and prices, two fronts on which precise choices are made aimed at creating very varied objects; that from the object of pure and simple decorative furniture (vases, centerpieces, decorative tiles, etc.) goes up to the always very refined but functional artifact (tableware, tea, coffee, dessert, ice cream, smoking, for children etc.), or even the prestigious article that large confectionery industries, such as Perugina, Motta or Pernigotti, choose for the luxury packaging of their products. The decoration, to adapt to a wide range of prices, differs while maintaining the same shapes to the object. Double-variant decorations are proposed, with gold and special enamels and, consequently, at a higher price due to the further firing phase; or without gold and special enamels, and therefore at lower prices, accessible to a wider clientele. This phase of intense research for artistic and market innovation sees Domenico Pucci present in the United States for a long time. where assisted by the capable collaboration of qualified representatives, he manages to place heterogeneous and rich samples which, at the time, allowed the foreign turnover to compensate for the stagnation of the internal market and which, today, find examples of products signed "Ceramiche Pucci Umbertide - made in Italy "jealously guarded by overseas collectors. Since the shapes and the decoration are linked to the originality and inspiration of truly capable workers, it is not possible to forget the skill of the staff involved in the final realization of the product. The decoration entrusted to an almost exclusively female staff reveals the acquisition of exceptional abilities, of mastery of different painting techniques, in which already expert workers taught those young people who entered the world of work without the slightest experience. Beyond, in fact, the apprenticeship courses that the company was able to organize in collaboration with the Professional Training School, the real school was the factory. where day after day the new generation learned and experimented the techniques of each production sector in order to become skilled workers and then carry out, in the first person, the dual role of "workers" and "masters. This approach to work played a role socializing of fundamental importance. The factory also as a place for socializing Inside the factory, in fact, a family atmosphere prevailed that excluded any strongly individualizing element, allowing different generations to relate with a spirit of collaboration and, something not to be underestimated at the time, it gave women ample space to achieve themselves thanks to constant and patient commitment required, which allowed them to acquire extraordinary skills, especially, as already mentioned, in the decoration sector. There were many moments of socialization experienced outside working hours in the same spaces of the factory, spaces which, on special occasions, were decorated by the workers themselves to provide a pleasant background for playful moments also open to the participation of family members. The aggregation was also favored by a village reality, at the time still contained within the limits of a community and by the same size of the factory; not so big as to contribute to the dispersion of interpersonal relationships, nor small enough to restrict them to a family level. A reality that has determined a particular way of conceiving the work experience and has significantly affected the aggregation process. In the fifties this is the physiognomy that characterizes Ceramiche Pucci and which, towards the end of the decade, begins to take on different connotations, strictly dependent on changes in taste and relations with an increasingly competitive market where new materials are imposed that allow obtain innovative products, with a satisfying aesthetic appearance, functional, resistant and less expensive. In 1958 the Pucci ceramics are transformed into Pucci majolica and new modernization needs asked to be satisfied: the taste is oriented towards different shapes and decorations that are realized in a production of profound break compared to that of the past. In this period the company is enriched by the precious contribution of Orfei, thanks to which the shape and the decoration evolve towards a greater geometricism and stylization which - although an artistic expression of value - distance the new production from those elements that characterize the Ceramiche Pucci in their truest expression. This is a moment of different experiments also on the type of product, which is enriched by the coatings sector (floor and wall tiles), in which the taste of free and loose hand brushstrokes is revived. The production of Pucci Majolica ceases in 1962 A choice was then required: to lower the level of manufacturing by moving towards a more commercial and less refined product or to raise the level towards an even more niche production that is less and less serial and essentially aimed at the collector's item. Neither line was found to be prosecutable. The first would have denied the history of Ceramiche Pucci, which had made quality products its flag, and found even more fierce competition; the second would have to find in subsequent generations a vital spirit, which it did not find: different choices had already been made. The decision made, even if it was painful. if it has not completely satisfied, it has at least complied with all the needs, especially in light of the fact that in the early sixties the economic boom was also reflected in Umbertide in a growth in production activities both within the same sector and in other quality manufacturers . What remains today is, however. the significant expression of an artistic path that has left an indelible mark on each of its specimens. Sources: - "Le Ceramiche Pucci" - Ed. Skira, 2006 - Catalog of the exhibition at the Rocca from 10 June to 22 October 2006 The photos were taken from the catalog (excluded those of the carnival ball that they are from the historical photographic archive of Corradi and those of the exhibition at the Rocca and of the pages of Umbertide Chronicles that are by Fabio Mariotti) Ceramiche Pucci - La storia

THE FRACTAL OF THE CINQUECENTO The rules of life in the Fratta of the 16th century Curated by Fabio Mariotti In addition to wrinkles and white hair, the accumulation of birthdays in itself proportionally restricts the feeling of depth of the centuries; if we then realize that the weaknesses of the men of half a millennium ago are substantially the same as today, the norms of the Statutes of the Fratta of 1521 seem to be placed just around the corner left behind us. There is nothing new in plain sight: fears, greed, selfishness, in perennial antagonism with the aspirations of security, justice, equality. And the willingness to turn a blind eye to the former and to the detriment of the latter: every era has its own compromises. Prostitution Although fornication is forbidden by its nature and by divine law, nevertheless the lesser evil is sometimes tolerated in order to avoid the greater one. Therefore we establish and order that in the castle or in the neighboring villages, according to common judgment, a home or refuge is identified for prostitutes who, for a set price, put themselves at the service and give their bodies to the pleasure of young people or others in need. Therefore prostitutes must exercise their service in this place assigned to them or in remote places outside the villages, far from the women's conversation areas, to protect huts and mats so that they cannot be seen. Therefore we establish and order that prostitutes who provide their service in the street, in the square, in the tavern or in other public places be sentenced to 20 soldi: credit can be given to any accuser, assisted by a witness worthy of faith, receiving in this case one third of the sentence. Adultery We establish and order that anyone who attempts to rape any woman, rich or poor, known or unknown, be punished; the penalty is 20 lire if the female is of good family and reputation; it is reduced to 10 lire if it is chat. On the other hand, anyone who actually commits adultery with married women against their will is punished with 25 lire, for each woman and for each time. In the event that the violation is committed - against their will - with spinster women, virgins, unmarried women, nuns or whimsical women, the penalty of 25 lire is added to the penalty established by the Statutes of Perugia: the penalty is halved if the female is consenting. The betrayal If a married man engages in carnal relations with a female in contempt of his woman and, similarly, if a married woman does with a man, in contempt and against the will of her husband, the man or woman will be punished or punished with 10 lire, whoever infringes these rules. In these cases, the testimony of the neighbors constitutes legitimate and sufficient proof. The riots If someone in the castle or in the villages incites or promotes a riot or a fight in order to disturb the quiet of the castle, involving up to 20 people or causing a murder or a beating, he will be subjected to the penalty of 10 lire, without prejudice to the subsequent sentence. by the podestà of Perugia. Anyone who causes disturbances in the council or general assembly, or plots and conspires, will be punished with 10 lire which must be paid immediately without trial before leaving the building. Anyone who provokes a protest or a riot such as to cause a scandal will be punished with 40 soldi. The podestà will have to carry out investigations to identify such wrongdoings, at least once a month; in case of negligence the podestà will have to pay a fine of 100 soldi. The night owls We establish and order that no one should wander around the castle and its surroundings after the third ring of the municipality bell which must be rung by the bell ringer in the evening as soon as the castle clock strikes one hour after dark; time must pass between the strokes to recite a miserere. A penalty of 5 soldi is applied to the bell ringer for every time he does not carry out his task; a penalty of 10 soldi is imposed on anyone who is caught walking around at night without lights. Anyone who has lights or embers lit before leaving the house is exempt from the penalty; also exempt are doctors or pharmacists, bakers who go to order bread, those who bring or withdraw bread from the oven, those who go to look for the midwife and also those who prove that the light has gone out due to the wind or in any case against the his will, or who watches over the fires that the neighbors sometimes light on the street or those who stay cool around the house in the evening. The inns No host or hotelier can house any straggler or rebel or condemned by the Holy Church or by the city of Perugia; may not allow gambling by lending cards, dice or board. The host will have to carry out the serving with the correct and stamped measures. We intend to prohibit hoteliers from accommodating more than 10 men without the authorization of the mayor; in suspicious times no man or woman can be hosted without this authorization, under penalty of 20 soldi. We order that no hotelier lodge an armed guest, unless he has first laid down his arms or refuses to do so; soldiers and officers of the Holy Church and of the city of Perugia who came to the castle by order of the commanders of the same are exempt. The bakers We order that the bakers of the castle must cook the bread brought to their ovens well and according to law, using competence and care. The fee for cooking is set at 2 soldi per bushel of bread; if this remuneration is increased, a penalty of 10 soldi will be imposed each time. If, due to a cooking defect, the bread is bad, the owner of the bread will be compensated. Each oven must be equipped with a chimney that comes out of the roof, to avoid possible fires. Bakers must keep the bread for sale placed in baskets covered with white placemats so that buyers get an appetite and not a stomach upset. Anyone who defrauds the sale will have bread confiscated and assigned, for God's sake, to the poor in the hospital of Santa Croce in Borgo di Sotto. The dead In order for women to behave with due honesty, we order that no female can or should leave the house to cry desperately for any dead, wherever they are, under the penalty of 40 sous. And no female can accompany the dead to the burial, following him weeping and disheveled. And no person, man or woman, is to despair over the grave after the dead have been taken to church and buried and in later times. Anyone who is able to prove such an accusation will receive a third of the sentence, provided they have a trustworthy witness. The corruption To ensure that those in public office have clean hands, we establish and order that no public administrator, in the performance of his function, tries to put any amount of money in his pocket, or behaves with fraud or malice or tries to barter. the benefits granted or forcibly demand or spontaneously receive rewards. Anyone who does not respect these rules will have a penalty equal to four times the amount he has defrauded, traded or illegally earned. Anyone guilty of these crimes will never be able to hold offices again; his crimes must be reported to the public opinion by the auctioneer in all places frequented by the fraudster. The hoarders It is our will to curb the greed and avarice of many people who study with all their ingenuity to accumulate goods (to the displeasure of God and the damage of the neighbor, not satisfied and satisfied with their share) by hoarding wheat and other food to be able to resell when they have increased in value. For this reason we establish and order that no one plots or plots to buy food in this castle and its surroundings and, removing them from common use, causing famine. For each accumulated state a fine of 20 soldi will be applied. Anyone who will allow these hoarders to be unmasked, accusing them, will receive a third part of the sum as a reward. Leprosy In the Old Testament it is written that those infected with leprosy must be segregated from others. So we establish and order that if someone is infected with leprosy the defenders of the castle must inform him or have him informed, with charitable and polite ways, that he is required to move away from the castle and its villages by going to live separated from everyone or in a leper colony. If the leper accepts the invitation, it is better; if, on the other hand, he refuses to leave within an hour, he is advised by the podestà that he must leave the castle within 10 days under the penalty of 5 lire; if he has not left after this deadline, the invitation to leave is renewed within 5 days, under the penalty of 10 lire; if he has not left after this deadline, he is granted another day, under the penalty of 20 lire. If he does not obey, he will have to pay out 20 lire and will be thrown out of the castle door, by popular acclaim. Modesty It is evident that in these modern times honesty has returned to heaven and shame has abandoned even the old ones: in fact, the shameful parts are shown and exposed without respect for anyone, not even for virgins and married women, and with greater insistence by those who have more abundance; and this happens in various places but in particular on the Tiber, in the areas frequented by people. To remedy this filth, we establish and order that those who dare to expose themselves without underwear or other honest cover in the water, swimming at least, to the "stone" or "patollo" along the stretch of Tiber that goes from the Calbi mill to be punished with 5 lire. to the greppo of Cristoforo. Those under the age of 12 and those who jump into the water to save someone who is about to drown are exempt from the sentence. (To facilitate the reading the rules have been reported from the vernacular in the current Italian) Sources: “The rules of life in the Fratta of the '500” are taken from the “Statutes of the Fratta dei Figliuoli di Uberto (Umbertide) of 1521 "(B. Porrozzi, Ed. Pro Loco, Umbertide, 1980). They were published in the Historical Calendar of the Municipality of Umbertide - 1st edition - 1992. All the historic calendars of the Municipality of Umbertide can be found in Pdf format on the institutional websites: www.comune.umbertide.pg.it / www.umbertideturismo.it Le attività economiche La Fratta di Cipriano Piccolpasso Le regole di vita nella Fratta del Cinquecento Le cariche pubbliche Artisti ed opere d'arte Chiese, conventi e il miracolo della Madonna della Regghia I Fanfani di Fratta Gli Statuti della Fraternita di Santa Croce Le regole di vita nella Fratta del Cinquecento La Fratta by Cipriano Piccolpasso Curated by Fabio Mariotti Cipriano Piccolpasso was born in Casteldurante (today's Urbania) in 1524. He began to work as a military architect and was a master of fortifications; from the country of origin it passed to Rimini, Ancona, Fano, Spoleto. Passionate about ceramics, he decided to return to Casteldurante where he distinguished himself as a creator of art majolica and one of the most refined decorators in the sector. Here he opened a factory which soon became famous and which trained numerous workers who later became famous. Author of various works of various kinds, he owes his fame as a writer above all to the treatise “The three books of the potter's art” (1548) in which he illustrates the secrets of the workshop of making ceramics. Here are explained in detail the stages of the production of ceramic products (clay treatment, shaping, firing, glazing, decoration ...), the different construction techniques, the tools used, as well as the different doses of the mixtures and colors. The manuscript is also enriched by autographed plates that report in great detail the decorative types of Durantine widespread in that period (trophies, grotesques, cerquates, ...) and by drawings that illustrate various stages of processing and the fundamental tools of the potter. The treatise, which always remained in Casteldurante first and then in Urbania, became famous starting in 1758, when it was mentioned by Passeri in his book on the history of the majolica of Pesaro and its surroundings. Between 1857 and 1879 it was published at least three times and on 10 January 1861 it was purchased on behalf of the South Kesington Museum (now Victoria and Albert Museum) in London where it still stands today. Piccolpasso died in Casteldurante on 21 November 1579 and was buried in the local church of San Francesco. Cipriano Piccolpasso was for a certain period of time deputy supervisor of the fortresses of Perugia. In this capacity he was sent, in 1565, to visit the state of the fortresses of the castles dependent on that city to ascertain their military potential and then report them. On this occasion he was also at Fratta, he visited the castle walls and the Rocca, making two drawings, one of the perimeter of the walls and a view of the entire castle seen from the south. Piccolpasso came from the Apennines and was almost at the end of the journey, which began in Perugia on April 12 and ended on June 21, 1565. We report his travel notes in which he noted all the steps and the various expenses incurred. Everything is relative to the last week, in which period he was also in Fratta. Piccolpasso reports news on the perimeter of Fratta "La Fratta di Perugia turns rods 138", meaning that the perimeter of the castle walls, measured with the rod used in Perugia (5 meters long), was about seven hundred meters. To make this measurement he used an instrument called "il Bossolo" and also explains how it was used and the inconveniences that can happen if you don't know how to use it. It also gives us information on the distances between Fratta and the neighboring villas and towns Borders of the Fratta of Perugia: Tramontana to the west Città di Castello X miles away, by mile I boundaries; Montone III miles away, for 1/2 mile border; Montalto I miles away, for borders 1/2 miles; Monte Migiano 2 - 1/2 miles away, for borders 1 miles; Monte Castello 3 miles away. Ponente a Mezzogiorno Preggio XII miles away; Castel Rigone far away from Miles XIII. Noon in the Levant Perugia XII miles away; Assisi away XX miles. Levante to Tramontana Gubbio distant XII miles; La Serra and Civitella miles away II. Piccolpasso then goes on to give us the news about Fratta and its inhabitants. The description he gives of the town and its people, compared with that of other cities - even close to us - is among the most beautiful of all. The extremely favorable impression he gave of this town overlooking the Tiber ("like a very clear lake"), with its well-cultivated countryside, with the skilled artisans at work in the shops makes us think with curiosity about the images he saw in this late spring of 1565 and to the life of our ancestors four and a half centuries ago. And, proud of the Frattegiani of the sixteenth century, we are grateful to Cipriano Piccolpasso who was able to describe its fundamental characteristics so well. We faithfully and proudly report his report on Fratta, only by placing it in a more fluent language than the sixteenth-century one he used. “La Fratta has about eighty families. This is a small but nice place where it is very pleasant to stay and has a nice view. It has the Tiber on the west side, like a very clear lake (remember that the dam under the bridge significantly raised the water level), but harmful and of great danger to the place because, if no measures are taken, in a short time, such as he has already started to do, he will take the whole place away (evidently he acted in time if this did not happen!). The men of this country are diligent, solicitous and shrewd because, working their small territory incessantly, they make it bear fruit as an extensive countryside and a very large place. Here we work very well in building arquebuses and auction weapons. The walls, although ancient, are of solid and very sturdy material, but everywhere, above them, there are houses. The fortress is surrounded by large walls and has a tower about one hundred feet high. They have no cattle or pastures. There are no weapons of any kind here (1) " Expenses incurred account - For a dinner in Sassoferrato baiocchi 10 - To those whom I will help to measure baiocchi 30 - For the horse for the Fratta with the boy baiocchi 25 - To dine in Segello and refresh the horse baiocchi 50 - For a dinner at Fratta with the boy and the baiocchi horse 35 - For the horse for Castello baiocchi 30 - For dinner and dinner at Castello baiocchi 20 - For dinner and dinner at Castello baiocchi 20 - To those whom I will help to measure the baiocchi walls 30 - For the horse for the Fratta baiocchi 30 - For dinner and dinner at the Fratta baiocchi 30 - To those who will help me to measure baiocchi 10 - For the horse to Perugia baiocchi 30 - And more made to give to the family of Messer Paulo, said Messer Gherardo soldier of fortress for the 50 (1) Cipriano Piccolpasso - The plants and portraits of the cities and lands of Umbria submitted to the government of Perugia - Ed. Passetto and Petrelli - Spoleto - 1963. Text published on the Historical Calendar of Umbertide 2003 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2003 Map of Fratta by C. Piccolpasso (1565). The three city gates are clearly visible: the "Porta castellana" to the west for C. di Castello; the "Porta senza nome" in today's Piaggiola for Montone and the State of Urbino; the "Porta Romana" at noon for the current Piazza S. Francesco and Perugia. It can be seen that the Fratta was then completely surrounded by the waters of the Tiber and the Reggia stream. Drawing of the Fratta by C. Piccolpasso (1565) Above, view of Casteldurante (today Urbania) by C. Piccolpasso. Below, cover of the book by C. Piccolpasso on the art of the potter (1548) La Fratta di Cipriano Piccolpasso I Fanfani di Fratta Economic activities curated by Fabio Mariotti The weavers There was an intense craft activity in Fratta, which took place inside many houses: the work of looms to weave the cloth (cotton, hemp, linen), of the reticellai and embroiderers in general, aimed at private citizens and to the brotherhoods for their linen needs in the church. From some documents of these lay associations we find for the first time in Fratta a particular way of working fabrics, called "alla moita" (later used up to the whole of the eighteenth century). With this expression "working at the moita" it was meant that the finished product went half to the owner of the hemp, linen, cotton and half to the person who had done the work, as a reward. Payment, of course, could also be made in cash, which was always preferred. Hemp and flax, produced in the Fratta countryside in quantities satisfactory to the needs of the population, were processed in the houses in a purely artisanal way. Hemp (as well as linen), also called "accia", was first unraveled and then "cured". The unraveling consisted of a first, superficial combing with which the upper part called "il capeccio" (it carried flowers and seeds) was removed from the plant, which was not used for weaving. With this first coarse combing, even the smoothest part of the plant was separated, which was then used to package secondary products (bales for wheat, harnesses for transporting weights, etc.). Flax (like hemp) was tied in thirteen-pound bundles. The one that still had the "capeccio" was worth less than the "scapecciaato" one as it had undergone the unraveling. After this operation, the product was put to macerate in a well of water, then a second combing was carried out which gave the best fiber with which the fabric was manufactured for the finest, most valuable and requested cloths (tablecloths, sheets , linen in general). In the registers of the brotherhoods and in the inventories found in the notarial deeds of the municipal archive there is evidence of a rather singular fact: the big bags used in hospitals as mattresses were made with linen, considered precious. Inside they contained straw and dry leaves, the cheapest material that could be found. This gives an idea of the mentality of the time for which it was not at all scrambling to enclose the humblest material in linen. The trade in scythes Large production of sickles in Fratta, in the sixteenth century, both common that were used to harvest wheat ("ad secandum granum"), and of the "necessarium" type, that is used for crops in general (rye, barley, hay). therefore large trade organized by individuals or groups that from April to June of each year (but also in the other months) dealt with this activity. The operations of steel purchase, production, finishing, transport, sale of the finished product were based on the utmost seriousness and correctness between the parties, who always resorted to a notarial deed. The copy of which also served as a transport document during the journey and was shown to the authorities of the places crossed asking for information on the goods (it was the accompaniment of that time). At the beginning of the sixteenth century the most qualified group in the trade of scythes was formed by Pietro Paolo Tempesta together with Simone di Antonio called "il Guercio", Sante di Antonio, Bernardino del fu Renzo, Paolo Bartoli, Bernardino di Iacopo Cortoni known as "Fallature" and Antonio del fu Mattiolo. In April 1511 they bought five thousand scythes, ordering hundreds of pieces from each blacksmith's shop. Among others, the brothers Giovan Battista, Michelangelo and Gabriele, sons of Francesco; Warrior of Matteo Ridolfo Alberti, Vico of mastro Nicola, Giliotto of mastro Filippo and his brothers. Two or three people work in each workshop and when they have to deal with orders for several thousand pieces, they join together, aided by the "art of blacksmiths" corporation which gives them the necessary assistance for the purchase of raw materials. and for sale. Buyers placed orders in April or early May, delivery took place between the 20th and 24th of this month. Rome and the Maremma were the main destinations, present in every contract, but also "Tuscia" (southern Tuscany) and the castle of Sarteano (just south of Chiusi). The buyers always claimed that the scythes were made to perfection (we always find the phrase "ad usum merci et legalis magistris fabrij ferrarij"). They were tied in bunches of one hundred pieces and transported by horses or mules, sometimes owned by the blacksmiths themselves. The payment, by the month of June, was usually completed in Fratta. As in all contracts of the time, a penalty was established for the party who did not fulfill the written obligations. A notarial deed dated 25 April 1524 provided for an original one. The blacksmith Arcangelo Bavaglioni sells three hundred scythes for twenty-three florins, including transport. The buyer, Cecco del fu Carlo, undertakes to pay the price by the month of June with the agreement that, failing that, he should give the blacksmith Arcangelo, as a penalty, a plot of land with the word "Pagini", up to the competition of the amount due. The arquebusiers In addition to the blacksmiths, united in various companies and famous throughout central Italy, who produced among other things thousands of scythes a year to be sold in the Roman countryside and the Maremma, there were also manufacturers of firearms. They can be considered specialized blacksmiths, because they were successful in this job even though they did not have today's machines to turn the various pieces; they did everything by hand and in an extremely precise way. Various documents contain information on the sale in Fratta of both arquebuses, long weapons, shoulder or easel weapons, and the "scppietti", that is, short weapons. There is also news on accessories: the "powder" and the "flasca", which we think were gunpowder and its container. On 21 December 1510 these artisans sold five hundred arquebuses, the value of which was two gold ducats each. The weapons had to be delivered by March of the following year by the arquebusiers Giovanni Folcantoni, Bonaventura Pulicardi and Sebastiano Brelli, all from Fratta. They, considering the holidays, therefore had to produce five or six arquebuses a day which, given the total manual skill of the work, is certainly a remarkable productivity. Such a large commission also makes it clear how these "artillery" works qualified the activity of these masters of art at a regional level. The deed of sale was drawn up by the notary Paolo Martinelli in the castle of Civitella dei Miuletti [?], Where Raniere dei Ranieri, a noble from Perugia, lived. Buyers are Pier Luigi dei Farnensi and ser Michele Pier Ventura, from Lugnano: they undertake to pay half the amount, that is five hundred ducats, upon delivery (March 1511) and the same amount in mid-August (the nobleman Raniere dei Ranieri guarantees the payment). The buyer ser Michele di Pier Ventura gives a security of fifty gold scudi to be calculated as an advance. The sellers say they will be able to deliver a third of the five hundred arquebuses by the end of January and the remaining month by month, until the delivery is completed in March. In a document dated 12 March 1522 we find a "fidem facio" (I trust) granted by Giovanni del fu Fioravanti, a Perugian citizen living in Fratta, to the blacksmith Sebastiano di Gabriele. It is a guarantee that the first offers to the second, before the notary Marino Sponta who draws up the deed, regarding the commitments that he will want to make from any person or association in building arquebuses, "crackles" and any other kind of "artillery". Sebastiano is therefore authorized to make any notarial deed relating to his work, under the guarantee of Giovanni. Another document dated May 10, 1586 concerns the repair of an arquebus which had a "cracked chest". The owner of the weapon is a certain man from the castro di Danciano (Val di Pierle) and the blacksmith repairer is a certain master Angelo who has a workshop in Fratta. It seems that the arquebus was broken in the "war of Siena" (1554-1555). Cipriano Piccolpasso, deputy superintendent of the fortresses of Perugia, also talks about our arquebusiers. He was sent in 1565 to visit the state of the fortresses of that city and was therefore also in Fratta. In his report he writes among other things: "... Here we work very well with archebugi et weapons auction ". But then he adds:" ... There are no weapons of any sort. " and hid our hand? The shopkeepers Francesco di Cristofano He was "Spetiale", that is a seller of spices but also of medicines, almonds, barley, torches for lighting, candles, "turpentine", white spirit and various spices. These shops, in addition to being "spetierie", were also called "aromatic", perhaps because the predominant goods in them were those products that came from the "new world", discovered by Christopher Columbus about forty years earlier. Francesco the apothecary left us several accounting records between 1530 and 1533. Fabrizio He too was an apothecary, who lived towards the end of the century. We find records of it in the years 1595 and 1596, when he sells wax, "facole" and apothecaries for the sick in a hospital in Fratta. Bernardino Cibo He had a grocery store. We have news of it in the years 1515 and 1528. Bano de Cibo In 1538 he had a shop, unspecified. It belonged to the Cibo family, one of the most important in Fratta. Giomolo In 1539 he sold "aguti" (ie nails), wax, oil and more. Perinelli In 1590 it had an "aromataria". Felice Manfredi He ran an "aromataria" in the years from 1590 to 1595. His shop was in via Regale (today's via Cibo). Ruggero Burelli In 1590 it has an "aromataria" and in 1595 we find news of it in a document in the notary Curtio Martinelli. He is the son of Tolomeo Burelli. Orfeo Burelli In 1590 he had an "apoteca", that is, a shop. He is the son of Francesco Burelli and lives in a house he owns. Gasparino Haberdashery. We find it in 1572 In addition, there were other shops in Fratta: two butchers and two ovens. Fairs and markets In the sixteenth century, when a villa or castle in the Perugian territory wanted to set up a trade fair, it had to ask the authorities of Perugia for permission, then pay an annual tax to this city. The villa or castle in turn recovered the money from those who attended the fair. Fratta was an exception. Since the fifteenth century it had been exempted from this obligation by the Pope of the time, so whoever came to its annual fair in the first days of June did not tax. It was called "free fair", it brought a greater influx of merchants, therefore a greater influx of wealth which benefited all citizens. The annual fair was that of Sant'Erasmo and lasted from 1st to 4th June. In 1506 we find a "Brief" by Pope Julius II who reconfirms the exemption from taxes and adds to the "free fair of Fratta" another six days to the four granted in 1444 ("said fair of St. Erasmus may last up to ten of said June"). In 1532 the duration will be increased to seven days. In 1537 the Perugian magistracy removed all the markets that were held in its countryside; he made an exception for Fratta and allowed them to continue on a weekly basis here. This was confirmed by Pope Paul III on November 4, 1537. From April 6, 1541, the tax exemption granted for the fair was also extended to weekly markets. The day was, like today, Wednesday. In 1542 the exemption was reconfirmed by Cardinal Sforza and in 1547 by Cardinal Crispo, Apostolic Legate for Umbria. A huge number of people attended the fair from nearby villas and castles. Many people also came from Tuscany, passing mainly through the Pierle valley and the Niccone valley. At the fair they sold livestock, agricultural products, fabrics, plates, vases and ceramic objects of the potters of Fratta, agricultural tools produced by blacksmiths. There are two places of sale: the municipal lawn (the "meadow below") at the end of the bridge over the Tiber and the Sant'Erasmo market, now Piazza Marconi (the "meadow above"). A huge cattle fair took place in the municipal lawn. In the market of Sant'Erasmo cereals and all other edible kinds were sold, as well as handicraft products. The early June fair continued until the mid-1960s, while our weekly Wednesday market has more than six centuries of history. Drawings by Adriano Bottaccioli published in the 2003 Umbertide Calendar Photo by Fabio Mariotti from the Historical Photographic Archive of the Municipality of Umbertide Sources: "Calendar of Umbertide 2003" - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2003 "Umbertide from the origins to the sixteenth century" - Roberto Sciurpa - Ed. Petruzzi Città di Castello - 2007 Ancient frame. Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli Ancient scythes. Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli Piazza S. Francesco (1930s). In the 16th century it was the seat of the blacksmith shops Ancient weapons. Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli Street vendors in Piazza Mazzini in the early 1900s Via Cavour and Piazza Marconi (1930s). In the '500 Mercatale di Sant'Erasmo Le attività economiche Public offices curated by Fabio Mariotti The authority Authority of the government of Perugia, also called commissioner, was the representative of the Roman state within the community and had some powers that did not directly affect the administration of public affairs. He was always a foreigner, a "foreigner", as they said, that is, not a citizen of the Roman state. He was allowed to bring with him the notary, two servants (they had to have livery), a horse and, of course, his wife and children. In addition to the tasks of representation, which kept the community of Fratta united in Perugia, its "dominant city", he was allowed to remove from the agenda of the council meetings everything that, in his opinion, could harm the interests of the city of Grifo and the ecclesiastical state. The term of office was variable, depending on the contingent reasons of Perugia. Chancellor Notary of power, who followed in the movements, remained in office for the time of his "vicariate". He was involved in the drafting, on his own books, of everything that concerned the work of the authority, both in relation to the communities where they resided, and in relations with Perugia. The chancellor (or ordinary judge) also kept the volume of the "trials" that he and the authority held in the administration of justice. The defenders Authorities of Fratta, they were the highest representatives of the community, they decided on what to do for the positive development of public affairs and the good living of the population: they combined the powers of today's mayor and the municipal council. They brought in the council meetings the topics to be discussed and on which to vote, with the endorsement of power. The defenders were four, they remained in office for four months. Considered "officials" of the community, they were chosen from among the "bookies" of the castle, that is, people who had real estate registered in the "Cadastre". The three above the guard There were three "officers" who supervised the military apparatus of the castle, that is, the safety of all the inhabitants. They remained in office for four months. The four councilors Persons in charge of advising defenders on matters to be discussed in the council. They were also considered "officials" of the community and remained in office for four months. The camorlengo He was considered the "official" with the task of keeping the accounts of the community. He paid the salaries and expenses, collected the income and various annuities. The office of camorlengo (or chamberlain) lasted four months. These were the twelve most important people for the life of the community, summing up in them the civil and military power. They alone were part of the secret council (or of the twelve). Photo by Fabio Mariotti from the Historical Photographic Archive of the Municipality of Umbertide Sources: "Calendar of Umbertide 2003" - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2003 "Umbertide from the origins to the sixteenth century" - Roberto Sciurpa - Ed. Petruzzi Città di Castello - 2007 The town hall in the 1920s The seal of the Defenders of Fratta 1905 - Piazza Umberto I (now Piazza Matteotti) - 1918 Artists and works of art curated by Fabio Mariotti There have been many, and some of great prestige, the artists who have worked in Fratta in this century. Bernardino di Betto (Pinturicchio) In 1502 the observant Franciscan friars of Santa Maria della Pietà ordered a work from the Perugian painter Bernardino di Betto, known as "il Pinturicchio" (1454-1513). The painting was done on the main facade of the church, above the entrance portal, in the shape of a lunette. It is called the "Lunette of motherhood". It represents the Madonna with Child in her arms and two angels on either side. Also in 1502 the Franciscan friars of Santa Maria commissioned a large painting from Pinturicchio, a pupil of Pietro Vannucci from Perugia, which was to represent the "Coronation of the Virgin". Pinturicchio performed the work admirably. The painting was stolen by Napoleon's soldiers in 1809 to be transported to France. This did not happen and the work stopped in Rome. Subsequently the Roman curia proposed to the Franciscan friars of Fratta the purchase of the painting and they sold it to the Vatican for five hundred scudi. It was the favorite painting of Pope John Paul II under which he often received heads of state and illustrious guests. In its place, in the church of Santa Maria di Umbertide, a photographic reproduction of the same size has been placed. Luca Signorelli In the first months of 1516 Luca Signorelli from Cortona came to Fratta to paint the "Deposition from the cross". The painting had been commissioned from him by the Confraternity of Santa Croce. The painting, on wood, was placed on the wall behind the main altar of the original and small church of the same name. It was only in 1612 that the still existing wooden exhibition was built by Pietro Lazzari of Sant'Angelo in Vado. Signorelli painted three predellas below the picture and, as can be seen from the records of the brotherhood, also a "top", that is a "Pietà" in the shape of a lunette that dominated the whole. All traces of the latter have been lost since the end of the sixteenth century. Black Alberti On 11 January 1523 the Conventual Franciscan friars of Fratta (they had the convent in the Borgo Inferiore, now Piazza San Francesco) ordered the sculptor Nero Alberti, of Borgo San Sepolcro, a wooden statue, four feet high, depicting Saint Anthony of Padua. , for their church. Eleven florins paid for the work. The other artists In 1556, the painter Marino da Perugia painted a "Madonna in relief" with angels around for the church of Santa Croce. The work was paid to him for twenty florins, twelve soldi and eight denarii. Also the brotherhood of Santa Croce, in 1557 commissioned the painter Vittorio da Montone to create frescoes depicting Jesus Christ and St. Joseph for the "new chapel" of the church, which had recently been slightly enlarged. He was paid with more than twenty florins. From the registers of the brotherhood of San Bernardino we finally learn that in 1596 master Antonio was commissioned by the brothers to make the design of the main altar of the church. It means that during the second restructuring works, which took place between 1554 and 1555, the high altar had not yet been built, just as the large picture of the "Last Supper" above the altar had not yet been painted, executed in 1602. by Muzio Flori . Photo Fabio Mariotti Sources: "Calendar of Umbertide 2003" - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2003 "Umbertide from the origins to the sixteenth century" - Roberto Sciurpa - Ed. Petruzzi Città di Castello - 2007 Le cariche pubbliche The lunette by Pinturicchio on the facade of the church of Santa Maria della Pietà The entrance portal with the lunette The coronation of the Virgin. On the right, the photographic reproduction in the church of Santa Maria The Deposition from the Cross by Luca Signorelli. On the right in the precious wooden exhibition The San Rocco by Nero Alberti in the Museum of Santa Croce Church of San Bernardino. The last supper of Muzio Flori Artisti ed opere d'arte Church of San Francesco. Wrought iron gates made by the blacksmiths of Fratta Churches, convents and the miracle of the Madonna della Regghia curated by Fabio Mariotti The churches In the 16th century Fratta, with a population of less than five hundred inhabitants, there were more than a dozen churches. Chapel of Santa Maria di Castelvecchio At the bottom of the Piaggiola, it was also known as the church of Santa Maria dei Meriti. It had its own hospital which was joined, in 1411, by the hospital of Santa Croce. Santa Maria della Regghia Octagonal in shape, commissioned in honor of the Madonna del miracolo (1556), it was begun in 1560 and completed at the end of the century (1598) with the original dome then replaced in 1612. An image of the primitive structure is visible in the painting by Bernardino Magi ( 1602), in the church of San Bernardino. Santa Maria della Pietà In the Borgo Superiore, or Castelvecchio, it was officiated by the Franciscan friars of Santa Maria dell'Osservanza who lived in the adjoining convent. It was built in 1481. Sant'Andrea In the Borgo Superiore, we have news of it since the year 1146. It was located on the place where (1860-1870) the old hospital of Umbertide was built. Our Lady of Carmel On the first east pillar of the bridge over the Tiber, enlarged and modified, a small church had been built, dating back to around 1570, because it does not appear in the 1565 drawing by Cipriano Piccolpasso. It was dedicated to the Madonna del Carmelo, whose feast was celebrated on the 15th in August. Sant'Erasmo It is located in the "mercatale", the space where the markets were held (today Piazza Marconi). Currently it is no longer visible because a house has been built there. On the ground floor, however, you can appreciate the structure of an ancient crypt, dating back to the 11th century. The church had many real estate properties, including the adjoining hospital. The first news dates back to 1145. Sant 'Antonio It existed since 1374 and was in the Borgo Superiore. On 27 February 1556 it was visited by the episcopal vicar Don Giuseppe Sperelli who found it "well decorated but damp". In fact it was between the Piaggiola and today's Piazza Marconi, subject to the floods of the Tiber. Holy Cross It did not have today's dimensions, which it assumed from 1632 to 1644. The original church was much smaller and more backward than the one we see today. We have the first news in 1338. It belonged to the brotherhood of the same name. St. Augustine It was annexed to a convent of the order of the hermits of Sant'Agostino. It was built in 1374 at the end of today's Via Leopoldo Grilli (adjacent to the Migliorati pastry shop), so it was often flooded by the Tiber. The friars owned land. Saint Francis Built starting from 1299, it was in the Lower Borgo, next to the small church of Santa Croce. It was annexed to a convent of friars which had received various bequests in the middle of the century. In 1530 the chapel of San Rocco was still missing, to the left of the central nave. San Bernardino Also in the Lower Borgo, it belonged to the Confraternity of the Good Jesus which owned its own hospital adjacent to it. In 1550 the works for the enlargement of the church began (first restructuring). In 1558 the brotherhood built the bell tower. St. John Baptist It is the first church contained within the castle walls. Its construction and that of the bell tower date back to the 12th century. It was consecrated in 1250. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, the brothers of the brotherhood of San Giuseppe or of the Body of Christ built a new chapel in the space next to the church, in a room that had previously been used as a stable. There were also the churches of the Madonna del Moro and the Madonna del Giglio . In the surrounding area there were finally San Bartolomeo in Camporeggiano, San Cristoforo in Civitella, Sant'Angelo and Stefano in Migianella, the church and monastery of Santa Caterina in Preggio, San Paterniano (today's Pierantonio where, at the beginning of the century, c 'was only Pier Antonio's house and tavern), San Giovanni a Serra Partucci. Convents and brotherhoods Monastery of Santa Maria We have news of it already in 1521, from the Statutes of the Fratta. It is a convent for women, probably located in the same place where one was built in 1604 of the nuns in Castel Nuovo, after Piaggiola, on the left, going down towards today's Piazza Marconi. It is also traced in 1555 and 1596. Immediately after the convent there was the door of Santa Maria which opened onto today's square. Fraternity of disciplines of the church of Santa Maria and hospital of Sant'Antonio The first news dates back to 1405. In 1515, "mayor and procurator" of the brotherhood is Giovan Paolo del fu Cristoforo. It has a land with the word "Seripole". The church is that of Santa Maria di Gastelvecchio, which Pesci calls "Pieve di Santa Maria". The brotherhood also has the hospital of Sant'Antonio, which joined that of Santa Maria in the distant 1411. Brotherhood of Santa Croce It has its origins in 1330. Large, historical, brotherhood of Fratta, it operated for several centuries up to the last one. She was the owner of many assets and engaged in a vast religious and welfare activity. Deeply engraved in the social reality of the country. Capuchin friars Before 1580 they lived, for rent, in two rooms owned by the brotherhood of San Bernardino. They worked in the various hospitals of Fratta. In the second half of the sixteenth century the brotherhood of Santa Croce hosted them in its houses, in today's Via Soli. Cistercians and Camaldolese in Montecorona The abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto, located in the valley, near the Tiber (today's Badia) was built in 1008 by the Camaldolese and inhabited by them until 1234. They also have the small church of San Savino, halfway up the coast of Mount Corona where , in 1190, the saint died. In 1234 Pope Gregory IX transferred them to the Cistercian fathers, who lived there until 1524, the year in which Pope Clement VII gave everything back to the Camaldolese who kept it until around 1860. In 1532 the Camaldolese built the great hermitage on the top of Mount Corona, where their hermits went to live. Observant Franciscan Friars Minor of Santa Maria They lived in the convent of Santa Maria della Pietà since 1481. They also officiated at the church of Sant'Erasmo, providing for the adjoining hospital. Hermits of Sant'Agostino They were in the convent annexed to the church of the same name, at the bottom of the Piaggiola, going down on the right. In 1517 they bought a house owned by the church of Sant'Erasmo, located in the upper district of Fratta, in the town square (today's piazza della Rocca). They had land bordering the word "Le breccie", in the territory of Fratta. In 1597 Fra Gabriele da Polgeto was prior and they owned a field at Petrella, in the word "Campo della nut". Brotherhood of the Good Jesus He owned the church of San Bernardino and the adjoining hospital. In 1587 he signed a contract with the painter Mutio Flori, from Fratta, for a picture to be placed above the main altar ("The Last Supper", still visible today) and in 1588 he built the bell tower of the church. The seat was in the premises adjacent to the church, therefore it was also called the Confraternity of San Bernardino. Brotherhood of Saint Joseph or of the Body of Christ The seat was in the church of San Giovanni Battista, within the castle walls. Brotherhood of Sant'Antonio or della Buona Morte Its church was that of the nuns of Santa Maria Nuova. In 1750 it will be transferred to Sant'Agostino. Convent of San Francesco It was in the Borgo Inferiore, annexed to the church. The conventual Franciscan friars, called zoccolanti, lived there. On February 12, 1516 the general chapter of the friars meets. The custodian and procurator of the convent is friar Angelo di Giovanni, a professor of sacred theology. Other friars are Giuliano, Cipriano di Bartolomeo, Pierfrancesco da Montalcino, Pacifico di Piergiovanni della Fratta, Francesco di Giovanni Ursini. The convent owns a farm in the Rio. The miracle of the Madonna della Regghia The story aroused the explosion of devotion that led to the construction of the great and superb Madonna della Regghia, the Collegiata. We are in the year 1556, on the 14th of September. At Fratta there are many churches, but also several "Maestà" (aedicules with a sacred image) and as many chapels. One of these was located on the public road, on land owned by Francesco Graziani, a nobleman from Perugia, less than twenty meters from the current Collegiate Church (where the former Zampa building now Casi is). This can be deduced from a constructive anomaly in the elements that support the architrave of the west door with respect to those of the north door. The stone columns are placed on bases that each have two oblique sides with respect to the main wall, as if they want to indicate a direction, closely linked to the project. How many times have we walked past it without noticing it? An ideal connection between the existing chapel and the large new building under construction; a set of affection, devotion, gratitude that the people felt towards that image painted inside. The image of the Madonna, hence the "church of the Blessed and Glorious Virgin Mary", near the castle walls of Fratta, called by the people "Madonna della Regghia", from the name of the stream that flowed not far away. On the morning of September 14, a seven-year-old girl, daughter of Orlandino Vibi, born with a serious malformation in a leg that did not allow her to walk without support, was praying in front of the image, when "it is said that this spoke to him" and immediately "she found herself free and healthy and walked frankly." It was the clamor aroused by the event that prompted the bishop of Gubbio to make a pastoral visit to Fratta for two days, Wednesday 7 and Thursday 8 October 1556, appointing his vicar Don Cesare Sperelli to do it. The extraordinary event led the civil and religious community to build a large church in honor of the Madonna, depicted on the small altar of this shrine. A competition of alms and bequests began, so much so that a special metal box had to be built. The construction plans were prepared (authors of the original design were Galeazzo Alessi and Giulio Danti); the Graziani of Perugia ceded the land and in 1560 work began. When they were completed at the end of the century, the painting was transported, together with the wall block on which it was frescoed, to the temple erected to welcome it and placed behind a glass case above the main altar. And today, after so many years, the sacred image of the Madonna is still the object of a special cult on the part of the people of Umbria. Photo by Fabio Mariotti from the Historical Photographic Archive of the Municipality of Umbertide and from the Archive of Giuseppe Severi Sources: "Calendar of Umbertide 2003" - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2003 "Umbertide from the origins to the sixteenth century" - Roberto Sciurpa - Ed. Petruzzi Città di Castello - 2007 S. Maria della Regghia (Collegiata) 100 years ago 1900. S. Maria della Pietà 1976. Church of the Madonna del Giglio Piaggiola today. On the right the building that in ancient times it housed the Monastery of S. Maria and later that of Castel Nuovo The convent of S. Maria in 1977 and today, after the last restoration The abbey of San Salvatore in Montecorona 1980s. Hermitage of Montecorona 1978. Church of the Madonna del Moro 1930s. Church and convent of San Francesco The cloister of San Francesco The image of the Madonna around which it was built the impressive temple The Carmelite church in an ancient painting The church of Sant'Erasmo in a 1910 drawing The Piaggiola. On the left stood the convent of S. Agostino 1915. The facades of Santa Croce and San Francesco 1890. The bell tower of San Giovanni Battista 1910. The church of San Bernardino Chiese, conventi e il miracolo della Madonna della Regghia The Fanfani of Fratta The Fanfani di Fratta, curiously often nicknamed the "Corto" and the "Migno", have been present in our territory for about 300 years, then suddenly there is no trace of this surname in Umbertide. curated by Fabio Mariotti Information taken entirely from the research of the local historian Renato Codovini in the civil and ecclesiastical archives of the ancient Fratta from which the presence of the Fanfani family has been documented from the mid-sixteenth to the mid-nineteenth century. The first news about the Fanfani di Fratta dates back to 1548. It is initially a family of peasants who worked on a Petrella farm, owned by the Confraternity of Santa Croce. In civil and ecclesiastical documents of the time, they are often cited with the nickname of "Corto" and also of "Migno", as if they were people of short stature. In the book of entries and exits of the Confraternity of Santa Croce, year 1548, there is this entry: "And more than many he hauti in the account of the Fanfani for trimming the beam and the ribs ... (it is a Fanfani who lends himself to transport, with the treggia, some wooden beams that probably were used for the house of the Petrella farm; for this work he had 28 baiocchi). From documents of the notary Angelo Tei of 1568 it appears that the "short of the Fanfani" (so generically identified) was a rather quarrelsome type, called into question by several people to whom he caused damage. From these acts it appears that the Fanfani, having to carry pigs or sheep and goats from one place to another, instead of walking along the various farm roads, had the habit, to make it first, to cross the fields of others, even if sown. This caused some damage to the owner of the land who had nothing else to do but sue the "Corto" before the Judge of Fratta. From a civil act of 1607 it appears instead that the Bishop of Gubbio rents a land located along the Carpina to a certain Sante di Tommaso Fanfani who is in partnership with Gerolamo Pisanelli. Rent for three years at 435 scudi a year to be paid the first half on the Feast of St. John the Baptist and the second on December 25th (a sort of Christmas present). From a civil act of 1662 we learn that this Giovanni Maria Fanfani was appointed by the Community of Fratta to make a count on the relationship between flour and the production of bread in the public oven. The Fanfani in question is defined as a "recognized Professor". For the record, the count shows that the flour that comes out of the mill is made up of the following parts: pure flour (51.05%), sembola (33.34%), farinello (6.24%), Tritello (6 , 24%), bait (3.12%). From an ecclesiastical act of 1676 it appears that Bartolomeo Fanfani is Prior of the Confraternity of Santa Croce together with Francesco Burelli and Ippolito Petrogalli. In 1761 Tommaso Fanfani applied to the Church of Santa Croce to be named Spedaliere, a request however not accepted and the assignment was assigned, on May 3, to a certain Giuseppe Padovani. From a civil act of 1767 it appears instead that Alessandro Fanfani is a municipal damsel, whose task was to carry out the orders of the other employees: to clean the building, to ring the public bell for council meetings, for school or for parties. For this he takes a shield of salary every four months, which was the lowest salary, paid monthly with 25 baiocchi. In 1790 Alessandro Fanfani, after 23 years, is still a municipal boy (even then promotions were not within everyone's reach. Perhaps "our Fanfani" did not have enough "Saints in Paradise" and a "White Whale" (1) behind"). From a civil act of 1808 we know that on September 6, during the fence competition (ox against dogs) the scaffolding built in Piazza San Francesco fell. On this occasion, Sante Fanfani, a 54-year-old shoemaker, was questioned about the event. The last official news we have about the Fanfani di Fratta dates back to 1841, when Nicola Fanfani is Prior of the Confraternity of Sant'Antonio da Padova. Since then there has been no news of the Fanfani and this surname is no longer present in Umbertide. Perhaps the Fanfani moved to nearby Tuscany, perhaps to Pieve Santo Stefano, forgetting their ancient Umbrian origins. The most famous was certainly Amintore, a leading exponent of the Christian Democrats from the 1950s to the 1980s (2). Note: 1. " White whale " was the nickname of the Christian Democrats 2. Amintore Fanfani (Pieve Santo Stefano, 6 February 1908 - Rome, 20 November 1999) was an Italian politician, economist, historian and academic. He was president of the Senate three times and five times president of the Council of Ministers between 1954 and 1987 when, at the age of 79 and 6 months, he became the oldest head of the government of the Italian Republic, twice secretary of the Christian Democrats and also party president, Minister of Foreign Affairs, interior and budget and economic planning. - The images of the documents are by Renato Codovini, taken directly from the article by Umbertide Cronache. - Renato Codovini's photo is by Fabio Mariotti - The photo of Amintore Fanfani is taken from the Internet (Wikipedia) Sources: “History of Umbertide - from the century. VIII to the century. XIX "by Renato Codovini (unpublished manuscript) Article by Fabio Mariotti published in “Umbertide Cronache” n.2 - 1995 The Umbertidese historian Renato Codovini GLI STATUTI DELLA FRATERNITA DI SANTA CROCE Dal libro “Statuti e ordini della Fraternita di Santa Croce in Fratta (Umbertide) dal 1567 al 1741” – a cura di Bruno Porrozzi Premessa Allo stato attuale delle conoscenze non siamo in grado di affermare con sicurezza la data precisa di fondazione a Fratta di una confraternita laica di Santa Croce (o di altro nome), ma certamente non dovremmo essere tanto lontani dal vero se ne facciamo risalire le origini al tempo di San Pier Damiani (morto nel 1072), di San Francesco (1182-1226) promotore dei Penitenti, fondatore dei Frati minori. Dopo San Francesco, il pio laico Raniero (o Rainerio) Fasani, propagatore della disciplina pubblica nel territorio perugino e oltre, nel 1260 predicava la necessità di far penitenza, di espiare pubblicamente i peccati rievocando la passione di Cristo, partecipando alle sofferenze di Gesù flagellandosi a sangue. Può essere verosimile che a Fratta, nella seconda metà del XIII secolo, fossero presenti gruppi di penitenti e disciplinati che, riuniti nelle parrocchie, praticavano esercizi penitenziali non quotidianamente, in maniera incruenta, indossando sempre (penitenti) o in certe circostanze (disciplinati) un abito speciale. Con il passare del tempo, dopo il 1260, i confratelli, organizzati in fraternite locali, scelsero una divisa, una uniforme che, per lo più, consisteva in una tunica bianca, rossa o di altro colore, con o senza scapolare e mantello; tali divise venivano conservate, in genere, negli armadi della sede della confraternita ed indossate per andare in processione o durante le riunioni. Le confraternite laiche, secondo quanto affermano il Mavarelli e altri studiosi, avrebbero avuto origine dall'ordinarsi e dal raccogliersi nelle parrocchie delle folle di disciplinati, dopo il 1258-1260, attenuato il primitivo entusiasmo che li aveva portati "fuori dei casali, dei presbiteri, dei tuguri, dei palazzi, per andare processionalmente per le strade e per le piazze e di paese in paese percuotendosi con fruste di cuoio (scope) fino a sangue, implorando con gemiti e lacrime la divina misericordia" (FRANCESCO MAVARELLI, Notizie storiche e laudi della Compagnia di disciplinati di S. Maria Nuova S. Croce nella Terra di Fratta (Umbertide), Stab. Tipografico Tiberino, 1899, pp. 6, 7). Sul finire del XIII o all'inizio del XIV secolo doveva essere attiva a Fratta la Compagnia dei Flagellanti, come attesta un privilegio, concesso dal vescovo di Gubbio, Pietro di Rosso Gabrielli, che reca la data del 1337; il privilegio prevede la concessione di quaranta giorni di indulgenza a chi darà “aiuti per condurre a termine la fabbrica iniziata dell'ospedale” (Cfr. F. Mavarelli, Op. cit., pp. 6, 7). Per carenza di documentazione sicura, non si può dire che dalla Confraternita dei Flagellanti si passò a quella di Santa Maria Nuova e a quella di Santa Croce; di certo c'è che negli Statuti del 1567 che si presentano, si afferma che verso il 1360 “considerando alcuni huomini da bene della Fratta contado di Perugia, come nella detta Terra non si trovava una Compagnia che attendesse alle opere di charità, come nelli altri luoghi si trova, mossi et ispirati dallo Spirito Sancto, si risolvemo unitamente a fondare una sancta fraternita et compagnia sotto il nome prima di Santa Maria nova e di poi sotto il nome et invocazione della S.ma Croce di Cristo..”. A Fratta, come in molti altri luoghi, le confraternite chiesero aiuto ai francescani o ai domenicani per aver in uso una sala per le riunioni e come sede sociale, un cappellano per celebrare i riti religiosi nella chiesa del convento e come assistente spirituale; è questo un momento importante per la vita delle confraternite, per l'istituzione che viene riconosciuta e le vengono accordate delle indulgenze. Numerosi sono gli esempi di confraternite che ebbero l'opportunità di possedere una propria sede, un oratorio, un centro amministrativo, un hospitalis per i pellegrini e poveri malati. La Confraternita di Santa Croce a Fratta ebbe proprietà immobiliari. una chiesa, un ospedale e propri statuti che lasciavano “entro certi limiti” i confratelli liberi di “poter mutare, aggiugnere o dichiarare più et manco li sopradetti capitoli ogni volta che parerà o piacerà alla stessa Fraternita in tutto o per tutto”...; nel 1612 gli statuti del 1567 vengono “aggiornati”, per il buon governo della Compagnia, dal vescovo eugubino monsignor Andrea Sorbolongo e confermati poi dal successore monsignor Alessandro del Monte nel 1622, sempre in occasione della visita pastorale, con decreti del vescovo Sostegno Maria Cavalli nel 1730 e nel 1741. L'indipendenza della confraternita laica dall'autorità religiosa era comunque sicuramente parziale, poiché soggetta al controllo del vescovo che emanava decreti ed esaminava lo statuto sociale con riserva di approvare o apportare modifiche, quasi sempre in occasione delle visite pastorali. Introduzione Il manoscritto originale si compone di due parti ben distinte: la prima di quattro pagine di carta con poche scritte esplicative (1-4), sedici pagine bianche, sempre su carta (5-20), due fogli bianchi (21-24) in pergamena, ventiquattro pagine scritte su pergamena con i più antichi (1567) capitoli degli statuti e ordinazioni della Confraternita (25-48); la seconda parte, su carta, di trentaquattro pagine scritte, con i capitoli degli statuti del 1612 e i successivi ordini (49-80). Concludono il manoscritto otto pagine bianche di carta. Il tutto, nel formato quindici per ventidue centimetri, rilegato in cuoio marrone scuro, redatto in un volgare quasi sempre sufficientemente chiaro e regolare. Le pagine in pergamena non risultano numerate, quelle su carta, dopo l'indice, sono numerate con cifre arabe da mano coeva. La legatura, assegnabile al XVII secolo, è formata da due fogli di cartone ricoperti in pelle, come si è detto, con quattro borchie (oggi scomparse) sulla prima e quarta di copertina. A Fratta, nel tempo, operarono diverse confraternite; le più attive furono quelle di Santa Croce e di San Bernardino, ancor oggi presenti nella realtà umbertidese. Il lavoro di ricerca storica su queste confraternite e su altre rimane ancora tutto da fare, utilizzando la documentazione reperibile negli archivi pubblici e privati in notevole quantità. La pubblicazione dei presenti statuti vuol essere un contributo, uno stimolo all'apertura di un nuovo "cantiere" per la ricerca storica locale, un cantiere interessante, sicuramente significativo se si tiene presente che le confraternite non furono solamente un centro di spiritualità, ma anche una struttura di notevole importanza sociale, politica, economica e culturale nella realtà di Fratta nei secoli XVI-XIX; qualcuno dovrebbe scriverne la storia. In fiduciosa attesa, con la speranza che venga raccolto l'invito, i consiglieri dell'Associazione Pro-loco hanno il piacere di offrire ai propri concittadini i rarissimi, forse unici, documenti che seguono in copia anastatica con "traduzione", ritenendo che leggerli significa, oltre tutto, cercare di capire la nostra storia, le nostre radici, le nostre tradizioni, le origini della solidarietà della quale oggi tanto si parla. A1 termine del lavoro, oltre a chi ha contribuito alla stampa del volume, è doveroso esprimere un sentimento di gratitudine alla dottoressa Silvana Tomassoni , al signor Mario Gasperini , all'architetto Maurizio Pucci , tutti della Soprintendenza ai Beni A.A.A. S. di Perugia, al dottor Stefano Felicetti , archivista e ricercatore, per i preziosi suggerimenti. Capitoli e regole della Compagnia della Croce del castello della Fratta - diocesi di Gubbio - Contado di Perugia Prologo Tutta la vita cristiana e la sua perfezione non è altro che amare, con il cuore e con le opere, nostro Signore Dio, il prossimo nostro, come dicono il medesimo nostro Salvatore nel Vangelo: "Amerai il tuo Dio con tutto il cuore e con tutte le tue forze e il prossimo tuo come te stesso", e il suo diletto discepolo San Giovanni evangelista: "Quello che non ama suo fratello che vede, come può amare Dio che non vede"? Pertanto, alcuni uomini dabbene della Fratta contado di Perugia, considerando come nella detta terra non si trovava una compagnia che si dedicasse alle opere di carità, come avviene in altri luoghi, mossi e ispirati dallo Spirito Santo, decisero concordemente di fondare una santa confraternita e compagnia con il nome, prima di Santa Maria nuova, poi sotto il nome e l'implorazione della Santissima Croce di Cristo, il quale sulla Croce ha dimostrato la maggior carità che mai si è dimostrata verso i poveri peccatori, affinché, anche loro, memori del sacrificio del Cristo, fossero incitati con cristiana carità a compiere le sette opere di misericordia a beneficio dei poveri, secondo le forze che Dio avrebbe concesso loro. Tale confraternita è stata fondata anticamente nella terra di Fratta, duecento anni fa circa, niente di meno, e ai nostri giorni è "alquanto rifreddata", così, sentendosene la mancanza, come si verifica con le cose buone che hanno bisogno di essere riproposte e migliorate, i fratelli sopra citati, desiderando ricostituire la detta confraternita in forma migliore, dedicandola a Dio e alla sua gloriosa madre vergine Maria, riuniti in assemblea generale l'anno del Signore 1566, il giorno della presentazione della Madonna [21 novembre] all'unanimità deliberarono di mandare a Roma, come loro procuratore generale, Gabriello di Bastiano Angelini di Fratta, il quale avesse "piena authorità" di assumere informazioni sugli ordini, capitoli e statuti di qualche confraternita di Roma e di unire a questa la nostra confraternita, che ne imiterà ed osserverà le regole "perpetuamente" ad onore di Dio, della sua santissima Madre e ad aiuto dei poveri della Terra di Fratta. Dunque, avendo il sopracitato Gabriello "ritrovato in Roma la Compagnia della charità" conforme allo spirito della confraternita di Fratta e considerato favorevolmente l'insieme degli ordini della Confraternita della Carità, tenuto conto del prestigio e delle raccomandazioni di questa ed in particolare del consiglio di molti uomini dabbene, specialmente del Reverendo Padre fra' Paulino da Lucca, maestro in sacra Teologia dell'ordine di San Domenico, unita la detta fraternita di Santa Croce alla Compagnia della carità, come risulta da atto pubblico, ne riportò i capitoli infrascritti che si devono osservare da tutti i fratelli "con obbligo non di peccato alcuno", ma di effettuare la penitenza che verrà loro imposta, oppure di essere cancellati dall'elenco dei confratelli. La Confraternita, infine, riunita in assemblea generale potrà deliberare ciò che sembrerà più opportuno e necessario, "secondo li tempi, purchè non si manchi della osservanza, et sustantia di detti capitoli" e, nel più breve tempo possibile, si proceda di bene in meglio, come speriamo, sorretti dalla misericordia di Dio. E poiché prima siamo obbligati ad amare Dio e a cercare la salvezza della nostra anima, poi quella del prossimo, così, prima riporteremo i capitoli che affronteranno "il modo di vivere delli fratelli", poi i capitoli e il modo "circa 1'exercitare le sette opere di misericordia inverso delli proximi". Dunque, ricevano i fratelli questo santissimo dono di Dio, ringraziando sua Maestà [il Signore, il papa, o ...?] e, con grande fervore, si rinnovino al ben fare, come se oggi, di nuovo, fosse fondata questa Santissima Compagnia al nome della Santissima Croce di nostro Signore e della sua Santissima Madre, benedicendo sempre quelli "in saecula saeculorum, amen" [nei secoli dei secoli, così sia]. Capitolo primo Del modo di associare i fratelli di questa Compagnia Quando qualcuno chiederà di far parte della nostra fraternita, la proposta deve essere fatta dal Priore; l'associazione avverrà con voto segreto, con le palline bianche e nere, e dopo che il candidato avrà ottenuto i tre quarti dei voti, altrimenti non sia accettato. Un giorno di festa, poi, riunita tutta la Confraternita, il Priore dirà alcune parole sui presenti capitoli e, chiamato colui che vuole entrare a far parte della Confraternita, lo vestirà della veste della Compagnia, gli darà una candela in mano, mentre i confratelli canteranno l'inno "Veni creator spiritus" o qualche altra orazione; e così sarà inscritto tra i fratelli della Compagnia. Non venga associato alcuno che sia di cattiva fama o che abbia compiuto qualche azione scandalosa o che giochi a carte o che abbia inimicizia o che conduca una vita disonesta o sia un cattivo cristiano. E se qualcuno della Compagnia cascasse in simili vizi o che fosse disobbediente al Priore o che non osservasse i capitoli o non prendesse parte alle processioni o all'ufficio, quando si dirà, dopo essere stato ammonito dal Priore a nome della Compagnia due o tre volte e non volendosi ravvedere, sia espulso immediatamente dalla Compagnia. E affinché nessuno possa invocare ignoranza il Priore convochi una volta al mese tutti i fratelli e, in presenza di tutti, legga i presenti capitoli. Capitolo secondo Degli ufficiali della Compagnia Tutti gli ufficiali della Compagnia si eleggeranno con le palline nere e bianche su nominativi di persone idonee proposti dal Priore; il primo candidato che raggiungerà i tre quarti dei voti verrà nominato ufficiale. Per primo si eleggerà un Priore che resterà in carica per sempre, se, per gravi motivi di grande importanza, la Compagnia non delibererà di eleggerne un altro. Ogni anno, il giorno di Santa Croce, si eleggerà un Sottopriore, il quale farà tanto quanto vorrà il Priore, verrà altresì eletto un Depositario, che, per inventario annoterà e renderà conto, ogni anno, di ogni cosa, né potrà dare né spendere, sia pure un quattrino, senza espressa autorizzazione del Priore; in caso contrario sarà controllato e pagherà del suo. Verranno poi eletti due Sagrestani, ovvero custodi della chiesa, che si dedicheranno a tutte le adunate, feste, processioni, secondo gli ordini del Priore. Infine, si eleggerà uno Spedaliere che stia nell'ospedale a ricevere i pellegrini; se non si comporterà bene il Priore potrà toglierlo dal posto e, con il consenso della Compagnia, metterne un altro. Il Priore potrà distribuire ai poveri e ad altri bisognosi tutti i beni della Compagnia, tenendo però buon conto con il Depositario di ogni cosa, ma non potrà alienare niente, né assumere un cappellano perpetuo, né dare un salario senza l'autorizzazione della Compagnia. Il Priore potrà comandare tutti i fratelli, i quali gli saranno sempre obbedienti nelle cose possibili, ragionevoli e che riguardano l'osservanza dei capitoli e del vivere cristiano, dell'ufficio divino, e nei bisogni e uffici che lui ordinerà; non ci sia alcuno che ardisca ribellarsi e disubbidire, altrimenti sarà cacciato dal Priore dall'Associazione con il consenso della Fraternita. Capitolo terzo Dell'ufficio divino La sera della vigilia di tutte le feste, i fratelli converranno alla loro chiesa a dire il Mattutino della Madonna, la mattina a dire Prima [al sorgere del sole], Terza, Sesta e Nona e, dopo pranzo, a dire Vespro e Compièta; quelli che non sapessero leggere diranno la Corona o il Santo Rosario della Madonna e quelli che, per qualche motivo legittimo, talvolta, non potranno essere presenti mandino o facciano scusa al Priore. Questo medesimo ufficio si dirà tutti i venerdì di Quaresima, e ciascuno dei fratelli sarà obbligato, oltre l'ufficio sopraddetto, a dire ogni giorno cinque Pater noster e cinque Ave Maria a riverenza della Santa Croce e della gloriosa Madre di Dio. Ognuno ancora, potendo, farà di tutto per udire la Messa ogni mattina, per andare alle prediche, per confessarsi una volta al mese, non mancando però mai di confessarsi oltre la Pasqua di resurrezione, alla Pasqua dello Spirito Santo, per Santa Croce di maggio, per la presentazione della Madonna e per il Natale. Tutti imparino, oltre il Pater noster e 1'Ave Maria, ancora il Credo, la Salve Regina e i dieci comandamenti; sarà compito del Priore far controllare simili cose pubblicamente in chiesa durante la festa, affinché chi non le sa le impari. Dopo il giorno di Tutti i Santi si celebri un anniversario per i benefattori della Compagnia, e un altro ancora per i fratelli di detta Compagnia e per i morti sepolti nella loro chiesa. Si faccia ancora la disciplina tutti i venerdì di Quaresima e nelle vigilie comandate. E nei tre giorni della settimana santa si facciano quelle cerimonie che sono riportate sul libro della Compagnia, come si fa negli altri luoghi. Il giorno della Purificazione il Priore farà benedire le candele e, dopo pranzo ne darà una per uno ai fratelli della Compagnia; farà ancora celebrare solennemente tre feste l'anno con il solito ufficio e processione, alle quali feste converranno tutti i fratelli e cioè a Santa Croce di maggio e di settembre e alla Presentazione della Vergine Maria. Capitolo quarto Delle processioni Ogni domenica e ogni venerdì di Quaresima tutti i fratelli andranno a processione devotamente e così i tre giorni di Pasqua di resurrezione e di Pasqua rosata, i tre giorni di Rogazione, il giorno dell'Ascensione, del Corpus Domini, San Bernardino, San Giuseppe, Santa Croce, Sant'Antonio, la Presentazione, la Visitazione e tutte le altre volte nelle quali la Compagnia sarà invitata; chi può si compri la cappa da per sé e a chi non può sia provvista dalla Compagnia e vada cantando o dicendo qualche cosa devota; nessuno ardisca parlare per la strada e chi non sa cantare dica la corona e faccia orazione per tutti. Così in chiesa, nel vestirsi e nello spogliarsi, non si faccia rumore, ma tutti in silenzio e con ordine stiano devotamente, e quando sono alla Messa non parlino, ma stiano in orazione, o leggano o dicano qualche devozione con i due ginocchi in terra e discosti dall'altare con riverenza, mostrando esser presenti al loro Signore. Il medesimo faranno in coro, quando si dirà l'ufficio. E nessuno se ne vada senza licenza del Priore o del Sottopriore. Capitolo quinto Dell'ufficio dello Spedaliere Le sette opere di misericordia sono quelle delle quali, nel giorno del giudizio universale, dobbiamo rendere ragione davanti al tribunale di Dio, per le quali saremo premiati o condannati. Fra queste opere una delle principali è il dedicarsi agli ospedali e ricevere poveri forestieri. Perciò sarà compito dello Spedaliere, quando viene qualche povero secolare o religioso per alloggiare, riceverlo nell'ospedale e subito darne notizia al Priore o Sottopriore, affinché, con loro ordine, sia provvisto di quanto sarà di bisogno per una sera o più, secondo le necessità; e se verrà alcuno che è infermo sarà obbligo del Priore farlo portare o a Città di Castello o a Perugia negli ospedali grandi, secondo il beneplacito dell'infermo; e accadendo che qualcuno muoia nell'ospedale, si provveda ogni cosa circa lo spirituale e il temporale, in vita e in morte, come se fosse un fratello della nostra Compagnia, ricordandosi di fare al prossimo quello che vorremmo fosse fatto a noi stessi. E poiché quello dello Spedaliere è il principale ufficio di questa Compagnia, pertanto, oltre gli altri ufficiali, si userà grandissima diligenza (come anticamente i nostri maggiori hanno fatto e fanno tutti gli ospedali bene ordinati negli altri luoghi) di eleggere ogni anno uno dei fratelli della Compagnia idoneo a questo incarico, da bene, capace, caritativo e sollecito, il quale abbia sempre un compagno coadiutore per tutte le necessità; se sarà necessario la Compagnia potrà deliberare di dare loro un salario giusto e ragionevole affinché non si manchi per alcun motivo a quest'opera tanto degna, la quale è il fondamento di questa nostra Fraternita. Lo Spedaliere, dunque, vigilerà che nell'ospedale non si giochi, non si faccia alcuna cosa disonesta né che sia in disonore di Dio in alcun modo e, se vi sono infermi, che siano somministrati loro tutti i sacramenti della chiesa, e che le donne stiano separate dagli uomini. Lo Spedaliere tenga netto e pulito l'ospedale, i letti provvisti e i poveri forestieri, sani o infermi, siano ricevuti con carità e trattati bene in tutte le cose loro necessarie, pensando che non riceve solamente un povero, ma Cristo Gesù e faccia a loro tutto quello che vorrebbe fosse fatto a sè quando si ritrovasse in simili bisogni. Capitolo sesto Del seppellire i morti Quando ci sarà qualche povero che non ha chi lo seppellisca, il Priore provveda due o tre persone o più secondo il bisogno dei fratelli della Compagnia, le quali lo seppelliscano e facciano tutto quello che sarà necessario a simile opera pia; la confraternita lo porti alla sepoltura e così si faccia per tutti gli altri morti, uomini e donne poveri o ricchi che siano, non essendoci altri che si interessano a questa opera pia. Il Priore potrà dare ordini a quattro fratelli per volta al mese o, come a lui sembrerà più opportuno, a persone più adatte, caritative e sollecite in tale necessità. Il Priore provveda ancora a ricordare i turni di attività e faccia in maniera tale che nessuno muoia senza sacramenti e che nessuno sia abbandonato, né da vivo né da morto, finchè non sarà seppellito. Il Priore provvederà a far lavare i morti, a farli vestire, accompagnare, portare e seppellire; in tutte le cose si faccia quanto richiede la carità e l'abitudine dei buoni cristiani. E tutto questo che si è detto si farà con più diligenza nei confronti dei fratelli della Confraternita quando saranno infermi e poi dopo la morte; verranno vestiti della veste della Fraternita e, con quella sola, senza altri ornamenti della bara, siano portati in chiesa e così sepolti. Tutti i fratelli, quando si seppellisce uno di loro, saranno presenti, leggendo tutti quei salmi o altre devozioni che sono nel libro della Compagnia. I fratelli diranno per il morto, più presto che sia possibile, una volta la Corona, ovvero il Rosario della vergine Maria, mentre il Priore, il giorno medesimo ovvero il seguente se sarà possibile farà dire nella chiesa della Compagnia una messa per l'anima del fratello morto, alla quale messa tutti i confratelli della Compagnia sono tenuti ad essere presenti. Il sagrestano darà in mano a tutti una candela per uno da accendere mentre si dice la messa fino alla fine. Capitolo settimo Del modo di distribuire le elemosine ai poveri Poiché i beni di questa Compagnia sono stati lasciati dai nostri antichi per beneficio dei poveri e non per altro, così il Priore abbia cura che le entrate della Compagnia siano spese esclusivamente per i poveri e per i bisogni della chiesa e dell'ospedale, che non si facciano pranzi solenni né altri pranzi di alcun tipo in alcun luogo. Il Priore vigili affinché non si faccia alcuna elemosina a coloro che non sono poveri e che non hanno bisogno, ma solo a quei poveri che chiederanno l'elemosina, ai quali si dia tutto quello di cui necessitano "in sanità et in infirmità" come pane, vino, medicine, denari e simili e altre cose necessarie; e altrettanto ancora si farà per quelli che sono poveri vergognosi, i quali si vergognano di chiedere. Se poi qualcuno fosse in difficoltà economiche per maritare le sue figlie zitelle, sia aiutato secondo il bisogno e ad arbitrio del Priore. E nei tempi di carestia la Confraternita sia tenuta a distribuire una mina di grano ai poveri nella chiesa della Compagnia ogni venerdì, cominciando il primo venerdì di Quaresima fino al venerdì avanti San Pietro, cioè per circa quattro mesi. Il Priore provveda affinché la Compagnia abbia questi libri: prima il libro che si chiama "Campione", nel quale verranno registrati tutti i beni della Compagnia, mobili e immobili, con le loro misure e confini, chi li tiene e in che modo; il secondo libro riporterà le entrate e le uscite "minutamente" di tutto quello che si spenderà durante l'anno, e ogni anno, dopo la festa di Santa Croce di maggio, si renda conto di ogni cosa in presenza dei sindaci in modo tale però che tali conti siano rivisti e saldati entro e non oltre il mese di maggio e si possa consegnare l'inventario al nuovo depositario. Il terzo libro conterrà tutti i contratti e le scritture importanti della Compagnia e tutti i ricordi di quelle cose che accadranno, meritevoli di essere conosciuti da quelli che verranno, massimamente i presenti capitoli e gli ufficiali che si eleggeranno di anno in anno, gli ordini e i decreti che si faranno dalla Compagnia nel tempo; tutti questi libri saranno conservati dal Priore e da nessun altro. Capitolo ottavo Del correttore, predicatore e cappellano della Compagnia Poiché in tutte le buone opere i secolari hanno bisogno di essere indirizzati e aiutati dai sacerdoti e affinché la Confraternita possa essere governata meglio massimamente nel ben vivere, nel buon costume e nella osservanza dei presenti capitoli, il Priore, con il consenso della Compagnia eleggerà, secondo il costume delle altre compagnie, un sacerdote religioso osservante di buona vita e che voglia attendere, aiutare, consigliare e correggere i fratelli in tutte le cose necessarie al buono stato della Compagnia, al quale sacerdote il Priore con tutti i fratelli, renderà onore e obbedienza e riferirà tutte le iniziative importanti e necessarie; senza il suo consiglio non si ordinerà o cambierà alcuna cosa, in particolare nei confronti dell'osservanza dei seguenti capitoli. Se non sarà possibile avere un sacerdote residente alla Fratta, se ne eleggerà uno che stia a Perugia, ovvero a Città di Castello come meglio sembrerà, mettendolo al corrente delle necessità della Confraternita, invitandolo spesso a venire alla Fratta per insegnare, coordinare tutte quelle cose che saranno indispensabili per lo sviluppo della Fraternita. Il Priore e la Compagnia siano obbligati ad eleggere ogni anno, per predicare tutto l'Avvento fino alla festa dell'Epifania, un religioso osservante dell'ordine di San Domenico o di San Francesco e spendere in simile opera quello che sarà necessario per il predicatore. Se il convento della Fratta non avrà tale predicatore, come non hanno adesso i frati di San Domenico e i frati dei cappuccini, la Compagnia dovrà provvedere l'alloggio il vitto e le altre cose necessarie. Poiché però la Compagnia ha bisogno di continuo aiuto, di esortazioni, messe, confessioni, comunioni e altri simili esercizi cristiani, il Priore dovrà cercare diligentemente, trovare (se però sarà possibile) ed eleggere con consenso della Compagnia e con un salario conveniente, un sacerdote come cappellano della Fraternita e della chiesa, il quale sia uomo di buon esempio, adatto all'opera che dovrà svolgere, e che voglia abbracciare con tutto il cuore questa santa opera, a lode di Dio, utilità comune della Confraternita e di tutti gli uomini e donne della nostra terra. Finis Ed io, Alessandro Marocilli , pubblico notaio, inscritto nell'archivio della curia e segretario dell'Arciconfraternita della Carità di Roma, tutti i sopraddetti capitoli letti e visti, deputato per R. O. da parte dell'Arciconfraternita nel segno della conferma degli stessi capitoli secondo le lettere patenti e la bolla di unione della suddetta Confraternita della Fratta con la predetta Arciconfraternita sotto la data e millesimo infrascritti ho sottoscritto su ordine demandato il giorno 18 del mese di febbraio 1567. Così è, Alessandro Marocilli Come sopra, etcetera. Addì 9 di maggio 1567 Si dichiara per il presente capitolo come i soprascritti capitoli non obbligano, sotto pena di scomunica o di peccato o altra pena o pregiudizio, i fratelli della Compagnia, ma che loro sono liberi di poter mutare, aggiungere o togliere i sopraddetti capitoli ogni volta che sembrerà opportuno o piacerà alla detta Fraternita in tutto e per tutto come del resto è contenuto nella bolla dell'unione fatta il 18 di febbraio 1567. E così io F. Paulino, in presenza della Compagnia, dopo richiesta e consenso di tutti, il giorno sopra scritto ho dichiarato e capitolato per levare via ogni scrupolo dalle menti delle persone. Lode a Dio e alla Santissima Croce. Gli Statuti della Fraternita di Santa Croce GLI STATUTI DELLA FRATERNITA DI SANTA CROCE AGGIORNATI AL 1622 Statuti e ordini per il buon governo della Compagnia di Santa Croce della terra della Fratta fatti da Monsignor Rever.mo Andrea Sorbolongo, vescovo di Gubbio, nella visita dell'anno 1612 e confermati da Monsignor Rever.mo Dal Monte, suo degnissimo successore, Quem Deus etcetera. Capitolo primo Del numero degli ufficiali della Compagnia Essendo necessario per il buon governo di questa Confraternita che vi siano ufficiali con le opere dei quali e col dividere tra loro gli incarichi venga ad essere amministrata e governata con buoni ordini, ordiniamo che ci siano gli infrascritti ufficiali e cioè due Priori, un Camerlengo ovvero Depositario, due Sindaci o Revisori, due Priori dell'ospedale, un Segretario e quattro Sacrestani da durare un anno nell'ufficio; dell'elezione e ufficio degli ufficiali si dirà nei seguenti capitoli. Capitolo secondo Della qualità degli ufficiali Per eliminare alcuni inconvenienti che si possono verificare nelle elezioni degli ufficiali, si ordina che nella Confraternita ci sia un elenco pubblico dei fratelli della Compagnia, nel quale siano riportati e annotati solo quelli che dichiareranno di voler essere di detta Compagnia e vestire l'abito di questa e non di altre di detta terra, dal quale elenco di fratelli così descritti si prenderanno persone adatte per gli uffici della Compagnia, permettendo però che quelli che sono soliti vestire sacchi di altre Compagnie, ancorché siano da lungo tempo anche di questa, nella quale non siano soliti vestire, possano godere gli altri privilegi e grazie spirituali che godono gli altri Confratelli. Non può essere ufficiale chi è scomunicato e bollato di infamia pubblica o che non è comunicato a Pasqua. Similmente è inabile agli uffici chi fosse debitore o creditore o interessato con la Compagnia o che fosse in lite con essa per qualsivoglia causa. Non potranno essere ufficiali nel medesimo tempo padre e figlio, due fratelli, anche zio e nipote. Non possa essere Priore, Camerlengo, Sindaco chi non arriva a venti anni; prima che si effettui qualsiasi elezione, il Segretario legga il presente e il seguente capitolo. Capitolo terzo Del modo di eleggere gli insaccolatori e gli ufficiali Per adattarsi all'uso inveterato di questa Compagnia di eleggere i suoi ufficiali per mezzo di insaccolatori, ordiniamo che nel secondo giorno di Pasqua di Resurrezione dell'anno che si dovrà rifare il sacco dei nuovi ufficiali, in una pubblica assemblea, i Priori, il Camerlengo e i Sindaci eleggeranno sei persone discrete tra i fratelli della Compagnia, dal quale numero si estrarranno tre persone, le quali dovranno rifare il sacco per tre anni; nel fare ciò si procederà in questa maniera: la domenica dell'ottava di Pasqua i tre insaccolatori si riuniranno segretamente in chiesa, ove, recitate le solite preghiere, fatto giuramento di operare con carità e senza tornaconto personale, eleggeranno i nuovi ufficiali o "a voce" o "per voti segreti"; se ci "fosse discrepanza", diversità di vedute, "si metterà la sorte". Il tutto dovrà essere verbalizzato dal Segretario, che parteciperà a tutte le operazioni "senza voto decisivo". Lo stesso Segretario, finita la votazione, rinchiuderà segretamente le schede degli ufficiali eletti per ciascun anno in tre palle di cera, sigillate in un'altra palla simile alle tre, ma più grande, inserendovi un foglio ove saranno annotati tutti gli ufficiali di ciascuno dei tre anni, affinché, verificandosi qualche inconveniente (frode, dubbio o altro) si possa immediatamente confrontare con quanto scritto sul foglio e superare ogni difficoltà o controversia. Si avverte che i tre elettori suddetti "sono privi di voce passiva", cioè non possono essere eletti "per li tre anni futuri" all'ufficio del priorato e camerlengato. Il segretario e i tre elettori dovranno tenere segreti i risultati elettorali [fino al tre di maggio, festa di Santa Croce]. Capitolo quarto Del modo e tempo di dare l'ufficio ai nuovi ufficiali Ogni anno, nel giorno della festa di Santa Croce al 3 di maggio, nella assemblea generale si estrarrà una palla dei nuovi ufficiali il cui contenuto verrà reso pubblico dal Segretario. Quelli che saranno eletti a qualche ufficio andranno avanti all'altare maggiore da dove, pregando Iddio che doni loro la grazia di amministrare bene il detto ufficio e, fatto un cenno dai Priori anziani, se ne ritorneranno; al tornare dei quali, tutti gli ufficiali vecchi si alzeranno in piedi e se ne andranno dal loro posto facendovi sedere i nuovi ufficiali e si consegneranno le chiavi, i libri e il sigillo. Poi il Priore presente più anziano esorterà i nuovi ufficiali a mantenere le opere pie che si fanno dalla Confraternita, pregandoli a conservarne i beni e le robe con ogni loro potere e scusandosi con gli ufficiali passati delle loro negligenze, domanderanno perdono a Dio. Poi si dirà il Te Deum e Deus innocentiae restitutor, e fatto ciò, non essendovi altro da dire, si stabiliranno le ore della giornata nelle quali consegnare le robe, riscontrare gli inventari e rendere i conti in conformità di quanto si dirà nel capitolo settimo. Capitolo quinto Dell'ufficio dei Priori Vogliamo che i Priori siano capi e guida della Compagnia, ai quali ciascuno debba portare rispetto ed essere obbediente nelle cose che riguardano la Compagnia, siano governatori e amministratori di tutti i luoghi e delle robe della Compagnia, procurino che i beni e le robe di essa siano fedelmente amministrate e distribuite in conformità degli obblighi e delle antiche istituzioni della Compagnia affinchè non vengano defraudate le intenzioni e le disposizioni dei benefattori, provvedendo che gli stabili non si usurpino né si alienino. I Priori, all'inizio del loro mandato, siano obbligati ad intervenire ai controlli degli inventari, che si faranno tra gli ufficiali vecchi e nuovi, e ad assistere con i Sindaci alla resa dei conti, avvertendo di non ingerirsi in cosa alcuna prima che siano stati resi i conti dagli ufficiali passati. Procurino, prima che finisca il loro ufficio, di far riscuotere tutti i crediti, pagare tutti i debiti, fare saldo con tutti per non lasciare confusione ai nuovi successori, forse con danno della Compagnia. I Priori siano obbligati, insieme con il Camerlengo, almeno una volta durante il loro ufficio a visitare tutti i beni stabili della Compagnia, faranno convocare tutte le assemblee sia generali sia segrete e assistervi. Provvedano poi affinché nei tempi dovuti siano soddisfatti tutti gli obblighi e carichi della Compagnia. Non possano di loro propria autorità spendere più di uno scudo in cose che non siano ordinarie e solite. Ordineranno tutti i mandati dei pagamenti e spese ordinarie e straordinarie, sottoscrivendoli e timbrandoli col sigillo della Compagnia. Uno di essi dovrà sottoscrivere le lettere missive che occorreranno durante il giorno, in questo modo (I Priori) e l'altro vi metterà il sigillo, il quale dovrà stare in mano di uno solo; il medesimo procedimento potrà essere osservato nel sottoscrivere i mandati. I Priori procurino che si mettano a libro dei ricordi tutte le memorie di atti pubblici e altre scritture pertinenti alla Compagnia, insomma facciano in modo che tutti gli ufficiali e i ministri compiano diligentemente i loro doveri. Terranno una chiave del granaio e della cantina e l'altra il Camerlengo, né la daranno ad alcuno senza andarvi e ritrovarsi presenti, non perché crediamo che il Camerlengo non sia fedele e sincero, ma per togliere via i sospetti e le mormorazioni; per la stessa ragione, fatta la raccolta e finita la vendemmia, si aggiungeranno nell'inventario fatto all'inizio dell'ufficio, tutto il grano, le altre robe raccolte e anche il mosto alla presenza dei Sindaci revisori. Non possano per alcuna via ricevere denari di entrate ordinarie e straordinarie e, finito il loro ufficio si sottopongano al controllo dei sindaci in conformità del capitolo settimo. Procurino di essere più amati che temuti dagli ufficiali e, soprattutto, essendo i primi dei luoghi e degli onori, siano i primi ad osservare i presenti capitoli e, con le opere e il loro esempio, siano specchi, esempio di bene operare per tutti gli altri. Capitolo sesto Dell'ufficio del Camerlengo o Depositario Non ricercandosi minor diligenza nell'eleggere il Camerlengo della Compagnia di quella che si ricerca nel nominare i Priori, avendo egli in mano tutte le robe ed entrate dalle quali dipendono tutte le opere lodevoli che si fanno nella Compagnia, si avvertono gli insaccolatori di eleggere a tale ufficio persona idonea e non sospetta. Il Camerlengo, benché abbia facoltà di spendere per le piccole e consuete cose senza il consenso dei Priori, tuttavia non potrà pagare né spendere denari per qualsiasi causa da tre giulii in su senza il detto mandato, non dovendosi altrimenti ritenere buono dai Sindaci nel rendere i conti; alla fine di ciascun mese farà fare il riepilogo di tutte le spese minute occorse, e delle spese che farà per vigore di qualsiasi mandato, debba farne fare ricevuta a tergo. Userà diligenza nello scrivere nel suo registro, annotando e specificando il nome da chi sono date o prese le robe, il peso, la misura, il numero, il prezzo e il giorno. All'inizio del suo ufficio dovrà prendere in carico ogni cosa per inventario alla presenza dei Priori e dei Sindaci, aggiungendo nel registro, sempre alla presenza dei sopraddetti, il raccolto del grano, del mosto e delle altre cose. Dovrà tenere una chiave del grano, del vino e delle altre robe, mentre l'altra la terrà il Priore, il che si è ordinato solo per rimuovere i sospetti e le mormorazioni; non darà a nessuno la detta chiave senza ritrovarsi presente. Il Camerlengo dovrà ugualmente tenere una chiave delle cassette delle elemosine e l'altra il Priore. Sarà suo dovere riscuotere tutti i lasciti, crediti e altri denari della Compagnia, avvertendo di non lasciare indietro alcun debito o credito per non lasciare confusione ai nuovi ufficiali, forse con danno della chiesa [sic]. In mano sua dovranno pervenire tutti i denari che non si dovranno spendere se non per sua mano; non farà distrazione delle robe ed entrate della Compagnia per convertirle in denari senza la partecipazione dei Priori; finito il tempo dell'incarico consegnerà i suoi libri e l'inventario ai nuovi Sindaci alla presenza dei vecchi e nuovi Priori e si renderanno i conti conformemente al seguente capitolo. Capitolo settimo Dell'ufficio dei Sindaci Benché speriamo che ogni fratello, al quale toccherà qualche ufficio, debba fare il suo dovere diligentemente e con fedeltà, tuttavia, perché a ciascuno è noto quanto siano importanti il giudizio e l'esame degli ufficiali passati, affinché le opere di ognuno siano manifeste e la Compagnia sia servita concretamente, si ordina che i Sindaci che saranno votati nella palla dei nuovi ufficiali, con l'assistenza del vicario foraneo, debbano rendere i conti dell'amministrazione degli ufficiali passati che avranno maneggiato robe e denari della Compagnia; questo sia fatto rapidamente per sommi capi, vedendo solo la realtà del fatto; senza esprimere giudizi si faccia detto controllo entro il termine di dieci giorni, dando assicurazione scritta che verrà consegnata al Segretario affinché la legga in una assemblea generale; resa pubblica, verrà registrata dal Segretario nel registro dei decreti di detta Compagnia. I Sindaci procurino che i nuovi ufficiali piglino l'ufficio col fare l'inventario, dove si specifichi la qualità e quantità delle cose o robe che a quelli si consegneranno e altre circostanze necessarie con la presenza loro, al quale inventario faranno aggiungere, come di sopra tutte le entrate che a suo tempo si ricaveranno dai beni stabili della Compagnia, come grano, vino e biade. Terranno una chiave dell'armario cioè il primo Sindaco una e l'altra il primo Priore. Conformemente a quanto si dirà nel capitolo XIIII, i Sindaci concorreranno ad eleggere gli insaccolatori, conformemente al capitolo XI, interverranno alla assemblea segreta. Sarà cura particolare dei Sindaci "visitare" spesso i beni stabili della Compagnia e procurare che siano ben coltivati e, al possibile, bonificati. Capitolo ottavo Dei Priori dell'ospedale e loro ufficio Sarà carico dei deputati a questo ufficio il sopraintendere al governo dell'ospedale dei poveri e all'ospizio dei padri cappuccini col provvedere quel tanto che farà di bisogno per il servizio di detto ospizio, e di tutte le spese faranno fare mandato, facendolo sottoscrivere come di sopra, da pagarsi per mano del depositario, avvertendo di non comprare robe alle osterie, con maggior spesa della Compagnia, perché non dovrà considerarsi buona l'alterazione dei prezzi. Avvertiranno ancora di non servirsi delle stanze fuori dell'uso convenevole e anche loro siano obbligati a fare tutti gli altri esercizi soliti, dichiarando che nei presenti statuti, facendosi menzione dei Priori, non s'intendono questi dell'ospedale, se non sono specificatamente nominati tali. Capitolo nono Del Segretario e suo ufficio Affinché, tanto dei decreti e risoluzioni che si faranno nelle assemblee, quanto degli infrascritti statuti e di altre scritture pertinenti alla Compagnia, ci sia chi tenga conto del tutto, ordiniamo che ci sia un Segretario il quale dovrà sempre assistere a tutte le riunioni e annotare distintamente tutto quello che si tratterà. Scriverà ancora tutte le lettere missive che occorrono alla giornata, facendole sottoscrivere e sigillare e di quelle terrà copia. Terrà anche conto delle altre lettere che si riceveranno, "facendone filza" [ordinandole], per poterle a suo tempo porre nell'archivio. Noterà in un registro tutti i fratelli e sorelle della Compagnia per ordine alfabetico e se in alcune di dette riunioni il Segretario non fosse presente, qualche altro, su incarico dei Priori, scriverà in un foglio quello che occorrerà, da darsi poi in mano al Segretario affinchè lo riporti sul suo registro; interverrà al momento della resa dei conti e, occorrendo, scriverà gli inventari e altre scritture per la Compagnia. Capitolo decimo Dei Sagrestani e loro ufficio Sarà cura dei sagrestani che la chiesa, l'altare, l'oratorio e tutte le altre robe della sagrestia siano sempre pulite e monde. I sagrestani dovranno assistere la domenica e tutte le feste, alle messe che si celebreranno nella chiesa della Compagnia; saranno diligenti nel far osservare gli obblighi che ha la Compagnia in quanto a messe, funerali e simili e, a questo effetto, dovranno tenere una tabella affissa nella sagrestia, sarà loro cura addobbare con decenza la chiesa nelle feste solite della Compagnia e, per tale effetto, riceveranno dal Camerlengo in denari quel tanto che dai Priori sarà giudicato sufficiente per la spesa di detto apparato, avvertendoli che andrà a loro conto ogni spesa superflua che facessero di loro iniziativa. I Priori avvertiranno ancora detti Sagrestani di non fare, nei giorni di festa "spese straordinarie e indecenti in mangiamenti e refezioni", non dovendole accettare per buone nei conti; se vorranno fare qualche cosa a loro proprie spese sia fatta ancora con ogni temperanza e senza scandalo. I sagrestani renderanno fedele conto ai Priori dei denari e delle elemosine che entrano nella sagrestia ed i Priori dovranno condiscendere ai giusti desideri loro quando facessero istanza, se di dette elemosine e avanzi fatti per loro intervento se ne facesse qualche ornamento per la chiesa o sagrestia durante il loro ufficio. Terranno ancora conto della cera che entrerà nella sagrestia per funerali e altre occasioni. Riceveranno e renderanno per inventario alla presenza dei Priori le robe pertinenti alla sagrestia. Capitolo undicesimo Dell'assemblea segreta Essendo necessario, per la speditezza degli affari della Compagnia, riunirsi spesse volte insieme, e perché sarebbe molto difficile, per ogni circostanza che durante la giornata si presenta, riunire tutti i fratelli, perciò si ordina che una volta al mese, e più o meno secondo che parrà ai Priori, si faccia una riunione segreta, alla quale dovranno intervenire i due Priori, il Camerlengo, i Sindaci, il Segretario e, possibilmente i due Priori vecchi dell'anno precedente, i quali tutti vogliamo che rappresentino la Congregazione [l'Assemblea] segreta, nella quale si possano trattare tutti gli argomenti necessari, proponendo i Priori e rispondendo successivamente gli altri puntualmente; se nel trattare vi sarà controversia, si metterà a votazione e non si potrà prendere decisione in detta riunione se non sono presenti almeno un Priore e cinque altri deputati. Non si possa discutere il problema o prendere una decisione finché non sarà uscito fuori quello (ancorché difficile) che avesse proposto qualche cosa tanto per interesse suo quanto dei suoi sino al terzo grado incluso. La stessa regola si osservi nell'assemblea generale. Detta assemblea segreta avrà facoltà di permettere qualche spesa insolita, però utile per la Compagnia, fino alla somma di tre scudi; alla medesima riunione segreta spetterà di nominare ufficiali nei luoghi che saranno restati vacanti per qualsivoglia accidente, i quali ufficiali saranno nello stesso grado, dignità e ordine che erano quelli insaccolati. Tutto quello che da detta assemblea segreta sarà decretato sia valido come se fosse fatto dall'assemblea generale, ad eccezione però dei casi riservati a detta assemblea generale. Capitolo dodicesimo Della assemblea generale Siccome nella Confraternita tutti i fratelli sono uguali, così la partecipazione ai suoi affari deve essere comune e, presentandosi problemi gravi, si devono risolvere e determinare con il consenso comune; perciò ordiniamo che, oltre la riunione segreta, si devono convocare e riunire tutti i fratelli, tutte quelle volte che ai Priori sembrerà accorgimento utile, in assemblea generale, la quale abbia facoltà di trattare, decidere e risolvere tutti i problemi occorrenti alla Compagnia, proponendo i Priori e rispondendo gli altri puntualmente, dichiarando (per evitare la confusione e il danno della Compagnia) che siano privi di voce attiva e passiva quelli che parleranno quando non tocca loro per ordine in detta assemblea senza avere ottenuto il permesso da uno dei due Priori; questa condizione privatamente duri solamente durante il consiglio o assemblea di quel giorno. Intesi i pareri dei diversi deputati, si metteranno ai voti quelli più "laudabili", e quello che sarà più favorevole rispetto ai voti ottenuti si intenderà approvato. Risolti i problemi e fatti i decreti si rendano pubblici dal segretario con voce intelliggibile; il medesimo si farà nelle riunioni segrete, alle quali assemblee non assisterà alcuno che non sia della Compagnia o che vesta di altre Compagnie e che si presenti armato. Prima che abbiano inizio le riunioni, sia generali sia segrete, si dovrà recitare "Veni Sante Spiritus", come nell'ufficio della Beata Vergine; finita la riunione si reciteranno le preghiere "Post congregatione" come nel medesimo luogo è notato. Capitolo tredicesimo Del modo di mettere i partiti [ai voti] Tutte le votazioni che si andranno a proporre nelle assemblee si devono effettuare per voti segreti, in tutte le riunioni sia generali che segrete e non si intendano valide se i voti non sono più della metà dei fratelli presenti riuniti atti a dare il voto e se non sono i due terzi dei voti favorevoli, come è stato usato sempre in questa Compagnia. Dovendo predisporre per la votazione, si ponga il bossolo davanti ai Priori, dove ordinatamente ciascuno andrà a dare il suo voto; nessuno possa dare voto se non ha almeno quindici anni finiti. Si aprirà poi dal segretario il bossolo davanti a Priori, pubblicamente, e si pubblicheranno e mostreranno i voti a tutta l'assemblea. Capitolo quattordicesimo Del modo di accettare i fratelli Per evitare l'associazione di uomini di cattiva fama e vita scandalosa, al che facilmente da principio si provvede e, successivamente, con difficoltà si rimedia, onde spesse volte succedono scandali e discordie, ordiniamo che, volendo qualcuno entrare a far parte della Compagnia, debba presentare un memoriale ai Priori, i quali, nella prima assemblea generale lo proporranno a votazione ed essendo accettato gli si darà avviso, affinché possa provvedere la veste, o sacco, che farà benedire da qualche sacerdote; sarà poi vestito dal proprio Priore con le solite cerimonie e ammonizioni e allora, non prima, sarà scritto dal segretario nel registro dei fratelli e posto nella tavola pubblica, avvertendolo che per l'avvenire non verranno ammessi nella Compagnia quelli che sono soliti vestire il sacco o la veste di altre compagnie dello stesso luogo. Capitolo quindicesimo Del modo di cancellare i fratelli Occorrendo cancellare qualcuno dei fratelli della Compagnia per qualche giusta causa, questo tale si faccia chiamare davanti ai Priori per sentire se ha qualche legittima difesa; dopo che sarà ascoltato, o non comparendo, il segretario nell'assemblea generale, a nome dei Priori, esporrà la causa. L'assemblea giudicherà a voti segreti e, se il caso proposto meriterà tale punizione, il nome di questo tale si scriverà in un bollettino che verrà stracciato dal Priore; il segretario lo cancellerà nello stesso tempo dal registro e farà nota dei fratelli, in modo tale che se ne faccia perpetua memoria, senza possibilità di essere mai più riammesso. Capitolo sedicesimo Dell'archivio o armario Per conservare i libri e le altre scritture pertinenti alla Compagnia, ove sarà anche l'inventario di detti registri, l'originale dell'inventario delle robe che si consegnano annualmente agli ufficiali, con il quale si confronteranno gli inventari particolari di qualsiasi ufficio, si ordina che vi sia un armario o cassa, dove si conservino tutti i registri, contratti, memorie e altre scritture riguardanti la Compagnia. Il primo Priore terrà una chiave di detto armario o cassa, l'altra la terrà il primo Sindaco. Capitolo diciassettesimo Che non si alienino i beni della Compagnia Desiderando provvedere nei confronti di chi posponesse l'utilità della Compagnia al proprio particolare interesse, stabiliamo che i beni stabili non si possano locare per più di tre anni, e questo con il consenso dell'assemblea generale, né si possano locare a persone, le quali abbiano casa, possessi e altri beni vicini a quelli della Compagnia, affinché non siano usurpati in tutto o in parte e i confini non si sconvolgano. Similmente non si possa locare, vendere o alienare o in qualsiasi modo concedere beni stabili o altre cose ai Priori, al Camerlengo o ad altri ufficiali della Compagnia, né ai loro parenti durante il loro ufficio. Le alienazioni in vita, terze generazioni o perpetue non siano permesse se non quando riguardassero cose dannose, sterili e in caso di grandissima necessità e di evidente utilità della Compagnia, né questo si deliberi senza il consenso dell'assemblea generale, oltre all'approvazione che se ne dovrà ottenere da Monsignor Reverendissimo Vescovo, quando si effettuerà tale alienazione sia fatta a spese del compratore come quando occorresse il sì di qualunque genere. Capitolo diciottesimo Dei prestiti delle robe Poiché prestare le robe della Compagnia è causa di smarrimenti, molte volte per negligenza, oppure di guasti per poca attenzione, con non poco danno di essa, ordiniamo che nessuno possa in qualsiasi modo prestare beni mobili di qualsiasi genere, di proprietà della Compagnia, senza un documento sottoscritto almeno da uno dei Priori, e prestandosi qualche cosa si faccia notare nel registro ciò che è stato prestato e a chi; e quando la riporterà si cancelli. In caso contrario, se le cose prestate perissero o si deteriorassero notevolmente siano a carico di chi le presta. Capitolo diciannovesimo Delle donne che entreranno nella Compagnia Per dare possibilità alle donne che lo vorranno di entrare a far parte della Compagnia ordiniamo che i sagrestani e altri ufficiali che saranno "pro tempore" piglino in nota il nome di quella donna che vorrà entrare nella Compagnia e lo presentino ad uno dei Priori affinché se ne possa prendere debita informazione; dopo aver assunto informazioni e averle trovate idonee, almeno un Priore sottoscriverà quel bollettino, il quale sarà consegnato al segretario affinché lo trascriva nel libro grosso dei fratelli e sorelle della Compagnia delle quali ogni anno gli insaccolatori ne eleggeranno quattro, le quali, con il titolo di Priore, saranno capo e guida di tutte le altre sorelle della Compagnia. Capitolo ventesimo Delle qualità e costumi dei fratelli e sorelle della Compagnia Per ammonire ed avvertire i fratelli e le sorelle di questa Compagnia di incamminarsi ed esercitarsi per la via delle virtù e dei buoni costumi, ci possiamo servire delle ammonizioni ed esortazioni che fa San Paolo nel capitolo quarto delle Epistole che scrive ai Filippesi, ove, dopo molte altre esortazioni vi aggiunge questa: "De cetero, fratres, quaecumque sunt vera, quaecumque onesta, quaecumque sancta, quaecumque amabilia, quaecumque honestae famae, si qua virtus, si qua laus disciplinae, haec cogitate". [Del resto, fratelli, tutto ciò che è vero, tutto ciò che è onesto, tutto ciò che è santo, tutto quello che è amabile, tutto ciò che è rinomato, tutto ciò che è virtuoso e merita lode, sia oggetto del vostro pensiero]. Dovendo riportare da tutto ciò un frutto particolare, questo non sarà altro che quello che lo stesso San Paolo aggiunge: "Deus pacis erit vobiscum". [il Dio della pace sarà con voi] . Se questo riguarda tutti i cristiani, molto di più deve riguardare quelli che, oltre all'obbligo universale della legge cristiana, scegliendo quasi una vita più severa in questa Compagnia, si sono spontaneamente obbligati alle opere di pietà e devozione; per questo vogliamo, dunque, che i fratelli e le sorelle della Compagnia, prima di ogni altra cosa osservino tutti i comandamenti di Dio e della Chiesa, ascoltino ogni giorno la Messa o almeno visitino il Santissimo Sacramento, frequentino i Sacramenti della Confessione e della Comunione, se non una volta al mese, almeno nelle feste principali del Signore e della Madonna, e in particolare per la festa di Santa Croce di maggio e della Madonna di novembre, feste principali della Compagnia, nella propria chiesa tutti insieme. Si esercitino nelle opere di pietà e di misericordia con tutti e in particolare con quelli della Compagnia, soccorrendo i bisognosi, visitando gli infermi di essa, seppellendo i morti, per i quali dovranno far celebrare un ufficio tanto per i fratelli quanto per le sorelle della Compagnia dopo la morte di ciascuno, e fare una particolare orazione per essi. Abbiano qualche devozione particolare e siano riverenti e obbedienti ai superiori, siano solleciti alla frequenza della Compagnia nelle attività e processioni pubbliche, alle quali intervengano sempre con l'abito della Compagnia e con quella modestia pietà e devozione che sono dovute a tale abito, sempre con la faccia coperta e senza cappello in testa. Abbiano sempre davanti agli occhi l'onore e il timore di Dio, perché con tali mezzi verranno ad essere più disposti a conseguire le grazie, e privilegi e le indulgenze concessi a questa Compagnia in conformità di quanto è contenuto più espressamente nelle bolle dell'aggregazione, con l'avvertenza di non lasciare vestire il sacco né di intervenire ad alcune attività a quelli che non sono iscritti alla Compagnia, se non per necessità o convenienza e in questi casi con il permesso degli stessi Priori della Compagnia. Tutti i sopraddetti singoli capitoli, intimati dal Mandatario dell'assemblea generale e quella riunita, furono letti ad alta ed intelliggibile voce da me cancelliere infrascritto, e di nuovo furono accettati ed approvati per voto segreto, nessuno intimamente contrario e il decreto dovrà essere osservato inviolabilmente, riservati il consenso e l'approvazione dell'Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Signore Alessandro del Monte vescovo eugubino per grazia di Dio e della Sede Apostolica dal giorno 23 ottobre 1622. In fede, scrissi e sottoscrissi di mia propria mano Paolo Cibo notaio e cancelliere I capitoli sopraddetti confermati ed approvati dal vescovo eugubino. Capitoli sopra le doti da vincolarsi per le zitelle Per eliminare molti abusi e dare qualche forma al costituire, al distribuire le doti per elemosina alle zitelle e apportare maggior utile ai poveri, onore e decoro alla Compagnia, si stabilisce e determina che per l'avvenire l'assemblea generale pubblica possa vincolare e assegnare una dote o due al più l'anno, secondo che lo consentiranno le entrate e i bisogni della Compagnia, e non più; e ciascuna delle dette doti possa ammontare alla somma di venticinque fiorini e questi non superare. Parimente si ordina e stabilisce che non si possano proporre per tale effetto se non zitelle povere onorate, di buoni costumi, residenti nella Terra di Fratta o nei suoi borghi, e che dei parenti di quelle almeno il padre sia nativo del detto luogo. Nello sborsare le dette doti se ne debba fare atto pubblico per mano del cancelliere della Compagnia, e si debbano dare con patto o condizione, purchè, per tutto il tempo che, e fino a quando avrà conservato una vita casta ed onesta; e anche con patto che, morendo la donna senza figlioli legittimi e naturali, la dote consegnatale debba ritornare ed essere restituita alla Compagnia nel modo migliore, senza la detrazione del terzo o di altro; e a questo effetto si farà mettere in beni stabili la detta dote, o dare sicurtà idonea di restituirla nei sopraddetti casi, non altrimenti. Si determina ancora che le sopraddette doti non si possano assegnare se non nei giorni delle feste principali della Compagnia cioè nella festività di Santa Croce il 3 di maggio, e nella festività della Presentazione della Madonna il 21 di novembre, una però per ciascuna festa, nel caso che piacesse assegnarne una o due, come si è detto di sopra, e nell'assegnarle si leggeranno i memoriali di ciascuna zitella da proporre all'assemblea pubblica e per ciascuna si metterà la decisione a voto segreto e quella che avrà più voti favorevoli si intenderà assegnata, avendo avuto però più dei due terzi dei voti favorevoli, in modo conforme alle disposizioni della Compagnia; e se eventualmente due o più zitelle riportassero un numero uguale di voti, si scriveranno i nomi in due o più schede "conformi" e da quelle si estrarrà a sorte, intendendo per assegnata quella che verrà estratta, dichiarando che i sopraddetti capitoli, tutti e ciascuno di essi in tutto e per tutto si debbano osservare "inviolabilmente" e contravvenendovi, in tutto o in parte sia nullo e di nessuna importanza ogni atto e la dote si consideri non assegnata, né si debba rimborsare la somma a chi la pagasse. Tutti i sopraddetti singoli capitoli, intimati dal Mandatario dell'assemblea generale, e quella riunita, furono letti ad alta ed intelliggibile voce da me cancelliere infrascritto, e furono accettati ed approvati con voto segreto, nessuno intimamente contrario, e il decreto dovrà essere inviolabilmente osservato, riservati il consenso e l'approvazione dell'illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Signore Alessandro del Monte, vescovo eugubino per grazia di Dio e della Sede Apostolica, dal giorno 23 ottobre 1622. Paolo Cibo notaio e cancelliere I Capitoli sopraddetti confermati ed approvati dal Vescovo eugubino Decreto del 16 giugno 1730 Decreto dell'Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Signore Sostegno Maria Cavalli vescovo eugubino, emanato il 16 giugno 1730 in occasione della Sacra visita a questa chiesa della venerabile Confraternita di Santa Croce, e trascritto tra gli altri decreti. Ordiniamo che in futuro nessun fratello eletto della medesima società possa prendere il sacco o la veste e indossarli se non per mano del Priore che amministra al momento, fatti salvi i riti e le cerimonie prescritte nei capitoli della Società e inoltre [ordiniamo] che nessun confratello possa essere accolto, eletto o ammesso oltre il numero di quaranta confratelli, altrimenti l'elezione o l'ammissione sia, in ambedue i casi, nulla immediatamente. Pietro Nalducci segretario Decreto del 6 giugno 1741 L'Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Signore Sostegno Maria Cavalli vescovo eugubino, in occasione della sacra visita effettuata nella chiesa di Santa Croce di questa Terra di Fratta, essendo il suo animo mosso da giusta causa, derogando in quella parte del capitolo XIV ordinò che in futuro la Confraternita non accolga nuovi confratelli se non mediante il consiglio segreto. Così è il 6 giugno 1741. Fratta, in occasione della sacra visita, come sopra Firmato S. M. Cavalli (aggiunta postuma) C. Leandro de Bonfatti Cancelliere vescovile generale

A MILLENNIUM FLIGHT ON THE FRATTA The Umbertide section of the UNIVERSITY OF THE THIRD AGE (UNI3) is making available the summaries of the local historical topics that will be deepened during the upcoming meetings. A preview of the syntheses of the cycle “The Story of Umbertide in the stones”, curated by Mario Tosti , will be presented, which will exhibit the reconstruction of the plausible images of the town in its stages of development, from its origins to the twentieth century. The sequence of events was reconstructed - according to logic and imagination - on the basis of archival documents, mainly collected by Renato Codovini , of information from general history, finds and local historical-architectural emergencies. Antropizzazione del territorio della Fratta La Fratta Bizantina La Fratta Longobarda Origini geologiche della Fratta La Fratta Toscana Origini geologiche della Fratta Antropizzazione del territorio della Fratta La Fratta Bizantina La Fratta Longobarda La Fratta Toscana

Serra Partucci 24 GIUGNO 1944 LE VITTIME / THE VICTIMS Natale Centovalli, anni 30; Domenico Černic, anni 26; Bruno Ciribilli, anni 20; Giuseppe Radicchi, anni 17; Mario Radicchi anni 24. Il massacro di Serra Partucci - voce di Paola Avorio 00:00 / 02:37 The massacre of Serra Partucci - voice by Paola Avorio 00:00 / 03:06 24 GIUGNO 1944 Allineati lungo il muro dietro il cippo che ricorda la strage, il 24 giugno del 1944 sono stati fucilati cinque giovani. Il giorno precedente un giovane contadino della zona, approfittando del prevedibile imminente arrivo degli alleati da Perugia, liberata tre giorni prima, aveva sparato ad un soldato tedesco, ferendolo ad un piede, per appropriarsi della sua motocicletta Per rappresaglia, una quindicina di soldati SS hanno rastrellato le vittime alle prime luci dell’alba, in modo da sorprenderle nel sonno. Nel casolare dei Radicchi, a mezza costa della collina, hanno prelevato i figli di Santino, Mario di 24 anni e Giuseppe di 17. Hanno proseguito verso questo luogo, Vocabolo Lago, dove abitavano i Centovalli. In casa erano tutti svegli, pronti per andare a mietere il grano in un campo vicino. I militari sono entrati. Hanno chiesto pane e lardo. Dopo essersi rifocillati hanno fatto uscire Natale, 30 anni, ed il fratello Quinto, 24. Per rispettare la regola di 5 condannati a morte per un tedesco ferito, mancava la quinta vittima. Hanno deciso di andarlo a prendere nella chiesa di San Giovanni, in cima alla collina, che era gremita da fedeli per la ricorrenza di San Giovanni Battista, festa patronale a Serra Partucci. Hanno scelto Domenico Černic, 26 anni, un ragazzone sloveno, forse perché si era messo in evidenza parlando bene il tedesco Al ritorno dalla chiesa, il quinto prigioniero è stato fatto accostare agli altri quattro. Fra di loro, Quinto era senza una mano, che aveva perso in un trinciaforaggi. Domenico ha fatto notare ai tedeschi che in quelle condizioni mai avrebbe potuto sparare. È stato individuato come quinto condannato Bruno Ciribilli, vent’anni, che stava passando per caso. I cinque innocenti sono stati fatti allineare lungo il muro. Senza proferire parola, l’ufficiale ha fatto un cenno rapido con il braccio. Sono partite raffiche di mitra. Dopo qualche attimo, cinque colpi hanno dato il colpo di grazia, ristabilendo il silenzio. Senza indugio, il manipolo dei soldati si è dileguato rapidamente, quasi di corsa. Missione compiuta! 24 June 1944 Lined up along the wall behind the memorial stone commemorating the massacre, five young people were shot on 24th June 1944. Three days earlier the allied troops had arrived in Perugia and On the 23rd, a young farmer from the area, taking advantage of the imminent arrival of the allies from Perugia shot a German soldier, wounding him in the foot, in order to steal his motorcycle In retaliation, the same night about fifteen SS soldiers rounded up the victims at first light, so as to catch them sleeping . In the Radicchi farmhouse, halfway up the hill, they picked up Santino's sons, Mario, 24, and Giuseppe, 17. They continued towards Vocabolo Lago, where the Centovallis lived. Everyone in the house was awake, ready to go and harvest wheat in a nearby field. The soldiers entered. They asked for bread and lard. After having refreshed themselves, they brought out Natale, 30 years old, and his brother Quinto, 24. To comply with the rule of 5 sentenced to death for a wounded German, the fifth victim was missing. They decided to pick a victim in the church of San Giovanni, at the top of the hill, which was full of people because of San Giovanni Battista Celebrations, the patronal feast in Serra Partucci. They chose Domenico Černic, 26 years old, a big Slovenian boy, perhaps because he had stood out by speaking German well Upon returning from church, the fifth prisoner was brought alongside the other four. Among them, Quinto was without a hand, which he had lost in a fodder shredder. Domenico pointed out to the Germans that he would never have been able to shoot in those conditions. Bruno Ciribilli, twenty years old, who was occasionally passing by was identified as the fifth convict. The five innocents were lined up along the wall. Without saying a word, the officer quickly waved his arm. Machine gun fire began. After a few moments, five shots delivered the final blow, re-establishing silence. Without hesitation, the handful of soldiers quickly disappeared, almost running. Mission accomplished! Testo tratto da: Mario Tosti, Cinque cipressi, Digital editor, 2014. Voce di Paola Avorio Immagine di sfondo: opera di Antonio Renzini: "L'eccidio di Serra Partucci" Un progetto a cura di Mario Tosti, Unitre di Umbertide, il Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertidestoria, con il Patrocinio del Comune di Umbertide; con la collaborazione di Pietro Taverniti, Massimo Pascolini, Sergio Bargelli, Corrado Baldoni, Francesco Deplanu, Sergio Magrini Alunno, Antonio Renzini, Luca Silvioni, Romano Vibi. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com EH Carr "Change is certain. Progress is not "

Filippo Bottaccioli and the "great war" Curated by Francesco Deplanu and Isotta Bottaccioli Filippo Da Bologna a Doberdò La ferita e l'ospedale La Prigionia da Udine alla Polonia Dal Parisgeschutz alle bastonate Lamberto ed il padre ufficiale Lamberto e le lettere alla nonna Anna Filippo e la reazione all'ingiustizia Filippo racconta la Fame La stanza di Filippo Filippo Bottaccioli was born in 1895 into a very poor family, sharecroppers in San Benedetto. Last alive of 7 brothers and 3 others died shortly after birth. He went to France in 1914 in search of work but returned in 1915 for the call to arms. He was included in the Royal Army in the 15th Bersaglieri, 8th company. From there he wrote to his future wife Elvira Floridi. The postcards he sent from the front had a space to write a message, while those of the Habsburg Empire, multi-ethnic and multilingual, only had space for the name and surname with writings printed in more than 10 languages to greet loved ones. Elvira Floridi and some postcards sent by Filippo. Filippo wrote to Elvira in the space subjected to "military censorship", and then in agreement with her, words of love in the space under the stamp. Stamps that have all been detached. A form of communication to overcome the "moral censorship" of the time. In a rediscovered audio, recorded on an old cassette, Filippo, known as Pippo, told his story participation to the "great war" and his imprisonment. The audio was recorded in 1983 by Lamberto Beatini , Filippo's son-in-law having married his daughter, Isotta. In the recording, in addition to Isotta, also his consu-in-law Giannina, married to Orlando (Guido) Medici , one of Niccone's "stonecutters". Giannina used "you" to refer to Philip. During the first part of the conflict his health conditions made him unable to military activities for 13 months, he remained in the rear in Bologna due to the famous "flat feet", a feature that prevented him from being able to march quickly. With the continuation of the difficult conflict, however, he was judged completely skilled and sent to the trenches. It was the moment of the effort for the conquest of Gorizia, the sixth battle of the Isonzo. He was wounded in the foot in Doberdò on 08/16/1916. Da Bologna al ferimento a Doberdò 00:00 / 02:30 I remain little, therefore, in trench warfare; he was hospitalized and operated on with a 45-day convalescence. The story then becomes confused, subsequently he was captured near Udine and we are convinced that it was in the period of the defeat of Caporetto, in fact in the recording we hear "that arrived revolution ”which certainly alludes to the defeat and the chaos that followed, subsequently defines it as a“ great encirclement ”. Dalla ferita all'ospedale 45 giorni 00:00 / 02:55 This was followed by imprisonment in Austria, Poland, Germany, between France and Belgium at the time of the "Spanish", then between March / August 1918, and then again in Poland with the worsening of the conflict for the central empires. Da Udine alla Polonia 00:00 / 01:49 What we do know is that he was employed at one point as a railway worker on the line from where he fired the great German cannon at Paris. In fact, the prisoners were taken to concentration and labor camps both in the areas of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and in the areas of the front in the hands of the central empires, such as between northern France and Belgium as happened to Philip. This is due to the forced labor of prisoners functional to war strategies. In the case of Bottaccioli he was taken to the north of France or south of Belgium to work on the railway that allowed the cannonade of Paris: the “Parisgeschütz” . From Wikipedia in French a representation of the effectiveness of Parisgeschütz. The Kaiser Wilhelm Geschütz, or the Kaiser Wilhelm cannon was a weapon that was used for mainly psychological purposes, to hit the enemy's capital. It fired from a great distance, at night, from the St. Gobain forest area. Dal cannone alle bastonate 00:00 / 02:19 Lamberto tried to help the story of Philip, who was suffering and was 89 years old, but also fits in with his memories. He told some facts about his father, Antonio Beatini, always involved in the "great war": war and personal stories. The hunger he suffered only once, when as sergeant major he captured 12 "Austrian" prisoners and gave them the Italian lunch to feed them; but also a memory that became familiar: his father, in fact, was writing correspondence for a friend of the same department, whose name we do not know, who could not write. Lamberto racconta la "fame" del padre An 00:00 / 00:30 He was in love with Anna Gregori and Antonio wrote letters to this girl for him. They were hit by an avalanche and the other died. Back after the war Antonio Beatini married in second marriage, Anna Gregori ... the mother of Lamberto; there his first wife, in fact, had died away from him during the conflict. Anna Gregori Lamberto racconta della nonna Anna 00:00 / 00:42 Returning to Philip of the imprisonment he told the hunger, which we will talk about below, and the severity of the jailers, the better the "Bulgarians" the worse the "Germans" even if for one of them who hit him with sticks, and Philip reacted by hitting him with a mess tin, reports in dialect an illuminating phrase "he was more nervous than cativo". La prigionia, la reazione... la tazza di 00:00 / 02:43 They weren't the extermination camps that will be seen 30 years later, here people were actually dying of hunger and disease. It is thought that of the 600,000 Italian prisoners, 1 out of 6 died in that period in various concentration camps and while traveling. The difficulties of a conflict that became "total war" and economic not only changed the battlefield and gave birth to the "trenches" but subjects the economies of the countries involved to an exceptional effort. Germany and the Austrian Empire did not even manage to feed their own population in the continuation of the war. For prisoners, hunger is therefore a daily reality. Thus the Central Empires will ask the Countries of the Entente to contribute to the survival of their military with military aid. France and England will accept while the Kingdom of Italy will refuse. In fact, for Cadorna those who had already been captured were guilty of having been not very combative, and also, then, to avoid that the rumors of a "good" treatment of the enemy could influence those who were still fighting. A hundred thousand died ... A story of cowardice was also propagated which gave rise to a hostility towards these "cowards". The "hunger" was recurrent in the memories that Filippo even after a long time: elaborazione audio nonno pippo fame 00:00 / 00:20 His daughter Isotta wrote other memories on paper: “ And you told of your imprisonment, when hunger was daily bread. One day, a prisoner in Germany, when your stomach was being torn apart by excruciating bites, you set out in search of something to eat. You happened upon a compost heap and saw potato skins among the garbage. Regardless of the smell and the place, you collected them, washed them and after a quick boiling in a rusty jar, you devoured them and the hunger subsided for a while ". And again “You told us again, and always with great emotion, that freed from captivity, with one of your companions, you came across a tub full of barley. You had a backward hunger and you considered this a blessing. With your head bowed, you began to eat handfuls, filling your long-empty stomach. At some point your common sense told you to stop, because you knew that the cereal, softened by the gastric juices, would increase its volume and the stomach would suffer. You also advised his friend to stop but the poor man did not have the strength and during the night his stomach "cracked" and he died in excruciating pain ". Eventually he returned home albeit with frozen feet. Philip, known as "Pippo" was a simple man, but rational and intolerant of injustices. In 1966, by now in his seventies, he briefly wrote down his life in a diary that his daughter Isotta wrote down; here is a passage: “ Having some free time, I am going to tell you about my life. You will pity my ignorance because my school stopped in the first grade and a few months from the second evening. I was born in 1895 in S. Martino, near San Benedetto. I try to describe my home where I was born. A kitchen all black with soot. A large fire, a chamber. A grain-free barn. The Furniture: a small table, a very thick wooden table. No chairs at all, but two long oak benches instead of chairs. The room: two trestles with relative tables on which there were the mattresses. On the ground a tablet with a trap to kill ... what can you imagine. We had straw mattresses. A good thing was the wool coltrone. In the mattresses besides the straw there were also the maize leaves. In the kitchen, pots, pans, a few plates and glasses, forks and spoons. There were two large caissons. One box belonged to my mother who is still here in the house, the other has been destroyed. There were two looms for making the canvas. Some shoemaker and carpenter tools. I could write a lot, but it would take a writer and I know so little about it . ". Pippo Bottaccioli outside his house at the "Fontanelle". Photo of Niccone from the 60s where he lived for a long time. Poverty and the inability to study were his concern, the importance of culture was a requirement that became a value and pushed all his children to graduate and many of his grandchildren to graduate. A pride for him. From being the son of a sharecropper in San Benedetto, after the Great War he became a barber in Niccone. The twenty years and the second world war arrived that saw him anti-fascist and communist. He opened a wool shop right in the historic center of Umbertide. He died on June 14, 1985. Pippo Bottaccioli came back, he was lucky ... but many boys did not come out alive from the collective experience that was the "great war". For years, the historian of Città di Castello Alvaro Tacchini has reconstructed the human losses that our area of the Upper Tiber Valley suffered on his personal website www.storiatifernate.it . He also took care of taking a census of the 268 fallen of Umbertide. Thus he writes: " The list of names of the 268 fallen of Umbertide. Of them, 63 died of disease, 17 in captivity, 20 are missing ". We highly recommend that you read it. Inside the page you can see the day of death, the reason and the place of burial of each individual deceased. At the end of the page you can download an attachment with the same data but with some images of documents related to Pupils Ernesto Tullini, Domenico Caldari, Ciocchetti Olinto and Spinalbelli Achille. http://www.storiatifernate.it/pubblicazioni.php?&cat=48&subcat=104&group=234&id=374 Alternatively, you can search individually or by municipality from the site https://www.cadutigrandeguerra.it on the page https://www.cadutigrandeguerra.it/CercaNome.aspx. To find all the members of the Municipality it is enough indicate in the box "Comune in Albo", for example, the term ... Umbertide . https://www.cadutigrandeguerra.it/CercaNome.aspx The young Umbrians who died in the "great war" were, however, really many more, about 11,000. To be exact 10,934, of these almost a thousand died in captivity, exactly 964 people. At this link you can have news on the complete list of the Umbrian dead in the war: http://www.gualdograndeguerra.com/images/stories/pdf/prigionieri-umbri.pdf Image of Italian prisoners in Germany during the second world war. Notice the jailer's staff. Image from: https://www.raicultura.it/storia/articoli/2019/01/Lodissea-dei-prigionieri-094ea220-5eba-4b49-af34-3a64c831649d.html (photo 8) Sources: - Oral and written sources Isotta Bottaccioli - Audio cassette from 1983, Isotta Bottaccioli / Beatini archive - https://www.raicultura.it/storia/articoli/2019/01/Lodissea-dei-prigionieri-094ea220-5eba-4b49-af34-3a64c831649d.html - https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parisgesch%C3%BCtz - http://www.storiatifernate.it/allegati_prod/02-caduti-umbertide.pdf -http: //www.gualdograndeguerra.com/images/stories/pdf/prigionieri-umbri.pdf - https://www.lagrandeguerra.net/Presentazioni/Isonzo/isonzob.html - http://www.esercito.difesa.it/storia/pagine/f6-offensiva-isonzo.aspx - http://www.deportati.it/static/pdf/TR/2001/marzo/14-01%20marzo.pdf Photos and postcards: Isotta Bottaccioli / Beatini Archive Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com Da Bologna a Doberdò La ferita e l'ospedale Filippo La Prigionia da Udine alla Polonia Dal Parisgeschutz alle bastonate Lamberto ed il padre ufficiale Lamberto e le lettere alla nonna Anna Filippo e la reazione all'ingiustizia Filippo racconta la Fame La stanza di Filippo

Il Borgo San Giovanni Il ricordo di Luciano Bebi, 16 anni deceduto nel bombardamento del Borgo San Giovanni il 25 aprile 1944. Recitato da Teo Roselletti. Bebi Luciano 00:00 / 01:24 Progetto "Ottant'anni" (1944- 2024) a cura di Mario Tosti, Unitre di Umbertide, il Centro Culturale San Francesco, con il Patrocinio del Comune di Umbertide. Realizzato con la collaborazione di Corrado Baldoni, Mario Bani, Serio Bargelli, Sergio Magrini Alunno, Massimo Pascolini, Antonio Renzini, Luca Silvioni, Pietro Taverniti, Romano Viti. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com EH Carr "Change is certain. Progress is not "

REPORT OF MAYOR GIUSEPPE MIGLIORATI IN 1944 on the general situation of the Municipality which he sent to the Prefect of Perugia on 19 September 1944 with a letter bearing the Protocol number 999. It is of the utmost importance because it allows us to know the disastrous state in which the entire territory of the Municipality was immediately after the Liberation. Appointed on 15.8.1944 (1) Mayor of this Municipality by the Governor of the Allied Military Command, I fulfill the duty to submit to the EV this report on the general situation of the Municipality determined after the aerial bombardments suffered by this city, the withdrawal of the troops Germans and the consequent liberation by the allied troops. I state that the situation of the Municipality, as will be demonstrated below, is one of the most critical and consequently I am interested in the EV to be pleased to resolve, in the best way, what is possible. I begin with the municipal offices. MUNICIPAL OFFICES The municipal offices, immediately after the bombing of 25 April in which 88 (2) people were killed and 20 wounded, were transported to the countryside and precisely in the word Brecce. Here they remained until 12 June, until the German troops ordered a subsequent move, which was carried out by transporting what was possible to save from the devastation of the German troops themselves, in the locality of Fontanelle and precisely in the Rinaldi house. After the war operations, all the employees abandoned the offices, the deeds and the furnishings they had been given. The German troops therefore carried out even better the removal of all that they considered useful and the destruction of all that their vandalism advised. From a summary investigation in the process of greater investigations, it is removed or destroyed: 1. The ten typewriters and the calculator supplied to the offices. Now the municipality has no typewriter of its own. 2. The complete furnishings of the Mayor's Cabinet, the Secretary and other offices. 3. The technical tools of the Technical Office. 4. All prints, stationery, etc. supplied to the Offices. 5. Many documents of the Secretariat including all municipal regulations, tariffs, some volume of contract, etc. 6. Almost all the documents of the Bursar. 7. The following acts of the Civil Status: • Much of the personal data (family statuses and personal data sheets); • Migration practices defined relating to the years from 1937 to 1941; • Various procedures defined and being defined relating to the current year; • Files of marriage, birth and death certificates; • The register of list of the poor with the relative file; • Monthly statistics on the natural and migratory movement of the population; • The register of collection of civil status rights, secretariat and urgency; • 24 wooden boxes with automatic closing for the conservation of family statuses; • Lists of the military conscription of the classes from 1913 to 1920. 8. All the existing material in the warehouses, consisting of wood of various kinds and species, pipes for aqueducts, water meters, wheelbarrows, shovels, picks, etc. for a significant value. 9. Two "Beretta" 7.65 caliber automatic pistols supplied with the guards. 10. Motterl rifles also supplied to the guards. 11. The sum of Lire 10,000 located in part at the Treasury Office (approximately Lire 2,500), partly at the Police Office and Lire 5,000 at the milk shop. Much has been done in order to restore the offices to full efficiency, but much more needs to be done. It is necessary to equip them with the essential furniture, for which reason a contribution of at least 500,000 lire is requested from this Prefecture, with which they can buy the essential typewriters, a calculator, the tools for the Technical Office, the furniture for the decor of one room at least. Many deficiencies were found in the internal functioning of the Offices. Among the main notes, the failure to review municipal taxes annually, the failure to collect the fee for drinking water granted to individuals, the regular and complete collection of the amount of the niches and cemetery areas, the failure to stipulate contracts for concessions the aforementioned, the failure to recover the hospitals by the wealthy, the total failure to collect the assets, the neglect in requesting the repayment of the sums advanced on behalf of the State, etc., shortcomings to which he attributes the disastrous financial situation of the Municipality and which currently it is summed up by a cash deficit of over 2,000,000. I have already made provisions for the elimination of these serious drawbacks. Of course, the resolution of the same is subject to the needs of the reconstruction service based on the healthiest principles of almost all services. STAFF A first purge of staff was carried out and 16 elements were suspended among employees, salaried workers and health workers. The seats have been replaced with temporary staff, new to the services to which they have been entrusted. However, after the first period of adjustment, now almost everyone is doing quite well in the tasks entrusted to them. However, I would add that the purge has not finished and that investigations are being undertaken for other elements to ascertain their responsibilities. HOUSES The damage caused to civilian buildings by air raids and war actions are significant. A survey carried out shows that about 50 per cent of the homes have been destroyed or reduced to a condition to be demolished. Two hundred and fifty families were damaged and 900 people left homeless. To regulate the return of the population to the capital, which after the air raids had spread a little everywhere, I set up a special office and a special commission that oversees the relevant services. Despite all the provisions adopted by the Municipality such as those of placing at least two people per room and requisitioning all possible premises, not excluding the placement of families with other families (as many as 2,000 people are currently accommodated in this way, as many as 250 people are now homeless and still provisionally placed in the countryside, in barns, huts and similar premises. Twenty-five percent of homes inhabited and crammed by people need roof repairs before the winter season and window and window repairs. Such a situation cannot last long and this is also to avoid the occurrence of any epidemic diseases. It is therefore necessary to address the resolution of the important problem for which I take the liberty of proposing: 1. to promote, favor and encourage the private initiative of the reconstruction of the destroyed houses, under the control of the Civil Engineers who will have to establish the amount of the damages suffered and which will have to be reimbursed by the State; 2. that the following materials be assigned to this Municipality: a) at least 200,000 tiles; b) a suitable quantity of cement and other binders; c) at least 5,000 square meters of glass; d) timber for reinforcements and fixtures; e) that the necessary investigations to establish which buildings must be demolished and which can be restored are ordered to the Civil Engineering Office. SUPPORT Assistance was very neglected. In fact, only at the beginning of September it was possible to order the continuation of the displacement subsidy which had been suspended since 15 June 1944. However, all services are now being normalized. However, it is necessary that an assignment of clothing, clothing, footwear, blankets, sheets, mattresses, etc. be made. to be distributed to the victims and who cannot be left in such conditions in the approaching winter. POWER SUPPLY Apart from the ration of bread and pasta, given in grain, this population had only 100 grams of sugar per person and 150 grams of salt. Contrary to what was practiced for the other municipalities, this population was not distributed the ration of pig fats for the entire year. These greases were in fact removed by the German troops from the local warehouses of the Municipality where they were still stored. In consideration of this, the population of this Municipality, which following the bombings and the looting of the German troops has seen all the minimum stocks that any provident family could have had destroyed and removed, is in a state of real hardship. The EV is therefore interested in order for the distribution of the following genres to be urgently arranged in favor of this population: • oil (he hasn't had any since January); • pig fat (has not had any more since March); • sugar; • salt; • pasta as a replacement for the flour it has been receiving in wheat for a few months. Furthermore, given that the Municipality has no means of transport, it is necessary that a vehicle be assigned to transport the rationed goods. Cade acconcio that you are speaking here of an initiative taken by the Municipality for the sale of rationed and quoted goods, an initiative that was imposed following the destruction of many shops in the capital and the failure to reopen the others by the owners, who are proving of complete absenteeism. A Bottegone Comunale del Popolo has been established on which the distribution of rationed products, milk is made, which by the Municipality itself is collected from the collection centers where the various producers meet, and what else it is possible to have, to search on the site. This Bottegone will continue to function until normal commercial activity is resumed, unless the opportunity to transform it into a consumer cooperative appears. The Bottegone is currently managed by the members of the Board: Rometti Aspromonte for the technical-commercial part and Cerrini Tramaglino for the accounting part, who have taken care of its organization and operation. Bottegone himself does not affect the municipal budget in any way. MILLS Currently, given the lack of electricity, the grain is milled by means of the eleven mills operated partly by hydraulic power and partly by internal combustion engines. To ensure the functioning of the important service, however, it is necessary to ensure regular refueling. PUBLIC HEALTH Many cases of typhus have occurred and many are still ongoing among the population of this municipality. It is necessary for the EV to be assigned suitable medicines and disinfectants to prevent and fight such diseases. Two of the five doctors are in possession of a permit to circulate; however, it is necessary that the Municipality be made a monthly allocation of petrol to be allocated for this use. ROADS A total of 16 bridges were destroyed by the German troops. The damages suffered for those on municipal roads exceed 5,000,000 lire. Practices have begun for the construction of a voluntary consortium between the interested parties for the construction of footbridges to replace said bridges, in order to ensure in some way the restoration of the viability. The financing of the expenditure, while waiting for the State to do so, will be done by the interested parties through the Municipality. AQUEDUCTS In addition to the aqueduct of the capital, those in the hamlets of Pierantonio, Preggio, Niccone, Cioccolanti, Santa Giuliana and Palazzetto Nese were also damaged, for the repair and efficiency of which is expected to cost around 400,000 lire. PUBLIC BUILDINGS Almost all public buildings have suffered significant damage. These buildings are: Town Hall damages suffered approximately 200,000 lire Center school buildings damages suffered approximately 225,000 lire Rural school buildings damage suffered about lire 80,000 Start-up building damages suffered approximately 225,000 lire Kindergarten damage suffered about lire 45,000 Municipal warehouses damage suffered about lire 35,000 Slaughterhouse damage suffered about lire 28,000 Washhouse damage suffered about lire 30,000 Public latrines damage suffered about lire 21,000 Public hospital damages suffered approximately 100,000 lire Unable to work hospitalizations damage suffered about lire 30,000 Total 1,019,000 lire For the removal of the rubble of the streets and squares of the capital, for the reactivation of the aqueducts, for the clearing of the rubble from the bridges, from the riverbeds, an estimate was compiled by the Technical Office which rises to 1,141,000 lire. This estimate has already been sent to the Civil Engineering Office for approval and to give the authorization to continue the work and the assurance that the same Office will reimburse the expenses that this Municipality will sustain for this reason. UNEMPLOYMENT It is essential that the Civil Engineers assign the aforementioned sum not only for the execution of the urgent and deferrable works for the recovery, albeit minimal, of the normality of the Municipality, also to eliminate the unemployment that is currently relevant. No less than three hundred workers and over fifty employees of different categories (potters, railway workers, etc.) are unemployed. As for the materials necessary for the aforementioned works, since there are two brick kilns in the Municipality, this could ensure the needs if they are assigned the necessary fuel, which is being partially provided with the help of the Allied Military Governor. In order to guarantee the supply of the indispensable materials, this Municipality blocked all the production of the aforementioned two furnaces. The materials themselves are assigned to the owners of buildings following the division of the Technical Office, which in advance checks the requests one by one. I therefore strongly interest the EV because it wants to arrange for the Civil Engineers to assign the requested sum of 1,141,000 lire to the Municipality. PUBLIC SERVICES Currently no public service works. Only the postal service works partially. This Municipality is proceeding so that it can have the premises necessary for the disengagement of the services, but it is not easy to solve the problem given that the Umbrian Central Management, the only owner of suitable premises, puts forward many reasons not to sell them. The electric light doesn't work either. The Unione Esercizi Elettrici has been assured that in a month it will be able to reactivate the supply of electricity to a limited extent and in turn. SCHOOLS Almost all the furniture of the schools, both elementary and secondary, has been removed and destroyed. In order for them to resume their activities, it is necessary that the Municipality be assigned a suitable sum that cannot be less than 1,000,000 lire. It is also essential that all schools be reopened. In this regard, given the serious housing situation and therefore in consideration of the housing difficulties of the teachers who are not resident here, the opportunity arises that professors and teachers resident in this municipality are in charge of teaching, who, both in terms of number and by capacity, they are able to ensure smooth operation. AGRICULTURE The harvest of wheat, maize and secondary products was good and there was no significant damage from the war events. The wine, although promising very well, has recently been very damaged by iodine and therefore will be scarce and of poor quality. The olive harvest, on the other hand, promises very well. The placing of the grain in storage was very satisfactory. Over 30,000 quintals are already piled up. It is essential that provision is made for the assignment of carbon sulphide in order to prevent both the stored grain and that stored in their warehouses by the producers from going bad. It is also essential, given the approach of the sowing season, that both nitrogen fertilizers and fungicides are assigned. It is also necessary that it be arranged for the concession of electricity for oil mills in consideration of the approaching period of processing. CONCLUSION I conclude this report by insisting on the following essential points: 1. that at least the sum of 500,000 lire is assigned for the arrangement and reorganization of the Offices; 2. that the sum of 1,141,000 necessary for the removal of the rubble be assigned; 3. that the sum of 1,000,000 lire be assigned for the construction of school furnishings; 4. that the building materials are assigned: • 200,000 tiles; • cement and binding materials; • timber for reinforcement and window frames; • at least sqm. 5,000 glasses; 5. that fuel be assigned for the grain mills, brick kilns and municipal health services; 6. that carbide and oil are assigned for lighting; 7. that fats and oil are assigned for the population. I trust in the interest of the EV and I am sure that with this valid help I will be able to do some good to this population so tried by the pains of war. MAYOR G. Improve Note: 1. There is an inaccuracy in the date. The post of mayor was formally assumed on 3 September. Perhaps Migliorati refers to the interview with the Allied Military Governor who communicated the purpose of the appointment and which may have occurred on August 15, 1944. 2. Here, too, Migliorati runs into an easily explainable inaccuracy. The dead were 70, but another 14 people had fled the country without reporting it and it was feared that they were buried under the rubble still to be cleared. Sources: "Umbertide in the XX Century 1900 - 1946" by Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide, Gesp - January 2006 THE CITY AFTER LIBERATION 1944 - 1952 Rendiconto Giunta 1946 - 1952 Relazione del Sindaco Giuseppe Migliorati nel 1944 Relazione del Sindaco Giuseppe Migliorati nel 1944 Rendiconto Giunta 1946 - 1952 RELATION SOCIAL-COMMUNIST MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION ON THE ACTIVITY CARRIED OUT FROM 1946 TO 1952 curated by Fabio Mariotti We feel the duty to give an account to the population of the activity carried out in our municipality in the period from the elections of 1946 to today. We do not want to judge our work, since it is not up to us to judge; however, we feel we have the right to affirm that we have made an effort to do everything in our power to meet the needs of citizens and to honestly fulfill the mandate they have entrusted to us. PUBLIC WORKS In order to be able to judge our work serenely, it is first of all necessary to recall the disastrous conditions in which we found our country due to the war: the capital, in particular, was reduced to a heap of rubble, so it was dedicated to it. more attention than to fractions. The transitory period of municipal administration, which took place under the aegis of the Allied Military Government and controlled by the latter with the Mayors of the then Liberation Committee, made it possible to begin the reorganization of the administrative offices as soon as possible. Citizens suffered severely from the hardships caused by the war. Almost all the families lacked the essentials: house, food, medicines, electricity, water, household goods, etc. Everything had been destroyed by bombing or removed by the retreating Germans. The city was littered with rubble; traffic was difficult due to the numerous road works that had been destroyed (as many as 27 bridges had been destroyed in our municipality). The lack of housing considerably aggravated the tragic situation of the moment: half of Umbertide's houses were destroyed or seriously damaged. It was an imperative duty of the municipal administration to face all these problems; and faithful to our general program, set out during the electoral campaign, we promptly set them out for a solution. Priority was given to the sanitation and welfare problem, having all the rubble removed; which, in addition to removing the sad vision of the ruins, averted the danger of spreading infectious diseases; Supplementary rations of bread, meat, wine, firewood were distributed. The prompt reactivation of the aqueducts both in the center and in the hamlets was provided. The schools, despite the damage suffered, were repaired and returned to their important function. Only the perimeter walls remained of our hospital; in a short time it was put back into efficiency and thus it was possible to meet those who needed hospital care. Today our hospital has very modern equipment, and it would have perfected its systems again if the Prefecture, without any reason, had not sent a Commissioner to manage the institution. The rapid rehabilitation of the hospital is due to the intelligent activity of its President, comrade Rometti Aspromonte and of the Board of Directors who dedicated so much diligence and passion to this humanitarian work, always supported in their work by the municipal administration and by the esteem of the entire population. The war had completely destroyed the Umbertide-Terni railway and the Fossato-Arezzo railway. Following our concern it was possible to reactivate the Terni-Umbertide section and the reconstruction of its warehouse-workshop in Umbertide. This work could be carried out with the help of the Minister of Transport Hon. Ferrari of the PCI and the Communist and Socialist Deputies of the district, who met in Umbertide at our invitation, to give instructions to the managers of the Mediterranea. The serious problem of the workforce has been tackled by overcoming all our budget possibilities many times, but the scourge of unemployment persists and certainly cannot be resolved with local interventions. This problem will find its complete solution only when it is possible for a truly democratic government to come to power which dedicates its national wealth to works of peace and which translates into action what is enshrined in the constitution. The workforce employed by the Municipality has always been significant and has had a strong impact on the budget. The severe shortage of housing that existed before the war, aggravated by the destruction, raised the urgent problem of building reconstruction and the Administration directed all energy to this. Sixty residential neighborhoods have already been built and occupied (public housing and homes for the victims) and ten neighborhoods have been built by INA-Casa; public housing is now being built in Preggio for 10,000,000 Lire. With all this we are still a long way off to be able to say that all citizens have a modest home. Dozens of families still live in attics, woodsheds, and in places that offend human dignity. The main cause of this was the ministerial provision which suppressed the Prefectural Housing Commissioner; This suppression has led to this inequality: the owners of buildings occupy fifteen rooms in four or five people, while large families live in unhealthy and unsafe hovels (this is certainly not Christian charity!) The streets in the center of Umbertide have been reactivated and asphalted. The damage of the war and the neglect of the past administrations had reduced the eighteenth-century Palazzo del Comune in bad conditions. This Administration has provided for the repair of all the rooms and on the first floor has particularly taken care of the restoration of the frescoed vaults, with a total cost of L. 1,520,000. The work must be continued, as it is a building that due to its style deserves to be preserved and restored to its primitive beauty. The restoration work on the façade has already been contracted for 1,500,000 Lire. The avenues have been enriched with hundreds of ornamental plants; a small garden has also been arranged in Largo Antonio Gramsci, as well as another in a corner of Piazza Mazzini. A small park was built between the council houses and those of the victims; another park was built in Largo Vittorio Veneto. The post office building has been rebuilt and enlarged, which will soon give back to the public a very modern post office. In the space behind the post office building, the reconstruction of old huts was prevented, giving air and sun to buildings that did not have them and creating the vast Piazza 25 Aprile. In addition to the paving of via Petrogalli, works for the pavement with asphalt tiles of the pavements of Via Garibaldi for L. 3,000,000 have already been contracted out. In the streets of our territory they have been 26 bridges rebuilt. It was in Ascagnano rebuilt the footbridge over the Tiber and it is proceeded at the same time to the arrangement of the road that leads to Palazzetto Nese. A stretch of road from Serra was also built Partucci in Campaola. Every possible cure has been dedicated to school problems, element indispensable for creating a better tomorrow. All the buildings have been restored municipally owned school, it was partly renewed the teaching material and furniture; 250 new ones are now under construction desks and 20 professorships in the amount of L. 2,000,000. Not being able to deal with means financial problems of the City the serious problem of school building, we asked insistently the intervention of the state. Three projects to build school buildings in Civitella, Niccone and Montecastelli are al Ministry of Public Works for a total cost of L. 28,000,000. They are complete in each their part and approved in technical and administrative terms; for over two years, however, they have been piled up and forgotten, because unfortunately at this moment the Christian Democratic regime has to satisfy other customers and therefore cannot satisfy the needs of the municipalities governed by popular administrations. A project for a school building site for the construction of the Pian di Nese-Racchiusole road has been at the Ministry of Labor for several years; despite our pressure on the Ministry and the Prefecture, the funding has not yet been granted. The local population insistently claims it as an area devoid of any trace of road; in the winter season it is really a problem to move from the houses scattered in that area. There are still fractions without light. The Municipality has expanded and built plants in Cioccolanti and Montecastelli; a new plant was built in the hamlets of Buzzacchero and Pian d'Assino, for an amount of L. 1,800,000; the lighting in the capital and in the hamlets was improved for a cost of L. 1,000,000. The possibility of giving electric light to the areas of San Benedetto, Petrella, Ospedalicchio, Mita and Banchetti is being studied. Substantial repairs were made to the Cemeteries of Racchiusole, Santa Giuliana, Polgeto, San Bartolomeo, Migianella, San Paolo, Comunaglia, Verna, Leoncini, with a total cost of L. 4,500,000. Modern public urinals have been installed in the center and in the hamlets. New sewers were built in the capital, in Preggio and in Niccone. The lower butcher's shop has been completely transformed according to hygiene requirements; now the restoration works of the municipal slaughterhouse are in progress; for these two works an expense of L. 1,000,000 is required. Taking into account the serious conditions in which many farmhouses are found, especially in the high hills, a municipal commission has been set up for the application of the health law, art. 223 of 27 July 1934, which forces the owners to carry out the necessary repairs: n. 69 farmhouses; the related practices are in progress, with the result that some owners have already had to carry out the required work. The problem of greatest concern is that of aqueducts, also because our area is very poor in second-layer water to feed them. To improve the existing plants in Cioccolanti, Preggio, Montecastelli and in the provincial capital, Lire 2,600,000 was spent, but more remains to be done, especially in the capital. For this reason, after having carried out all the necessary technical and bureaucratic procedures, last year the survey was carried out for the research of underground waters; the outcome was negative due to insufficient means available (Lire 1,000,000 was used). In our opinion it is necessary to insist on drilling, and this is also the suggestion of the technicians in the field of hydraulics, hoping to find sufficient water for the needs of the population, and then get to the financing of the work. However, at present to make up for this deficiency wells and cisterns have been built, subsidiary works that have reduced the serious shortage of water that has worried citizens for over 30 years in the peak months. The sewer system is linked to the problem of the aqueduct; those already existing have been built with antiquated and unsanitary criteria; in the summer they constitute a serious danger to public health. The problem is urgent and must be addressed with an adequate financial plan. The construction of a well-equipped sports field and a theater capable of satisfying the increased needs of the population also remains to be tackled. SUPPORT Assistance has never been neglected within the maximum limits allowed by the budget, especially with regard to hospital admissions for needy citizens, the distribution of medicines, school meals, marine and mountain colonies. But what the Municipality can do in today's society is very little in the face of the real problem of assistance and the great need of most. The state has the duty to provide for the complete solution of the problem, but a bourgeois government will never be able to allocate billions for relief works. The Municipality spent 11 million Lire on assistance to the poor in the financial year 1951 alone. FINANCIAL PROBLEM The current tax system still regulated by the local finance law of 1931 is now outdated by the times, does not allow the Municipalities any autonomy in this matter and is not suitable for ensuring the indispensable means for the financing of institutional services; moreover, it unjustly distributes the tax burden. The needs of the times, made more acute by the backwardness found in all the most elementary collective services, therefore make it extremely difficult for the municipal administrations to carry out their tasks. These difficulties are noted to a greater extent in the administrations run by Social Communists because they, as far as possible, try to relieve the workers from the tax burden, however they reduce budget revenues, since with the system in place, it is difficult for them to find an adequate counterpart by increasing the taxes to the employer class as appropriate, which by resorting to the GPA escapes its duty towards the community. This state of affairs also forced our Administration to have to apply taxes, albeit to the most limited extent, even to the working class, while its intention was substantially the opposite. On the other hand, in order to ensure a minimum of administrative functioning and to resolve, even partially, the serious problems arising from the war and described above, the municipal administration in the current state of affairs cannot dispose of other resources. State funding is almost nil, all engaged in rearmament. We have always granted municipal employees all increases in allowances to the maximum extent permitted by law. The staff of permanent staff has been expanded. ADMINISTRATION AND POLITICAL LIFE This Administration has not failed to give, within the limits of the right, its support to the initiatives taken by the various city organizations in defense of peace and workers' rights. However, this was not to the satisfaction of the higher Authorities, inspired by an antisocial and intolerant mentality, and the Mayor suffered the consequences: he was repeatedly suspended from office and reported to the Judicial Authority for having authorized the posting of posters in the who criticized the work of the Government, for having spoken in a public rally in favor of peace against the threat of war deriving from the well-known adhesion of our Government to the Atlantic Pact. Some might argue that those provisions were just, since the Mayor must be concerned exclusively with administrative problems; but such an objection appears naive if we consider that administrative problems are always closely linked to political problems, that the inhabitants of a city are not abstract numerical entities, but men animated by demands and needs, moved by hopes and ideals. The problems of the municipal administration are closely linked to the struggles that its citizens wage throughout the country for their emancipation. We could not remain insensitive to the events taking place in Italy and in the world; we knew that by fighting against the war, at the same time we were fighting so that the millions allocated for weapons were again converted into civilian expenses, for our homes, for our aqueduct, for our hospital, for our schools, for our streets. When we fought for peace we felt the duty to do so; in memory of the dead of the sad bombings of 1944, worried about the future of the entire citizenry. THE COUNCIL MINORITY Our work as administrators has lacked the contribution of the Christian Democratic minority, which has deserted almost all the meetings of the Council. It, while remaining in the opposition, could have benefited the country if it had limited itself to a serene criticism and had at least supported us in asking for the intervention of its government friends to finance the public works of greatest interest. When, after the liberation, our representatives also sat in the government, Umbertide was able to quickly carry out public works for several hundreds of millions (2 bridges, railway, warehouse-workshop, public houses, etc.). Since the leftist parties have been expelled from the government, the latter has given priority to the expenses of rearmament and has become deaf to the requests of the populations who want to see at least their most urgent problems solved (the construction of school buildings and the school sites for the construction of rural roads has been waiting for funding from the Ministries for years). Leaving the Administration of the Municipality, due to the expiry of the mandate received, we express our gratitude to the employees, to the Bodies, Associations and individuals who have given us their precious collaboration, we thank the working people who have supported us in our efforts, we wish the Directors who will be elected, to be able to continue our work even more profitably for the good of our country. To this end, we make votes so that the future Municipal Administration can carry out its work with the help of a better Government, which instead of hindering the initiatives of the Municipality through the Prefectural Bodies, understands their needs and gives its concrete support to meet them. . We wish peace and freedom to the hard-working population of our municipality for an ever better tomorrow. and social justice. P. THE MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION A. BELLAROSA - Mayor A. RENZINI - V. Mayor C. PALAZZETTI - Councilor G. RONDONI - " B. BOLDRINI - " M. BELARDINELLI - “Suppl. A. ROSSETTI " Part of the Palazzo delle Poste and via Petrogalli (destroyed by the war) Casa Borgarelli (from Piazza XXV Aprile, demolished by the air raid Building reconstruction in via Andreani (homes for the victims) The back of the Palazzo delle Poste

The Tiber and the water mills (edited by Francesco Deplanu) The Tiber was the primary route of connection and supply, it has characterized the history of the populations who lived in this area, essentially leaving the Etruscans to its right and the Umbrians to the left. But above all it defined the identity of the residential agglomerations in the plain: the symbol of our country shows, in fact, the three-arched bridge over it. Coat of arms of the municipality - Year 1870 - Municipal Archive (from the web) In ancient times it was "navigable" for commercial and therefore cultural exchanges; in different ways, with the help of pack animals to bring the current up to the boats or with small boats to allow the passage from one then bank. On the Tiber, Dr. Cencaioli writes in her ...: "it was the navigable way for commercial and cultural exchanges between the various cities from antiquity, in the Middle Ages and up to the last century, used for the transport of minerals, wood, food and of building material. The traf fi c was well organized and special offices were set up for the control of the waters. "..." The discovery of structures and materials and the toponyms along the Tiber allowed the recognition of some places as landing points: we remember for Umbria, Umbertide , loc. Barca, Perugia - Ponte Valleceppi, Perugia - Ponte S. Giovanni, Torgiano ". Octagonal construction at the "Petrelle". In the Petrelle area Luana Cencaioli, in " Umbertide, the Tiber and the territory", work presented within the "study day" organized by Prof.ssa Scortecci Donatella in 2012, speculates that the construction in octagonal plan about 3 meters high and built in mixed work with stones and bricks may be older than the post-classical age to which it seems to refer. It could have been used as a service room for a landing on the Tiber, as a garage or, given the variations in the course of the river, as a docking point. Cencaioli also speculates which may have been a "stakeout to control the river" (Cf. pg. 148). Probably the inhabited areas of the plains or along the rivers required more effort to be inhabited than those of the hills where the slope favors the flow of water, there are no marshy areas or you do not have to fight with torrential floods or the great river. Maria Cecilia Moretti in the volume "The Tiber and Umbertide" edited by Sestilio Polimanti reminds us how, in fact, the Tiber has often required containment works, reporting a news from the Umbertide archive of 1780 which confirms this need for containment: Gaspare Mazzaforti , parish priest of Migianella tells how in 1754 the Jesuit father Sivieri, an expert in mathematics for erosion problems in the area defined as "Prato", was consulted in Perugia for the problems of the Tiber near Fratta by means of certain "struts" which then seemed to a certain sense, then similar to a "rake" (Cf. pg. 24). We seem to find in the detail of this photo from the first half of the twentieth century, the evolution of this river erosion control technique in several places of the left bank of the Tiber just before the "Bocaiolo" area north of the city. This favored the deposition of materials from the Tiber with which it was then possible to consolidate the bank or "lengthen the fertile soil of the bank. Umbertide: particular early twentieth century photo This technique seems to be attested also by the details visible in the painting of Ernesto Freguglia from 1874 which represents the "Mulinaccio" area where, in addition to the canal that was used for the old mill now destroyed, you can see poles that look like the "struts" placed to protect the Tiber bend from erosion. Detail of Ernesto Freguglia of 1874 visible at this web address of the Municipality of Umbertide: http://www.umbertideturismo.it/content/download/260405/2771389/file/La%20storia%20di%20Ernesto%20Freguglia.pdf The Tiber had to be taken care of, that is, its banks had to be continuously reinforced to be protected from the force of the river which could be destructive with the floods: see in this photo from the first half of the 20th century which in addition to being sailed for fun and certainly to fish the shore opposite the pebbly beach (the "breccione") has some protection works with long poles planted vertically, the "pontoons", and other woods or fagots inserted horizontally which gave life to the protection "weeping". According to Maria Cecilia Moretti, the term "piangola" derives from the local dialect variant of the Po Valley where the term " pnèl " is still found today. thus the toponym "Pennello" in Umbertide would indicate the place of beginning of this technique (see note n. 26 in the text cited below). The floods of the Tiber could be destructive, especially if they were full of medium size, they had taken timber and residues to build natural barriers that could bring the river right into the city. But the Tiber was used above all in summer and spring for washing, a female activity that could increase the family budget although very tiring. In winter, country women preferred spring water which was less cold than that of the Tiber. The river was used also for fun, to browse it and as a meeting place: along the "patollo" area, in fact, in the thirties of the twentieth century, before the flood of '39 that destroyed it, a Lido Dancing was built which became the meeting place of the people of Umbria of the time. THE WATER MILLS Before industrialization, the large machines linked to the power of water, available in our areas as well as along the Tiber also along the Niccone River and other tributaries, they played a role in the transformation of crops such as maize and wheat, less frequently olives and sometimes even walnuts for the production of lamp oil. Other times they were important for the "gualcheria" for the fulling of the fabrics such as the famous "Mill of Sant'Eraclio" just south of the current confluence of the Reggia torrent in the main river, in the area of the current Piazza San Francesco. Cereal growing together of the scattered settlement, mostly of sharecropping origin, the little practicability of the communication routes and the frequency of streams and rivers allowed the notable diffusion of the "retricine" mills, or horizontal wheel, rather than the one mentioned above in Sant 'Erasmus with a vertical wheel. In the tense by the prof. Melelli and Fatichenti of the University of Perugia numbered 9 in the Fratta Territory and then, after the Unification, they increased to 15 at the end of the century ("L'UMBRIA DEI MULINI AD WATER edited by Alberto Melelli, Fabio Fatichenti, Quattroemme, Perugia 2013). The Mill of Sant'Erasmo was certainly active in 1470, in the word Botani, when it was given to the Rectory of Sant'Andrea by the Bishop of Gubbio, until 1610 when the great flood of the Tiber on 20 October made it less functional, which which was repeated the following year, bringing the Mill to the sale and change of use. The "gualcheria" was moved to a mill further south, in the Pian d'Assino area. There structure of the factory benefited from a reservoir, always visible in the image of the Piccolpasso just above the Mill where you can see a horizontal bubbling strip on the course of the Tiber, which according to the text of Melelli and Fatichenti made it possible to use grinding wheels for the grinding of sickles and other tools produced by the blacksmiths of Fratta to then make it possible to punch the clothes. As for the Mills, Fabio Mariotti reworked (you can read here in " Fratta-Umbertide nell'Ottocento ") the information from an unpublished manuscript by the local historian Renato Codovini where a statistic from 1880 appears. Here are still 9 Mills indicated: - Molino in Umbertide owned by Luigi Santini. It has three millstones, it is moved by water, it grinds grain, corn, olives eight months a year. - Molino known as "il Molinello" owned by Ciucci, in bankruptcy. It is one kilometer from Umbertide, it has three millstones, it is moved by water, it grinds grain eight months a year. corn and olives. - Molino known as "Vitelli" owned by the Marquis Rondinelli. four kilometers away from Umbertide. It has three millstones, it is moved by water, it mills seven months a year for lack of water. - Molino known as "di Casa Nuova" alla Badia, owned by Marignoli. It has five millstones and grinds cereals all year round. Molino inside the Badia owned by Marignoli. It has a single millstone and it grinds seven months a year due to lack of water. - Molino known as "dell'Assino" owned by Anacleto Natali. It is two kilometers from the town. It has three millstones and grinds all year round. - Molino di Pierantonio owned by Florenzi (the marquis, husband of Marianna Florenzi, from Ascagnano). It has two millstones. It grinds seven months a year. - Molino owned by Florenzi (other). It has two millstones. Seven months a year. - Molino di Paolo Sarti in Montecastelli. It is four kilometers from the town. It has two millstones, it grinds seven months a year, only cereals. - Molino della Serra. Property of the Ecclesiastical Fund. It is five kilometers from the town. It has three millstones. Grinds cereals all year round. All these mills grind 33,400 hectoliters of wheat flour, maize and a few cereals. In the area near the river there are today the remains of 5 mills: Mulinello, Truncichella, Mulinaccio, S. Erasmo, Mola Casa Nova, Pian D'Assino mill. Along the Niccone stream it must certainly be remembered that of the area of the current "Mulino Vitelli". The best-known mill on the Niccone stream is instead that of "Molino Vitelli" along the road that leads from Umbertide to 'Spedalicchio di Umbertide and then to Mercatale or Lisciano Niccone. This mill is already present in the "Gregorian Cadastre" (Montemigiano Map, part. 943) but we have news of its presence already in the eighteenth century under the ownership of the noble family of Città di Castello Bocompagni Ludovisi. It worked for the grinding of cereals and olives until 1955 when it was used for another use. A part of the "bottaccio" and the drainage channel are still visible, although it is filled with earth. The existence of Mills in these areas, where the flow was certainly less than that of the Tiber, reminds us that the population in our lands was mainly linked to the sharecropping system in the countryside. this page . On the basis of Umbertide's map of 1883 present in Guerrini's text "Storia della terra di Fratta", the "Molino di Umbertide" with three millstones that grinds 8 months a year was located on the course of the Tiber, in the position visible below, north of the bridge. The mill "Mola Casa Nova" also on the banks of the Tiber river, known as "Molino Gamboni", the last one that remained active, had been abandoned in the 90s. Here we insert two photos granted by the teacher Anna Boldrini. How the Mulino di Mola casanova looked in 1990: first side photo towards the Tiber river; second side photo of the current entrance area of the Park. Today the Mill of Mola Casa Nova it can be visited and is became a Mola Casanova Educational Science Park and has been managed so far, mid 2020, from Alchemilla sas with the nearby power station of the Municipality of Umbertide. The ancient mill sees its three floors arranged with themed rooms and workshops. The Alchemilla company offers valuable teaching to schools ranging from the past to energy news; here the link to the " brochure " for schools. SOURCES: - Cenciaioli Luana , Umbertide, the Tiber and the territory, (p. 145-162) in Scortecci Donatella (edited by): The middle and upper valley of the Tiber from Antiquity to the Middle Ages: proceedings of the study day ; Umbertide, May 26, 2012 - Daidalos, 2014. - UMBRIA OF WATER MILLS edited by Alberto Melelli, Fabio Fatichenti, photographs by Bernardino Sperandio, files by Giovanni Gangi, Fabio Fatichenti, Rosa Goracci, Alberto Melelli, Remo Rossi, Bernardino Sperandio, QUATTROEMME, 2013. - "The Tiber and Umbertide": Maria Cecilia Moretti, Lorena Beneduce Filippini, Fausto Minciarelli (edited by Sestilio Polimanti), Historical Society Umbertide Edizioni, 2018. The work originally came out in 1995 thanks to the Municipality of Umbertide but above all thanks to ALLI - Linguistic Atlas of Italian Lakes - and to Prof. Giovanni Moretti and to the Chair of Italian Dialectology. - http://www.umbertideturismo.it/content/download/260405/2771389/file/La%20storia%20di%20Ernesto%20Freguglia.pdf - https://www.molacasanova.it/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/brochure-scuole-2016.pdf - https://www.molacasanova.it - Photos: historical photos of Umbertide from the web and from various private archives to which we applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark in this way we try to avoid that the further disclosure on our part favors purposes not consonant with our intentions exclusively social and cultural. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com Henry Pirenne “ If I were an antique dealer, I would have eyes only for old things. But I am a historian. That's why I love life "