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Lamberto and the Resistance curated by Isotta Bottaccioli and Francesco Deplanu After the 8th of September 1943 Lamberto Beatini, coming from a family of republican faith, at 19 he refused the call to arms of the Republic of Salò e together with a friend he went into the woods; after a few months he was captured and locked up in the prison of Perugia; Lamberto besides the fear of not leaving that place said "being imprisoned because you refuse war, weapons, violence, oppression, injustices is something that causes you pain and a lot of anger". He saved himself and over the years he became the "Maestrone", a man of the school so called because he was more than 1.90 cm tall. Years ago he told his second wife, Isolde, what happened in that period. Isotta recounts: “ rather than fighting alongside the Nazi-fascists, many young people preferred the bush. Making this courageous choice was very dangerous because we were considered deserters and, if caught, punishable by the death penalty ”. Lamberto made this choice one evening in September 1943 together with a friend of his from Umbria, Antonelli, left towards S. Cristina. The two walked through woods and fields and tired, they stopped behind a haystack not far from a farmhouse. They lay down on a pile of straw and suddenly fell asleep. During the night it started to rain but the two noticed it when they woke up wet and dirty. After a "sgrullata" they set off again and finally reached S. Cristina where, bravely, they were hosted by a relative of Antonelli. A different life began for Lamberto and his partner. Early in the morning they left the host family and were hiding in the nearby woods, returning at dusk. Some evenings, through shortcuts and away from the main road, they went to Lamberto's sister, Costantina known as Gosta, in Civitella Benazzone who, as soon as she saw them, began to make her good tagliatelle. With a full stomach they resumed their way back in the middle of the night. The mother Anna, to see her son again, following alternative routes to the normal ones because she was afraid of being followed, in the early morning she left Umbertide to go to S. Cristina. The road ahead was long and there were many climbs, but for her there were no obstacles, no weariness; the goal was too precious not to be reached at any cost. When the carabinieri knocked on the door of the Beatini family to ask where the deserter son was, the mother replied: << I wish I knew! I would run to him. I really want to see him again. >>. The two deserters spent three months in the bush and in December, perhaps due to a spying on them, they were discovered and taken to prison in Perugia. The stay lasted six months and marked Lamberto so much that when he recounted certain episodes, after so many years, his eyes were shadowed by so much sadness and sometimes tears. After having crossed the door of the prison that Lamberto called << college of Piazza Partigiani >>, his personal details were taken, his fingerprints were taken, everything he had in his pockets was removed, his belt and shoelaces were removed. While awaiting questioning, he was placed in a small cell with other inmates. A few days later he began his tiring interrogation. For a few hours he was asked the same question very firmly and harshly, always in the hope of making him fall into contradiction. So much was the mental fatigue and tension that from the high shoulders sweat was coming out of his coat. At the end of the long interrogation a graduate entered who abruptly asked Lamberto for his personal details. << I'm Lamberto Beatini, son of Antonio and Anna Gregori >>. At this name the Captain stood up and after a loud blasphemy he said \ u0026lt; \ u0026lt; Are you Anna's son? Do you know your mom is my milk sister? but what did you make me do ... >>. But by now Lamberto was in prison, the gear had been set in motion and the superior was also a prisoner of certain laws. For two or three days Lamberto was fasting because the food of the "college" just looking at him made his stomach sick. On the third day, hunger prevailed and he managed to eat a soup where bits of cabbage leaves floated among a few stars of fat. A once he removed 17 flies from the broth before eating it. " In his cell they put a man from Torgiano accused of insulting the fascist party. While he was reading a manifesto of the regime signed by the notorious Rocchi, he voluntarily made a huge burp. It happened that at that moment a fanatic fascist hierarch passed by who, taking the poor man for the collar of his jacket, scrambled him and denounced him.The man was tried and sentenced to a prison sentence.The unfortunate fell into a bad depression could not eat. Not far from Lamberto's cell, on the so-called death row, there was a convict. Nobody knew the reason for the sentence, but everyone thought it was for political reasons. The guards said that the young man knew he was going to die and every time they opened his cell, the young man changed. His body tensed and his complexion turned yellow, as if his blood stopped. This swing of very strong emotions made him lose all hair and hair. Once Lamberto saw him pass between two agents and I am impressed by his thin head, smooth, shiny as a billiard ball, by his thin and blood lips and by two black eyes without lashes and eyebrows that seem to come out of their sockets. That night Lamberto did not sleep because he always had before him the hallucinating visions of this young man. Fortunately, the war ended and the poor fellow was released from prison. Every time he recounted this episode on Lamberto's face one could read the suffering and also the anger at the bestiality of war and dictatorship. A different fate touches another young anti-fascist who was shot a few days before the liberation. This was Mario Bricchi, whose sister Gloria was a high school companion of Maria Teresa Beatini, nephew of Lamberto. " Isotta tells that Lamberto used to tell ... "When my daughter Anna asked me what was the best day of your life I replied: the day I got out of prison. Anna was upset because she knows how much I wanted it, the great love I feel for her. But Anna is a joy that I have tasted minute by minute since I learned it existed, for eight months he was the center of my thoughts, so his birth was a long and beautiful wait. My release was, however, the end of a great nightmare of which I was not sure I could get out alive. Often when i my companions slept, I too closed my eyes and began to dream. I dreamed of my future beautiful, serene, bright, full of girls and love; instead I opened my eyes and saw darkness, not a glimmer of light. Hope alternated with despair and resignation. A whirlwind of emotions me it invaded continuously. Being imprisoned at twenty for your ideas that you find human right, being imprisoned because you refuse war, weapons, violence, oppression, injustices is something that causes you pain and a lot of anger. I remember, still with sorrow and sadness, long afternoons in April and May, when behind the bars I glimpsed trees with their new leaves, when the spring air full of perfumes entered the cell, when you could hear the loving calls of birds and the voices playful of children playing in the street. It was the time of memories, of nostalgia, of sadness. Then I would lie down on my "straw mattress" and think of my family and my friends who free, they could be among themselves, be with their girlfriends, have lunch and dinner with their loved ones, look and touch the spring. Certain sensations, both good and bad, cannot be told, but must be lived to know what one feels and to be innocent in prison, at twenty years old, when someone like me who loves life, light, the heat of the sun, colors, people, freedom, love, is a condition that I do not wish on anyone. "... Isotta continues: "On June 13, 1944, the day of St. Anthony, the prison door opened for Lamberto and his friend Antonelli. Outside the prison door two stopped, looked 360 degrees and took a long sigh of relief. They were free together and began a journey that would bring them home. Passing by chance they arrived at Ponte Felcino in Ponte Valleceppi where grandmother Clorinda lived. They all presented themselves happy about his house, but immediately they cooled down because some German soldiers found him in the house. The moment was embarrassing, but grandmother Clorinda understood the situation and speaking and gesticulating he made the Germans understand that two of them were mentally ill. Which was not difficult because Lamberto, due to the absence of movement, was so swollen that it seemed swollen. He wore trousers that reached the calf of his legs, wore two shoes without very broken laces, the jacket covered the back and a little of the front, the sleeves reached just below the elbow. On the contrary Antonelli, also tall, was dry, lanky, frightened, I looked like a dead man walking. The fact is that the Germans, as if frightened, said goodbye and left. Grandmother Clorinda then greeted them with great warmth, kissing and hugging them, then, quickly, quickly, she began to cook. After being refreshed, they set out along the railway in the direction of Umbertide. In Ponte Pattoli They separated. Antonelli headed for Santa Cristina where he would find his family displaced by relatives, Lamberto continued in the direction of Umbertide. The road was very long, the boots became heavier and heavier, the damaged and swollen feet no longer fit inside the shoes and began to bleed; finally he arrived in Montecorona and felt relieved, in sight of the town he thought to the meeting that his loved ones. He headed for the house of "Guardengolo", a farmer who gave hospitality to his family and that of his brother Pietro. Meanwhile, from the loggia of the farmhouse, mother Anna and Pietro's wife Marietta saw at the end of the road a big fat man walking with difficulty. The two women, a little frightened because they were alone, wondered who he was and what he wanted. As Lamberto approached he made signs of greeting with his arms but the two women remained impassive. Only a few meters away did they recognize him. The mother Anna started running crying with joy and hugged her son in an embrace that never seemed to end. " On 23 July 1944 Lamberto, together with 21 other people from Umberto I, gave life to the Local Committee for National Liberation in the hall of the municipal council. After the war Lamberto yes he adapted to do many small jobs: it was important and necessary to bring something home because it was needed. He worked for the Land Registry, for the Municipality, then he began to study for the master's degree competition which he passed brilliantly. He taught in Colmotino di Cascia, in Reschio, in Civitella Ranieri, ad Umbertide ... then dissatisfied with the teaching he began to work in the secretariat of the elementary school, a job that he did with seriousness, commitment and great competence until 1979. We report here the letter of greeting from Director Candido Palazzetti when Lamberto left school. Maestro Beatini on the step and Director Candido Palazzetti on his left, to his right the other Director Spadoni. In the photos at the beginning we have we report the documents of the Anpi as a "partisan" and the card of the CGIL, the union close to the communist party to which Lamberto joined. Here under the public recognition that the mayor of Umbertide Celestino Sonaglia, in 1974, gave to Lamberto for his being a partisan. In the meantime Lamberto had committed himself body and soul to give life and strength to the section of the Avis of Umbria, donating from the very beginning in person, even directly, that blood that he did not want to shed. In 1959, in fact, Dr. Mariano Migliorati promoted a "Committee" to set up a first nucleus of donors for the hospital of Umbertide, a "hospital" that had already been downgraded to "nursing" under Fascism but was very active. and working with the help of the "medical doctors"; this even after the bombing, in fact, it continued to function in the Serra Partucci headquarters. The members of the Committee were Lamberto Beatini, Raffaele Mancini, Marta Gandin and Aurelio Nocioni. Two teachers and two Headmasters. Lamberto was the only member of the Committee who was also a donor, and had the card no. 1 of the Avis of Umbertide; gift up to the age limit established by law. He was elected among the first 5 members and also President. Office for which he was re-elected until 1986, when became "Secretary". Image from the Facebook page of Avis di Umbertide Lamberto always maintained an ideality together with an extraordinary humanity, a social and democratic vision lived and breathed in the family. In his desk he kept among other things the documents of his father Giovanni, probably obtained from his grandfather Costantino, a letter from Giuseppe Mazzini and the "santino" also from Mazzini where he, as a child, had written his name over the period in which he had followed with his father to Cantiano together with his family, when his father, a former officer in the First World War, played the role of stationmaster. Grandfather Costantino, in fact, was one of the young people of republican faith who tried to oppose the monarchy in Umbertide together with Leopoldo Grilli, who was the animator of the republican circle "Thought and action", Torquato Bucci and Raffaello Scagnetti. Lamberto and Celestino Sonaglia during the delivery of a "partisan" medal in 1974 Costantino Beatini Probably the letter is not complete, the final part seems to be missing at the bottom (let's imagine a sheet made up of six squares); it is thought that by their very existence these letters were dangerous and were introduced folded into several parts and perhaps sewn inside the clothes. The letter is from 1868, after the most famous organizations such as "Giovane Italia" and "Giovane Europa" an indomitable Mazzini did not recognize the Savoyard monarchy as legitimate. He therefore continued to profess and organize associations of "republican faith" such as, in this case, "the Universal Republican Alliance" in Lugano. In the text you can read: The purpose of the Section of the All (eanza) Rep (ubblicana) Univ (ersale) in Lugano should be: to pay homage to the principle that requires the political order of men of republican faith, wherever, few or many, are: they organize multiple means of safe introduction of letters and more from the Canton of Italy: help with the monthly quota of the brothers and with the offers obtained for just once, the coffers of the Alliance: Try to make Italians, belonging to any class e in general they should follow the rules contained in the circular of October 1865 if possible. Giuseppe Mazzini. Nov. 1868 ". Antonio Beatini with the black ribbon of the republicans The letter passed to Lamberto's father, Antonio Beatini, a republican who usually wore the black bow instead of the ties of the time as it was in use among the republicans. Antonio was a supporter of the entry into war against the Austrian Empire in 1915 and wrote in " Il Popolo: organ of the Umbrian-Sabine republicans " on February 6 of that year that it was necessary to go to war against Austria " not out of mania warmonger, but for the protection of the rights and interests of our country, always tampered with and outraged by it ". The newspaper carried on Mazzini's ideals, was born as a party newspaper aimed at aggregating and informing members and supporters. He was suspended for two months in 1915 due to the call to arms of many collaborators, it was then closed in 1922 with the arrival of fascism. Antonio also left as an officer despite the 5 children. The letter it then passed to Lamberto who grew up with different ideals but with the same seriousness and ideality. We conclude with a last anecdote reported by Isotta to make people understand the sensitivity and value that every living being had for Lamberto: " the episode that Lamberto told smiling with such grace is the episode of the little mouse that he managed to teach by becoming his friend. This episode Anna (the daughter), a friend of animals, had it described in a fourth grade theme whose title was: "the father tells", here is the transcript: \ u0026lt; \ u0026lt; I was going to buy candies and as I passed on the sidewalk, with the care of the eye, on the road, I saw a dead mouse. Immediately, frightened, I returned at home. There was my father who, seeing me upset, asked me what had happened. I replied that I had seen a hideous rat squashed with a pancake on the road. It remained a silent moment then he began to tell: “you know Anna, when I was there weren't many entertainments in prison and so if we wanted to play checkers, we had to build the pieces ourselves. We put a piece of bread in our mouth and after chewing it for a long time we made balls that we put to dry outside the bars. The next day instead of the balls there were only crumbs. Immediately I thought of a mouse and then I wanted to try to get him back. I put the balls back on the windowsill for wait for them to dry. The mouse arrived and a little fearful hesitated a little then seeing that I was indifferent approached the balls and began to gnaw. I went up to him, he looked at me with fearful eyes. I stroked him gently on the head and he mounted me on the arm. A few days passed and the little mouse and I were already good friends. He got into the habit, when I was lying on the cot, of mounting on my chest and scrape on my shirt. I had to unbutton myself and he would go inside and then fall asleep. In a short time his coat had become long long and shiny, i his teeth were sharp and he was in good shape. When I got out of the prison I looked for the little mouse but I couldn't find it. I would have taken it away. I was a little sorry but then he understood that the little mouse had to go home, he too had his father and mother. " Father had made me understand that even a mouse could be tamed and become a companion of man. >>. ". Sources: - Family archive of the Beatini-Bottaccioli family - Mario Tosti: " Beautiful works. Information, documents, testimonies and images on life and death events that took place in the Municipality of Umbertide during the Second World War . Edited by Mario Tosti. Municipality of Umbertide, 25 April 1995. - Roberto Sciurpa, The Blood of the Fratta. History of the Avis section of Umbertide, Gesp editrice - http://augustaem.comune.perugia.it/scheda.aspx?ID=12&cod=PORU - http://www.storiatifernate.it/allegati_prod/01-neutralismo.pdf - photo: Archive fam. Beatini-Bottaccioli

THE CERAMIC ART IN UMBERTIDE curated by Fabio Mariotti The potters of Fratta from 1400 to 1800 The working of ceramics in our city, which was then called Fratta, dates back to 1400 as reported by Filippo Natali in his essay "News and memories on the figuline and the art of the potter in FRATTA (Umbertide)" published by the Tipografia Tiberina in 1890. “News that the Magi, Cristiani and Pellicciari left handwritten, village historians who lived between the first half of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and which are preserved in the Communal of Perugia. But what better than anything else attests to the existence of ceramic factories in Fratta, are the works themselves, as can be seen from the objects scattered around the various museums and private collections, not only in Italy, but in Europe. also, manufactured in this place ". Natali reports what was written by the Magi on the so-called "War of the Grand Duke of Tuscany" and the siege of Fratta in 1643: "The Florentine army after having given free passage and walk to the prey and luggage, he made high, part beyond the Nicone, part of this river, and waited for the slope of the waters (sic) in order to cross the Tiber and attack the Earth from the weakest side; also the Pallavicino to have its people more united, and to take away from the Every advantage of the Florentines caused all the houses and shops to be set on fire of the village and the market square, where the Vasari business in that time, to the great benefit of the public and private sectors, it flourished. Fire lit in the church of S. Erasmo, it was secretly pitiful by some extinct soldiers. The rest was completely incinerated. It was all done with such speed, that the owners of the shops and houses did not have time to save anything ". "The furnaces and the shops of the potters of Fratta, burned and destroyed in 1643, arose further north of the country, no trace of the former can be traced, for the houses that today were built on those rubble make up the Largo di via Cavour (the current area of Piazza Marconi, Ed.) at most it could be found in Campo Mavarelli near the road limited by the wall. The new furnaces were raised near the mill, where still today there are three, those of Martinelli, whose family for a series of uninterrupted generations, he has practiced and still exercises the art of the potter; and I am not mistaken to say that the scratch works that can be seen in some collections, of the 17th and 18th centuries have come out of the Martinelli factory… .. ”. This centuries-old tradition has been revived since the first half of the twentieth century by courageous and innovative entrepreneurial initiatives that have been able, despite a thousand difficulties, to establish themselves on a national level, starting with that of Ceramiche Rometti . The rediscovery of this artistic and high-quality entrepreneurial activity is due, in my opinion, to the great exhibition that the municipal administration of Umbertide dedicated in 1986, in the new exhibition space "Center for contemporary art" recently created at the restored Rocca, to the works created by Cagli and Leoncillo in the period in which they worked within the Umbertidese manufacture. It is no coincidence that the exhibition had this title: “Cagli and Leoncillo at Umbertide's Ceramiche Rometti”. Inaugurated on 13 September, it ended on 30 November 1986 with a great success with the public, testified by the presence of over two thousand people from all over Italy. There could not have been a better start for the Rocca's exhibition space which, in its 35 years of activity, has hosted the works of the best Italian interpreters of contemporary art and which continues to do so even today. After Rometti, from one of its ribs, Ceramiche Pucci was born in 1947 on the initiative of Eng. Domenico Pucci whose business ceased in 1962, after he changed his company name to Maioliche Pucci in 1958. Despite the short period of time in which the Ceramiche Pucci operated, they showed "the significant expression of an artistic path that has left an indelible mark on each of its specimens", as stated by Angelica Pucci at the end of her essay, dedicated to the history of this manufacture, published in the catalog of the exhibition held at the Rocca in 2006. CERAMICHE ROMETTI - History of a manufacture by Marinella Caputo (From the catalog of the exhibition "Le Ceramiche Rometti" - Rocca di Umbertide "Center for contemporary art" - June / November 2005) It is possible to say that the Rometti brand entered the history of Italian ceramics of the twentieth century, thanks to a happy combination of events. The cultural climate of the twenties, of enthusiastic experimentation, but also of functional rigor and technological momentum, must have undoubtedly favored the birth of an entrepreneurial project that was also a creative adventure, with difficulties and dark periods, but also unquestionable successes. In the fervor and inventiveness that characterized the applied arts in those years, ceramics played a central role. Already in the nineteenth century ceramic production was increased, thanks to the influence of the Arts and Grafts movement which rediscovered and valued artistic craftsmanship, together with the expertise and secrets of ancient traditions. In the twentieth century a new social configuration, in which the middle classes are emerging, is at the basis of the great development of the production of decorative and functional objects destined for a wide diffusion. There are many Italian centers in which new activities are started, just think that Richard Ginori was born in 1923, under the artistic direction of Giò Ponti, and the Italian Ceramic Society of Laveno in the same year began to make use of the collaboration of Guido Andlovitz. The versatile research of the two designers will lead to the affirmation of a trend that will soon spread very widely, stimulating the emergence of a taste that was certainly perceived as modern. At a local level it is worth mentioning La Salamandra di Perugia (founded in 1923) which inaugurates a modern decorative line in the field of Umbrian ceramics. The 1925 Exposition Internationale des Arts Décoratifs et Industriels Modernes in Paris, which became so famous as the starting point of a new style, called déco, in fact sanctions a trend already underway, giving it peremptory visibility. Design applied to industry in the third decade of the twentieth century has, despite its inevitably pragmatic aspects, a flavor of utopia, nourished by the experience of the Bauhaus, or inspired by the various constructivist movements present in Europe. In the Italian context, the theoretical source may perhaps be found in the manifesto of the Futurist Reconstruction of the Universe, published in 1915, with the signatures of Balla and Depero. The idea of "rebuilding the universe, cheering it up" must have seemed an electrifying prospect to many, in those roaring years, of heroic or sinister roars. The need for a new taste, the urgency of a modern lifestyle, were no longer claimed by a privileged and blasée elite, but penetrated very deeply into society, becoming, as they say, a mass phenomenon. This was the heated climate, on the creative and productive side, in which the Ceramiche Rometti di Umbertide saw the light. “Ars Umbra” is born, the first embryo of Ceramiche Rometti Settimio Rometti founded the de facto company Ars Umbra in October 1927 together with his nephew Aspromonte Rometti. Both are owners of the company, registered with the 1st Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Foligno, with a capital of L. 40,000 (1). This is the official beginning of the Rometti Artistic Ceramics, even if for some years now, Settimio Rometti, who was an adult man well integrated in public life, had shown interest in ceramic production. His first contacts took place at the Pasquali Furnace (formerly Pasquali & Cerrini) in Umbertide. In 1920 the firm had founded a School of Art applied to Industries, where Rometti worked as a technical teacher. It is therefore to be assumed that he already had significant experience. The school represented a production reality for artistic majolica, glazed tiles and ceramics. The works were marked La Frattigiana-Umbertide, and it is assumed that Rometti's contribution in this type of activity was decisive. The Frattigiana becomes an independent factory, within the Pasquali Furnace (owned by Roberto Cerrini) and the collaboration of Settimio Rometti, in a role that we could define as artistic direction, constitutes the indispensable premise for the start of his own business. Soon, the production of the Pasquali furnace and consequently of the Frattigiana, went through a crisis that culminated in the failure of 1923. Settimio Rometti, from this date until 1927, will certainly have designed his own factory, leading to the creation of Ars Umbra. It is possible that in those years he had carried out a type of reduced production, with provisional means, dealing with practical problems, but also updating himself from an aesthetic and formal point of view. His training in the field of drawing and applied art can be traced back to the Municipal Technical School, directed, from 1913 to 1926, by Decio Scuppa. We know that in 1910 Septimius and his brother Barbato were among the best pupils of Scuppa, who in that year was a teacher of drawing. The graphic ability of Septimius is confirmed by drawings and canvases made at an older age, as there is no documentation of his youthful years. In any case, his taste in the decorative field will certainly have refined in the early twenties, moving towards secessionist trends that still showed considerable vitality at European level. The experience of the Roman secession, at the end of the second decade of the twentieth century, had created a beneficial opening towards the climate of the avant-gardes, helping to promote a new creative path, more meditated and certainly moderate, compared to the radical proposals. and traumatic, of futurism. In his entrepreneurial project, Settimio welcomes the contribution of young people, in the figures of his nephews, Aspromonte, known as Riego, son of his brother Paolo and Dante Baldelli, son of his sister Stamura. His intention to give life to a new and quality creative proposal is clearly delineated from the very beginning. Since Umbertide did not have a prestigious ceramic tradition, such as Deruta, Gubbio or Gualdo Tadino, he sought his collaborators elsewhere. From Gubbio comes the turner Crescentino Monarchi, from Gualdo Tadino come the Angeli brothers, one a turner, the other a painter. From Rome, where he had gone to attend courses at the Academy of Fine Arts, his nephew Dante Baldelli arrived in 1928 and at this moment he would begin his fruitful collaboration with Ceramiche Rometti, which lasted a whole decade. His friends Corrado Cagli and Mario Di Giacomo will soon join him. Corrado Cagli and Mario Di Giacomo arrive in Umbertide This is the most experimental and innovative period of Rometti, a true golden age, perhaps evoked in many of the subjects that appear on the vases of those years. These are allegorical figures or scenes marked by an Edenic vision, expressed with youthful optimism and purity. There is, of course, a didactic intention that seems to escape the celebratory momentum so widespread at the time. However, it must be attested that most of the forms, the decorative repertoire and the figurations, which emerged in the first years of Rometti's life, will last for a long time, constituting the distinctive character of the manufacture. It is an experimental and extremely productive era on the creative side. The sculptures produced by Cagli and Di Giacomo between 1928 and 1930 represent artistic results of indisputable value and are configured as exclusive sculpture experiences. In fact, Cagli will subsequently develop his research especially in the field of painting and Di Giacomo will commit suicide in 1934. At that moment the "black fratta" (NF) appears, as it is called in the commercial catalogs of Rometti. Sometimes the acronym NF is also found in the brand. Obtaining this enamel took on legendary tones that refer to a fortuitous circumstance. According to oral testimonies, collected by Codovini, the composition derived from an error in the color formula. The result of the wrong dosage was placed in a two-quintal barrel and it was discovered by chance that it produced a metallic black of notable effect. The enamel owes its reverberant quality to the presence of lead crystalline, manganese and copper, with a prevalence of crystalline. This technical innovation, developed between 1927 and 1928, must undoubtedly have increased the plastic research of the artists, since it is a color particularly suitable for sculpture. Cagli created some of the most significant works of his debut in NF, such as Santone, Icaro, Eolo. Di Giacomo gave life to his figures as supple as arabesques, exploiting the evocative elegance of black and the surface, made mobile by iridescent reflections. The euphoric climate that developed in Rometti's early years fed on many different components. The late echoes of the secession are welcomed above all by Settimio Rometti who crystallizes the organic element in stylized motifs in his plate with the Madonna of the grain (probably from 1927), organized in a dense two-dimensional texture. Even the tableware or services belonging to the early days of the manufacture have floral decorations, resolved in fluid cascades of emulsified colors. On a similar level, of symbolist inspiration, are the Salome and other similar sculptures by Di Giacomo, while his Battitore belongs to a twentieth century tradition, for the synthesis of the volumes and futurist for the dynamism of the subject. The fundamental contribution of Cagli with his NF sculptures, plates and vases, has a rather eclectic connotation that will be analyzed more extensively in the course of the text. For the moment it is sufficient to state that the young artist looks in various directions, undergoes the fascination of a futurism that has become pragmatic and applicative, looks in the direction of Valori Plastici (see respectively Icaro and Santone) and at the same time opens up to international experiences. How can we not think, looking at the plate with the figure of a Reaper, a bacchant running with ear and scythe, of the Picasso of the famous Two women running on the beach (Paris, Picasso Museum) of 1922? As for Dante Baldelli, who soon took over the technical and artistic direction together with Settimio and Aspromonte (3), his stylistic orientation certainly goes in the direction of deco and futurist graphics and design and many of his works find comparisons in ceramics. by Andlovitz, by Ivos Pacetti (Ilsa and Spica, Albisola), by GB De Salvo (Casa dell'Arte, Albisola Capo), by Tullio d'Albisola in the production of the Faci of Civita Castellana or of the Galvani of Pordenone. He is an artist of remarkable graphic skills, updated on the most innovative orientations of Italian and international design. The collaboration of Cagli and Baldelli. in the two-year period 1938-1939 it was undoubtedly very narrow, so much so that at times individual attribution is difficult. Both shared an interest in simple vascular shapes, emphasized by geometric motifs. among which concentric circles predominate, with graphite and painted linear figures, in which the hand of the single artist is more evident. During his stay in Umbertide, Cagli often returned to Rome. At the end of 1929 he took part in an exhibition at the Società Amatori e Cultori di Belle Arti together with Balla, Dottori, Fillia, Prampolini and other futurists. The work he exhibits, Il Vasaio, seems a clear allusion to his current activity. Mascelloni attributes the NF sculptures to the period preceding the 1929 exhibition, while most of the vases should be ascribed to his second stay in Umbertide (1929-1930). This is a problematic dating, where brand analysis or stylistic definition rarely helps. The head of Icarus, however, with its highly aerodynamic character, is perhaps more directly connected than other works to the Futurist experience, and could be dated just after the exhibition, perhaps at the beginning of 1930. Cagli definitively left Rometti at the end of 1930 to settle in Rome. Before leaving, he painted the wall paintings of the Mavarelli-Reggiani house, with agricultural scenes, commonly identified with the title Battle of the grain, the name of the project implemented by the fascist regime in 1925 to increase the production of wheat. The language of these paintings finds compelling comparisons in many of the motifs found on the ceramics. At this point Baldelli and Aspromonte (Settimio remains more concentrated on the administrative sector) become the dominant figures of Rometti, but Cagli's legacy remains, unequivocally, at least for the entire first half of the thirties. Rometti launches on the national market From 1931 the company began a greater presence on the market and a more intense advertising campaign (4). The first recognitions also arrive, such as the two gold medals obtained in that year, at the Nice Fair and at the Bologna Littoriale Fair. Participation in the Florence Handicraft Fair was also appreciated by the press, and so was the participation in the Permanent Umbrian Handicraft Exhibition in Perugia. The following year is characterized by the renewed presence at the Craft Fair in Florence and at the Fiera del Levante in Bari. In relation to the latter, a sales and exit voucher was found with the heading Ceramiche 'Rometti Fonda "Ars Umbra Umbertide (Umbria). Among the cuttings of the typography Barbagianni di Umbertide, packaging labels were found with the words Icafa Industria" Ceramica Argento "Fonda Amedeo. It is a commercial collaboration, in view of the creation of a company that did not see the light due to the death of Fonda in an accident, which occurred during the journey to Umbertide to stipulate the company. 1932 is also the year of Mussolini's visit to Rometti. At this date the factory is in full working order. Fifteen workers work there, with a daily wage of L. 5-6 and six or seven women with a wage of L. 2-2.50. It is interesting to consider that the Santone head, the most expensive object for sale, cost L. 600 (Catalog Rometti 1931-1933). In October 1932, Gerardo Dottori wrote an article on the "Empire", in which he talks about the success of some vases with subjects inspired by fascism and states: "Reading the news in the newspapers and seeing the photographs of the Rometti ceramics, we were amazed not to see the name of Corrado Cagli, who we knew was the creator, designer and often performer of these ceramics ". This is an important testimony that ascribes to Cagli vases and plates with subjects such as The March on Rome, I Ritardatari, L'Ascesa, however attributable to the artist on a stylistic basis and, in some cases, signed. Thus we have further confirmation of the duration of the creations of the two-year period 1928-1930. The years between the third and fourth decade of the twentieth century, despite their creative verve, correspond, in Europe and the United States, to a period of profound economic crisis, in which exports undergo a significant decrease and objects luxury goods are increasingly exclusive and inaccessible to a large number of consumers, contrary to what had happened in the previous decade. Even the Ceramiche Rometti, which had established themselves as an example of an original and poetic design, are suffering the effects of the economic crisis and Settimio, the company's dean, tries to run for cover. We have already talked about the search for partnerships with the Fonda company in Pola, an attempt to inject new capital into the company. The data would lead to affirm that everything happened in 1932, rather than in 1934, because the documents that mention the Amedeo Fonda company date back to 1932, but it is possible that the negotiations went on until 1934, the year of the sudden death of Amedeo Fonda according to the testimonials. According to the story of Rolando Fiorucci, the Fonda company supplied the material for a line of cups with a silver ring at the base, too expensive to establish itself in a period of economic depression. In any case, Septimius was very upset by the event, seeing the possibility of saving Rometti vanish. Also among the clippings of the typographical printed matter, a Program for the newly established "Ceramiche Rometti" Umbertide Limited Company, dated 1933, emerged. At that date, therefore, the Anonymous Company was in the process of being established and the heading Ceramiche Rometti Ars Umbra continued to be used. which also appears in the brands of the time. Speaking of brands, the time has come to say a few words on a rather delicate issue. From 1927 to 1935 both "Ceramiche Rometti" and "Ars Umbra" (composed in a triangular graphic solution) were used with great ease, sometimes accompanied by "Umbertide" or "Made in Italy". sometimes a triangular graphic sign made up of three lines with the letters RCB at the vertices that certainly make us think of Rometti, Cagli, Baldelli. Between 1933 and 1935 we sometimes find the inscription SACRU of the Società Anonima Ceramiche Rometti Umbertide. It may be interesting , in this regard, to cite two articles on the V Triennale di Milano, both of 1933, one on the "Illustrated Magazine of the People of Italy", the other on "Lidel. The first talks about Sacru, the second by Ceramiche Rometti. It is therefore possible that the SACRU brand appeared sporadically even before SACU, perhaps on the initiative of Settimio who may have proposed it to the members of the manufacturer that will take that name by omitting the R of Rometti. The variety in the trademark heading was explained by some former workers of the firm, who argue that beginners were required to practice signing before moving on to more demanding jobs. It can be assumed that there were signature models that the most inexperienced people imitated, choosing from the various headings. It is an image that gives a taste of lived to the typical Rometti italics. Returning to the events of the manufacture, 1934 was the year of the establishment of the Società Anonima Ceramiche Umbertide, made up of twenty-five local shareholders, with shares of L. 50 each, (in number from 2 to 6). In April 1935 the bankruptcy of the de facto company Ceramiche Rometti was registered with the Royal Civil Court of Perugia. Neither Settimio nor Aspromonte were among the founding partners of Sacu and this is connected to the absence of the name Rometti in the new company name. It is known from oral evidence that Septimius did not take the decision well at all and left his city for some time, going to Rimini, to a local ceramic factory. A few months later he worked as a technician at La Salamandra in Perugia and, according to the oral testimony of Rolando Fiorucci, he subsequently went to France, to Nice, to work in the construction company of his brother Clotide. Fiorucci recalls that Septimius used to say: "I'm saving lira for lira, in order to be able to return to Rometti as an owner and not as a worker". And he returned there, recalled by the Sacu partners who felt a deterioration in business after the departure of Settimio and his nephews Riego (or Smucchia) and Dante Baldelli, both outside Umbertide, Riego in Milan and Baldelli in Città di Castello. In March 1937 the change of the company name to Sacru (Società Anonima Ceramiche Rometti Umbertide) was communicated to the Provincial Council of Corporate Economy. The production of these years includes research on the shapes and color combinations of the glazes. Essential silhouettes, geometric decorations, the subjects are increasingly stylized. Black enamel is associated with coral red and in the polychrome, synthetic and fluid figurines, the combination of colors is rather lively. The war years marked a period of sharp decline and, it seems, for about a year, of interruption, in the production of Rometti. In 1942 Settimio decides to leave Sacru and establishes the Rometti Settimio company, Artistic Ceramics Manufacturing. In the meantime, Domenico Pucci had already become a majority shareholder in Sacru for some time and in 1943 he transformed the company from a limited liability company into a limited liability company, continuing to use the Ceramiche Rometti brand. From 1942 to 1947 there are two Rometti companies We are faced with two Rometti companies, one located in via Spalato (today via Spoletini - Ed), managed by Domenico Pucci, the other in via Garibaldi, managed by Settimio Rometti. The production is quite similar, but Settimio's Rometti gives more space to small sculptures, reliefs, plastic vases, while that of Pucci is more concentrated on services, boxes and small objects of use. Settimio Rometti, in the new headquarters which is the same as the current Ceramiche Rometti (before moving to the new factory in the middle of the straight - Ed), can finally manage the new company by himself. The grandchildren took different paths, Dante Baldelli has his own ceramic factory in Città di Castello and Riego works in Milan, achieving some success as a window dresser. Next to the factory there was (and still is partly) a pine forest, where Septimius led the workers to do gymnastic exercises before starting work. In the vicinity, then, stallions were allocated seasonally who inspired the Rometti logo with the prancing horse that is found starting from 1942. There are also sculptures of the Rometti horse made in fratta black - which re-emerged after the early thirties - in shaded gray or in red. The overlap of the two companies lasted five years, until the establishment of the Ditta Pucci in 1947. The following year, the Rometti company also changed its name from Rometti Settimio to Ceramiche Rometti di Rometti Settimio and in 1952 it became a Limited Liability Company. A series of sketches for the Four Seasons and the larger-scale realization of Primavera at the end of the 1940s give us an idea of Settimio's orientation, towards a lively and popular taste, perhaps to evoke freshness and vitality, after a period darkness of dictatorship and war. The creation in the 1950s of functional or decorative objects, such as liquor and smoking sets, boxes in the shape of a house, baskets, candelabra, vases with relief elements, tiles and ornaments follows the trends of the era of a calm stylization and a picturesque, sometimes naive taste. In this phase, the company increased its exports and participated in exhibitions and fairs, such as the one in Milan, taking advantage of the climate of economic rebirth, widespread internationally. Even the Pucci firm, oriented towards a production that favors tea or coffee services and other tableware, is experiencing a phase of economic stability that lasts throughout the 1950s. The Pucci Ceramics Company was liquidated in 1960. Pietro Finocchi takes over from Settimo Rometti Settimio Rometti retired from the scene two years later, leaving the company, which still exists today, to the partner Pietro Finocchi who had followed the events of the company since 1934 and had joined the company - since 1959 a general partnership - together with Manlio Banelli (who died in 1962). We can therefore fix at the dawn of the sixties the epilogue of the historical period of the Rometti manufacturing, a disruptive project that tended to shape the taste, rather than follow it, but also a fascinating example of micro-history that involves the small center of Umbertide in a great creative experience. * * * * * * * * * * In the sixties the historical period of Ceramiche Rometti ended, however they continued their activity by orienting themselves towards a more commercial and less artistic production. Pietro Finocchi was replaced by Dino Finocchi who carried out the business with great commitment, also going through difficult phases linked to the crisis in the reference market. With the arrival of Massimo Monin I, patron and entrepreneur of art, and Jean-Christophe Clair , multifaceted and visionary artistic director, Rometti begins in 2012 a new and prosperous phase, still ongoing. The extraordinary ability of the two manager-artists lies in finding a perfect balance between a contemporary vision and the enhancement of the Rometti heritage. The Manufacture boasts prestigious collaborations with brands and artists who have chosen its uniqueness to produce exclusive pieces and collections. B&B, Roche Bobois, Cartier, Borbonese, Fresh and many other big brands, international design names such as Ambrogio Pozzi, Liliane Lijn, Sergio Fiorentino, Chantal Thomass, Studio MAMO, Christian Tortu, Ugo La Pietra and Kenzo Takada: a constellation that shapes the past and present history of the iconic Rometti brand, fueling the race to collect pieces that have embellished almost a century of art. The Rometti Ceramics Gallery In 2011 the permanent art gallery of Ceramiche Rometti objects was inaugurated at the "Modern Factory", in Piazza C. Marx, the collection of works created by the artists who have worked in the prestigious Umbertidese factory in almost 100 years of history. . Corrado Cagli was one of the most important Italian artists of the twentieth century and at the beginning of his career he constantly worked on Ceramiche Rometti. The Cagli Archive therefore made an important contribution to the creation of the exhibition space. The collection consists of about 200 works recovered by the current owner in over 40 years from antique dealers, markets and private individuals that allow you to retrace the history of the company but also the history of Umbertide who is internationally recognized with this manufacture. The opening of this exhibition space, as well as the due recognition of the many people from Umbertide who have worked in the company in almost a century of history, also constitutes a new opportunity for the many art lovers and tourists who will visit Umbertide. You can admire objects made with the famous and unique "Nero Fratta" (metallic color with iridescent reflections) or with engravings on "bianchetto", another innovative technique by Rometti since the 1930s and finally decorations that marked a revolutionary phase for the tradition Italian ceramics. The Rometti Prize To relaunch its artistic production, re-engaging with the historical tradition, the Rometti Ceramics launched in 2013 the “Rometti Prize”, a special recognition that aims to reward projects and artists who offer an original contribution to the art of ceramics. Intended for students enrolled in academies and art and design institutes from all over the world who embrace the initiative, the Rometti Prize gives the finalists an internship in manufacturing where they will concretely carry out their project and a cash prize. Sources: - “Le Ceramiche Rometti” - Ed. Skira, 2005 - Catalog of the exhibition at the Rocca from 25 June to 6 November 2005; - "Cagli and Leoncillo at the Ceramiche Rometti di Umbertide" - Ed. Mazzotta, 1986 - Catalog of the Exhibition at the Rocca from 13 September to 30 November 1986; - "Amabili presenze - Ceramiche Rometti from Art Déco to Design 1927 - 2012 "- Catalog of the Exhibition in Rome from 3 October to 3 February 2013. The photos were taken from the catalogs. I vasari di Fratta dal 1400 al 1800 Ceramiche Rometti - Storia di una manifattura Ceramiche Pucci - La storia Ceramiche Rometti - Storia di una manifattura I vasari di Fratta dal 1400 al 1800 CERAMICHE PUCCI - The history by Angelica Pucci (From the catalog of the exhibition "Le Ceramiche Pucci" - Rocca di Umbertide "Center for contemporary art" - June / October 2006) 1947, the Ceramiche Pucci Umbertide are born It was May 1, 1947 when Ceramiche Pucci Umbertide was officially born: "[...] in recognition of the effective and competent work carried out by the Sole Director Dr. Eng. Domenico Pucci in the ten years that have passed since he took over the administration of the company [...] "-, SACRU (Società Anonima Ceramiche Rometti Umbertide) considers it appropriate to change the company name to" Ceramiche Pucci Umbertide ", a limited liability company whose object is the production and trade of artistic ceramics of family and industrial use. The presence of Domenico Pucci in the factory dates back. therefore, far back in time: former shareholder of Ceramiche Rometti Umbertide, managing director and then chairman of the company's board of directors from December 1936, starting from March 28, 1943 he became majority shareholder and sole director and without board of statutory auditors of the Ceramiche company Rometti Umbertide, which on that very date was transformed from a limited liability company to a limited liability company. In fact, it is therefore he who personally directs the new company, although this will still retain the "Ceramiche Rometti Umbertide" brand until May 1, 1947. With perfect management continuity, of workers, systems and products, the Ceramiche Rometti brand therefore gave way to the Ceramiche Pucci brand in the middle of the post-war period. In the post-war reorganization, although much more attention was paid to the reasons of the market, the social principles that had always characterized the profile of the company were not evaded, accompanying its transformations and witnessing - with the presence among the shareholders of citizens of all social extraction and any economic power - how the artistic ceramics factory was felt by Umbertide not only as an economic force, but above all as the expression of a village community proud of being able to boast a quality product, the result of the skill of workers competent and specialized in the various sectors of the supply chain. The management not only maintained this priority, but also worked to ensure that the social objectives could be satisfied in the best possible way, allowing the expansion of the activity, which even in the midst of the difficulties experienced by craftsmanship in general, saw the number of fifty-two employees. Domenico Pucci was not an "artist", but an "entrepreneur" and as such he had long ago brought his managerial skills to the service of the business with a remarkable foresight for the time. The character qualities, the propensity to always look forward with optimism even in times of difficulty and, above all, the experience gained through personal contacts with the Milanese environment, receptive to innovations and dynamic in the most disparate sectors of the economy, had always solicited great attention towards the production chain and the diversification of the product with the intention of marketing it not only on the Italian market, which was then in severe crisis, but also towards those foreign markets which, like the American one, showed interesting signs of vitality . The economic marginality of the Umbrian region and of the town of Umbertide were therefore not an obstacle to the desire to project itself decisively on the national and international market with the awareness of the exquisite shapes and decorations, which still make today, of the remaining specimens, objects sought by the collectors from all over the world. The birth of Ceramiche Pucci, however, takes place in a particularly difficult historical and economic moment, because, to the difficulties generated by the war, are added the no less serious ones of the post-war period when the urgency to rebuild what is necessary inevitably made the desire to look with interest at an asset that could be considered luxury. The minutes of the assembly, already during the conflict, complained about the difficulties in supplying raw materials, the need to make up for the absence of male workers called up to arms with female personnel, the limitations or even the suspension, by government decree, of the production of an asset not compatible with the state of war, the almost total closure of international markets, energy costs in continuous rise. Difficulties begin after the war Despite this, with the exception of 1944, the year of the bombing of Umbertide, the financial statements manage to close in the black, albeit with extremely low margins. The real difficulties emerge after the war, just at the moment in which the transformation takes place and the Ceramiche Pucci brand is born. When in Italy the reconstruction begins, in fact. the artisanal sector does not find substantial support in the choices of governments, which instead goes to support large companies, as if only the latter had to support the economy of a country that was trying to recover. However, it should be noted that craftsmanship, by its very nature. it could not collect the breadth of consensus typical of large industry and agriculture. Disappointment and regret constantly emerge in the minutes of the post-war assembly which see the lack of government support as a serious aggravating factor in a situation that is already very difficult in itself, an inevitable consequence of the precariousness of the moment: the costs of raw materials undergo significant increases, electricity in 1949 it rose by about 50 per cent compared to 1947, the social and insured contributions paid by the employer increased by 40 per cent in 1948 alone, the percentages in banking transactions became ever higher. Competition on the international manufacturing market of other countries that have resumed their activity becomes tighter, the internal market of the sector is in crisis, because that middle class, which constituted a large part of the clientele, is forced to turn its interest towards basic necessities. All these difficulties hardly make it possible to maintain a balanced budget and jobs, but do not produce profits that can be reinvested to expand an activity which, in any case, in the small town, plays an economic role of fundamental importance. To overcome the difficulties, action is taken on several fronts The rather complicated entrepreneurial choices are faced by Domenico Pucci with immediate interventions on several fronts, with the primary objective of consolidating the presence in the market both in defense of jobs and of that "made in Italy" which, for his awareness and conviction, receives appreciation for the originality and quality of the product. The key issues on which he decides to operate are many and simultaneously affect both the structural elements of the production process and distribution in the markets: - reorganization of the supply chain; - maintaining the old prices in order not to reduce sales beyond a certain limit and to safeguard production; - diversification and upgrading of the product aimed at conquering foreign markets still sensitive to the taste and refinement of Italian artistic ceramics. The modernization of the supply chain, which had already started between 1943 and 1944 when the factory was moved from via XII Settembre to via Spalato (now via Spoletini), is completed in the large, newly built premises which facilitate its reorganization in all aspects. The geographical location, the lines of communication, the means of transport and the difficulties inherent in the historical period had led to choices that favored functionality and autonomy as much as possible. The latter went so far as to equip the company with functional appendages such as a sawmill for the production of packing cases and shavings, essential for the safe transfer of such delicate goods on long road, railway or even transoceanic sections. The processing residues were used, in winter, to heat the compartments, such as the warehouse, which were not reached by the heat produced by the ovens. The organization of the company spaces was conceived by favoring a serial layout which required to incorporate the schemes of industrialized work without going to the highest levels of the production chain, not properly suited to an exquisitely and unequivocally "artistic" production. The location of the departments highlighted a specific attention to minimizing the travel spaces since the material, very delicate, in its various processing phases was transported without automated systems; the "dirty" areas were kept separate from the "clean" areas, and moreover, areas with a "naturally" controlled temperature were located, to allow a correct drying phase of the worked clays. The earth was pre-worked in an external pavilion, where, from the material first taken from the fields, by means of chalking and passing through the sedimentation tanks and filtering phases, clay loaves were obtained; these entered the real "factory" in which it was possible to identify the two "lungs" of the layout: the processing of clay and terracotta decoration, separated from each other by the area reserved for the cooking ovens, which served both departments. Being able to count on a stable supply of electricity, the wood-burning ovens used during the war had been replaced by electric ovens which, with a more stable and controlled cycle, the quality of the product increased. There were always two stages of cooking (clay-bistugio, bistugio-decorated product), sometimes three when the artifact was finished in pure gold or with special enamels. The intermediate location of the ovens area favored a balanced distribution of heat, which in winter kept the work spaces at temperature and in summer allowed the dissipation of excess heat to the outside, through suitable ventilation of the central area, without the other two departments were disturbed. The warehouse for the storage of the finished product, packaging and shipping was a body adjacent to the production area and saw, for most of the time, the shipping area located in a strategic position towards the railway station, located in the immediate vicinity, since the delivery took place almost entirely by rail. From the warehouse the crates were transferred, on hand-pushed carts along a very short path, directly to the freight cars, through a reserved access at the rear of the station. The exclusively commercial and accounting sector had a reserved area, but always and in any case contiguous to the production area, and was equipped with an exhibition room, which was nothing more than the historical archive of the objects produced, systematically marked with the number of catalog or often, as happened with the most commercially successful products, with a name that recalled the most evident characteristics of the decorative element. Participation in fairs and exhibitions in Italy and abroad Outside the factory, the company organization expressed itself with the marketing of the product through multiple initiatives aimed at developing the ability to enter the markets, first of all the representation system and participation in events of national and international interest such as trade fairs and permanent exhibitions. The more or less fixed presence of highly skilled representatives in strategic positions on the national and international territory (Europe, Central and North America, Japan) reveals choices sensitive to the reopening of markets after the war. The goal is to support competition from manufacturers from other European countries, such as France and Germany, or from outside Europe, such as Japan, which among other things benefit from the support given to the sector by national governments, that support which, as underlined previously, it lacked the productive vivacity and artistic originality of the Italian artisan enterprise. It is always with a view to the market that Ceramiche Pucci are systematically among the exhibitors of the Fiera Campionaria di Milano, sporadically also among those of the Fiera del Levante in Bari and occasionally also among those present at the Toronto, Casablanca and Barcelona fairs, with costs often consistent, but still justified by the hope of rising turnover. Upstream of these interventions there is an incessant and careful preparation of the samples that every year see renewed shapes and decorations by extremely qualified and competent workers, as well as sensitive to the needs of customers and to the orientations of taste. In this regard, it is enough to recall the decorations in pure gold and special enamels that characterize the early fifties, when the taste is oriented towards greater richness and lively and brilliant colors, expression of a vision of reality now far from the austerity of the war period. It is a very specific phase which, during the fifties, promoted particular decorative choices on the artistic level - which best characterize the originality of Ceramiche Pucci - and, on the commercial level, contributed to a valid affirmation of the product on the markets, positively influenced by the economic revival now underway. However, artistic innovation never lost sight of the two fundamental needs of customers, to be identified in the double diversification of the product and prices, two fronts on which precise choices are made aimed at creating very varied objects; that from the object of pure and simple decorative furniture (vases, centerpieces, decorative tiles, etc.) goes up to the always very refined but functional artifact (tableware, tea, coffee, dessert, ice cream, smoking, for children etc.), or even the prestigious article that large confectionery industries, such as Perugina, Motta or Pernigotti, choose for the luxury packaging of their products. The decoration, to adapt to a wide range of prices, differs while maintaining the same shapes to the object. Double-variant decorations are proposed, with gold and special enamels and, consequently, at a higher price due to the further firing phase; or without gold and special enamels, and therefore at lower prices, accessible to a wider clientele. This phase of intense research for artistic and market innovation sees Domenico Pucci present in the United States for a long time. where assisted by the capable collaboration of qualified representatives, he manages to place heterogeneous and rich samples which, at the time, allowed the foreign turnover to compensate for the stagnation of the internal market and which, today, find examples of products signed "Ceramiche Pucci Umbertide - made in Italy "jealously guarded by overseas collectors. Since the shapes and the decoration are linked to the originality and inspiration of truly capable workers, it is not possible to forget the skill of the staff involved in the final realization of the product. The decoration entrusted to an almost exclusively female staff reveals the acquisition of exceptional abilities, of mastery of different painting techniques, in which already expert workers taught those young people who entered the world of work without the slightest experience. Beyond, in fact, the apprenticeship courses that the company was able to organize in collaboration with the Professional Training School, the real school was the factory. where day after day the new generation learned and experimented the techniques of each production sector in order to become skilled workers and then carry out, in the first person, the dual role of "workers" and "masters. This approach to work played a role socializing of fundamental importance. The factory also as a place for socializing Inside the factory, in fact, a family atmosphere prevailed that excluded any strongly individualizing element, allowing different generations to relate with a spirit of collaboration and, something not to be underestimated at the time, it gave women ample space to achieve themselves thanks to constant and patient commitment required, which allowed them to acquire extraordinary skills, especially, as already mentioned, in the decoration sector. There were many moments of socialization experienced outside working hours in the same spaces of the factory, spaces which, on special occasions, were decorated by the workers themselves to provide a pleasant background for playful moments also open to the participation of family members. The aggregation was also favored by a village reality, at the time still contained within the limits of a community and by the same size of the factory; not so big as to contribute to the dispersion of interpersonal relationships, nor small enough to restrict them to a family level. A reality that has determined a particular way of conceiving the work experience and has significantly affected the aggregation process. In the fifties this is the physiognomy that characterizes Ceramiche Pucci and which, towards the end of the decade, begins to take on different connotations, strictly dependent on changes in taste and relations with an increasingly competitive market where new materials are imposed that allow obtain innovative products, with a satisfying aesthetic appearance, functional, resistant and less expensive. In 1958 the Pucci ceramics are transformed into Pucci majolica and new modernization needs asked to be satisfied: the taste is oriented towards different shapes and decorations that are realized in a production of profound break compared to that of the past. In this period the company is enriched by the precious contribution of Orfei, thanks to which the shape and the decoration evolve towards a greater geometricism and stylization which - although an artistic expression of value - distance the new production from those elements that characterize the Ceramiche Pucci in their truest expression. This is a moment of different experiments also on the type of product, which is enriched by the coatings sector (floor and wall tiles), in which the taste of free and loose hand brushstrokes is revived. The production of Pucci Majolica ceases in 1962 A choice was then required: to lower the level of manufacturing by moving towards a more commercial and less refined product or to raise the level towards an even more niche production that is less and less serial and essentially aimed at the collector's item. Neither line was found to be prosecutable. The first would have denied the history of Ceramiche Pucci, which had made quality products its flag, and found even more fierce competition; the second would have to find in subsequent generations a vital spirit, which it did not find: different choices had already been made. The decision made, even if it was painful. if it has not completely satisfied, it has at least complied with all the needs, especially in light of the fact that in the early sixties the economic boom was also reflected in Umbertide in a growth in production activities both within the same sector and in other quality manufacturers . What remains today is, however. the significant expression of an artistic path that has left an indelible mark on each of its specimens. Sources: - "Le Ceramiche Pucci" - Ed. Skira, 2006 - Catalog of the exhibition at the Rocca from 10 June to 22 October 2006 The photos were taken from the catalog (excluded those of the carnival ball that they are from the historical photographic archive of Corradi and those of the exhibition at the Rocca and of the pages of Umbertide Chronicles that are by Fabio Mariotti) Ceramiche Pucci - La storia

History by themes In this section, with its subsections, you will find the contributions of history buffs, the actual documents and specific topics attributable to a longer time, determined by the economic system that rather than the city has shaped the countryside, the landscape . Our intent is to present all the different "perspectives" with which we can reconstruct the "history" of our country. The "short time" in fact, guideline of the research reported in the subsections described above, gives us back a story focused on the birth and history of the main agglomeration of Fratta / Umbertide, but there allows you to see only institutional-political events, however much they can be added together in a millenary diachronic sequence. While the development and consequences of economic structures need to be recognized an investigation you seek with a "long time. So it appears to us it is essential to reflect on the lining, the basic economic cell of the agricultural world for centuries, together with the territory that becomes a "landscape", slowly modified for centuries by generations of men and women. The sections of the " Gregorian Cadastre " and " Territory and Mezzadria " have the claim to analyze the "long times" with complex processes that have transformed our territory. This historical cut inevitably extends the object of study to the entire Tiber Valley and Central Italy, from which we have to "cut out" our specific space of interest. Space that has followed the typical historical processes, always of central Italy, also for what concerns the "sociolinguistic" perspective ... and here is the section that tries to investigate our " Dialect ". Section that he will not have to deal with reporting idioms or the language of common use, but will have to show how the "dialect" is a historical stratification. Finally we want to return to our country by analyzing what has distinguished it the most: water and road networks. " The Tiber and the water mills of the territory ", because rising on the banks of the great river has characterized the layout of the urban agglomeration with its strategic value, ways of life and use of agricultural land; The great dam on the Tiber , the work of Mario, Marco and Matteo Tosti, brings back to "life" an impressive hydraulic work of medieval Fratta; " Railway " that passing through Umbertide, as for other places in the Umbrian plain, changed the fate of the city. Some profiles of historical figures have been included in the subsection " Biographies Historical ", alongside it is a page of historical biographies of the twentieth century . To complete the claim to have an overall historical look, the section on " Castle and rural lordships " and that relating to " Monuments and Museums " which will have to highlight the works of art of our residential nucleus and its territory, "symbols" of identity for all of us. among the works of art could not miss an in-depth analysis and rich in archive materials on the Deposition of Signorelli, granted by professor Valentina Ricci Vitiani. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

The Ciccicocco (edited by Francesco Deplanu) THE "CICCICOCCO", or "CICOLO" (Eugubino dialect) is an almost lost tradition of Easter Thursday in which the boys, often masked, went to knock on the door of the houses to ask for a gift, once pieces of fat, eggs and sausages with a skewer to collect them e a basket, later used for pennies and candies. The tradition is centuries old and perhaps linked to pre-Christian customs. What we do know is that from Città di Castello up to Perugia, in the Cortona and Mercatale area the name of the custom and the modalities are the same, in the Gubbio the tradition is the same but only the name by which it is indicated differs: " cicolo ". And in the rest of Italy? In the Modena area with "Unnṡer al spròoch" , to grease the stick, always on Shrove Thursday, the boys went, it seems not in disguise, with a kind of spit to ask for fat in the countryside, knocking on doors with nursery rhymes. In Salento , in the province of Lecce, they did not ask for food but always disguised themselves for Fat Thursday and groups of young people disguised themselves and went into the streets or from house to house carrying their jokes with jokes and allusions ("G. Palumbo," Some customs of the Carnival in the Province of Lecce ", Vol. 10, N.2, p. 127 , Olschki 1939). In our homes, especially in the countryside, a piece of fat was hung, usually behind the door. Even with us they went with the spit pronouncing variants of nursery rhymes such as " Ciccicocco pane 'ntento, damme n'ovo pel mi' zi Menco ... "Isotta Bottaccioli, on the other hand, remembers one nursery rhyme which was handed down to Niccone: " Ciccicocco pane 'ntento, se' n mel de tel ficco drento ... " very little reassuring given the use of the "spit". A Lama on the border between Umbria and Tuscany For 12 years, elementary schools have tried to transmit the memory of tradition to the youngest. We insert this video from TTV: https://www.facebook.com/ttvteveretv/videos/124234005673331/ Sources: - Oral sources - https://dialettocarpigianocarpimodena.blogspot.com/2013/01/unnser-usi-e-tradizioni-per-capodanno-e.html?m=1 - https://m.facebook.com/comunedicittadicastello/posts/1871279396421429 - https://www.facebook.com/ttvteveretv/videos/124234005673331/ - G. Palumbo, " Some customs of the Carnival in the Province of Lecce ", Vol. 10, N.2, p. 127, Olschki 1939 Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

L'Abbazia di San Salvatore di Monteacuto e poi Montecorona Il Ciborio di Montecorona Monuments, Museums and Sacred Places L'Abbazia di San Salvatore di Monteacuto e poi Montecorona I ruderi della chiesa della Madonna della Costa Il Ciborio di Montecorona The abbey of S. Salvatore of Monte Acuto, then Montecorona The abbey of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto, then Montecorona, 4 km from Umbertide, was a powerful monastic institution, not a de facto hermit, but well rooted in the territory and an economic and jurisdictional interlocutor of both civil and ecclesiastical power . Despite the traditional attributions of its foundation to San Romualdo, this foundation does not seem to be a historical truth; although in a short time its "management" was entrusted to the Benedictine current which was based on San Romualdo. The "management" was then assigned to the Cistercians in the 13th century; substantially returned to the Camaldolese in the sixteenth century. Since then, its history has been linked to that of the hermitage above. In this article we will focus above all on the possible history relating to the origin of the Abbey in the eleventh century. and up to the sixteenth century. Above all we will dwell on its foundation which, despite the erudite "assignments" of the seventeenth century, is neither certain nor known. In the continuation we will dwell on the description of the beautiful 8th century ciborium brought back to the Abbey by San Giuliano delle Pignatte, because this is considered to be its original place. Its existence opens up scenarios, still not investigated archaeologically, of the early medieval presence of one pre-existing religious structure on the same site as the abbey. We will conclude with an in-depth study on the reuse materials present in the crypt of the Abbey. By whom was the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monteacuto really founded? In a historical conference in 2009 on the Abbey, its history and its characteristics, ("THE ABBEY OF SAN SALVATORE DI MONTE ACUTO - MONTECORONA IN THE XI-XVIII CENTURIES"), the problem of the foundation was retraced, presenting the few traces available, and highlighting the fixed points traceable after the destruction of the Abbey archive in the war between the Oddi and the Baglioni in the mid-1400s. The professor. D'Acunto, during the study days of June 2009 dedicated to the Abbey, argued the possibility that the original building was even older than the indications of early millennium. Perhaps a pre-existing structure, a hypothesis to be investigated with archaeological methods, could have arisen from the role of local early medieval aristocratic elites. Hypothesis that could explain the presence in the area of the "Carolingian" ciborium of the eighth century of San Giuliano delle Pignatte. Tradition, on the other hand, has reported 1008 as the date of the foundation and the person of Romualdo as the founder. Felice Ciatti in the "Of the annal and historical memories of the things of Perugia, Part Four, that is, Pontifical Perugia", of 1638, supported the foundation by San Romualdo. This foundation is not confirmed, however, by all the sources that refer directly to San Romualdo. Ludovico Iacobilli, on the other hand, in his Lives of the saints and blessed of Umbria, published between 1647 and 1661, was the first to affirm that the abbey of S. Salvatore was founded in 1008, ascribing it to the Cistercian Order ... probable date of existence but we do not know from which sources it took this indication. In the following centuries, however, it was the Camaldolese who managed the institution. Certainly, even if we are not sure that the reference is to the current building, since it was consecrated only in 1056, we have news of the role of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto in the territory as early as 1036. In fact on this date the papacy granted the exemption in S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto from the jurisdiction of the diocesan ordinary, or rather from the power of the Dioceses that surrounded it (Perugia, Città di Castello and Gubbio). This is a sign of the institution's rising importance. This information is provided to us by Stefania Zucchini who dealt with the question in “Umbrian monastic foundations between the 10th and 12th centuries and S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto”. Giovanna Casagrande in "The Abbey of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto in the Cistercian period through the Protocol of the notary Achille of Bernardino di Montone (XIII century)", underlines, however, how under the Emperor Henry VI, in 1186, we to indirectly identify the indication of the importance already acquired by the monastery, that its probable pro-imperial position in the clash between the Empire and the Papacy. In fact, Henry VI recognizes the jurisdiction over the countryside to the municipality of Perugia, but excludes some lay lords from this jurisdiction… and our monastery of S. Salvatore. This would find further confirmation in the diplomas of Otto IV (1210) and of Frederick II (1220). As regards the uncomfortable pro-imperial position of the institution, Prof. Casagrande points out that Gregory IX found a "solution" after the peace of San Germano in 1230, in the stasis clash between the papacy and the Empire. In fact, an abbey of the imperial part in the Perugian territory, but close to the border with Città di Castello, it could well be a nuisance. "So 1234 actually marks a turning point ... On June 26, 1234 Gregory IX wrote to the abbot and the convent of Cîteaux so that the monastery of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto does not remain "in spiritualibus et temporalibus desolatum" and intends to "ibidem Cistercensem fundare sistema" and orders that "immediate subiaceat reverentia filiali »To the abbey of Cîteaux.". In this way the monastery passed to the Cistercians. Subsequently, with Pope Eugene IV, in 1434, the management of the institution changed again and returned to the Camaldolese, but the "handover" was anything but immediate. This was a troubled period, think of the noble conflicts in Perugia which involved the destruction of the documents in the Abbey's archive when the Oddi, based in Umbertide, were attacked by the Baglioni. In fact, the forces of the Baglioni also poured into the Abbey causing the destruction of goods and documents, only some brought by the Oddi to safety in the Rocca di Spoleto. Finally, the canon Galeazzo Gabrielli da Fano, commendatory of the abbey, donated it in 1524 with all its appurtenances to the company of San Romualdo, including a small church dedicated to San Savino, not far from the Abbey. The company, in the general chapter of 1525 and more explicitly in that of 1530, which was held right in the abbey of San Salvatore, approved the construction of a hermitage that was to serve as the mother house, following the design of the Hermitage of Camaldoli, and at the same time it was decided to erect it near the abbey on the mountain called "Montecorona". From this moment the word "coronesi" is also used to indicate the monks of the abbey of San Salvatore and the hermitage above. The hermitage and the Abbey were thus connected by a long path called "brick", even two meters wide, built with blocks of dry-laid sandstone that can still be traveled today. After the foundation of the Hermitage, it is remembered as the Hermitage of Monte Corona, a name later extended to the abbey as well, which became San Salvatore di Monte Corona. The abbey, in addition to the appurtenances not for religious use, is structured in an upper church, with a large nave at the entrance and the raised presbytery above the crypt, divided into three naves with an apse. Basement insists a crypt which can itself be considered a lower church with 5 naves and 3 apses. A bell tower that probably in some periods, given some slits, had different purposes from the current one and different construction moments that see it pass from a circular to an octagonal base. The crypt: The basement crypt is of the “ad oratorium” type, a vast and unique room with 5 naves although it ends with 3 apses, divided into 30 cross-vaulted bays with Byzantine-style decorations from Ravenna. The cross vaults are supported by columns of various styles, reused material from the first century. BC to the fourth century. AD, except one which is later. Along the walls of the area the arches of the cruises fall on semi-columns leaning against pilasters, creating an articulation of the walls accentuated by the presence of arched recesses, in turn pierced by double niches. The bare material, of the columns e it could come from a pre-existing pagan or early Christian temple. For this reason, there would be a need for archaeological investigations on the site of the present abbey. Externally to it are visible vertical pilasters. The upper church and the presbytery The part of the church that stands above the crypt was built first and consecrated by San Giovanni da Lodi, bishop of Gubbio; the central nave was added to it in the 13th and 14th centuries; so the oldest part served as a presbytery with 3 naves marked by 4 round arches. Each nave ends with an apse. An arch divides the oldest part from the most recent one. At the center of the great nave of the present Presbytery, there was an altar, whose table is now leaning against the wall of the left aisle. In 1959, in the execution of the renovation and restoration works, an 8th century Ciborium was placed in place of the great altar, present in the nearby Church of San Giuliano delle Pignatte. Later we will describe the Ciborium and the techniques of descriptions that were investigated in the 2009 conference on the Abbey. A 16th century wooden choir is located in the apse which has an ogival arch. Here we have paintings by unknown authors, right above the wooden choir: the TRANSFIGURATION - CHRIST IN GLORY AMONG THE PROPHETS AND APOSTLES, sec. XVII, an oil on canvas measuring 340 x 190 cm; the MADONNA DELLE GRAZIE, from 1549, oil on canvas, 174 x 167 cm; the ASCENSION, from 1602, oil on canvas, 168 x 104 cm; the FLAGELLATION, sec. XVI, oil on canvas cm. 102 x 75 (which does not appear in the video images because it is covered by the Ciborium); S. Andrea XVIII century, tempera canvas measuring 160 x 76 cm; the MADONNA DEL ROSARIO AND SAN DOMENICO, sec. XVII, oil on canvas, 236 x 100 cm. The most recent part of the upper church has a single large nave with two ribbed vaults and two chapels on the sides adorned with Baroque altars. The bell tower The bell tower which probably had different uses over the centuries has a particular structure diversified in three moments: the base is circular in shape, perhaps from the Lombard period, then it has 11 sides in the 14th century, endecagonal with battlements that were integrated, finally, in the octagonal continuation which now shows the large clock and bells. Sources: Proceedings of the Conference (Abbey of San Salvatore di Montecorona, June 18-19, 2009) edited by Nicolangelo D'Acunto and Mirko Santanicchia in Bulletin of the National History Deputation for Umbria, CVIII (2011), fasc. I-II (pp. 165- 183). Monographic section: "THE ABBEY OF SAN SALVATORE DI MONTE ACUTO - MONTECORONA IN THE XI-XVIII CENTURIES" - History and art - - Nicolangelo D'Acunto: "The origins of the monastery of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto and its monastic network" Maria Teresa Gigliozzi: "From the Benedictines to the Cistercians: the architecture of the abbey of San Salvatore in Montecorona in Romanesque Umbria" Giovanna Casagrande: "The abbey of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto in the Cistercian period through the Protocol of the notary Achille of Bernardino di Montone (13th century)" - Stefania Zucchini: "Umbrian monastic foundations between the 10th and 12th centuries and S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto" -The indications on the paintings in the apse of the upper church come from the “Alto Tiber” Archaeological Group with the patronage of the Municipality of Umbertide: “Initiative“ adopt a work of art from your territory ”with the contribution of local companies. http://turismo.comune.perugia.it/poi/abbazia-di-san-salvatore-di-montecorona https://www.iluoghidelsilenzio.it/abbazia-di-san-salvatore-di-montecorona/nggallery/page/1 For the images of the 2009 Conference see: https://www.comune.umbertide.pg.it/it/page/l-abbazia-di-san-salvatore-di-montecorona Abbey of San Salvatore - interior of the crypt The Abbey of Montecorona during the flood of the Tiber in 2005. By clicking here you can to download the photo in original resolution. For a study of the extent of the flood in Umbria you can see the IRPI report here ( Tiber River Basin Authority). The Monastery, the Montecorona Hermitage seen from Montacuto at the "Croce". THE CIBORIO OF THE ABBEY OF MONTECORONA formerly of San Giuliano delle Pignatte (By Francesco Deplanu, from the 2009 study days dedicated to the Abbey and indicated at the bottom) This artifact is one of the very few early medieval cibori that have come down to us intact. Its canopy has a square plan, and is made up of four slabs of equal size, two and two, placed on four supports with a monobloc capital and a crowning with an octagonal pyramid ending with a pinnacle. Where does the Ciborium come from The Ciborium was moved (or moved again) in the 1950s from "San Giuliano delle Pignatte" inside the Presbytery of the upper church of the Abbey of S. Salvatore of Montecorona. This choice is based on the certain inadequacy of the position of the Ciborium in the small church of San Giuliano delle pignatte, a photo from the 1950s shows it positioned with one side against the wall in a clear position that does not respect its function. The prevailing hypothesis is that it is a "dismantling", perhaps precisely from the place where the Abbey stands today. it underwent a period of near abandonment. It is probable at this point that the artefact was moved in that period, also taking into account the decorations on the wall of the small church. Let's start with a "conclusion" before describing in detail this treasure of the Abbey of S. Salvatore, that of Donatella Scortecci in "THE CIBORIO DELL'ABBAZIA DI MONTECORONA" in the study days of 2009: "the stimulating reflections proposed by Nicolangelo D 'Acunto on a possible lay foundation of the monastery by noble elites would well explain the presence of a luxury artifact, such as the ciborium, a liturgical object for display, to be flaunted. Perhaps a donation from the founder, a treasure exhibited as was widespread practice in the early Middle Ages by the hegemonic classes who, through what have been defined earthly and heavenly treasures, represented themselves, reaffirming their status to the religious and secular community, earning, if anything, also a place in paradise ". The Ciborium is an artifact of the "Carolingian" period, built in the eighth century. d. C .. With this identification, Prof. Scortecci recalls how it is not possible for the sculptural creations of the period to catalog them as "Lombard" or "Byzantine", or "barbaric", because there is "evidence of a variety of languages that contribute to the definition of a unitary context ". Furthermore, it must also be considered that the difference between the client and the workers who then create the artifacts must be considered, with their more complex ethnic, social and economic origin. We can therefore, in summary, indicate the sculpture as "early medieval". It is clearly a liturgical furniture that we can define as "luxury", and which is the testimony of a religious commission of high prestige, probably also economic. By indicating the front plate that looks at the faithful as plate "A", it can be seen that it is of a different material than the rest of the artifact. Also with regard to the Ciborium of San Prospero in Perugia, always “early medieval”, the tendency to standardize production is clear, reserving only the front plate, the more complex and full of symbolism decoration. In fact, the two side faces "B" and "D" and the back, indicated with "C", are also similar in the decorative motifs, with the body of the slabs having the same three-ply braid with buttons that accompanies the archivolt, and the same palm with long fringed leaves that fields the resulting spaces. However, only the frames of the upper margin have three variants of the usual spiral motif. In the front plate you can see a “cantharos” where two large peacocks cool off. The peacock, an immortal bird, which drinks from the cantharos is an iconography that goes from antiquity to the whole of the early Middle Ages. However, its extensive use does not make it possible to trace back to specific customers or workers. Harmonic forms are certainly not found here in the arrangement of the drawing of that of the aforementioned Perugian Ciborium; the birds in our ciborium are more cumbersome and a kind of "horrori vacui" with S-shaped "volutine", small circles with quatrefoil flowers and a short intertwining of mesh, this above the "braid" that runs through the arch, seems to prevail. How the Ciborium was built The structure of the Ciborium rests on four columns that form a quadrilateral with monolithic capitals in sandstone. Columns and capitals that support four variously sculpted stone slabs. Indicating the front plate that looks at the faithful as plate "A", it can be seen that it is of a different material, pietra serena, of a blue-blue color, like the columns, compared to the side ones, all instead of different materials, always sedimentary, or compact micritic limestones, which we can indicate as tending to a white color. Above the front slabs rises a pyramid made up of 11 slabs: eight major stone slabs, triangular in shape, as well as three smaller ones used to close the gaps left by the placement of the first eight. This can only be seen from the inside due to the “dull”, grayish plaster applied in previous restoration interventions. On the top there is a pinnacle that may look like a bell even if, again due to the "dull" present, it is difficult to see well. These indications come to us from Laura Zamperoni in "Stone materials, executive technique and state of conservation" presented again during the days of 2009 indicated in the notes. This distinction is important because in addition to the different color that can be immediately identified, the different stone nature has led to a different destiny of conservation: the pietra serena of the front facade has been damaged more than the "white" parts of the three "secondary" facades "(" B "," C "and" D ") in limestone. In particular, plate "A" has a fairly thin grain size and free from large colored impurities; the other three, on the other hand, are characterized by extremely small and homogeneous alveoli. What is worrying, as mentioned before, is the durability of the sandstone of the columns and related capitals. Sandstone (and pietra serena) which is exposed to an important erosion phenomenon that "pulverizes" it. Erosion also present in the front plate visible to the faithful but fortunately to a lesser extent than the capitals. Erosion that does not affect the "white" parts in limestone. These considerations lead Zamperoni (... and all of us) to say that "given the exceptionality of the artefact, a conservative restoration intervention would be desirable both to improve the state of alteration and to block its deterioration, and to enhance its historical-artistic importance. … ". Furthermore Zamperoni writes, after having studied the artefact in detail that “interesting considerations can be drawn on the working technique of stonemasons. The tools and the work of the artisans are characterized by a strong conservatism that has contributed to maintaining almost unchanged, until the 19th century, working methods and tools, with a certain reluctance to introduce innovative elements. As is well known, the tools for working stone essentially belong to two large classes: percussive and abrasive. In the first group are inserted the various hammers and cutting tools (chisels and the like), in the second the saws, drills, files and all the powders used for polishing. The percussive instruments shape the stone by striking and crushing it, the abrasive ones by rubbing it. Most of the early medieval and medieval stone sculptures were made with the direct cutting process, without making use of models in ductile material: the design was traced directly on the planes of the block (front and side) to then be engraved. ". This allows her to argue that flat and sharp edge chisels were used for the construction. Specifically, a chisel called "little nail" seems to have been used: thin but sturdy which allowed to reach fine but deep carvings; but also a "group of flat and sharp edge chisels (from 3 mm up to 8 mm) capable of smoothing the surface producing shading effects that essentially depend on the angle at which the instrument was held on the stone and on the intensity with he was hit. "In addition, the flat chisel was also used for the low-relief creations; finally he identifies a series of" bush hammering "in the intrados of the arches but also on the shafts of the columns and the capitals in the non-decorated parts, the latter probably not contemporary. Front plate of the Ciborium of the eighth century AD I ruderi della chiesa della Madonna della Costa Stone carving in the 19th and 20th centuries. Having placed the attention on the methods of construction of the Ciborium, the use of the tools used, has highlighted the strong conservatism of the masons' workers over the centuries. This allows us to indicate a hypothesis of "continuity", clearly only spatial to the state of knowledge, on the methods of sculpting stone in the areas under the influence of the Abbey of San Salvatore and the Hermitage of Montecorona. That is to remember, without clearly claiming to establish a real connection, how even the workers of the 19th-20th centuries of Niccone's stonemasons used tools that were partly similar: think of the “bocciarda” who had become the “liar” in our dialect. We also add, more to meet some curiosity, news of much later on the stones that could still be found in the nineteenth century in the area of the discovery of the Ciborium and the Abbey of San Salvatore. In the text of Bernardino Sperandio, "Of the Umbrian construction and ornamental stones" a document is reported among the "Inventories" entitled "State of Mines, Mineral Sources, Quarries, Workshops existing in the Municipality of Fratta, province of Perugia, district of Perugia", ASCU year 1861. This inventory indicates the "Quarries and Torbiere" of Fratta (cited in the text "Umbertide" also if in fact his name hadn't been changed yet). The document reports various types of stones, among these the "Strong sandstone or stone are used for use [...]" (the "pietraforte" in Tuscany is a very solid sandstone) and their presence is indicated as well as in the Parish di Romeggio, also a site in the “parish of M. Migiano owned by the suppressed Eremo di Montecorona”. As far as quarries and peat bogs are concerned, the "substances" indicated in 1861 were "white marble", "dark red or white marble", "cenerino marble", "red veined white marble", "white veined marble", "black marble" , "Sand quarry", "Clay quarry", "Pozzolana quarry", "Quarry for Macine" as well as "Strong sandstone stones". The "quarry for millstones" was located at the Parish of San Giuliano, or in the area of San Giuliano delle Pignatte. Precisely the Montecorona area, along the Nese stream, was characterized by the presence of "calcarenites", or "marbles". Sources: -Donatella Scortecci, “The ciborium of the Montecorona abbey”, with a contribution by Laura Zamperoni, “The ciborium and early medieval sculptural material. In "THE ABBEY OF SAN SALVATORE DI MONTE ACUTO - MONTECORONA IN THE XI-XVIII CENTURIES" - Bulletin of the National History Deputation for Umbria, CVIII (2011), fasc. I-II (pp. 165- 183). Proceedings of the Conference (Abbey of San Salvatore di Montecorona, June 18-19, 2009) curated by Nicolangelo D'Acunto and Mirko Santanicchia - Bernardino Sperandio, Of the Umbrian construction and ornamental stones., Perugia, Quattroemme, 2004 (p. 265, pp 288-289). https://www.umbertidestoria.net/gli-scalpellini-di-niccone Photo: -Image of the Ciborium located in San Giuliano delle Pignatte by Mons. Renzo Piccioni Tignai published in the “Bulletin of the National History Deputation for Umbria, CVIII (2011), fasc. I-II (pp. 165- 183). " - Other images and videos: Francesco Deplanu. The Church of the Madonna della Costa and the wooden statue (Curated by Francesco Deplanu) The Church of the Madonna della Costa of Monte Acuto This little one church on the slopes of Monte Acuto, known among other names over time as “S. Giovanni della Costa ”,“ Santa Maria della Costa ”and later known as“ Madonna della Costa ”, is located on the southwest coast of Monte Acuto. This church today is dilapidated but until 70 years ago it was a popular place of worship that is still lived and deeply felt. Anciently it was employed by the Abbey of San Salvatore di Montecorona, then passed under that of the Perugia dioceses. The church has a rectangular plan, with an entrance door under the bell tower and, opposite to it, a small door to the right of the altar connected to a small sacristy is still visible. The building shows its different construction phases with a lower part in well-worked stone masonry ceasing on a floor highlighted by a frame above the entrance door. Above this frame, on the main gabled façade, the bell gable was built. On the entrance a small niche above the architrave bore a dedicatory inscription which is now illegible. The left facade of the church is partially embedded towards Monteacuto. The opposite facade, on the right, it bears the trace of a loophole and “looks” at a panorama that opens up between valleys and high hills. The added walls are in unworked stone and everything had been plastered both inside and outside. The roofs appear to have been trussed and on the back wall a niche is still visible where the statue of the Madonna with the child was housed. Several photos from the recent past show signs that look like those of frescoes in the part near the altar area. Immagine 1: Chiesa della Madonna della Costa. Campanile a vela visibile tra la boscaglia; facciata principale (foto di Fabio Mariotti, scattata circa nel 2000). La Storia Una struttura per il culto è presente fin dal 1145: è documentata la sua presenza nella Bolla di Eugenio III del 1145 vche ede tra i beni confermati all’Abbazia di San Salvatore la “Cellam Sancti Joannis in Monte Acuto, cum Ecclesiis, & pertinenti suiis”. Nel primo elenco delle comunità perugine del 1258 è indicata come “Villa S. Iohannis de Costa”. Dal 1361 la parrocchia “eccelse S. Iohannis de Costa Montis Acuti” possiede un catasto di beni propri e nel 1367 si ha notizia della dotazione di una campana. Nel 1564, sotto il Vescovo Della Corgna, alla parrocchia di San Giovanni, denomina in questo periodo sembra anche Santa Maria, fu unita la chiesa diroccata di Santa Lucia, che sorgeva presso il castello della Fratticiola di Montacuto. Altre notizie più recenti ci attestano della diminuita importanza del luogo, perlomeno dal punto di vista dell’organizzazione parrocchiale, tanto che nel 1821 la parrocchia di San Giovanni/Santa Maria fu unita provvisoriamente alle parrocchie di San Simone in Monestevole, San Bartolomeo in San Bartolomeo dei Fossi e San Michele Arcangelo in Racchiusole. La chiesa, in tempi più recenti, venne chiamata della “Madonna della Costa” di Monte Acuto, per via della statua lignea medievale della Madonna con il bambino che lì si trovava. L’insediamento in età alto medievale attorno a questa zona vide una quasi costante presenza di una quarantina di “fuochi” (come media gli storici riferiscono che un fuoco era composto da 4 persone. n.d.r.): nel 278 sono riportati 42 “fuochi”, nel 1882 sono 32, nel 1410 supponiamo circa 38 (perché si contarono 152 “bocche”, cioè persone); ma già tra il 1438 ed il 1501 si contavano un numero minore di popolazione dimorante, tra i 20 e i 29 fuochi. Sicuramente l’insediamento sparso dei secoli a venire mantenne parte della popolazione nelle zone nelle vicinanze della chiesa, vista la necessitata di un popolamento connesso al sistema produttivo. Quasi in concomitanza con la fine della mezzadria, che possiamo datare ad inizio anni’60, nel 1954, crollò il tetto della chiesetta che fu dichiarata inagibile. Fino a quel momento, la domenica dopo l’Ascensione, veniva festeggiata in loco la festa della “Madonna della Costa”, che vedeva anche la presenza della Banda di Preggio; notizia attestata almeno fino al 1947 a causa di uno scontro politico che in quell’anno ebbe un certo risalto. La statua della Madonna con il bambino Che sappiamo al momento della storia della “madonna con il bambino” nella chiesetta della Costa di Monte Acuto ? E’ una statua lignea di un autore ignoto del romanico umbro del secolo XII (datata 1150 - 1199), alta cm 132 e dipinta in maniera policroma. E’ difficile pensare che nel corso di 8 secoli dalla sua realizzazione datata già dalla seconda metà del 1100, cambiando la tipologia di popolamento e di conseguenza il valore e la funzione dei luoghi di culto, la locazione della statua sia stata la stessa. Anche le indicazioni delle fonti storiche indicano un “peregrinare” della statua, “peregrinare” influenzato anche dalla dottrina della Chiesa dopo il Concilio di Trento. A questo proposito si può affermare che la statua lignea della madonna con bambino non fosse posizionata fin dalla sua realizzazione nell’attuale chiesa, ridotta quasi in cumuli, o nelle strutture originarie dedicate al culto in quel luogo. Seguendo le indicazioni di Elvio Lunghi, professore di Storia dell’arte medievale a Perugia, lo spostamento sulla “costa” di Monte Acuto della scultura lignea dovrebbe essere avvenuto successivamente alla seconda metà del XVI sec.: da San Giuliano delle Pignatte dell’Abbazia di Montecorona dove venne descritta come una “madonnam rilievi” nelle fonti delle visite pastorali del Vescovo Fulvio Della Corgna . Infatti nei decenni seguenti la conclusione del concilio tridentino i vescovi furono particolarmente rigidi verso le immagini obsolete o semplicemente mal conservate oltre che all’uso di statue lignee utilizzate in maniera lontana dalla liturgia, in questo periodo è anche possibile che le immagini sacre meno adeguate fossero destinate a una sede meno prestigiosa. Questo potrebbe essere stato il destino della nostra statua ritenuta comunque di “valore” e, piuttosto che eliminata, venne spostata in un luogo meno importante. Spostamento funzionale a salvarne il valore popolare di devozione; devozione molto sentita nella zona tra Romeggio e Preggio e proseguita fino al dopoguerra. Immagine 8: Statua della Madonna della Costa da: https://www.beweb.chiesacattolica.it/benistorici/bene/5504739/Bottega+umbra+sec.+XII,+Statua+della+Madonna+della+Costa Immagine 9: Statua della Madonna della Costa pubblicata in: Elvio Lunghi, “Considerazioni e ipotesi sulle sculture lignee nelle chiese dell’Umbria tra XII e XIII secolo” in “Umbria e Marche in età romanica. Arti e tecniche a confronto tra XI e XIII secolo”, a cura di E. Neri Lusanna, Todi, Ediart, 2013, pp. 203-212 Il destino delle opere lignee delle nostre zone sotto il potere temporale della Chiesa, risentì notevolmente del Concilio post-tridentino. Basti pensare al bellissimo gruppo della “Deposizione” di Montone, originario della Pieve di San Gregorio, che fu trasformato per secoli in “Crocifissione” con braccia e piedi non coevi e con la sparizione certa, perché poi ritrovata, della statua di Giuseppe d’Arimatea. Questa statua fu “ricomposta” con la testa ritrovata sempre nella Pieve di San Gregorio nel 1956, mentre il resto del corpo venne ritrovato sempre qui, nel 1977, tra le macerie di una volta crollata, e poi individuato come parte del San Giuseppe dal prof. Toscano nella Galleria Nazionale dell’Umbria. Solo da allora si prese consapevolezza dell’originaria disposizione e funzione che si può godere oggi nel Museo di San Francesco a Montone. Immagine 9: Deposizione della Croce di Montone (particolare) (foto di Francesco Deplanu). Immagine 10: Deposizione della Croce di Montone (particolare). Statua lignea di San Giovanni d’Arimatea ricomposta (foto di Francesco Deplanu). Per capire la portata del cambiamento che avvenne nel periodo post-tridentino basta leggere, riportate nelle pagine di Lunghi riprese dall’Archivio Vescovile di Perugia che riporta le visite pastorali sempre sotto il Vescovo Fulvio Della Corgna. Ad esempio nella chiesa di San Giustino alle porte di Perugia una statua della Madonna fu direttamente data alle fiamme: “Visitavit figuras virginis in quadam nicchio cum filio in brachio vetustate consumptas / quas igni comburi iussit». Ovvero: “In una nicchia ispezionò una statua della Vergine col figlio in braccio consumata dal tempo che ordinò fosse bruciata dal fuoco.”. Ma vediamo cosa scrive a proposito della statua lignea della madonna Elvio Lunghi, in “CONSIDERAZIONI E IPOTESI SULLE SCULTURE LIGNEE NELLE CHIESE DELL'UMBRIA TRA XII E XIII SECOLO”: “Nel Museo del Duomo di Perugia è conservata una scultura romanica in legno policromo di una Madonna in trono con il Bambino benedicente in grembo, che vi è stata depositata per esigenze conservative dall’abbazia di San Salvatore di Montecorona. È agevole riconoscervi una statua della Madonna che il vicario del vescovo Fulvio Della Corgna vide il 24 novembre 1564 sopra l’altare maggiore della chiesa di San Clemente nel villaggio di San Giuliano delle Pignatte, nelle immediate vicinanze di quell’abbazia cistercense. La Madonna era in rilievo e era posta tra due tavole dipinte con le storie del Santissimo.” Riportiamo per intero, vista la brevità, il passo che nelle note il Lunghi ripropone della visita pastorale, testo sempre conservato nell’Archivio Diocesiano di Perugia: “«Visitavit madonnam rilievi cum tabulis pictis Santissime inde / quas reaptari si potest santissimi aut retineri quanto decentius». Ovvero “Ispezionò una madonna in rilievo con tavole dipinte della storia del Santissimo, poi le quali se è possibile siano restaurate o conservate nel modo più decente”. Il passo è brevissimo ma accerta la presenza certa di una statua della madonna nella zona, difficile pensare che non fosse quella poi finita sulla Costa di Monte Acuto. Gli sportelli laterali sono andati perduti ma la madonna in legno con il bambino ha “proseguito” il suo cammino. In una data imprecisata, ma successiva chiaramente a questa visita pastorale del Della Corgna, arrivò alla chiesa di San Giovanni della Costa .”. Lo scopo di queste visite pastorali post tridentine era anche di “correggere la dottrina cattolica, espellere le eresie, promuovere i buoni costumi, e per quanto riguarda l’aspetto degli edifici religiosi era accertare l'idoneità degli edifici di culto e la celebrazione degli uffici liturgici secondo le nuove regole stabilite a Trento. Fonti: Elvio Lunghi, “Considerazioni e ipotesi sulle sculture lignee nelle chiese dell’Umbria tra XII e XIII secolo”, in Umbria e Marche in età romanica. Arti e tecniche a confronto tra XI e XIII secolo”, a cura di E. Neri Lusanna, Todi, Ediart, 2013, pp. 203-212. Luca Mor : “Esposte a Montone le sculture lignee medievali della deposito Christi, Bollettino d’arte” del Ministero per i beni e le Attività Culturali”, n. 108 - Aprile Giugno 1999. Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, Libreria dello Stato Giovanna Sapori, “Il Gruppo Ligneo di Montone”, in Museo Comunale di San Francesco a Montone - Regione dell’Umbria - Electa Editori Umbri Associati, Perugia 1997. - https://www.iluoghidelsilenzio.it/chiesa-della-madonna-della-costa-monte-acuto-di-umbertide-pg/ - https://www.beweb.chiesacattolica.it/benistorici/bene/5504739/Bottega+umbra+sec.+XII,+Statua+della+Madonna+della+Costa - http://www.chieseitaliane.chiesacattolica.it/chieseitaliane/AccessoEsterno.do?mode=guest&type=auto&code=32565 - http://www.umbrialeft.it/node/33429 - https://www.stradeeposti.it/stradeeposti/Italy/Umbria/Umbertide/Monte-Acuto/Umbertide_Monte-Acuto_Chiesetta-della-Madonna-della-Costa.html - https://www.umbertidestoria.net/cenni-storici-della-banda Under construction... The "Croce" of Montacuto and the Apennine chain behind it. Photos before the restoration. The Collegiate Church in 1918 Piazza XII Settembre in 1912 Piazza San Francesco and the Deposition by Signorelli SOURCES: - Photo by Francesco Deplanu, Giulio Foiani and Anna Boldrini. - Photo: historical photos of Umbertide from the web and from various private archives to which we applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark in this way we try to avoid that further disclosure on our part favors purposes that are not consonant with our intentions exclusively social and cultural. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

Il massacro di Penetola 28 GIUGNO 1944 LE VITTIME / THE VICTIMS Avorio Antonio, anni 11; Avorio Carlo, anni 8; Avorio Renato, anni 14; Forni Canzio, anni 58; Forni Ezio, anni 21; Forni Edoardo, anni 16; Luchetti Guido, anni 18; Nencioni Conforto, anni 36; Nencioni Eufemia, anni 44; Nencioni Ferruccio, anni 36; Nencioni Renzini Erminia, anni 68. Il massacro di Penetola - voce di Paola Avorio 00:00 / 02:02 The massacre of Penetola - voice by Paola Avorio 00:00 / 02:24 28 GIUGNO 1944 Nella notte tra il 27 e il 28 giugno 1944, nel casolare denominato Penetola di Niccone, i cui ruderi potete scorgere davanti a voi, dodici persone sono state barbaramente uccise dai soldati appartenenti al 305° battaglione genieri dell’esercito tedesco, di stanza poco lontano da qui, in località La Mita, nota anche come La Dogana. Il casolare di Penetola era abitato dalle famiglie Avorio e Luchetti che nel giugno del 1944 ospitarono le famiglie Forni e Nencioni, sfollate dalle proprie case dell’abitato di Niccone, interamente occupato dalle truppe tedesche. Il comando tedesco era invece stanziato a Montalto, il castello che si trova in alto sulla collina di fronte a voi. Da li, il 26 giugno gli ufficiali tedeschi scesero a La Mita a dare ai propri soldati indicazioni su come raggiungere Penetola e il 28 giugno, dopo mezzanotte, 18 militari tedeschi armati bussarono alla porta del casolare e svegliarono tutti. Gli sfollati che dormivano nell’annesso, vennero derubati dei propri averi e.condotti dentro la casa con gli altri. Tutti vennero rinchiusi nella stanza rivolta verso il bosco. Gli animali furono fatti uscire dalle stalle. I soldati presero il fieno del pagliaio e il legname trovato sul posto, li accatastarono alle pareti della stanza dove erano state rinchiuse le 24 persone e alle mura della casa e, utilizzando della benzina, appiccarono un fuoco devastante. Solo dodici delle ventiquattro persone rinchiuse nel casolare sono sopravvissute: 11 superstiti appartengono alle famiglie dei mezzadri Avorio e Luchetti, nessun superstite tra le due famiglie degli sfollati Nencioni e Forni tranne la piccola Giovanna di 6 anni. 28 June 1944 On the night between 27 and 28 June 1944, in the farmhouse called Penetola di Niccone, whose ruins you can see before you, twelve people were killed by soldiers belonging to the 305th engineer battalion of the German army, stationed not far away from here, in La Mita, also known as La Dogana. The Penetola farmhouse was inhabited by the Avorio and Luchetti families who in June 1944 hosted the Forni and Nencioni families, displaced from their homes in the town of Niccone, entirely occupied by German troops. The German command was instead stationed in Montalto, the castle located high up on the hill in front of you. From there, on 26th June the German officers went down to La Mita to give their soldiers directions on how to reach Penetola and on 28th June, after midnight, 18 armed German soldiers knocked on the door of the farmhouse and woke everyone up. They robbed the evacuees who slept in the annex of their belongings and took them into the house with the others. Everyone was locked in the room facing the woods. The cattle was let out of the stables. The soldiers took the hay from the haystack and the wood found on the spot, piled them on the walls of the room where the 24 people had been locked up and on the walls of the house and, using petrol, set a devastating fire. Only twelve of the twenty-four people locked up in the farmhouse survived: 11 survivors belong to the families of the sharecroppers Avorio and Luchetti, no survivors from the two families of the Nencioni and Forni except little 6-year-old Giovanna. Testo tratto da: Paola Avorio, "Tre noci ," Petruzzi Editore, 2011 Immagine di sfondo: disegno di Antonio Renzini "Penetola" Un progetto a cura di Mario Tosti, Unitre di Umbertide, il Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertidestoria, con il Patrocinio del Comune di Umbertide; con la collaborazione di Pietro Taverniti, Massimo Pascolini, Sergio Bargelli, Corrado Baldoni, Francesco Deplanu, Sergio Magrini Alunno, Antonio Renzini, Luca Silvioni, Romano Vibi. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com EH Carr "Change is certain. Progress is not "

Penetola THE MASSACRE OF PENETOLA We present here a reconstruction that the teacher and head teacher Paola Avorio has conducted over the years on one of the cruelest massacres that occurred with the passage of the front to Umbertide, precisely to the word Penetola di Niccone. Massacre that affected his family. His researches converged in the book "Tre Noci". He kindly grants us this long and accurate excerpt from his work. Photo: June 25, 2011. The presentation of the book "Tre Nuts" (Photo Fabio Mariotti). THE MASSACRE OF PENETOLA (edited by Paola Avorio) In the night between 27 and 28 June 1944, in the Umbrian high Tiber, in a farmhouse called Penetola di Niccone, 6 kilometers north-east of Umbertide, twelve people were brutally killed by soldiers belonging to the 305th engineers battalion of the German army stationed in the Niccone valley. The operational dynamics of the massacre are currently known to us, while strong doubts and perplexities remain about the causes and modalities of the massacre itself, in many respects atypical compared to the many others that the German army stained itself during the retreat towards the line. Gothic in the summer of 1944. One of the most atrocious episodes among those that occurred in Umbria during the Second World War took place in Penetola. As with many 'hidden' massacres (1) of the war on civilians (2) which broke out in Italy after 8 September 1943. [...] On the basis of the analysis of various experts consulted, that of Penetola appears what many have called a "retreat massacre", in which soldiers of the German regular army generally strike between 24/36 hours before the arrival of the allies and their consequent retreat towards the Gothic Line. Unfortunately, this rather usual dynamic is accompanied by completely anomalous behavior compared to the massacres carried out by the retreating German army. Like most of the farms of the time, in 1944 the word Penetola was inhabited and managed by sharecroppers who, in this case, worked on behalf of the landowner Giovanni Battista Gnoni, tenant of Montalto di Niccone, Umbertide, Perugia. The family of sharecroppers residing in Penetola consisted of 12 people: Mario Avorio, his wife Agata Orsini (called Dina), their five children Renato, Antonio, Carlo, Maria and Giuseppe, Mario Avorio's adoptive brother, Avellino Luchetti, his wife Rosalinda Caseti, their three children Guido, Remo and Vittorio . During the passage of the front, in June 1944 the family of Mario and Avellino's sister, Speranza Luchetti, her husband Andrea Capecci and their son Giuseppe had been hosted. The cottage is about 2 kilometers from the town of Niccone, which in June 1944 was occupied by German troops. The inhabitants of the Umbrian hamlet had taken refuge with relatives and friends in the farmhouses in the surrounding countryside, both to escape the Germans and to have food at hand. Having to leave their respective homes in Niccone, the Forni and Nencioni families, openly anti-fascists, had greater difficulties in finding shelter. They were hosted in the Penetola farmhouse by the Avorio and Luchetti families. The Nencioni family took refuge in Penetola: Ferruccio Nencioni, his wife Milena Ferrini, one of the two daughters, Giovanna (the other daughter, Gaetana, was with her maternal grandmother Settimia in another family), Ferruccio's mother, Erminia Renzini , Ferruccio's brother, Conforto Nencioni, Ferruccio's sister, Eufemia Nencioni, Conforto Nencioni, an employee of the APM of Milan, had been among the most active organizers of the Milanese tramway strike in March 1944. Denounced and sought after by the men of the fearful Muti, the Milanese fascist militia, escaped capture and took refuge in Niccone, at his birthplace. The members of the Forni family who took refuge in Penetola were: Canzio Forni, two of his three sons Ezio and Edoardo, his wife Rosa and their eldest son Ugo, were displaced by another family. On the night between 27 and 28 June 1944 these 24 people slept in Penetola, some in the rooms of the cottage, some in the nearby annex. Around one o'clock on June 28, 1944, armed German soldiers knocked on the door of the cottage and woke everyone up. Those who slept in the annex were awakened, their belongings robbed and brought into the house with the others. Everyone was locked up in the room facing the woods. The animals were brought out of the stables. The soldiers took the hay from the haystack and the lumber found on the spot, piled them on the walls of the room where the 24 people had been locked up and on the walls of the house and, using petrol, they set a devastating fire. The fire broke out immediately. The room was soon filled with smoke and fire. The door to the room caught fire and many of the people tried to escape the flames by taking refuge in the farthest corners. They resisted the smoke fumes with the help of vinegar, contained in a small demijohn (caretello) that was in the kitchen. The eldest son of Mario and Dina Avorio, Renato, just fourteen years old, he was hit almost immediately by a grenade as he tried to look out the window of the room, completely losing his left arm. He tried to persuade his desperate mother to stop thinking about him bleeding to death, then tried to escape through the main door: his body torn apart by gunfire was found on the landing at the top of the access staircase. His two brothers, Carlo and Antonio, escaped the control of their parents, committed to helping their eldest son, and tried in vain to escape from the flames that enveloped them. Their bodies were found embraced, mostly charred, inside the house, in a corner of the large kitchen. The eighteen-year-old son of Avellino Luchetti, Guido, also tried to look out the window: he was hit by a rifle in the head and fell to the ground lifeless, one step away from his cousin Maria, whom he had protected until a moment before. to die holding her in his arms. Canzio, Edoardo and Ezio Forni alighted from a side window, inside the small pigsty, once on the ground they were all killed with close firearms. The body of Canzio was found on his back, the face partly consumed by the animals themselves, that of Edoardo sitting on the manger, Ezio not far away in the grass. The bodies of the spouses Milena Ferrini and Ferruccio Nencioni were found near the front door of the house, devastated by flames. Shortly before, Ferruccio had helped his brother Conforto to lower his family into the sheep shed through a hole in the floor that Conforto himself had managed to drill. Even today Giovanna Nencioni remembers perfectly the moment when her father lowered her from the hole, asking her to wait for him while he went back to pick up his mother and wife. Conforto, Erminia, Eufemia and Giovanna Nencioni, discovered by the soldiers in the sheep shed, were hit at close range with bursts of machine guns. The only survivor is little Giovanna who fell wounded to the ground and who later managed to escape to safety under a cart in the farmyard. Towards dawn the soldiers left. Dina Orsini counted eighteen who go off in single file along the path that runs along the wood, backpacks on their shoulders full of stolen objects. Shortly after, leaning out of one of the side windows, he saw the owner of the farm, Giovanni Battista Gnoni, on the hill towards the Castle of Montalto. He tried in vain to be seen. The access stairway to the house had collapsed. The survivors were trapped in the house. In the absence of help, they alighted from one of the side windows using two knotted sheets. Those who were able to do so fled across the fields. Mario and Dina, seriously injured following the explosion of the bomb that mutilated their eldest son, hid in the nearby moat. They were pulled out only after a few hours and by some German soldiers who took them to the distant hospital of Città di Castello, traveling 20 kilometers under the danger of Allied bombing. Only twelve of the twenty-four people locked up in the cottage survived: 11 survivors belong to the families of the Ivorio and Luchetti sharecroppers, no survivors between the two families of the displaced Nencioni and Forni except little Giovanna. The German soldiers stationed at the Castle of Montalto took Mario and Dina to the Seminary of Città di Castello, used as a hospital, where they arrived at 2.00 pm on June 28, 1944. The whole area was occupied by the troops of the German army, but the airspace above had long witnessed strong incursions by the allied air force, which hit relentlessly everything on the ground even vaguely resembled a target to be shot down. In fact, the next day, June 29, 1944, the whole town of Niccone was bombed by the allies. Inexplicable therefore, if you look at it with the eyes of those who study the Nazi massacres, the gesture of those two soldiers, clearly dictated by higher orders, who had to risk their lives to save that of Mario and Dina. The rector Mons. Beniamino Schivo (3) was at the Seminary of Città di Castello. On the day of the Penetola massacre, he turned 34. Also for this reason the date of Mario Dina's arrival is well remembered, which the two soldiers unloaded in front of the seminary door calling them 'banditen', partisans, found with weapons but, despite this, rescued, and at what risk! Germans like those responsible for the massacre. The nuns who ran the hospital drew up a timely register with the dates of admissions, treatments administered and discharge of the patients in which we find confirmation of the dates of entry and discharge of the two spouses. A few days after the massacre, German soldiers, accompanied by an interpreter, arrived at the Seminary of Città di Castello and questioned Mario and Dina. The latter recounted the episode in a testimony: “ The next day or a few days later, I don't remember, we received a visit from some German soldiers, including some officers. They wanted information and clarification on what had happened and if there had been any serious actions on the part of any of us to unleash the violent reprisal. They listened to us and before leaving they said that the transport of the bodies to the cemetery had been authorized […]. We understood that the tragedy had not spared our creatures […]. A few days passed and the soldiers returned to question us again. We understood that there was no trace of those who had somehow received 'offense' or of those who had authorized the retaliation in the German zone command ”(4). The transport of Penetola's victims to the Montemigiano cemetery did not happen without difficulty. The rescuers were the peasants and displaced people from the nearby farmhouses, who found themselves faced with gruesome scenes and the objective difficulty of transporting so many corpses, some of them charred. They also had to resist the authorities' initial proposal to bury the bodies in a common grave. Eventually they managed to get the authorization to transport the bodies to the nearby cemetery of Montemigiano. Given the condition of the bodies, the acquaintances and family members who took part in their transport and burial could not fail to have psycho-physical repercussions of various kinds, some even permanent. In the meantime, the other survivors were housed in the 'refuges' and in some farmhouses of friendly families. On 26 July Mario Avorio and Dina Orsini returned to Penetola. While waiting to rebuild the house, they were hosted in various places, including for a period in the gardener's house at the Montalto Castle.No report of damage to the Penetola cottage has ever been made by the owner, Giovanni Battista Gnoni or by his son, Antonio Gnoni, then in his twenties. Through the many direct testimonies, it was immediately ascertained that the group of German soldiers responsible for the massacre had left Casa Trinari, in La Dogana della Mita. Dino Trinari, then seventeen, has repeatedly stated that he had never been questioned about the incident either by the republican authorities or by the police. In the historical archive of the Municipality of Umbertide it is possible to consult some documents written personally by some family members of the Forni and Nencioni families, as well as other families and business owners in the town of Niccone During the allied bombing of 29 June 1944, the following day at the Penetola massacre, many houses and the few businesses in the town of Niccone were damaged. These documents present in the Umbertide Historical Archive and drawn up in September 1944 concern the request for compensation for such damages (5). It was not possible to find any document or news, even indirect, on the massacre or on damage to property and people present in Penetola, despite the survivors of the families of the victims having repeatedly declared that they had filed complaints or given testimony, even at the municipal offices . Immediately after the war, the municipal archive was damaged by a fire. Mario and Dina Avorio, Avellino Luchetti and Ugo Forni went several times to the municipal offices and to the Carabinieri of Umbertide. Of all the accesses, only two are documented. In both Mario and Dina Avorio have always claimed not to have found written what they had declared to the competent authorities and have never agreed with the inaccuracies that had instead been reported. The documents are: 1) report drawn up by Mr. Agostino Bernacchi on behalf of the Mayor of Umbertide Giuseppe Migliorati, in turn appointed by the Royal Deputation of Homeland History, provincial seat of Perugia (where the document, not present in the municipal archives, was found), to report on the events that occurred from 8 September 1943 to April 25, 1945. 2) minutes drawn up by the Marshal of the Carabinieri of Umbertide with the declarations of Mario and Dina (Agata signed) Avorio and Ugo Forni, issued on 27 November 1944; minutes forming part of a report requested by the Central Command of the Province of Perugia aimed at ascertaining all the facts committed during the period of the passage of the front (Document found at the Central State Archives in Rome and not present in copy in any Umbrian archive). The signatures affixed to these minutes by the declarants Mario Avorio and Agata Orsini do not correspond to those with which they signed all the documents of their life. They have always stated that they refused to sign the document because many of their verbal statements had been omitted. In an allied army document dated July 13, 1944 (6) you can read these few lines: “In the village of Niccone 13 people were locked up in a house and burned alive by the Germans. Reason: some shots had been directed from the hills towards some German soldiers ”. And this completes the inaccurate, approximate and often misleading Italian and allied documentation relating to the Penetola massacre. On the other hand, the annex to the war diary (KTB) of the General Command of the 76th Armored Corps of the German Army confirms the numerous oral testimonies regarding the presence of German soldiers in La Dogana di Mita, known at the time as the Trinari house. The same document leaves no doubts as to whether those soldiers belonged to the 305th Engineers Battalion of the Wehrmacht: General command of the LXXVI armored body Allocation to June 25, 1944 (Pages 65-67), point V: Pi. Btl 305 (Engineers Battalion 305) Use: Barrier in the sector of the main front line up to and including the Niccone valley 1. company: main front line up to Castel Rigone / San Giovanni 2. company: up to the Niccone valley included 3. company: retired, meets in the Niccone Valley to replace the blocking action of the 818 mountain engineers battalion Place of settlement: 1.5 km NW Mita, in the Niccone Valley Forces: Actual Forces 10/86/567 Combat Forces 6/36/238 (7) After September 8, 1943, the war was fought also for Italian civilians. To the bulletins from the front were added those from the Italian cities and countryside, a scenario of clashes between the different factions and violent aerial bombardments. On April 25, 1944, the center of Umbertide was heavily bombed by the Allies during the demolition of the bridge over the River Tiber. Seventy-four people lost their lives as a result of this 'successful' military operation which aimed to prevent the retreat of the German army through the main road and rail links, the 'Stassenmeldungen', as they are defined in the German military reports of the epoch. The road that also currently connects the towns of Niccone belonged to this category and Molino Vitelli at Lake Trasimeno and the retreating German army soldiers did not take long to arrive after the defeat of the Battle of Trasimeno, in the last days of June 1944. The military maps show meticulously, with directional arrows, every minimum movement of the troops. Many were drawn up on transparent paper because they were superimposed on geographical maps of the same scale, so that, looking at them together, they provided a detailed picture of the movements of the troops on the territory. The front line, on which the X army of the German army was positioned, was codenamed the “Albert” line and ran from Castiglione della Pescaia, on the Tyrrhenian Sea, to the Adriatic Sea, passing through Mount Amiata and Lake Trasimeno. As for the German troops, the paratroopers of the 'Hermann Göring' battalion operated in the Chiusi area, the 1st paratroop division was positioned in the center of the front line, while the infantry divisions 305 and 334 occupied the eastern side. Opposite were the allied troops of the 6th South African Division, the 4th British Infantry Division, the Canadian and New Zealand 1st Armored Brigade and a Moroccan Infantry Division. The preceding and following maps (8) show the position of the various divisions on June 26, 1944. In the top one, the demarcation and front line known as the “Albert line” is clearly visible. The positions of the allied troops are also reported in detail. Starting from the east we find the Indian, British, Canadian and New Zealand, South African and Moroccan troops. The card below focuses the same allocation of the German troops in the north-eastern area of the Albert Line, with the relative commands of the army and division corps represented respectively by the square and triangular flags In both cards and especially in the following detail, extracted from the second, it is clearly visible how the Niccone valley (highlighted by the arrowhead) is entirely occupied by the 305th Infantry Division. (With the lines, from top to bottom, the localities of Niccone, Montalto and the Dogana are highlighted) The battle of Trasimeno was a typical example of a slowdown battle, already experienced by the German army on the Russian front, through what the military define "active defense", characterized by small but very bloody clashes along the entire 'front' line. The purpose of the German army was mainly to contain the timing of the allied advance, with an orderly retreat towards the northernmost line of defense that had yet to be completed: the Gothic line. In the area directly behind the fighting line, the German troops assigned to the operational management of the retreat were allocated: stabilization of bridges, demining or placement of mines, inspections and inspections aimed at discouraging or combating any partisan formations, displacement of the civilian population from the places of military interest, or from which it was possible to obtain easy supplies for the troops or shelters for the same. In this sense, the whole Niccone valley became a settlement area for the German troops engaged in the battle of Trasimeno and, later, in the retreat to the north. There were various road bridges that were located on the main road that connects Lake Trasimeno to the state road towards Città di Castello. Absolutely a priority to protect them to allow the withdrawal of heavy vehicles and, subsequently, to undermine and destroy them, to prevent the advance of the allied troops. The map below is a section of a larger map (9) showing the situation as of July 1, 1944 of the communication routes and bridges mined or blown up. In the center of the map, with the number 133, the bridge near Penetola is clearly visible, on the provincial road that runs alongside the Niccone stream (the bridge and the town of Penetola are highlighted with arrows). Two German soldiers were constantly guarding this bridge. Dina he went there every morning to bring milk to the two sentries. Often he sent little Antonio to bring the milk to the soldiers, so much confidence had become that he did not fear any risk for his son just eleven years old. Dina remembered them as very young and very thin. One of the two sentries, seeing her emerge from the road after the stream, always went to meet her and repeated continuously the word 'mutti', a confidential term which in German means mother. It was not clear whether he wanted to thank her for that gesture or tell her about his own mother, but it is certain that Dina had the faces of those soldiers well sculpted in her mind and that none of them was neither wounded nor killed in the days preceding the Penetola massacre, like someone. he wanted the men of Molino Vitelli to believe two days earlier. With this justification, on June 27, 1944, the German soldiers stationed nearby locked up all the men of the town of Molino Vitelli in the nearby drying room, threatening to kill them because of the wounding of the sentry guarding the bridge on the road to Mercatale. Molino Vitelli is a small village located along the main road, two kilometers west of Niccone. Shortly after the inhabited area there is a farm, known at the time as Casa Trinari, from the name of the sharecropper who lived there, also known as La Dogana, precisely because an ancient connection road passed and still passes through it. between Umbria and Tuscany, known as 'via di Sant'Anna', from the name of the place of passage. This road is important because it connects the two roads, parallel to each other, which connect the city of Cortona with the SS 3bis state road in the two crucial points close to the towns and the streams of Niccone and Nestore. Two battalions of engineers had been placed to defend and block these two routes, respectively the 305th (Pi. Btl. 305) and the 818th mountain engineers battalion (818 Geb. Pi. Btl). (The arrow indicates the La Dogana locality. In evidence the main roads connecting Cortona and the SS 3 bis that connects Città di Castello and Umbertide. Between the two highlighted streets it is possible to see dozens of cross streets, which can be traveled by the troops of German engineers who moved mainly on foot). The Trinari farmhouse in La Dogana represented for the German military one of those strategic positions to control and garrison, while for the inhabitants it was an absolutely not very quiet area and therefore to be displaced. In fact it was one of the first houses to be occupied by the German troops who arrived in the valley. About twenty soldiers settled there. The names of these men and their commanders, material executors of the Penetola massacre and ferocious murderers of men, women and children, are written in the enrollment register of the second company of the 305th mountain engineers battalion of the German army stationed in central Italy. in the spring-summer of 1944. In a statement dated 26 June 1944 from the General Command of the LXXVI Armored Army Corps (10) it is established that the 305th Infantry Division will assume command of operations east of the Tiber starting at 12.00 on 27 June 1944. Al command of the 305th division is General Hauck. The most significant document regarding the ascertainment of the responsibilities of the 305th Engineers Battalion for the Penetola massacre dates back to the previous day, to 25 June 1944, and has already been reported at the end of the second chapter. In it, the exact reference to the location of the second company of the 305th Engineers Battalion is fundamental: 1.5 kilometers northwest of Mita, which corresponds exactly to the La Dogana locality, known at the time as 'Casa Trinari' and from where the soldiers responsible for the massacre left. Dino Trinari, then seventeen, had stayed with his father and uncle at La Dogana, because the fields and cattle could not be abandoned. The German soldiers occupied the habitable floor of the house and housed Dino and his family in the stables, calling them whenever they needed food or other things. Among the twenty or so soldiers present in the house, Dino remembers two in a particular way. A boy originally from Trieste, with whom he exchanged a few sentences from time to time, given his excellent knowledge of the Italian language, and another soldier, who also used to take care of the provision of the group, whose teeth could not be overlooked. metal teeth (11). The commanding officers were lodged not far away, at the Castle of Montalto, from where they gave the various orders going downhill from time to time by the troops. On June 26, 1944, Dino Trinari saw some officers arrive at the Customs in a car and talk to the soldiers. One of these told him that the officers came from the command of Montalto. On the morning of June 27, the soldiers stationed at the Trinari house locked up all the men they managed to capture in the area inside a tobacco dryer in Molino Vitelli. They claimed that one of the sentries guarding the bridge on the road to Mercatale had been injured and that people would be executed (12). The soldiers ordered Dino Trinari, his father and his uncle to be locked up in the stable, reassuring them that nothing would happen to them. Once all the men rounded up were locked up, Dino saw the officers from the day before arrive again, still aboard the same car. He saw them go up to the habitable floor of his house, followed by some local women, led by force under the threat of weapons. Later he learned that those women had been raped by the officers, while the soldiers kept their men locked up in the school of Molino Vitelli, unaware of everything and with the anguish of being executed for something they had not committed. The officers left the Trinari house around noon. Soon after the soldiers released the men locked up in the school claiming that the sentry was not in danger of death and that therefore no one would be killed in retaliation. No sentry appeared to have been injured or even killed. However, according to the measures of revenge established by Kesserling, the dreaded Sussmassnahmen contained in the infamous ordinance of June 16, 1944, even in the event of the wounding of soldiers, not only for their death, executions had to be carried out and therefore the 'lightning kidnapping' and the release of all the men in the area by the soldiers, without any reprisals, cannot be explained at all, despite the alleged wounding of the bridge sentry. The kidnapping, on the other hand, can be understood very well if it is placed in relation to the violence against women by the command officers. The same rape could have been an occasional event, unfortunately very frequent in the behavior of the soldiers of that period, since the visit of the officers was actually due to the need to give orders to the soldiers for the massacre of the following night. In fact, as soon as the officers were gone, one of the soldiers approached Dino Trinari holding a card with the farmhouses in the area listed on it. The soldier asked Dino to show him where the house already marked among others on the map was: it was the Penetola cottage and Dino unwittingly indicated the way to reach it to the soldier who, evidently, had already received very specific orders on what to do. That evening the soldiers dined outside in front of the Trinari house: they ate and drank heavily. The one who served as cook in the afternoon had been seen wandering around armed together to a fellow soldier, in the vicinity of the farmhouses in the area to collect, by removing it from the mouths of the peasants, all that could be used at the soldiers' banquet. The two had also fired several rifle shots aimed at threatening some peasants. They had also tried to rape women (13). Dino's uncle and father were seated at the table and forced to drink for the amusement of their guests. After having eaten and above all drunk in large quantities, the soldiers began to confuse inside and outside the house, throwing water, objects, destroying everything they could find at hand. As soon as midnight passed, they put their backpacks on their shoulders and walked towards Niccone, avoiding the main road, following the more hidden path at the edge of the wood that runs along the stream. Path that leads to the Penetola farmyard. It was about one o'clock when they reached the house. They woke the inhabitants, robbed them of all their belongings and locked them in a single room: 24 people including men, women and children. Dino Trinari, who just got ready to go to the fields, saw the 18 soldiers return along the stream and across the fields, their backpacks much more swollen than when they had left, some half-open they were so full of things stolen from the families of the settlers and of the evacuees of Penetola. One of them told him: "We burned three houses and killed 30 partisans". They went upstairs to sleep. At dusk on June 28, in total tranquility, they left telling Dino that they had to reach Florence. They took the direction towards S. Anna, crossing the hills, away from the main road. As proof of the veracity of this testimony, it is enough to observe the paper attached to the German document of 25 June 1944 previously cited: the soldiers stationed at La Dogana set out on the evening of 28 June 1944 towards the north through the road that from La Dogana, leads on the connecting road between Cortona and Città di Castello. The direction of travel and the date of the move are clearly evident on the map: bis 28. 6. (until June 28, ed). (the line indicates the locality La Dogana) In the night between 28 and 29 June 1944 the HuD division, already stationed at Umbertide, took the place of the 305th Infantry Division and related control of the area (14). The command of the HuD division takes office at the castle of Montalto in the late afternoon of June 30, 1944, as is clear from a document of the division itself (15). It was probably some officers of this division, already in place on the morning of June 28, who gave the order to take the wounded Mario and Dina Avorio to the Seminary of Città di Castello and to question them in the following days. The fact that during the interrogation the officers had declared to Mario and Dina that they had not heard of any retaliatory orders, reinforces the conviction that the soldiers responsible for the massacre did not respond to their division, but to the 305th Infantry Division, which had already evacuated the area. In the case of Penetola, two loud 'screeches' cannot be ignored with respect to the dynamics that precede and follow a Nazi massacre. The aid given by German soldiers to the victims of a massacre carried out by the German troops themselves is singular; aid given at the risk of one's life, covering a long journey and presenting the victims as 'banditen' (partisans) to the caregivers. Behavior that, as examined in many other massacres committed by the Germans, does not seem to have ever occurred as a result of a massacre order. Even more unusual was the double interrogation of Mario Avorio and Dina Orsini, hospitalized at the Seminary of Città di Castello, by German soldiers, who sought the reasons for it from the survivors of the Nazi massacre. Just 6 days after the Penetola massacre, on 6 July 1944, at 3.45 pm, the headquarters of the allied tactical command arrives at the Castle of Montalto, where on 9 July at 7.30 pm, the parish priest Don Ettore celebrates a mass together with the officers of the allied command (16). From the castle the latter certainly could not avoid observing the devastation of Penetola, nor did they miss the opportunity to inquire about the events, since they were in the house of the owner of the cottage, but everything was liquidated with a lapidary and imprecise account of three stripes. And for years everyone wanted to believe that in Penetola he had killed himself because "some shots had been directed from the hills towards some German soldiers", as the only mention of the story in the allied documents states (17). On June 28, 1974, thirty years after the massacre, a plaque and a monumental stone were placed respectively on the wall of the Penetola farmhouse and on the provincial road, near the path to reach it. I don't hate we ask who stays, only memory, so that others do not have to die by the murderous hand. The memorial stone in memory of the victims of Penetola on which these words are reported is placed on the side of the road, clearly visible even to the fast motorist. With its few but incisive verses it reminds all passers-by of the events narrated up to now and hands the memory over to future generations. The monuments in honor of victims and fallen are a bit like road signs of danger: they prevent those who are not aware or have no memory of the abyss from ending up in it. Our civil and moral responsibility towards future generations is to continue to make these 'signals', the verses and events that they pass on significant, and, if possible, to broaden their echo, with truth and justice, through written and oral testimonies. . Paola Ivory NOTE: 1. As regards the definition of 'hidden massacre', see the study by Mimmo Franzinelli, Le massacre hidden. The cabinet of shame: impunity and removal of Nazi-fascism war crimes 1943-2001, Mondatori, Le Scie, 2002. 2. The term 'war on civilians' is coined and amply illustrated by Battini and Pezzino in War on civilians, Venice, Marsilio 1997. 3. Monsignor Beniamino Schivo was born in Gallio (Vicenza) on June 28, 1910. After completing his studies in the seminaries of Città di Castello and Assisi, he was ordained a priest on June 24, 1933. He has held numerous and prestigious positions in the diocese of City of Castello. On June 16, 1983, Pope John Paul II appointed him apostolic protonotary. During the passage of the front through the Upper Tiber Valley in the summer of 1944, he remained in Città di Castello, helping wherever needed, including setting up a makeshift hospital on the premises of the Seminary. He managed to hide and save the family German Korn, of Jewish origin, interned in Città di Castello. He was awarded the recognition of 'Righteous among the Nations' by the Yad Vashem foundation of Jerusalem and the gold medal for civil valor by the President of the Italian Republic, on January 24, 2008. The motivation for this last honor reads: " Priest of high human and civil qualities, during the last world war, racial persecutions underway, with heroic courage and commendable self-denial, helped a German family of Jewish origin to escape from Città di Castello, where she had been interned , subsequently providing her with hiding places, food and clothing. A wonderful example of consistency and moral rigor based on the highest Christian values and human solidarity ". On 28 June 2010, Monsignor Beniamino Schivo turned one hundred years old. 4. G. Bottaccioli, “ Penetola. Not all the dead die. 6/28-1944 ", p. 26, (from Dina's story). 5. Historical Archive of Umbertide, Cat.2, Cl.4, Claims for damages following the aerial bombardment of the town of Niccone by the Allied Air Force on 29 June 1944, presented by Edgarda Forni, Aldo Forni, Medici Decio , Caprini Medici Adele, Pietro Giunti, and others, on 5 September 1944. 6. Psychological Warfare Branch Report - Allied Political Information and Propaganda Service, in Public Record Office (PRO) War Office (WO) 204/11008 8 Army reports: No29, 13-07-44 in Roger Absalom, (ed.) , Perugia freed. Anglo-American documents on the occupation of Perugia (1944-1945), Florence, Olschki editore, 2001 7. Military Archive of Freiburg, RH 24-76 / 13 Anlage zum KTB nr 2, rda 8. Military Archive of Freiburg, in RH 24-51 / 85. 9. Military Archive of Freiburg, in RH 10. Military Archive of Freiburg, RH 24-76 / 13 Anlage zum KTB nr 2 s. 51 11. Giovanni Bottaccioli is also well remembered of this soldier who in his writing "PENETOLA Not all the dead die" op. cit., which so reports “ The soldier with the basket also wore a 'cook's zinarola'. I remember his teeth that I could see between his lips and that about half were made of steel teeth. Certain details are never forgotten ". 12. Giovanni Bottaccioli, op. cit. p.9. 13. See G. Bottaccioli, op. cit .. 14. Military Archive of Freiburg, RH 24.51 / 101 Anlage zum KTB nr 2. 15. Military Archive of Freiburg RH 26-44-60, s. 131. 16. The Allies in Umbria 1944-45, Proceedings of the Day of the Allies conference, Perugia, 12 January 1999, Uguccione Ranieri di Corbello Foundation, Perugia, 2000, p.71 et seq. 17. See note 9 in Chapter One "Three Crosses" of Paola Ivory.

Memorie di Bellarosa Villarini Anna Maria Memorie di Bellorosa, Villarini Anna Maria di anni 75 MARTEDÌ 25 APRILE 1944. BOMBARDAMENTO DI UMBERTIDE Umbertide comprendeva allora la parte vecchia (quella che oggi si chiama il "centro storico"), più via Roma, detta anche "le case nove", dove io abitavo al n.16, e che dal paese portava alla Pineta, meta di lunghe passeggiate. Era una strada costituita da due file di case parallele, una più corta che arrivava all'incrocio di via XX Settembre e conduceva alla stazione e l'altra più lunga, che terminava con la segheria che mio padre, Bellarosa Astorre falegname, aveva costruito con fatica insieme ad altri soci, ed infine con la "bettola" dei Gonfiacani. Avevo 14 anni e questo era il mio mondo, dove ci conoscevamo tutti ma non più in serenità, perché la guerra, che aveva portato al fronte molti giovani, ci aveva costretto alla fame e alla miseria. Frequentavo la terza media ma non più nell'edificio specifico, l'attuale scuola elementare di via Garibaldi, perché occupato da un comando tedesco, ma nella sede della Scuola di Avviamento Professionale (ora Centro socio-culturale San Francesco), facendo tempi alternati ed orario di lezioni ridotto. Avevo 14 anni e, malgrado tutto, vivevo la mia adolescenza spensierata con le mie amiche. Quella mattina ero andata da una di loro, che abitava all'inizio di via Roma, non mi ricordo per quale ragione, forse per un compito di scuola. Avevo suonato al portone e aspettavo che si affacciasse alla finestra, quando ho sentito e visto proprio sopra la strada un aereo volare basso e poi un boato. Era iniziato il bombardamento del nostro paese da parte dell'aviazione inglese. Spaventata, sono corsa verso casa mia mentre gli aerei continuavano a bombardare e colpivano la casa degli" Schiopetini", che era subito dietro la strada dove stavo correndo terrorizzata. Arrivai al mio portone e li trovai tutta la mia famiglia che mi aspettava. Insieme andammo per un vicolo che era sul retro della casa e attraverso gli orti verso la “Regghia". Fu allora che io, dimostrando una forma di egoismo che non mi conoscevo, attraversai il torrente e incurante della presenza o meno dei miei familiari (sapevo che mia madre non poteva camminare in fretta), mi sono messa a correre in mezzo a tante altre persone che conoscevo, ma tutte preoccupate solo di essere veloci. Intanto gli aerei continuavano a girarci sopra e avevano cominciato a mitragliare, forse un accampamento tedesco collocato nel “campo boario",nella zona dell' attuale piattaforma Ad un certo punto mi sono sentita afferrare da dietro: era mio padre, che giustamente mi ha dato un calcio nel sedere e mi ha riportato con mia madre Tecla e mia sorella Felicina. Fig. n. 2: Astorre Bellarosa, poi sindaco di Umbertide nel dopoguerra. Immagine da ASCU. Ci disperdemmo tutti nei campi vicini al paese, accucciati nell'erba, guardandoci l'un l'altro spaventati, senza quasi dirci una parola. Non sapevamo ancora l'orrendo massacro che era avvenuto in paese, dove il popolare rione San Giovanni era stato distrutto come altre case nei dintorni, con tante vittime. L'obiettivo del bombardamento era il ponte metallico della ferrovia sul fiume Tevere, che invece non era stato toccato e perciò, il pomeriggio dello stesso, giorno gli aerei sono tornati a compiere l'opera. Voci filtravano di tanti morti, intere famiglie, tutte composte nella chiesa della Collegiata. Si cercava fra le macerie, ma io di questa parte della tragedia non conosco nulla, solo, dopo lo spavento, i nomi, tutti conosciuti, delle vittime. E su tutto è caduto un velo nero. Per la notte abbiamo trovato rifugio, insieme ad altre persone, nel fienile di Violini, un contadino che abitava in un “toppo" sopra al paese, nella zona della Pineta, ora trasformato in una ricca villa con viale. MARTEDÌ 25 APRILE 1944. BOMBARDAMENTO DI UMBERTIDE SABATO 24 GIUGNO 1944. RAPPRESAGLIA NAZISTA A SERRA PARTUCCI DI UMBERTIDE. Dopo il bombardamento Umbertide si è svuotato.Tutti gli abitanti hanno cercato rifugio presso i contadini delle zone circostanti che, con vero senso di solidarietà, li hanno accolti nelle loro case. Erano case coloniche povere, senza bagno, senza acqua, spesso senza strada se non un sentiero scosceso e sassoso, ma ogni famiglia vi ha trovato la sua sistemazione, anche se precaria. Comunque ci sentivamo più sicuri e riparati dalla guerra che incombeva e precipitava nei suoi ultimi terribili sussulti. Mio padre Astorre, falegname, aveva come clienti molti contadini e fra questi si è messo d'accordo con uno che abitava alla Serra. Specificamente questa località si chiamava Serra Partucci ed era costituita da una collina con un vecchio castello medievale dove fu poi trasferito, in maniera molto disagevole, ma anche molto utile, l'Ospedale "Istituti Riuniti di Beneficenza", dove vennero ricoverati e curati anche i molti feriti del bombardamento. La famiglia dove noi ci sistemammo aveva per vocabolo, come si usava allora, “I Bianconi", (non ho mai conosciuto il loro cognome anagrafico) ed era composta dal contadino, la moglie, tre figli piccoli, la nonna, un fratello e una sorella, questi ultimi entrambi con problemi mentali che, per quanto loro possibile, aiutavano nel lavoro. In questa famiglia c'era un estraneo, un giovane slavo, un bel ragazzone robusto dal viso gioioso che si chiamava Cernic Domenico. Parlava bene lo slavo, che era la sua lingua, ma anche l'italiano e il tedesco. Fig. n. 3: Domenico Cernic. Foto da Fabio Mariotti. Era fuggito dall'esercito nel momento dell' armistizio ma, non potendo raggiungere la sua casa e la sua famiglia a Gorizia, si era ricordato di un amico commilitone che abitava in questa zona e vi aveva fatto riferimento. Mio padre si è ricordato poi che proprio a lui, che era fuori della sua segheria, quello stesso giovane aveva chiesto la strada per andare alla Serra, ed ora si erano fortunosamente rincontrati. ll contadino ci ha dato come camera un ambiente in casa sua e un capannone che alla meglio sistemammo come cucina. Voglio ricordare che i letti, le sedie, il tavolo e le varie suppellettili necessarie per sopravvivere le abbiamo velocemente caricate su un carro tirato da buoi con il quale "Bianconi" ci era venuto a prendere. Per me cominciò una vita tutta diversa: prima di tutto conobbi direttamente il valore dell'umanità e dell'amicizia, poi fui presa da quella vita e imparai a falciare, mietere, guidare la "treggia"con i buoi, (carro agricolo senza ruote idoneo a percorrere zone ripide e sassose anche con il fango profondo) con la quale andare a prendere l'acqua, che si trovava solo in una spianata sotto casa. Aiutavo anche la nonna in cucina perché spesso mangiavamo tutti assieme. Ma il centro della compagnia era sempre Domenico, divenuto indispensabile per il lavoro nei campi, ma anche per il lavoro di sarto, che era poi il suo mestiere. A me piaceva osservare i vari personaggi, e notavo l'andatura in avanti a gambe leggermente divaricate e piegate del contadino Pietro, abituato a lavorare e camminare in zone ripide, la moglie Rosa dal viso sorridente che correva sempre (aveva tanto da fare), molto gradita quando arrivava nei campi dove lavoravano, con una grande cesta in testa con torta, erba, talvolta prosciutto, vino e acqua, Berto, il fratello molto rallentato, che si dedicava soprattutto alle stalle, e Lalla, la sorella, che non riusciva nemmeno a parlare e faceva, a modo suo, le pulizie di casa, mentre la nonna Natalina si arrangiava in cucina. Poi c'era sempre Domenico che, oltre a lavorare molto, trovava anche il tempo di giocare con me e i tre bambini piccoli: facevamo le corse in una stradina in discesa che portava al piccolo cimitero, facevamo a gara nel salire sugli alberi, coglievamo le ciliege che, poi, ci rubavamo l'un l'altro. Da alcuni giorni erano arrivati anche due fratelli di Domenico, Daniele e Luigi che, saputo il luogo dove si era rifugiato, erano venuti per aiutarlo. Anche loro trovarono ospitalità, Daniele in casa di “Biancone", Luigi da un contadino vicino, in cambio della loro volonterosa prestazione di lavoro, sempre in attesa di una situazione che permettesse loro di tornare tutti a casa. Gli eventi poi precipitarono: ci furono due bombardamenti per colpire la ferrovia Appennino, il trenino che portava a Gubbio, durante i quali gli aerei facevano la "picchiata" partendo proprio dalla Serra (ne vedevamo i piloti dentro le cabine) per colpire anche la stazioncina, che noi dall'alto vedevamo come una piccola scatolina. Spaventati, costruimmo delle buche nelle greppate che ritenevamo più riparate, come rifugi. Cominciarono a transitare i tedeschi, che si appropriavano del bestiame (hanno costretto mio padre a scuoiare un vitello che loro avevano ammazzato) finché arrivò un comando che si insediò nel capannone da noi usato come cucina e noi fummo costretti a sloggiare. Ci trasferimmo nella casa del parroco Don Giuseppe Filippi, perché la chiesa era nello stesso spiazzo della casa dove noi stavamo. Qui ci ritrovammo in parecchie famiglie, forse una ventina di persone, perché i tedeschi stavano invadendo la zona. Eravamo tutti spaventati, ma riuscivamo a convivere nel ristretto spazio a disposizione. Mi ricordo che un giorno vennero, nella casa del prete dove alloggiavamo, un drappello di tedeschi, e poiché si sapeva di violenze e di stupri noi donne ci chiudemmo in un locale superiore. Ascoltavamo attente l'evolversi della situazione. Quel parlare duro e gutturale mi dava un'angoscia tremenda che involontariamente tutt'oggi provo quando sento parlare questa lingua. Poi sentimmo Natalino Villarini e Gaetano Fronduti, mariti e padri del nostro gruppo, che cantavano pezzi d'opera e i tedeschi che ridevano e applaudivano: cosi riuscirono a distrarli e rabbonirli. Non ricordo bene dove fossi di preciso il giorno sabato 24 giugno, ma solo che ho sentito per prima i tedeschi che erano entrati nella casa del prete e detti l'allarme. Non portai alcun aiuto perché in pochi secondi passarono tutti gli ambienti e ci costrinsero ad uscire nello spiazzo antistante. Ci hanno ammucchiato a ridosso del pozzo che era (ed è tutt'ora) in un lato ed eravamo tutti li, uomini, donne, bambini, anziani. C'erano anche due giovani contadini che tornando a casa nella vallata si sono trovati li per caso. I tedeschi avevano lasciato in casa del prete solo Emma, la moglie di Natalino, che era in gravidanza molto avanzata, e Natalina nella casa del contadino, perché molto vecchia. C'erano quattro piccole strade, meglio dire sentieri, che portavano allo spiazzo dove eravamo raggruppati e in ognuna di queste c'era piazzato un soldato con il mitra. In quel momento io non ebbi la piena consapevolezza di ciò che stava accadendo, sentivo però che eravamo in un grave, oscuro pericolo. Sul mezzo si mise un ufficiale con ai lati altri soldati con le armi in pugno. Aveva dei piccoli occhiali dorati, sguardo freddo, capelli biondi. Quel viso con la sua espressione gelida è incancellabile nella mia memoria fin nei minimi particolari. Cominciò a parlare in un italiano stentato. Capivo solo alcune parole, ma non il filo del discorso fino a che disse, e questo lo capii, che uno di noi doveva andare con loro. Passò con lo sguardo tutti noi quindi si fermò, alzò il braccio e con l'indice fece il cenno di richiamo. Io guardavo e ho visto mio padre, che era davanti a Domenico, fare un passo avanti chiedendo. "lo?". Domenico, che era intelligente e per di più conosceva bene i tedeschi e la loro lingua, gli mise una mano sulla spalla e con voce chiara che tutti abbiamo sentito, gli ha detto: " No Bellarosa, è per me". Certo che quelle SS naziste, la cui identità specifica a me era sconosciuta, (per me i tedeschi erano tutti ugualmente cattivi) avevano scelto nel mucchio il migliore come vittima privilegiata. Si sentiva un silenzio pesante composto dal terrore di ognuno di noi. Domenico era in maniche di camicia perché stava lavorando. Avanzò fino a giungere davanti all'ufficiale e gli chiese se poteva andare in casa a prendere la giacca. Gli fu consentito e sparì dalla nostra visuale perché la scala esterna era dall'altro lato. Dopo pochi secondi riapparve e con il braccio che infilava ancora la manica ci ha fatto un ampio gesto di saluto. Questa immagine è impressa nella mia memoria come l'istantanea di un fotogramma, precisa in ogni particolare e fissata per sempre. Spesso sono dovuta tornare sul posto e, malgrado la scena sia cambiata perché la casa colonica è in disfacimento e la chiesa chiusa e abbandonata, rivedo quel viso giovane e aperto che ci saluta. Lui sapeva quello che lo aspettava, perché quando è andato in casa a prendere la giacca, alla vecchia Natalina ha consegnato l'orologio da polso e il portafoglio dicendole di darli ai suoi fratelli Luigi e Daniele che erano rimasti insieme a noi nel gruppo. Alle rimostranze della donna che gli chiedeva il perché di quel gesto, rispose."Natalina addio. Mi ammazzano." Questo tragico particolare lo abbiamo saputo dopo che i tedeschi sono andati via, sparendo in una "greppata" proprio sotto il Castello e portandosi via Domenico. Per alcuni secondi rimanemmo tutti in silenzio, immobili. Poi cominciammo a parlare sottovoce dicendo frasi inutili e sconnesse per la paura, mentre i due fratelli si disperavano. Passarono solo pochi minuti, poi sentimmo il fragore di una mitragliata e capimmo subito ciò che era avvenuto. L'incognita del cosa, del come, del dove fosse stato fatto si espresse nei visi che si guardavano attoniti. Fig. n. 4: il video dei colpi della fucilazione impressi nel muro a Serra Partucci. Fu mio padre che per primo prese l'iniziativa di “andare a vedere", e chiese aiuto al parroco che per la sua missione accettò, mentre gli altri, spaventati, non fiatarono. Solo Gaetano si fece avanti, ma disse che era pericoloso e propose di chiedere aiuto al comando tedesco installato nel capannone vicino (che però durante l'operazione non si era visto per niente). Andarono e quando tornarono dissero che erano stati comprensivi e che avevano scritto un permesso di movimento, ma che avevano anche aggiunto fosse di poco valore di fronte a quel reparto speciale di SS, indipendente da ogni comando e libero di agire senza alcun condizionamento. Comunque andarono e dopo poco tempo tornarono inorriditi dicendo di aver trovato i corpi martoriati dai colpi di cinque giovani, fra cui Domenico, a ridosso di un piccolo capanno vicino alla casa colonica dei "Centovalle". Chiusi in casa, urlanti, avevano trovato tutta la famiglia, tra cui la moglie con due figlie piccole di uno degli uccisi. Mio padre ha detto che nel piccolo fossato che era proprio lungo quel muro maledetto scorreva copioso, come un piccolo ruscello, il sangue di quelle cinque giovani vittime innocenti. Particolare che dimostra la ferocia crudele e inumana di quei soldati è l'aver messo al muro due fratelli, di cui uno diciassettenne, della famiglia dei Radicchi, un giovane maestro del paese che conoscevo e che sfortunatamente si trovava per strada su un carro di buoi per trasferirsi dalla zona di Pierantonio, dove era sfollato con la sua famiglia, in una zona più sicura per salvarsi dai continui rastrellamenti, e due fratelli della famiglia dei"Centovalle". Secondo la loro macabra contabilità il conto era chiuso: cinque giovani italiani erano li pronti a pagare il ferimento di un soldato tedesco. Questa motivazione l'ho saputa dopo, ma l'ufficiale ce lo aveva già spiegato nel suo parlare iniziale ed era una regola applicata "normalmente" dalle SS: un morto tedesco valeva dieci vite italiane, un ferito valeva cinque vite italiane. Infatti tanti ne avevano messi al muro per un loro ferito, ma poi si accorsero che uno di questi, Quinto dei fratelli Centovalle, era senza una mano perché invalido per un incidente avuto con il trincia-erba e perciò non lo ritennero"abile" a far parte dei cinque. Comunque lo lasciarono li in fila, in attesa insieme agli altri, come riserva se non avessero trovato di meglio, mentre un drappello di loro venne a cercare il quinto “sano" e lo trovarono da noi, intero e robusto: Domenico. Quello che avvenne poi per me è solo un susseguirsi di fatti raccontati, non visti e poco ascoltati perché tutto di me, anima e corpo, rifiutava quella orribile realtà. So che gli uomini della nostra spaurita comunità andarono con una "treggia” tirata dai buoi e che con questa trasportarono i corpi nella chiesetta del piccolo cimitero li vicino. So che fecero cinque fosse e con delle protezioni di assi di legno (non so dove le abbiano potute trovare) li seppellirono, uguali nel destino, distinti solo dai nomi scritti su dei cartoncini. Era finita la mia innocente serenità di adolescente. Fig. n. 5: Anni '50 ad Umbertide. una "treggia" trainata dai buoi. Immagine da Fabio Mariotti "ASCU". Fig: n. 6: I visi delle 5 vittime della Rappresaglia, da Mario Tosti, "Cinque cipressi. 24 giugno 1944: rappresaglia a Serra Partucci"., edito da Gruppo Editoriale Locale, 2014. Desidero continuare per raccontare un ultimo episodio che segnò la mia famiglia. Mio padre quasi ogni settimana andava, logicamente a piedi, in paese per vedere la situazione e controllare ciò che rappresentava tutto ciò che avevamo: la sua segheria e la nostra casa. Un mattino guardavamo il paese dall'alto dove eravamo, e notammo un grande fumo che si alzava verso il cielo. Mio padre disse subito:"Brucia la mia segheria!" lo non riuscii a capire come avesse localizzato l'incendio da cosi lontano, ma era vero. Solo quella struttura fu bruciata completamente, con tutte le macchine che c'erano dentro, frutto del duro lavoro di mio padre e del socio Riego Maccarelli.(Ricordo che mio padre, stanco e coperto di segatura, dopo pranzato si sdraiava in cucina sopra una coperta, per terra e cosi riposava qualche minuto prima di tornare al lavoro). Ora si trovava senza più niente, e non aveva più l'età per ricominciare. Cosi sono stati colpiti intenzionalmente due antifascisti che avevano sempre lottato per la libertà malgrado i pestaggi, gli inseguimenti con colpi di rivoltella, il carcere e le torture cui li sottoposero i fascisti. … Continuarono fucilazioni di giovani, incendi di case con dentro intere famiglie, e violenze di ogni genere. Poi tutto ebbe fine. Ci fu la liberazione e tornammo in un paese desolato, distrutto, ciascuno con la propria tragedia. Noi lasciammo con amarezza i “Bianconi" e quel luogo cosi bello e cosi amico. Mia sorella Felicina pianse. Ma dovevamo andare avanti, malgrado tutto. E cosi fu. Raccontare questo tragico passato pensavo mi avrebbe dato angoscia, invece mi sono sentita sollevata perché le mie parole hanno fatto rivivere tante persone da non dimenticare. Alla mia età e con la mia esperienza credo fermamente che gli uomini, tutti gli uomini di ogni paese e di ogni razza, per progredire e distribuire equamente giustizia debbano fermare ogni tipo di guerra, che sempre uccide e distrugge, per creare un'unica, grande Pace che comprenda tutto il mondo e tutta I'umanità. E' un sogno, ma un sogno possibile. 15 maggio 2005 Fonti: - Testo autobiografico della direttrice Anna Maria Bellarosa Villarini, pubblicata con il permesso del figlio, il prof. Carlo Villarini. - Immagine di Anna Maria Bellarosa Villarini sul tetto del suo terrazzo in Via Roma all'Archivio della famiglia Villarini. - Immagini da Fabio Mariotti e A.S.C.U. (Archivio storico comunale di Umbertide). Qui la contestualizzazione dell'eccidio fatta da Fabio Mariotti con lo scenario del fronte sul nostro sito: https://umbertidestoria.net/i-percorsi-della-memoria#larappresagliadiserrapartucci - Immagine delle cinque vittime di Serra Partucci da Mario Tosti, "Cinque cipressi. 24 giugno 1944: rappresaglia a Serra Partucci"., edito da Gruppo editoriale locae, 2014. Questa opera presenta una ricostruzione degli eventi accurata e, all'interno sono presenti anche i ricordi di Anna Maria Bellarosa Villarini.

Piano del Nese Nella zona pianeggiante lungo il corso del Torrente Nese vi fu una larga diffusione degli abitati sparsi; le costruzioni si dispongono principalmente lungo il letto del Torrente Nese, anche se in nuclei ristretti e posti a breve distanza tra loro. Immagine 1: Abitati sparsi lungo la sponda sinistra del torrente Nese in aggetto rispetto alla pianura. Si hanno, però, scarsissime notizie che non favoriscono la ricostruzione delle vicende che hanno riguardato questi nuclei abitativi indicati come “Pian di Nese”, contrastando così con un territorio piuttosto singolare, sia dal punto di vista geografico, sia per le vicende storiche che hanno interessato tale settore del contado perugino, soggetto a invasioni e incursioni. La struttura visibile Oggi molte di queste strutture sono state abbandonate o trasformate in edifici rurali, ma in origine avevano una struttura disposta in modo tale da definire volontariamente una organizzazione difensiva: grandi basamenti a volte provvisti di contrafforti aggettanti; la parte abitata dal nucleo familiare saldamente eretta a pianta regolare quadrilatera; poche aperture o fessure in prossimità della base. Questi caratteri erano peculiari delle strutture rurali fortificate, largamente diffuse nella anche campagna umbertidese durante tutto il XII-XIII secolo. In effetti, nel tessuto insediativo castrense di cui faceva parte anche Piano del Nese si hanno molti esempi di abitati con un corpo a torre. Le vecchie case-torri medievali durante la diffusione della mezzadria diventarono il punto di riferimento, quando possibile della nuova tipologia di sfruttamento indiretto della proprietà agricola diventando il punto di riferimento fisico, di fianco o intorno al quale altre strutture venivano aggiunte. L’antica tipologia perde così, pian piano, la sua originale funzione di difesa a favore di quella economico-produttiva. Tra i centri abitati o singole case presenti, Piano del Nese si rivela come un tipico complesso di insediamenti con caratteri di abitato sparso, diffuso in una stessa area, molto simile agli impianti riconducibili a villae e delimitato nel versante a sud solo dallo scorrimento del Torrente Nese, che oggi coincide, in parte, con il confine territoriale del Comune di Perugia. L’abitato sparso indicato come Piano del Nese, si sviluppa in collina tra due corsi d’acqua minori e l’importante strada provinciale che conduce dall’antica Fratta verso i centri del Trasimeno o a Perugia. Immagine 2: Abitato sparso denominato oggi “Pian di Nese” con casa-torre medievale e piccola chiesa, non visibile nell’inquadratura, lungo la sponda sinistra del torrente Nese in aggetto rispetto alla pianura. Rispetto ad altri siti presenti nel territorio ha oggi assunto minore rilievo, ma la presenza di questo insediamento era certamente importante va connessa all’esistenza dell’antico Castrum Preitinum un tempo probabilmente vicino, ora non più individuabile ma punto di forza del settore estremo del contado verso Perugia. A presidio del tratto torrentizio che scorre in prossimità della località Piano del Nese si può individuare la presenza dell’edificio fortificato identificato come torre di Santa Giuliana, alla quale è unita la chiesa omonima, posizionato a metà strada da Pian di Nese e la confluenza del torrente nel Tevere, di poco a sud del Castello di Santa Giuliana. Il complesso è posto qui come struttura a dominio della zona ad ovest pianeggiante. Stime catastali danno notizie della presenza di una chiesa, non riportata però nelle Rationes Decimarum, proprio in località Piano del Nese: l’ente risulta allibrato nel XIV secolo tra quelli appartenenti al contado di porta Sant’Angelo ed è intitolato a San Pietro de Anese. Il Grohmann ricorda a tale proposito che la chiesa di S. Pietro era iscritta per 5 libre e dipendente dal monastero di S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto. La Storia Conosciuta Anche se abbiamo ben poche notizie riguardanti il territorio, è ipotizzabile che tale settore fosse coinvolto nelle vicende storiche e politiche che colpirono anche castra e villae circostanti, quali Bisciaro, Racchiusole, Valenzino, Santa Giuliana e Castrum Preitinum; in ogni caso, questi avvenimenti rappresentavano il riflesso di ciò che accadeva a Perugia, i cui esiti dimostravano un assorbimento positivo o negativo (ovvero il rifiuto) dei fenomeni che riguardavano questi centri. Immagine 3:nella carta si può notare il simbolo del ponte sul torrente e la presenza del simbolo di edifici; caseggiato che, suggestivamente, si “sovrappone” alla posizione dell’ex Osteria di Pian di Nese esistente. Particolare della "“DESCRITTIONE DEL TERRITORIO DI PERVGIA AVGVSTA ET DEI LUOGHI CIRCONVICINI DEL P M EGNATIO DANTI DA PERUGIA MATEMATICO DELLO STUDIO DI BOLOG.A”", 1577. da Source gallica.bnf.fr - Bibliothèque nationale de France (BNF) . I caratteri minimamente autonomi che interessarono Piano del Nese derivarono dalla volontà della comunità ivi residente di sostenere e mantenere i rapporti con il resto degli abitanti circostanti, dotandosi per questo di valide infrastrutture, ottenute grazie alle concessioni del Consiglio dei priori: la realizzazione di un ponte sul Torrente Nese, probabilmente nella zona che oggi nelle carte è indicata con il toponimo Ponte Nese o comunque in sua prossimità, tende a sottolineare il rilievo goduto dal luogo e, dunque, dalla sua comunità, nel corso del tempo e in epoca risalente, permettendo anche di rilevare il ruolo ben definito di questo settore comitatino come snodo commerciale e supporto economico per la zona: agevole era, infatti, il collegamento fluviale con il Torrente Càina che scorre poco più a sud, e la vicinanza dell’abitato con l’articolata viabilità stradale. Immagine 4: l’ex Osteria e stazione di posta di Pian di Nese. Fotografie: Francesco Deplanu Carta: Carta corografica di Perugia del 1577, di Ignazio Danti, incisa da Mario Cartaro a Roma nel 1580 da Source gallica.bnf.fr / Bibliothèque nationale de France.

Street Games (edited by Francesco Deplanu) The Ruzzolone The "Ruzzolone" is a popular game much followed by Umbertine until a few decades ago, its origins seem ancient, practiced throughout Italy as "tumbles" or "ruzzica" some author makes it descend from classical antiquity with the passage then to Etruscan world seeing in the iconography of the "discus thrower" or "thrower" in the tomb of the Necropolis of the Monterozzi di Tarquinia because of the launching position that does not conform to the classic iconography of the thrower. Detail of image from: https://www.etruscopolis.com/tomba-delle-olimpiadi However, news about popular games is rare, with the revival of the interests of the traditions of the Volk in the romantic period the search for information began. In Umbria, in Perugia, according to what prof. Sciurpa in his "blogspot", quoted in the sources, the news comes mainly from the official news aimed above all at delimiting its use. Launch of the tumbler It was played on feast days, dressed in good clothes, from the Easter period onwards. The Ruzzolone could be a form of aged and very hardened cheese or in wood, often of rowan according to what prof. Sciurpa . It had a diameter of about 30-40 cm and could weigh from 2 to 5 kg. It was launched thanks to a rolled tape that ended with a wooden spool. It was launched with force and so the "tumbler" could cover more or less long paths; we started again from where the “tumbles” stopped, we played in pairs or one against one. It was played in pairs Games of the twentieth century Costa Muro "Costa Muro or" Touch the wall "to play before the war we went to Tiber, it went down after the porta di "caminella", at the end of Piazza di San Francesco to reach the "schioppe" on the banks of the Tiber to search The tiles". The "tiles" were river stones smoothed by the flow of water, and they had to be sought "even", that is to say similar and beautiful. It was played one on one then on the walls of the house, whoever came closest won those of the others. In the 1960s and 1970s, the "figurines" of the players replaced the stones. Wall Ball A "Wall ball" was played by drawing a circle with chalk on the wall, with the ball then the drawing had to be centered. Those who did not take us had a "penance" to pay. Castelletto In "Castelletto" they played with glass balls (marbles) or more often, because they were less expensive with balls from shard, usually brown in color. They had to be put together next to each other in number enough to make the "plan" (3-4-5 floors) above and then build another series on top. The "castelletto" became a kind of "skittle" (up to 6 castles in a row) to hit with the "tick" of other marbles or balls. Greasy tree At the "tree of the cuccagna" they played on the plants of the Tiber by attacking on the branches the discarded jute bags from the "Consortium". Jute sacks tied together with the “vetriche”, very elastic branches of plants that were born on the Tiber; inside were put stones, flour, pieces of mixed cake. The bags were prepared by all the "players" together but then they were placed on the tree only by some, the others remained blindfolded, the game happened in the areas of "Schioppe" or al "Patollo". Sources: - http://robertosciurpa.blogspot.com/2010/01/il-ruzzolone-tra-le-tante-attivita-di.html?m=1 - https://www.etruscopolis.com/tomba-delle-olimpiadi - https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ruzzola - https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Carlo_Fontana_e_Enrico_Mascagni_campioni_di_ruzzola_fine_%27800.jpg - https://www.danielemancini-archeologia.it/i-giochi-olimpici/ - oral source: Imperia Guardabassi - Photo: historical photos of Umbertide from the web and from various private archives to which we applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark in this way we try to avoid that the further disclosure on our part favors purposes not consonant with our intentions exclusively social and cultural. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

Soria di Fratta, poi Umbertide nell'Ottocento. The nineteenth century Ottocento e Risorgimento Il "Governo della Fratta" del 1843 dello Zuccagni Orlandini Ottocento e Risorgimento Il "Governo della Fratta" del 1843 dello Zuccagni Orlandini Nineteenth century and Risorgimento (edited by Simona Bellucci and Francesco Deplanu) From the end of the Roman Republic (29 September 1799) the provisional military administrations followed one another until the recovery in June 1800 of the territories of Lazio, Umbria and Marche. With the edict of the Secretary of State Consalvi of 22 June 1800, the state territory was reorganized and 7 apostolic delegations were established with a delegate residing in the capital (Viterbo, Spoleto, Perugia, Camerino, Macerata, Ancona and Urbino); the suburban provinces of Civitavecchia, Campagna and Marittima (with the capital Frosinone), Sabina (with the capital Rieti) were also established. The papal restoration of 1799 marks a momentary halt to the spread of liberal and democratic ideas that manifest themselves during the revolutionary experience of the Roman Republic. The papal state is, however, very weak and is again occupied by Napoleon from 1808 until 1814. The Marches are united to the Kingdom of Italy while in 1809, the Papal State is suppressed, Umbria and Lazio are annexed to the Napoleonic Empire with a territorial articulation in two departments of the Tiber (or of Rome) and Trasimeno, in turn divided into districts (arrondissements) and cantons, the smallest of the state districts. Italy in the Napoleonic era (1810) from wikipedia. The user who originally uploaded the file was Eltharion from Italian Wikipedia licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0 : https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stati_italiani_nell%27era_napoleonica#/media/File:Italia_1810.jpg The Trasimeno Department included the arrondissements of Spoleto, Perugia, Todi, Foligno. The administration of each department was entrusted to a prefect, a prefecture general secretary and a department general council. Each district (arrondissement-province) was administered by a sub-prefect. Within the individual cantons, the communes were administered by the maire (mayor), and by a municipal council. The maires remained in office for 5 years and were chosen from among the municipal councilors, who were in turn chosen from among the 100 major contributors. Municipalities with a budget of more than 20,000 francs had to keep a municipal receiver, and in 1804 a tax collector in connection with the arrondissement receiver and the department's general receiver. Thus, on July 13, 1809, Fratta returns to Canton, "... with a justice of the peace, Griffier Uscieri, ... and Domenico Bruni maire di Fratta. The coats of arms were replaced by an" added "and ten municipal councilors. With the bulletin of the Supreme Council of State no. 123 of November 23, 1810, confirmed by imperial decree January 3, 1812 inserted in the bulletin of laws at no. 416, Fratta was declared the chief town of the Canton with an increase in the territory formed by other fractions; a court was established under the title of Giudicatura di pace, "which it was subject to various municipalities, castles and villages "and, in addition, the civil status office was established." When the Napoleonic experience ended in 1814, the power of the State of the Church was restored. After the papal Restoration, Bartolomeo Borghi, archpriest to S.Andrea di Sorbello, excellent cartographer of the Municipality, he is arrested and convicted for having highlighted himself as a pro-French revolutionary. The pontifical institutions were restored but the innovations in the administrative field that had brought the Napoleonic period were also seen in central Italy. The State of the Church gave life to the creation of that document, born for tax purposes but which has become a very important historical source that the " Gregorian Cadastre ": a geometric-particle cadastre with the "brogliardi" to trace the properties, and qualities, of the both rural and urban properties. The land of Fratta was also registered . Also with a "motu proprio" of July 6, 1816, Fratta did not turn out more capital of government but simple "municipality", administered from Perugia by means of a mayor. It became again the municipality of residence of the governors in 1817. The new statistics of 1833 confirmed Fratta as the capital of the second class government: at the head of this district there was a governor with competence to judge up to two hundred scudi, and included the municipalities of Fratta, Montone and Pietralunga. Post of the State Archives of Rome on Facebook with a chorographic map of the "Ecclsesiastico State" where "Fratta" is clearly visible In the post you can read: ... "Pope Pius VII and his Secretary of State, Cardinal Consalvi, with the motu proprio" When by admirable provision "of 1816, initiate a profound reorganization of the administration. The edict of November 26, 1817, "Allotment of the governments and communities of the Papal State with their respective appodiates", sanctions the new political geography: the State, with the exception of the Comarca of Rome, is divided into 17 provinces governed by delegates. Benevento was also included. " ASR, General Presidency of the Census, Archive Register of maps and census papers, 1842-43. At that time, the city center is much smaller than it is today, with only 900-1000 residents, most of whom live in the countryside. The total population is approximately 10,000 inhabitants. Papal dominion expresses a very strong presence of ecclesiastical authority, which also holds the most important civil offices. Not only that, but much of the land is in the hands of the convents and religious orders. The agricultural economy, dominated by the sharecropping system, is poor and stagnant. The papal regime is not particularly brutal, but it keeps everything under control with a very widespread spy network. Fratta, like other centers Umbrian, participates in the uprisings of 1830-31, where Luigi Vibi and Petronio Reggiani distinguished themselves. Also this time the patriots of Fratta and the others failed to achieve lasting results. On the other hand, the riots did not have better results in the other parts of Italy. Freemasonry and Carbonari had been the promoters, animated by the bourgeoisie, enlightened aristocracy and artisan class. In the following period the republican ideas of Mazzini and other moderate ideologues of the Risorgimento spread. In 1848-49, when a new revolutionary outbreak occurs, Fratta participates with 26 volunteers, both enrolled in the papal troops in the first war of independence, and, after the turnaround of Pius IX, as fighters in defense of the Roman Republic. Once again, a failure and consequent papal restoration must be recorded. Shortly after in 1859, 23 people were enrolled in the second war of independence. As many as 31 volunteers in 1866 and 1867, the latter following the proclamation of the Kingdom of Italy, for the conquest of Veneto and Rome still missing. The Risorgimento brought the real change: the 12 September 1860 the Piedmontese soldiers of General Manfredo Fanti entered the town and " ... a provisional government junta was proclaimed with full powers in the persons of Messrs. Costantino Magi Spinetti, Raffaele Santini, Giuseppe Agostini and Luigi Igi. "The decree issued by the Marquis Gualterio, royal commissioner for the provinces of Perugia and Orvieto dates back to 14 September. , with which a provisional municipal commission was set up, whose attributions followed the pontifical ones, pending the enactment of the new municipal law. With decree n. 64 of 21 October 1860, issued by the royal commissioner Pepoli, the plebiscitary referendum was called, for the of the annexation to the Kingdom of Savoy . ". Two years later the Municipality of became Umbertide. The choice of the name with its motivation is complicated and was born after the unification of Italy at the request of the unitary state to avoid administrative "misunderstandings" due to the numerous "Fratta" existing in the Italian territory .... If you can simplify how the choice of the name took place we can say that the men of the time on the one hand tried to connect it to its historical origin with the reference to "Fracta filiorum Uberti", ie Uberto natural son of Ugo king of Italy, who would have founded it in the 10th century; this requirement, however, was welded to a "political" requirement connected to the contemporary historical moment (the Unification of Italy), with the reference of the name of Umbertide to that of the hereditary prince of the House of Savoy. For completeness, we insert an excerpt from the page of the "Siusa" on the history of Umbertide: In the resolution of December 14, 1862, the commissioner Mauro Mavarelli, president of the assembly, announced that the royal prefect, with dispatch of July 10, n. 13341, by assignment received from the Ministry of the Interior, invited the mayor of Fratta to propose to the council in one of its next sessions "the resolution, if not to change the current name of the Municipality, at least to make some addition to it, from to deduce from the specialty of the situation, and this to avoid misunderstandings and embarrassments, as well as to public administrations as well as to private individuals, which derive from the multiplicity of Municipalities that call themselves under the name of Fratta ". The mayor and the council, therefore, were of the opinion to appoint a commission composed of ... " those who considered themselves most informed of the history of the country ". In 1862 the mayor and the municipal council, with provision no. 1591 of 21 September, proceeded with the appointment of the commission, for the above purpose, composed of Costantino Magi Spinetti, Ruggero Burelli and Genesio Perugini, with the task of proposing a new name for Fratta. On the following October the members of the commission, after having listed the old names of Fratta, such as Forum Bremitii, Forum [Iulii] Concubiense, Pitulum, Fracta Filiorum Uberti and, according to Lauri, Fracta insigne Umbertinorum Oppidum, believed that the latter name in particular it was more "representative of current events if it bears a tribute to the sovereign, Umberto or Uberto, hereditary prince of the king of Italy": the proposal of "Umberta" or "Umbertide" was approved with seven votes in favor and one against. On January 25, 1863, due to certain discontent among the population regarding the new name of the Municipality and the fact that the resolution "was taken on second call with a small number of councilors", the Prefecture, with dispatch dated January 15, no. . 574 div. 5 sec. 10, ordered to propose the same object again in a new resolution. The lawyer Costantino Magi Spinetti gave reasons why the council was persuaded to abandon the old name Fratta, as "it recalled its destruction by the barbarians, and the consequent foreign domination, proposing instead to replace Umbertide for Umberta as the most I consented to the tradition, since from the same it appears that it was not Umberto, but his sons, who were the founders of this land ". This proposal was unanimously approved by roll call. " Fratta was governed by a moderate liberal majority for a long period until 1887. After the resignation of the mayor Mauro Mavarelli, in 1889 the Democrats and the republicans obtained the majority for a short period, but in the early nineties the moderate block took over the Municipality, of which Francesco Mavarelli is mayor from 1892 to 1898. The problems of Umbertide after the Unification, but also before, were those that gripped the country. The agricultural economy was stagnant, illiteracy widespread, infectious diseases caused many deaths. Communications and industry languished. At the end of the century there were progresses in the field of literacy, with the foundation of numerous rural schools and also in the health one, with the birth of a new modern hospital in 1878 as well as hygienic rehabilitation interventions, however, the agricultural economy, based on sharecropping, is unable to provide work for a growing population. In fact, especially in the 1980s, strong migratory currents began to appear. Umbertide 1892 Sources: - Simona Bellucci, " The incomplete modernization. Umbertide peasants and owners between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries ". Edimond, Città di Castello 2004. - SIUSA (Unified Information System for Archival Superintendencies) on Umbertide http://siusa.archivi.beniculturali.it/cgi-bin/pagina.pl?TipoPag=prodente&Chiave=50311&RicProgetto=reg-umb&fbclid=IwAR2ydRABe1Uw3MxVbj3WkZrexe4eu0lBSPZe_991_1LwwGoww - http://siusa.archivi.beniculturali.it/cgi-bin/pagina.pl?TipoPag=profist&Chiave=84&RicProgetto=reg%2dumb - http://siusa.archivi.beniculturali.it/cgi-bin/pagina.pl?TipoPag=comparc&Chiave=330615&RicProgetto=reg%2dumb - E. Gerardi, "Institutional features and documentation in the French period and in the Restoration", in the Archival Superintendency for Lazio, "The municipal historical archives. Archival lessons", Quaderni dell Rivista storico del Lazio, 1 (1998), pp. 37-52. - Photo: historical photos of Umbertide from the web and from various private archives to which we applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark in this way we try to avoid that further disclosure on our part favors purposes that are not consonant with our intentions, social and cultural exclusivities. The Fratta of 1843 by Zuccagni Orlandini (Curated by Francesco Deplanu) "The conspicuous village of FRATTA, in ancient Fracta, lies on the left bank of the Tiber which crosses there over a bridge, raised not far from its confluence with the Roggio ..." In the pre-unification period Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini, Florentine geographer and cartographer, edited a "Physical, Historical and Statistical Chorography of Italy and its Islands accompanied by an Atlas, geographic and topographic maps" of 19 volumes and a large atlas in 5 volumes . In the X volume of 1843, he dealt with the PONTIFICAL STATE with two "Supplements". In one of these here we find the description of the DELEGATION OF PERUGIA, with the "District" of Città di Castello where the GOVERNMENT OF FRATTA is also described, which also included the "Municipalities of Montone and Pietralunga. Our "capital" was divided at the time with its 18 hamlets and 3 "Appodiati" (Civitella Ranieri, Poggio Manente and Preggio), in turn with 10 total fractions. This text is a notable document for its geographical, but also political and administrative indications before the religious alienations that occurred with the Kingdom of Italy, for the rest of the information, which we report completely below, the description of the origins of the city is completely affected by the "historical" knowledge of the time, that is, they are not very accurate and substantially "literary". We also point out the indication of "Raggio" for the Reggia or Regghia torrent. A similar judgment could also be said about the information on the most important Abbey in the area, that is of S. Salvatore di Montecorona and Eremo Superiore, were it not for the state of the organization of the Camaldolese system reported here. Organizational system that disappeared within twenty years with the dictatorial decree of 11 December 1860, n. 205 of the Royal Commissioner General of Umbria Pepoli. As regards the description of the territory of Umbria, Zuccagni-Oralndini reports in full the administrative division of the PONTIFICAL STATE with the DELEGATION OF PERUGIA (with 4 DISTRICTS: Perugia District, Città di Castello District, Foligno District, Todi District). Of limited interest to us is the description of the DISTRICT OF CITTA 'di CASTELLO (with 2 Governments: Città di Castello and Fratta, 4 Municipalities and 176 “Appodiati”). In fact, the GOVERNMENT OF THE FRATTA insists within this last "District". As for the "Government of Fratta", the administrative division in 1843 is as follows: the "Capital", Fratta, with 18 "hamlets" (Castiglion dell'Abbate, Civitella di quà e di là, Leoncini, Migianella de 'Marchesi, Montalto with Cicaleto and Romeggio, Monte Acuto, Monte Castelli, Monte Migiana, Pieve di Migianella, Polgeto, Rasina, S. Cassiano, S. Giovanni di Certaldo, S. Giuliano delle Pignatte, S. Giuliano di Monte Corona, S. Silvestro dell ' Arcelle, Sportacciano, Verna) and 3 "Appodiati": Civitella Ranieri with 2 "hamlets" (S. Giovan Batista di Fratta, S. Giovanni Evangelista di Serra Partazio), Poggio Manente with 3 "hamlets" (Monte Lovesco -in part-, S. Paterniano di Pierantonio , S. Salvadore di M. Cosante -in part-) and Preggio with 6 “hamlets” (Bastia Creti, S. Andrea in Penetole (annex), Monestevole, Racchiusole, S. Bartolomeo dei Fossi, S. Paolo). Fig. 1-2-7: Extracts from the Zaccagni- Orlandini “Physical, Historical and Statistical Chorography of Italy and its Islands accompanied by an Atlas, geographic and topographical maps”. Supplement to volume X, Florence, 1843 Lo Zaccagni - Orlandini after having described Città di Castello at greater length, he dwells on our country and above all on the Hermitage and the Abbey of Montecorona. Below the analysis that refers to Fratta, today Umbertide. GOVERNMENT OF THE FRATTA. “The conspicuous village of FRATTA, in ancient Fracta, lies on the left bank of the Tiber which crosses there over a bridge, raised not far from its confluence with the Roggio. The largest temple, with a round shape, has the title of collegiate; adjacent to two other churches rise the convents of the Conventuali and of the Osservanti, Resta. still standing the tower, within which in 1393 Fortebraccio was enclosed by captain Tuzio, then by Biordo, Michelotti freed. This municipality has a gymnasium for public education, various charitable institutions, and an elegant theater that is modernly open: in the most delightful position of the surroundings the Capuchins have a convent. When some writers of the Etruscan Cortonese Academy are to be believed, near the banks of the Carpino stream, which flows into the Tiber not far from Fratta, there would have been the Forum of Giulio Umbro, Forum Julii Concubiense, with a sacred temple to Vulcano, allusive to the dexterity of the inhabitants in iron work and in handling weapons. Meanwhile, the Umbrian writers believe that Fratta rose on the ruins of the ancient Pitulum, by the care of the children of a certain Uberto, who then enjoyed the lordship: this opinion may perhaps be supported, but it cannot be hidden that Pliny was the Pitulani placed in the Lazio. Pietralunga and Montone are among the towns of this government; in the municipal boundaries of the capital there is Monte Corona, worthy of special mention like them. Fig. 3-4: Extracts from the orographic map and the Roman-medieval historical thematic map, based on the indications of Zuccagni-Orlandini, the names written in Latin characters indicate the localities existing under the dominion of the Romans, in Gothic characters "pointed" the places of the Middle Ages. "Geographic Atlas of the Italian States outlined above the best and most modern maps, to serve as a complement to the physical, historical and statistical chorography of Italy, by Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini (Florence, 1844). Work in two volumes. From https://phaidra.cab.unipd.it/ distributed under Creative Commons License CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 Monte Corona, by Camaldolensi hermits, is a Cenobio built in an alpine mountain top, which however can be ascended by a not uncomfortable winding path. That sanctuary is surrounded by very high walls, crowned by firs and cypresses. The largest temple corresponds to a square with an inclined plane; a portico and an atrium make access more smooth. The internal walls are richly decorated: the division of the vast monastery is similar to that of any other monastery of the same order: beyond the isolated hermits' boxes, the Foresteria, the Infirmary, the Definitory for the mọnastic comizj are gathered in a single building: in a segregated part called the Reclusorio, the hermits' quarters meet, who dedicate themselves to a more austere life. Fig. 5: Political map of the Pontifical State Delegation of Perugia of 1843 of Zaccagni- Orlandini focused on the “Fratta”. "Geographic Atlas of the Italian States outlined above the best and most modern maps, to serve as a complement to the physical, historical and statistical chorography of Italy, by Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini (Florence, 1844). Work in two volumes. From https: / /phaidra.cab.unipd.it/ distributed under Creative Commons License CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 The avenues interposed between the detached cells lead to the highest summit, rightly designated with the name of Belvedere, as you can enjoy enchanting scenes from it. Near the boreal aquifer of Monte-Corona stands on the banks of the Tiber the Abbey of S. Salvadore, where the administrative office of the upper Hermitage resides: here the monks live, due to age or inconvenience, no longer able to sustain life lonely. The vast church, of ancient but elegant design, has three magnificent naves with a subterranean confession, and is divided in such a way that its lower part will serve as a parish, and the highest one to the office of the monks. The cloister is grandiose; the Abbadia districts are vast; the gardens and vineyards that surround it are well cultivated. It is said that S. Romualdo had it built four years before the Tuscan Hermitage: in 1050 the government was entrusted to S. Pier Damiani. From the Camaldolensi it passed for some time to the Cistercenşi: it was then made Conmenda: in 1524 the Commendalore Gabbriello da Fano, consecrated to the hermit life, recovered its possession and had it given its current form. On the slope of the mountain above there was a very ancient oratory consecrated to S. Savino: the patrician Beltramo from Perugia donated it in 1209 to the Camaldolensi: three centuries later the Venetian monk B. Paolo Giustiniani deduced a colony of hermits, who built their houses; but their number then grew so that it was forced to build the current Hermitage around 1510. Subsequently that monastery was declared head of the Camaldolense Congregation of Monte-Corona. " Fig. 6: Excerpt from Political Map of the Pontifical State Delegation of Perugia from 1843 of Zaccagni- Orlandini focused on the “Fratta”. "Geographic Atlas of the Italian States outlined above the best and most modern maps, to serve as a complement to the physical, historical and statistical chorography of Italy, by Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini (Florence, 1844). Work in two volumes. From https: / /phaidra.cab.unipd.it/ distributed under Creative Commons License CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 Sources: -Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini edited a "Physical, Historical and Statistical Chorography of Italy and its Islands accompanied by an Atlas, geographic and topographical maps". Supplement to volume X, Florence, 1843. -Delegation map of Perugia from vol. 2 ° of "Geographic Atlas of the Italian States outlined above the best and most modern maps, to serve as a complement to the physical, historical and statistical chorography of Italy, by Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini (Florence, 1844). Work in two volumes. From https://phaidra.cab.unipd.it/ distributed under Creative Commons License CC BY-NC-SA 4. - Charter of the Papal State under the rule of the Romans and in the Middle Ages. Local names used by the Romans and in the Middle Ages, with the corresponding modern names. - Orographic and hydrographic map of the Papal State. Heights of the main localities. Overview of the main mineral products. - Modern charter of the Papal State. Prospectus of the political divisions of the Papal State. From vol. 2 ° of "Geographic Atlas of the Italian States outlined above the best and most modern maps, to serve as a complement to the physical, historical and statistical chorography of Italy, by Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini (Florence, 1844). Work in two volumes. From https://phaidra.cab.unipd.it/ distributed under Creative Commons License CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 Fig. 4-5: Extracts of the orographic map and the Roman-medieval historical thematic map, based on the indications of Zuccagni-Orlandini, the names written in Latin characters indicate the localities existing under the dominion of the Romans, in Gothic characters "pointing" the places of the Middle Ages. "Geographic Atlas of the Italian States outlined above the best and most modern maps, to serve as a complement to the physical, historical and statistical chorography of Italy, by Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini (Florence, 1844). Work in two volumes. From https://phaidra.cab.unipd.it/ distributed under Creative Commons License CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 Fig. 6: Excerpt from Political Map of the Pontifical State Delegation of Perugia from 1843 of Zaccagni- Orlandini focused on the “Fratta”. "Geographic Atlas of the Italian States outlined above the best and most modern maps, to serve as a complement to the physical, historical and statistical chorography of Italy, by Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini (Florence, 1844). Work in two volumes. From https: / /phaidra.cab.unipd.it/ distributed under Creative Commons License CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 Alexis de Toqueville " When the past no longer illuminates the future, the spirit walks in darkness." "When the past no longer illuminates the future, the spirit walks in darkness ". Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

Il Borgo San Giovanni Il ricordo di Luciano Bebi, 16 anni deceduto nel bombardamento del Borgo San Giovanni il 25 aprile 1944. Recitato da Teo Roselletti. Bebi Luciano 00:00 / 01:24 Progetto "Ottant'anni" (1944- 2024) a cura di Mario Tosti, Unitre di Umbertide, il Centro Culturale San Francesco, con il Patrocinio del Comune di Umbertide. Realizzato con la collaborazione di Corrado Baldoni, Mario Bani, Serio Bargelli, Sergio Magrini Alunno, Massimo Pascolini, Antonio Renzini, Luca Silvioni, Pietro Taverniti, Romano Viti. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com EH Carr "Change is certain. Progress is not "