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Serra Partucci 24 GIUGNO 1944 LE VITTIME / THE VICTIMS Natale Centovalli, anni 30; Domenico Černic, anni 26; Bruno Ciribilli, anni 20; Giuseppe Radicchi, anni 17; Mario Radicchi anni 24. Il massacro di Serra Partucci - voce di Paola Avorio 00:00 / 02:37 The massacre of Serra Partucci - voice by Paola Avorio 00:00 / 03:06 24 GIUGNO 1944 Allineati lungo il muro dietro il cippo che ricorda la strage, il 24 giugno del 1944 sono stati fucilati cinque giovani. Il giorno precedente un giovane contadino della zona, approfittando del prevedibile imminente arrivo degli alleati da Perugia, liberata tre giorni prima, aveva sparato ad un soldato tedesco, ferendolo ad un piede, per appropriarsi della sua motocicletta Per rappresaglia, una quindicina di soldati SS hanno rastrellato le vittime alle prime luci dell’alba, in modo da sorprenderle nel sonno. Nel casolare dei Radicchi, a mezza costa della collina, hanno prelevato i figli di Santino, Mario di 24 anni e Giuseppe di 17. Hanno proseguito verso questo luogo, Vocabolo Lago, dove abitavano i Centovalli. In casa erano tutti svegli, pronti per andare a mietere il grano in un campo vicino. I militari sono entrati. Hanno chiesto pane e lardo. Dopo essersi rifocillati hanno fatto uscire Natale, 30 anni, ed il fratello Quinto, 24. Per rispettare la regola di 5 condannati a morte per un tedesco ferito, mancava la quinta vittima. Hanno deciso di andarlo a prendere nella chiesa di San Giovanni, in cima alla collina, che era gremita da fedeli per la ricorrenza di San Giovanni Battista, festa patronale a Serra Partucci. Hanno scelto Domenico Černic, 26 anni, un ragazzone sloveno, forse perché si era messo in evidenza parlando bene il tedesco Al ritorno dalla chiesa, il quinto prigioniero è stato fatto accostare agli altri quattro. Fra di loro, Quinto era senza una mano, che aveva perso in un trinciaforaggi. Domenico ha fatto notare ai tedeschi che in quelle condizioni mai avrebbe potuto sparare. È stato individuato come quinto condannato Bruno Ciribilli, vent’anni, che stava passando per caso. I cinque innocenti sono stati fatti allineare lungo il muro. Senza proferire parola, l’ufficiale ha fatto un cenno rapido con il braccio. Sono partite raffiche di mitra. Dopo qualche attimo, cinque colpi hanno dato il colpo di grazia, ristabilendo il silenzio. Senza indugio, il manipolo dei soldati si è dileguato rapidamente, quasi di corsa. Missione compiuta! 24 June 1944 Lined up along the wall behind the memorial stone commemorating the massacre, five young people were shot on 24th June 1944. Three days earlier the allied troops had arrived in Perugia and On the 23rd, a young farmer from the area, taking advantage of the imminent arrival of the allies from Perugia shot a German soldier, wounding him in the foot, in order to steal his motorcycle In retaliation, the same night about fifteen SS soldiers rounded up the victims at first light, so as to catch them sleeping . In the Radicchi farmhouse, halfway up the hill, they picked up Santino's sons, Mario, 24, and Giuseppe, 17. They continued towards Vocabolo Lago, where the Centovallis lived. Everyone in the house was awake, ready to go and harvest wheat in a nearby field. The soldiers entered. They asked for bread and lard. After having refreshed themselves, they brought out Natale, 30 years old, and his brother Quinto, 24. To comply with the rule of 5 sentenced to death for a wounded German, the fifth victim was missing. They decided to pick a victim in the church of San Giovanni, at the top of the hill, which was full of people because of San Giovanni Battista Celebrations, the patronal feast in Serra Partucci. They chose Domenico Černic, 26 years old, a big Slovenian boy, perhaps because he had stood out by speaking German well Upon returning from church, the fifth prisoner was brought alongside the other four. Among them, Quinto was without a hand, which he had lost in a fodder shredder. Domenico pointed out to the Germans that he would never have been able to shoot in those conditions. Bruno Ciribilli, twenty years old, who was occasionally passing by was identified as the fifth convict. The five innocents were lined up along the wall. Without saying a word, the officer quickly waved his arm. Machine gun fire began. After a few moments, five shots delivered the final blow, re-establishing silence. Without hesitation, the handful of soldiers quickly disappeared, almost running. Mission accomplished! Testo tratto da: Mario Tosti, Cinque cipressi, Digital editor, 2014. Voce di Paola Avorio Immagine di sfondo: opera di Antonio Renzini: "L'eccidio di Serra Partucci" Un progetto a cura di Mario Tosti, Unitre di Umbertide, il Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertidestoria, con il Patrocinio del Comune di Umbertide; con la collaborazione di Pietro Taverniti, Massimo Pascolini, Sergio Bargelli, Corrado Baldoni, Francesco Deplanu, Sergio Magrini Alunno, Antonio Renzini, Luca Silvioni, Romano Vibi. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com EH Carr "Change is certain. Progress is not "

LA STORIA DI ANTONIO PICISTRELLI Giovane umbertidese ucciso a Roma il 1º Maggio 1891 di Federico Ciarabelli Tra le tante vicende che riguardano le persone del nostro territorio ce n'è una poco conosciuta: quella di Antonio Picistrelli. Alcuni nostri concittadini, tra la fine dell'800 e i primi del `900 l'hanno raccontata e hanno cercato di tramandarla attraverso varie iniziative, tra cui l'apposizione di una lapide sulla casa natale di Antonio, in via Spoletini. Il testo non ci fornisce indicazioni sulle ragioni per le quali fu collocata e non dà chiare spiegazioni, rimandando a futuri "giorni più liberi" la possibilità di fare luce. Della vita umbertidese della famiglia Picistrelli è possibile ricostruire solo pochi elementi: Giovanni Picistrelli, carrettiere, sposò, nel 1863, Alunna Rinaldi e dal loro matrimonio nacquero nove figli: Clotilde, Silvio, Alfredo, Antonio (2 ottobre 1870), Lavinia, Lorenzo, Leopoldo, Piero e Gaetano. Anche se i genitori erano analfabeti fecero studiare tutti, figli e figlie. Antonio seguì il padre nel lavoro, diventando anch'egli carrettiere. Il 18 marzo 1886 i Picistrelli lasciarono la nostra cittadina alla volta di Roma, attratti dalle opportunità di lavoro che la nuova capitale offriva. In quegli anni, però, cominciavano a farsi sentire con maggiore intensità gli effetti della crisi economica generata dalla speculazione edilizia. Le numerose imprese operanti a Roma sfruttavano pesantemente i lavoratori e impiegavano una consistente manodopera femminile e giovanile, che veniva retribuita con salari inferiori a quelli degli uomini. A questa condizione precaria si aggiunse, a peggiorare drammaticamente le condizioni di vita dei ceti popolari, una profonda crisi finanziaria che portò molte aziende al fallimento. È dunque in questo ambiente che a Roma i lavoratori si organizzarono per la riuscita della manifestazione del 1° maggio 1891, seconda edizione della Festa dei Lavoratori; le intenzioni degli organizzatori furono indirizzate a far svolgere la manifestazione in forma pacifica e per la rivendicazione di migliori condizioni di lavoro, a partire dalla giornata lavorativa di otto ore. Antonio Picistrelli, anche se non è certo che fosse iscritto a qualche organizzazione politica, vi partecipò assieme al suo futuro cognato Eugenio Santerini, un attivista socialista che militava nel "Circolo Tiburtino" di via dei Sardi. Le associazioni organizzatrici dettero appuntamento ai partecipanti alle 15 in piazza Santa Croce in Gerusalemme. Il clima generale era di forte tensione anche perché la piazza era circondata da forze dell'ordine e da reparti armati di esercito e cavalleria. Altre guardie erano mescolate fra i partecipanti. I manifestanti organizzati dalla Società dei Muratori entrando in piazza salutarono i militari schierati al grido di: "Viva l'esercito italiano, viva i nostri fratelli armati!"; da alcuni gruppi anarchici si inneggiava alla rivoluzione e all'esercito rivoluzionario. Confluiti tutti i cortei in piazza, alle 16 iniziarono i discorsi. Stando a quanto riferito nel rapporto del questore, dopo i primi oratori, alcuni dei quali più moderati e altri più accesi, la piazza si andava sempre più scaldando. Non si può però escludere che la tensione sia stata accentuata per la presenza di infiltrati e provocatori tra la folla. Salì quindi sul palco un oratore non previsto, Galileo Palla, e dopo il suo intervento, secondo il rapporto del questore, si sarebbe generato uno scompiglio generale e gli agenti disposti intorno al palco sarebbero stati circondati dalla folla di anarchici minacciosi. Si accesero degli scontri, nel corso dei quali furono sparati colpi di rivoltella, vennero usati pugnali, coltelli e lunghi chiodi. In questa situazione alcuni rimasero feriti e una guardia, Carmelo Raco, fu uccisa con una pugnalata. Gli scontri continuarono e intervenne la cavalleria che, da diverse parti, si diresse sulla folla per disperderla. Dalla piazza e dalle case cominciò allora il lancio di pietre, oggetti, mattoni contro i militari. I manifestanti si spostarono nelle vie circostanti. In via Emanuele Filiberto venne tentata la formazione di una barricata con dei carretti, ma senza successo. Quindi altri si indirizzarono verso Villa Altieri, all'epoca adibita a carcere femminile. Qui le sentinelle poste a guardia spararono: Antonio Picistrelli, raggiunto alla testa da un colpo di fucile, restò ferito. Venne trasportato all'ospedale, dove morì. Ma la storia non finisce qui. Inseme a una discussione parlamentare, un grande processo e una campagna di stampa, venne attuata dal governo un'intensa opera allo scopo di celare i fatti. Le cronache dei giornali non diedero risalto alla sua morte, nonostante la gravità dei fatti, due giorni di dibattito parlamentare e la pressione politica esercitata dalle organizzazioni dei lavoratori. Le commemorazione furono anzi oggetto di repressione: i1 5 luglio 1891 il questore di Roma scrisse al ministro dell'interno che la polizia "sorvegliando mosse circolo Tiburtino, [...], ha potuto trovarsi presente alle 4 pom. alla deposizione sulla tomba di Picistrelli di un gruppo metallico con edera, corona e fiori artificiali portante in placca zinco la seguente citazione alla vittima del 1° maggio 1891 Antonio Picistrelli che inoffensivo, inerme trovava immeritata morte il circolo Tiburtino questo ricordo fece". Il questore ne dispose il sequestro e rispose che quelle "parole suonano apologia di delitto, offesa alle nostre istituzioni e principalmente esercito e nell'insieme costituiscono istigazione a commettere reati". Stessa sorte toccò al tentativo di ricordo promosso dai compagni di Picistrelli che, dal carcere dove erano rinchiusi, vollero ricordarne la figura e, addirittura, a quello dei famigliari. In Umbria la proposta di realizzare una lapide fu avanzata da Francesco Andreani a Perugia il 1° maggio 1892. Ma il progetto non poté essere realizzato, continuando ad essere osteggiato ogni tributo al carrettiere e dovettero passare ben 9 anni prima che, su iniziativa della sezione socialista di Umbertide, venisse rilanciata la proposta di una lapide per Picistrelli. Nel 1901 fu costituito il comitato promotore di cui facevano parte: il Presidente della società operaia, Ramaccioni Astorre consigliere di detta società, l'avv. Francesco Andreani, Willelmo Ramaccioni del circolo repubblicano, Michele Belardi e Torquato Bucci per la sezione socialista, Macario Maccarelli per i reduci volontari della patrie battaglie, Americo Censi muratore, Guerriero Becchetti falegname, Alfonso Mazzanti fabbro, Luigi Filippi vasaio, Gaetano Bassi Gaetano cappellaio, Casimiro Montagnini calzolaio, Luigi Bartoccini sarto, Paolo Rometti fornaio, Angelo Gargagli lavorante in traverse, Giuseppe Guardabassi, commerciante. Il comitato cercò di organizzare una manifestazione di notevole rilievo e ciò ebbe l'effetto di accrescere le preoccupazioni delle autorità governative, al punto che si rese necessario far intervenire l'on. Bissolati presso il Ministero dell'Interno per sbloccare la situazione. Nel dicembre 1902 venne data l'autorizzazione alla realizzazione della lapide, ottenuta però a caro prezzo: il testo fu censurato (definito una "miseria" dai socialisti) e diceva: "Ad ANTONIO PICISTRELLI morto il 1° Maggio 1891 in Roma la democrazia Umbertidese volle consacrare questo modesto ricordo nella casa ove nacque 1902". Il Comitato decise di realizzare la lapide con il testo imposto dal governo, ma non si arrese all'arbitrio. Venne così commissionata una lapide speciale: da una parte il testo mutilato e dall'altro quello scritto da Andreani. Si giunse finalmente alla sua inaugurazione, fissata per domenica 6 settembre 1903, alle ore 10. La partecipazione popolare fu modesta, ma numerosa fu la presenza delle associazioni locali (con le loro bandiere) e dei Circoli socialisti e repubblicani di città vicine. Erano presenti tre fratelli di Picistrelli (espressamente venuti da Roma) ed altri parenti. Si iniziò deponendo le varie corone e quindi fu scoperta la lapide al suono dell'inno di Garibaldi. Giuseppe Guardabassi dette quindi lettura di una commovente lettera del padre della vittima e delle molte adesioni, tra le quali quelle dell'on. Andrea Costa, di Amilcare Cipriani. Presero la parola gli oratori ufficiali: Miliocchi (repubblicano) e Bocconi (socialista). In occasione della manifestazione i giovani del circolo repubblicano fecero una pubblicazione dal titolo “In memoriam”, che fu rapidamente esaurita. Sarà mai possibile esporre la faccia della lapide con il testo voluto dagli umbertidesi? Io mi auguro di sì. Articolo pubblicato in due parti sui numeri di Novembre e Dicembre di “Informazione locale”

The Statutes of Fratta of 1521 The “Statuti della Fratta” are a parchment volume made up of 112 cards measuring cm. 23 x 33 and have 26 rows in two columns. They are divided into four parts by topics internally indicated by the presence of an illuminated "letter" represented (chap. 1-40; 41-61; 62 -110; 11.142). We have no news today of their "position" within the historical archive of the Municipality of Umbertide. They are a rewriting of the "Statutes of Fratta" of 1362 of which there is no archival trace but only a few fragmentary information. The date of the first "ghost statutes" is deduced from what is said in the Statutes of 1521, namely that the precedents were " disfigured and damaged by the ancient and long use of the fifties and nine ". The document is written in the vernacular as a consequence of the development of the medieval municipality, statutes that generally for more than a century were written in this language, Florence in 1335, Perugia in the mid-1300s, because now more and more layers of the population that does not speak in Latin it has assumed roles of economic and political importance in the inhabited areas. It will be in the sixteenth century that many Umbrian nuclei will endow themselves with statutes in the vernacular. So in 1521 Angelo di Antonio Cibo, Antonio di Giovanni Ser Ursino, Simone di Speranza and Bentevenga di Antonio Dell'Uomo appointed the notary Marino di Domenico di Marino Spunta to reform, renew and rewrite the "Statutes" ... on " MD XXJ in the ninth indictment reigning Pope Leo X adi XXIJ of the month of February ". Nel proemio interno al primo Libro possiamo leggere in maniera più estesa il motivo della stesura (ristesura) degli Statuti: “Cum cio sia cosa che el tempo devoratore de tutte le cose mundane per lo antiquo et longo usu de anni cento cinquanta et nove el laudabile honesto et virtuoso volume o vero libro delli sacri statuti del notabile castello della Fratta delli figluoli de Uberto contado di Perosa della porta de sancto Angelo quasi al tutto habbia deturpato et guasto Per il che meritamente si po iudicare epsso castello del principale et piu suo necessario membro in gravissimo disohonore danno et vilipendio non solum suo ma di tutti li habitanti essare mancho Et ancho perche la nova eta dalla antiqua in molte cose difforme et di continuo desidera promettere novo rito: El che vedendo considerando et per longa experientia provando li egregij homini Angelo de Antonio Cibbj : Antonio di Jovanni di ser Ursino: Simone de Speranza et Bentevenga di Antonio de Lhomo quattro al presente defensorj del ditto castello della Fratta cum comuni consenso et universal volunta de tutti li altri officiali et della generale adunantia et universita del ditto castello et quam maxime ad persuasione dello circumspecto homo ser Paulo de Cristofero Martinelli et molti altri homini virtuosi di epsso castello del bono honesto et pollitico vivere amatori li prefati statuti ad essare in melglo reformati innovati et rescriptti ad me Marino di Domenico di Marino Sponta del ditto castello della Fratta servulo minimo della comunita di epsso benche indengno et mediante el parere et I conselglo de epssi homini virtuosi hanno constituito […]… ”" All'interno del documento si possono trovare delle curiosità grafiche che gli estensori, o dopo di loro chi ne curava la consultazione, inseriremo nel testo come in questo passo “Del camerario et suo officio ", dove compare un volto nella frase "Con cio sia cosa che lo ufficio del camorlengo essere sia certo in lo ditto castello summamente utile et necessario... “ “Del Camerario et suo officio ” (particolare della pagina degli “Statuti di Fratta”, 19r). Si può vedere un volto stilizzato nelle "o " di "con ciò ". Per la precisione si può leggere a proposito del Camerario: "Con cio sia cosa che lo ufficio del camorlengo essere sia certo in lo ditto castello summamente utile et necessario... “. Immagine estratta da: https://www.sa-umbria.beniculturali.it/ricerche-online/inventari-online-1 "Che la peschaia del commune se riguardi "particolare della pagina degli “Statuti di Fratta”, 84r) Qua si può vedere il disegno, probabilmente successivo, per indicare un aspetto evidentemente significativo per la comunità, con una mano che indica la parte più significativa, immagini simili di una mano, spesso con il dito inalennato, si ritrovano più volte nel documento. Per la precisione a riguardo della "pescaia" si può leggere: "Accio che le cose del comuno sieno riguardate et piu habilmente ad li tempi se vendino et maxime dove che si pescha Statuimo adonqua et ordinamo che in el fiume del Tevere in quella parte dove si pesscha et che per lo comuno se riguarda: ad niuna persona sia lecito ne possa pesschare ne fare pesschare... " Immagine estratta da: https://www.sa-umbria.beniculturali.it/ricerche-online/inventari-online-1 Fortunately, in 1980, the then Pro Loco, edited a text thanks to the work of Prof. Bruno Porrozzi, to whom we owe a meritorious work of local historical research with the publication of numerous books. Within it, however, there are 4 images of the divisions internal, pp. 1, 41, 61 and 88 of the Statutes. The edition was probably made from the book previously published by the Municipality of Umbertide: " Statuti della Fratta of 1521, in the vernacular" . We "provide" them to you today complete and in version navigable thanks to the work of Cemir, Multimedia Information and Research Center of the Province of Perugia, which made them available to the public. The document can, in fact, be downloaded in .pdf from the Institute link. http://www.cemir.it/easyne2/Download.aspx?Code=CEMIR&filename=Archivi/CEMIR/PDF/0000/624.PDF Alternatively we thought, after downloading it, to make it available in the our window below which allows direct and interactive reading both from the web and from smartphones without downloading the document. Sources: http://www.cemir.it/easyne2/Download.aspx?Code=CEMIR&filename=Archivi/CEMIR/PDF/0000/624.PDF - "Bruno Porrozzi (edited by)," Statutes of Fratta of the sons of Uberto (Umbertide) of 1521, Pro-Loco Association - Umbertide, "The new Print " of Città di Castello, 1980. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

A MILLENNIUM FLIGHT ON THE FRATTA The Umbertide section of the UNIVERSITY OF THE THIRD AGE (UNI3) is making available the summaries of the local historical topics that will be deepened during the upcoming meetings. A preview of the syntheses of the cycle “The Story of Umbertide in the stones”, curated by Mario Tosti , will be presented, which will exhibit the reconstruction of the plausible images of the town in its stages of development, from its origins to the twentieth century. The sequence of events was reconstructed - according to logic and imagination - on the basis of archival documents, mainly collected by Renato Codovini , of information from general history, finds and local historical-architectural emergencies. Antropizzazione del territorio della Fratta La Fratta Bizantina La Fratta Longobarda Origini geologiche della Fratta La Fratta Toscana Origini geologiche della Fratta Antropizzazione del territorio della Fratta La Fratta Bizantina La Fratta Longobarda La Fratta Toscana

THE HISTORY OF THE RIUNITI THEATER curated by Fabio Mariotti From the book "Project Recovery and Restoration of the Teatro dei Riuniti di Umbertide" The history of the Teatro dei Riuniti di Umbertide is linked not only to the theater as a building, but also to a literary and theatrical academy that existed in the city since the 16th century. For this reason we will report here parallel news regarding both topics. It must be said immediately that all the documentation produced by the Academy, to which certain "Books of academic acts" certainly belonged, has been lost; most of the news we have comes from the Municipal Archives of Umbertide, from an unpublished typescript by Renato Codovini on the history of Umbertide and from the memories of some citizens. Among the papers in the Municipal Archive there is a manuscript by a certain Filippo Natali (born in Umbertide in 1837, he was municipal secretary in Gualdo Todino where he died in 1922 (1), entitled: "News on the theater of Fratta (Umbertide) and on 'annexed academy of the Riuniti' and dated November 1883 which passes on valuable information to us. From it we know of an "investigation dated 7 March 1615 by deed of the Frattense notary Benedetto Santi" concerning our Academy (2). This is the oldest document we have (apart from an act of constitution, but not the first, of the Academy, dated 1614). The deed was drawn up in the presence of eight members of the "Congregation of the Unstable" (3) and of three people who asked to be part of it, to whom permission was granted "having done on their persons and virtues the colloquio et addunanza according to the style of the said Congregation ". At this date the Academy of the Inestables - as it was called until 1746 - already had its own statute and the prospect of "augmenting the said Congregation, so that with the people who are in it, and will enter it for the future, can make progress in virtuous acts as is appropriate ... ". At that time the Academies represented a very free place of exchange, and also rare in a culturally impoverished society. Unofficial poetic productions flourished in them such as satire, dithyrambic and didactic poetry and more generally the Theater; but they were also deputed to the education of the nobility who exercised their qualities here to govern. They had a strong local character which was rarely surpassed and in the long run the quantity of their products came at the expense of quality. Gradually the stage actions became the main purpose of the academic meetings so that the need arose to have a place to gather suitable for performances. We then moved from simple rooms to small theaters that were first used only by the members of the Academy, thus reflecting all their needs, then they became public places and the Academies themselves in most cases were the "managers". In Umbertide we know that, before the current theater rebuilt in 1808 in the place where it was the ancient one, the seat of the Academy was a room located on the first floor of a building owned by the Municipality, which was accessed by an external stone staircase. In the same building there were the Commissioner's house - of which the room itself was part -, the Archive on the ground floor, the public chancellery and the prison. Unfortunately we have no news on the activity of the Academy until 1746, but we can assume that it had been decreasing to resume only shortly before this date. In fact, again from Natali, which reports a note found at the beginning of the "First Book of Academic Acts", we learn "how they wanted to rebuild the association in 1746, asking not only the use but also the ownership of the theater from the Municipality , ... ". It was also decided to draw up the statute of the Academy (4) "establishing that the Academy should aim at honest and useful entertainment through acting, which consisted of a determined number of people chosen from the civil class who had to pay an annual fee "; arrangements were made for an "Academic Prince", a Depositary and a Secretary in charge of drafting the academic documents to be elected annually. Also on this date, the name of the Academy was finally changed from “Inestabili” to “Riuniti”, probably precisely to establish the desire for change. At that time the members of the Academy were eleven and among them were the most prominent characters of the town: Prospero and Annibale Mariotti (according to Lupattelli the latter was born in Umbertide and not in Perugia, Giulio Cesare Fracassini, the famous castrato Domenico Bruni who sang in the major theaters of Europe (5), Francesco Guardabassi, and some members of the most important families of Umbertide: Ranieri and Bourbon di Sorbello. The new academics Riuniti chose as their emblem the representation of a hand holding three gold cords tied together , and alongside the motto "Difficile solvitur." Regarding the theatrical activity, the Prince was required to stage one or more comedies during the carnival period with interludes of music and sometimes even dance, while in the other seasons the amateur dramatists of the 'Accademia performed in minor representations. From this period we have received the text of two "three-voice interludes": "The slave for love" and "Don Falc one ”,“ to be recited in the Fratta theater ”and published in 1772 (Figs. 1-2); most likely they were sung by the then fourteen year old Domenico Bruni. Finally, there is a sonnet by A. Mariotti from 1788, again for the theater of Fratta (6) (Fig. 3). A curious news also refers to this period we report from Natali: “By way of curiosity and to show how much religious spirit crept into the bosom of the young people who then did delighted in acting, we will notice how in 1754, on 1 February the Theater Academy, on the demand of amateur dramatics, grants them a free performance, in order to use the proceeds for to support the souls in Purgatory! Those were the times! How much unlike our incredulous young men! But to put a little of water on this boiling fervor, let the bigots know that the Academy in granting the permit, expressing itself as follows: “As long as do not pass in example such a protension! ". In 1748, for the first time, with a certain embarrassment of academics, once tour company of such "Giovanni Gazzola, histrion" asked to to be able to use the Teatro dei Riuniti. On the occasion they brought in scene the characters of Pulcinella, Balanzone and Brighella. From a list of performances held in the theater from 1759 to 1795 and reported by Natali (7), we mention two famous works: the drama of Metastasio "La clemenza di Tito" given in 1759 (the first takes place in 1741) and Voltaire's "Mohammed" given in 1787 (the first dates back to 1742). It was only in 1783 that the Municipality, having heard the opinion of the Sacra Consulta, granted "for perpetual use of the Accademia de 'Riuniti .... the house where its theater is, ... which house consists of a room which is the theater, and its stalls, and two adjoining rooms to said hall. "(8). From 1791 to 1798 Pius VI for security reasons forbade all events in which people could gather and therefore closed all the theaters of the Papal State. This of course was also the fate of Umbertide's theater. Moreover, as soon as it reopened, it was semi-destroyed on the occasion of a clash between the Pope's troops and a group of rioters from Arezzo who came to support the insurgents of the Tiberina valley, so that it remained closed for another four years, until 1802, when it suffered a first restoration. But at that time a much more important project for the construction of a real theater was already beginning to take shape. It should also be said that years followed in which the town planning of Fratta underwent many changes and innovations including the arrangement of the square, the clock tower, the bridge over the Royal Palace, etc. Also in 1802 the Academy decided to occupy the three rooms on the ground floor under the theater, and bought the timber for the rebuilding of the roof of the building. In 1805 it was decided to entrust Giovanni Cerrini (9) with the project for the construction of the new theater: this included three orders of 13 boxes each, the stalls, a large stage with adjoining dressing rooms and two rooms for the Academy (10 ). However, in order to reach the number of boxes and the measures established by Cerrini (11), it was necessary that the Municipality also granted a "scio" (passage) that ran between the walls and the building (12) in exchange for which the 'Accademia undertook to maintain the walls. To get an idea of the greatness of Fratta at that time, just think that in 1826 it had two parishes and 1300 inhabitants, while 8630 were the inhabitants of the whole territory of Umbertide in 1812 (unfortunately we only have these data, which in any case are indicative ). Between 1810 and 1812 the pictorial decorations were made by the Perugian Giovanni Monotti (13) and by Faina, the same that we see today brought to light and restored by the Guerri e Polidori firm. These are two bands of decoration along the second and third tier of boxes in which the heads of famous dramatic actors are depicted framed by laurel wreaths and interspersed with swans. The ceiling of the stalls was decorated with a painting, also by Faina, representing Talia, muse of comedy (14); today it no longer exists as the ceiling was first repainted and then completely redone. In 1810, Faina also painted the curtain with the story of “Alcide at the crossroads” which, according to those who remember him, was very beautiful. Unfortunately it has been lost in recent years. A letter preserved in the Municipal Archives (15) and written between 1822 and 1823 by the "heads of the families of artists" of Umbertide was addressed to the Apostolic Delegate of Perugia to intercede with the Academicians and the Municipality to finish the decoration of the theater and especially the scenarios, so as to finally make the theater accessible. From the tone of this letter it would seem that the Academicians delayed the completion of the works to not allow ordinary people to enter, however other documents testify that already since 1811 there were performances in the theater. According to Natali, who in this case entrusts himself to the memory of the elderly, the new theater was inaugurated in 1813 or 1814 with Mozart's Don Giovanni; if this were true - and it seems difficult to us - it must have been a truly exceptional performance, given that the same work was given for the first time in Italy in 1811 in Bergamo and Rome, then in 1812 in Naples and in 1814 in Milan (16) . But even before the inauguration the new theater had hosted the Mosso company which from mid-November 1811 to mid-January 1812 had represented 17 works in prose, including Voltaire and Goldoni (17). The staging of two works by a local historian and professor of rhetoric dates back to 1815: Don Antonio Guerrini (18): “The salt columns” and “ll Pizzarro”. In the same year Domenico Bruni held concerts in the churches of Umbertide. In 1823 the company directed by Luigi Salsilli arrived and staged 34 performances. In 1825 the impresario Gasparo Zannini applied to represent a show with ten dancers in the theater, and asked the Gonfaloniere for a hefty sum as compensation; but the latter, unable to grant it to him, offered him the income from the third-rate boxes and the coffee box office. The following year, however, the Gonfaloniere did not grant the theater to Filippo Troiani's "Compagnia d'opera in musica", composed of a prima donna and two buffi, citing the lack of interest of his fellow citizens for that kind of entertainment as a reason. In this century, in addition to evenings of prose and music, the theater was used for performances by comedians, acrobats and mimes, raffles were organized and dances were given. In 1857, after 45 years, they wanted to renew the pictorial decoration of the theater; the work was entrusted to a painter from Assisi, Augusto Malatesta. To evaluate the realization, we hear the opinion of Natali: "the theater as it was painted by Monotti and Faina, if it could not be said to be splendid, and well decorated, was moreover better than what we see today, reduced to such a poor state in 1857 , certainly self-styled painter Augusto Malatesta of Assisi who made up for the lack of talent with the recommendations of the friars and with the protection of the president of the time, and while I covered the vault of the stalls with a layer of lime, which also in the center contained a painting of some value, on which Talia, muse of comedy was painted, replaced some tracery worthy of appearing in a bedroom and four figures of an impossible anatomy, and of such daring and bizarre movements, as to make us wonder how they can also be painted up there 'plaster. It is true that the heavy swans, the grave crowns and the most grave medallions that framed the busts of great dramatic actors were removed from the bands of the boxes; but what was substituted for that painting I will not say beautiful but less baroque? A coat of white lead was given, which was called marble for derision, small wooden frames were stuck around the windowsills, badly, and a frieze was painted with a faded blue that clashes with the paintings (we will call them so) of the vault and with the heavy plinth featuring a marble, or rather colored cobblestone, neither described nor known by any geologist while above the pillars that separate the boxes he applied three leaves that look like as many butterflies of an unknown fauna. " In the photo of 1916 shown here (fig. 7) the decorations of Malatesta targeted by Natali are probably reproduced, while those we see today are the oldest ones by Monotti and Faina. In the nineteenth century he was director of the theater for 30 years, the distinguished Perugian historian Luigi Bonazzi, who was also an appreciated dramatic actor. If until 1867 the offer of music was small, between 1868 and 1881 several musical works were represented: in 1871 "La Traviata" by Giuseppe Verdi (18 years after the first Venetian), brought by one of the most famous entrepreneurs of the moment, Vincenzo Paoli of Florence, who undertook 12 performances, from 10 November to 10 December, with part of his orchestra and the entire company. In 1881 "La Sonnambula" by Vincenzo Bellini was on the bill. However, to stage these works, the theater always ended up going at a loss. For this reason, in 1886 there was a long discussion before deciding to raise the annual quota of the Academicians to 200 lire. A curious news is transmitted to us by the resolutions of the council of 1869. In fact, it was decided to illuminate the theater "with stearic wax" only for the evening of 6 June, "on the occasion of the statute party", the date on which great celebrations were organized in Thicket; on the other hand, the theater was generally gas-lit. From 1887 to 1890 the theater was closed to carry out works deemed necessary following the provisions on safety in theaters. In 1897 a new regulation came out and the commission in charge of inspecting Umbertide's theater established that it could hold a maximum of 450 people: 200 in the stalls, 200 in the boxes, 50 on the stage. He ordered the opening of two more doors to the outside and a fire extinguishing system with water outlets. The non-compliance of the theater with the new regulations, however, did not prevent the continuation of the activity until 1906, when it was again closed due to an injunction by the Public Security office. In 1910, 271 citizens signed a petition to urge the reopening of the theater, but we know that only in 1913 the restorations were completed. In the same year, a new statute of the Accademia dei Riuniti was drawn up in which it is reiterated that: "The headquarters of the Academy is in the same theater of the Riuniti, which it owns" (article 2), and that "The Society is made up of all the co-owners of the boxes ... "(article 5). In the years of Fascism, the theater was also called "only after-work cinema" because films were shown there, as well as the representation of operettas and plays by school pupils. But what most people remember are the parties and dances that took place there. This was how we arranged: we had the buffet come from a bar (in the theater there was not one until the sixties); for the lighting each carried one or two acetylene lamps which rested on the sills of the boxes; the audience was freed from the chairs and, to warm up, a demijohn was placed on the stage with a tap that allowed them to draw wine from the orchestra pit where at that point nothing was missing ... It was at this time that the internal structure of the theater was modified. In the years preceding the 1940s, this cinema destination was somehow made official in the new name of the Society and the Theater: “Teacine”. In the sixties, the Teacine, practically little more than accessible, was taken over by a company that restructured it as best as possible, enlarging the stage and reopening it to the public. Due to these changes, the acoustics of the hall worsened and the curtain of the Faina was lost. Despite the deterioration of the wall structure, however, the Accademia dei Riuniti has resumed its activity for 25 years and today is made up of a company of thirty amateurs, aged 15 to 60, which brings its varied repertoire to national reviews and participates in exchanges with other European nations. Not only that, but Umbertide has also become the site of an amateur theater festival, “Teatro in Umbria”, which after five years of life is now of international level. All this, at the conclusion of these pages of history, confirms the existence of a tradition and an interest in the theater that is alive and felt in the city which justify the restoration of the building and hope for an appropriate use of it. PHOTO GALLERY Note: 1) Filippo Natali, from Umberto I, attended the faculty of law in Perugia and enlisted in the retinue of Garibaldi. He wrote: an unpublished story of Umbertide, “Excursion around Lake Trasimeno”, “History of the Free State of Cospaia” and various things about Gualdo T. (dc: G. Briziarelli, 1959). The manuscript on the theater is found in the Municipal Archives of Umbertide, b.383, Various objects. 2) Umbertide Municipal Archive, Notarial Fund, protocol 482. 3) This kind of appellations were given to the Academies to underline their particular character ... 4) This statute underwent some changes in 1769 and again, under the influence of the new ideas propagated by the French Revolution, in 1808. 5) Domenico Bruni, 1758-1821. He was in Petersburg for three years at the court of Empress Catherine, then in Saxony, Poland, England and France. In 1797 he returned to Umbertide to take care of music schools. In his city he held public offices: Moire and Gonfaloniere. (from Don A. Guerrini, 1883). 6) These texts are kept at the Augusta Municipal Library in Perugia. 7) In 1759 "La clemenza di Tito"; in 1754 "The old disappointed" and "Demetrio"; in 1765 "Pulcinella power"; in 1768 "La letterata"; in 1769 "Sirce"; in 1770 "The punished miser"; in 1774 "Pulcinella fake gambler"; in 1776 "Pulcinella with the three wives" and "La finta malata"; in 1778 "The wife, despair of the husband and the guardian"; in 1783 "The Madonna ..."; in 1787 "La grotta delle mummie" and "Il Moometto" by Voltaire; in 1795 "The corsair in Marseille" and "The guilty woman". Almost all of these theatrical compositions were staged with interludes of music for four or more voices and often with dance. (see Natali manuscript). 8) Umbertide Municipal Archive, notary Vittorio Paolucci, prot. 862. 9) We know of Giovanni Cerrini that in Umbertide he also made the bridge over the Palace (designed in 1804 and finished in 1814), a project for a bell tower above the tower of the fortress and various other works. 10) Umbertide Municipal Archive, notary Tommaso Paolucci, prot. 923/4. 11) Cerrini had "compared them with the width of the boxes of the theater recently built in the land of Panicale". 12) In this regard, it should be remembered that the two buffered arches, but left in view by the current restoration, located under the stage on two walls that form a 90 degree angle, created a passage in the corner of the building that allowed the continuation of the " scito ”mentioned above (even the building adjacent to the theater, originally, did not reach up to the wall). 13) Giovanni Cerrini and Giovanni Monotti attended the Academy of Fine Arts in Perugia together and in 1791, as a drawing exam in the class of Prof. Baldassarre Orsini, they presented a project for a choir chapel in the Cathedral of Perugia with which they obtained the first prize. 14) The muse Talia is generally represented with a cartouche, a viola or other instrument and from the seventeenth century. even with a mask. 15) Umbertide Municipal Archive, b.28. 16) The following performances were: in Turin in 1815, in Florence and Bologna in 1817, in Parma in 1821, etc. 17) Here is the list of those works reported in Codovini's manuscript: November 14, 1811: The knight of honor, by Mr. Avelloni. 16 said: La Semiramide, by Mr. Voltaire, translated by Mr. Cesarotti. 17 said: The madman for love, unpublished. 17 said: Carlotta and Werter, by Mr. Sagrasti. 19 said: The Diogenes, by Mr. Chiari. 20 said: The Geneva of Scotland, tragedy of Mr. Miller, 21 said: Clementina and Dalmanzi, of Mr. Avelloni. 23 said: Justice reaches underground, an unprecedented drama. 24 said; The mirror of obstinacy, unprecedented. 25 said: The jealousies of Agapito and Silvestro, of Mr. Giraud. 26 said: The fraternal reconciliation, by Mr. Zozebue. 27 said: The Persian bride, by Mr. Goldoni. 28 said: repetition of "fraternal reconciliation". 30 said: Replica of Voltaire's “Semiramide”. December 1st: La Zaira, by Mr. Voltaire. 3 said: S. Francesco al campo di Corrodine, unpublished. 4 said: (illegible), by Mr. D'Armand. 8 said: The banquet of Baldassarre, by Mr. Dirghieri. 10 said: The conversion of St. Margaret of Cortona, unpublished. 11 said: replica of the aforementioned. 18) Don A. Guerrini (1780-1845) was a distinguished scholar, professor of rhetoric in Umbertide, he wrote "History of the land of Fratta" published, unfinished, after his death, in 1883. (See the biography that makes it Antonio Mezzanotte as an introduction to the aforementioned book). From the book "Project Recovery and Restoration of the Teatro dei Riuniti di Umbertide" - Publishing theme, 1990 - The history of the Teatro dei Riuniti, edited by Flavia di Serego Alighieri BIBLIOGRAPHY - Don A. Guerrini, History of the land of Fratta from its origin to the year 1845, Città di Castello, tip. Tiberina, 1883. - G. Brizziarelli, Umbertide and umbertidesi in history, Città di Castello, 1959. R. Sabatini, Umbrian theaters, Perugia, 1981. - B. Porrozzi, Umbertide and its territory, Città di Castello, sd. Theaters, entertainment venues and academies in Montepulciano and Valdichiana, Exhibition catalog, Montepulciano, 1984. SOURCES - Municipal Archive of Umbertide - Renato Codovini, History of Umbertide - sec. XIX, unpublished typescript. LA DOCUMENTAZIONE RELATIVA ALL’ACQUISTO DEI LOCALI DEL TEATRO DA PARTE DELL’ACCADEMIA DEI SIGNORI RIUNITI Si tratta di documenti che abbracciano il periodo che va dal 1783 al 1788 e sono interessanti, oltre che per l’oggetto in discussione, anche per conoscere la lingua italiana che si usava allora per le trascrizioni notarili. Si può pure notare che, a livello ecclesiastico, veniva usato ancora il latino. Riunione del 24 gennaio 1783 In nomine Dei amen. Anno Domini millesimo septingentesimo octuagesimo tertio [1783] die vero vigesimo quarto januarii [24 gennaio]... Personalmente costituiti avanti di me notaio i testimoni infrascritti gli Ill.mi signori Domenico Gioacchino del fu signor Mariano Savelli al presente Governatore di Otricoli per la Sagra Consulta, il sig. dott. Bonaventura del fu dott. Giambattista Spinetti, il signor dott. Giuseppe del fu signor Giantommaso capitano Paolucci, il dott. Giuseppe figlio del signor dott. Benedetto Bertanzi, il tenente Filippo del fu sig. Ruggero Burelli, il sig. Giambattista del fu sig. dott. Fabrizio Mazzaforti per il signor Paolo suo fratello, il signor Giambattista del fu signor Ludovico Criacci, e i signori Domenico del quondam [fu] signor Sante Cerboncelli e il signor Stefano del quondam signor Carlo Vibi per il signor dott. Lorenzo suo fratello, individui dell'Accademia dei Riuniti di questa Terra della Fratta da me tutti cogniti, i quali a fine di avere da questa Comunità l'uso perpetuo della sala ove sta il teatro e le stanze annesse per esercitare la gioventù in decorose rappresentazioni ed onesti divertimenti e così mantenere sempre più l'unione di tutto il paese specialmente ed in ogni modo migliore, tutti li suddetti signori ed il suddetto Giuseppe Bertanzi colla rinunzia al beneficio della patria potestà e alla L. I.2... Tit... Cod... quod cum eo, ed a tute le altre leggi, statuti e privilegi a favore dei figli di famiglia disponenti mediante il suo giuramento toccate le scritture delle quali specialmente ed in ogni [è una formula di giuramento], promettono, convengono si obbligano di pagare e sborsare la somma e quantità di uno scudo per cadauno all'anno per lo spazio di anni sei da oggi prossimi, e come siegue fenire entro il mese di gennaio incominciando dal mese presente perfinché saranno compiti li predetti anni sei ed in caso di ritardato pagamento, a contumacia li medesimi signori Accademici acconsentono di essere convenuti giuridicamente dal corpo delli Accademici colla spedizione del mandato esecutivo con la semplice intimazione avanti qualunque giudice, con questo patto però, che detto annuo pagamento non debba convertirsi in altr'uso, se non che nel formare un capitale fruttifero stabile e siguro, il di cui annuo fruttato debba impiegarsi in mantenimento e rifacimento della casa ov'è il teatro, stanze, e ditta, scale ed altro che occorrerà e ciò in vigore degli ordini della Sagra Congregazione del Buon Governo, ad effetto di ottenere la cessione, che si farà dalla Comunità a questa nostra Accademia dell'uso perpetuo di detta fabbrica per l'effetto suddetto. E promettono li detti signori Accademici di fare un tal annuo pagamento per questo primo anno in mani del signor Stefano Vibi esattore eletto dalla Congregazione oggi venuta di detta Accademia, dal quale dovrà poi consegnarsi la somma esatta in mano del signor Domenico Cerboncelli Depositario della suddetta Accademia ad effetto di farne il rinvestimento annuo accenato, e negli anni susseguenti in mano dell'altro esattore che verrà eletto, e così di anno in anno col peso sempre di farli pervenire in mano di detto signor Cerboncelli, il quale radunato che avrà una somma sufficiente dovrà avere il peso di rinvestirla coll'intelligenza sempre però della suddetta Accademia in uno o più investimenti siguri secondo le somme che esigerà di mano in mano, a secondo le occasioni che si presenteranno sigure e fruttifere, ed il fruttato di questi rinvestimenti debba esigersi ogn'anno dal detto signor Cerboncelli Depositario, detto sopra eletto, senza che gli altri signori Accademici o Principe pro tempore abbia avere il pensiero di fare simili riscossioni e questi frutti debbono impiegarsi in risarcimento delle case come sopra da cedersi all'Accademia, né convertirsi in altr'uso senza licenza della medesima, ed in caso in qualch'anno non abbisognassero tali risarcimenti per il mantenimento della casa suddetta, si debbano riservare per altre occasioni di detti risarcimenti. E promettono li suddetti signori Accademici, come sopra presenti, il presente obbligo sempre attendere ed osservare colle suddette condizioni, mai contro di esse fare, dire o venire, anzi farvi acconsentire ogni o qualunque persona e che a loro è lecito di farla volendo essere sempre tenuti alla perpetua oservanza [sic] del medesimo colle suddette condizioni non solo in questo ma anche in ogni modo migliore. [Notaio Vittorio Paolucci. Archivio Notarile Umbertide. Registro n. 866]. Contratto di cessione della sala del teatro In Dei nomine amen. Anno Domini millesimo septingentesimo octuagesimo terbio [1783] - In prima die vero prima mensis februarii [1 febbraio]... Personalmente costituiti avanti di me notaro e testimoni infrascritti l'Eccellentissimo Signor Dottore Giuseppe figlio della beata memoria del Signor Capitano Giantommaso Paolucci e li Signori Vittorio del quondam [fu] Bernardino Ceccarelli, Filippo del quondam Giambattista Legnetti anche in nome di Pietro del quondam Benedetto Crosti tutti di questa Terra della Fratta a me cogniti pubblici rappresentanti della Comunità di questa Terra li quali facendo l'atto infrascritto in virtù della risoluzione del pubblico generale Consiglio celebrato sotto il dì 9 maggio 1780, copia di cui a me diedero per inscriverla col presente istromento, del tenore alla quale, ed in vigore delle facoltà riportate a seconda del medesimo Consiglio della Sagra Congregazione del Buon Governo e della Sagra Consulta, che si giustifica colle lettere di Monsignore Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Governatore di Perugia in data del 27 giugno e 29 aprile dell'anno 1780, che parimente a me diedero per allegarle nel presente strumento, del tenore che in vece e nome di detta Comunità danno, cedono e concedono per uso perpetuo dell'Accademia de' Riuniti di detta Terra alli signori Accademici di essa e per la medesima all'eccellentissimo signor dottore Gioacchino Maria della beata memoria del signor Mariano Savelli governatore al presente della Terra d'Otricoli parimente a me cognito deputato da essa a questo atto nell'adunanza tenuta il dì 24 gennaro scorso copia della quale parimente a me diedero ad effetto d'inserirla nel presente istromento per detta Accademia e Signori Riuniti assieme con me notaio stipulante ed accettante in favore l'uso perpetuo della casa ov'è il pubblico teatro, alla quale si sale con scala di pietra al di fuori, posta in questa Terra della Fratta nella Piazza del Grano di questa Comunità, ove è la Rocca, conforme davanti la detta Piazza, da un lato la casa del signor Pensa e Padri Minori Conventuali di San Francesco di questa medesima Terra, e dagli altri lati le mura castellane, e di sotto la pubblica Cancelleria, l'Archivio e Carceri, qual casa consiste in una sala, ove è il teatro e la platea del medesimo e due camere contigue a detta sala con tutti i suoi scioiti, annessi, connessi, membri, adiacenze, pertinenze, ponendolo, costituendolo, dandogli... E questa cessione fanno detù Signori pubblici rappresentanti perché asseriscono e confessano aver fatto acquisto della casa degli eredi Petrogalli di detta Terra per il preciso fine ed effetto dell'abitazione del signor Commissario pro tempore per cui servirà la casa ceduta a uso de' Cancellieri, Sbirri e Balivo come appare per rogito del signor dottore Filippo Maria Savelli notaio di questa Terra il dì 8 gennaio 1780, al quale [si rinvia], con li seguenti patti, capitoli e condizioni, cioè: 1. che li Signori Accademici pro tempore siano tenuti mantenere detta casa di tutti li necessari risarcimenti, senza che la Comunità suddetta abbia avervi alcun pensiero, conforme detto signor deputato in vece e nome di essa Accademia promette di fare a tenore del detto gentile Consiglio, ed approva [il suddetto], per il quale oggetto di mantenimento obbliga ed ipoteca il rinvestimento che hanno promesso di fare li detti Signori Accademici per rogito mio il dì 24 gennaio di detto anno, volendo e dichiarando che il fondo o rinvestimento da farsi come sopra di scudi sessanta dalli detti Signori Accademici delli loro proprii denari resti perpetuamente obbligato per detto mantenimento di casa, quale dovrà farsi colli frutti che decorreranno del detto rinvestimento, senza che il capitale e frutti di esso possano convertirsi in altr'uso, e non altrimenti. 2. che in caso si dissolvesse quest'adunanza di Riuniti, la Comunità suddetta possa e debba rientrare al possesso ed uso della casa come sopra descritto con tutti i suoi risarcimenti, bonificazioni e che il rinvestimento da farsi per fondo di detto mantenimento resti vincolato ed ogni casa delli suddetti Signori Accademici possa ritirare quella somma che avrà sborsata per sommare il suddetto capitale colli suoi frutti, in caso non fossero stati impiegati. E siccome la Comunità cede all'Accademia il solo dominio utile di detta casa, benché perpetuo, conviene per patto espresso, quale detto signor deputato intende, vuole e dichiara che si abbia per espresso nel principio, mezzo e fine del presente istromento, altrimenti non sarebbe venuto al presente contratto: che dandosi qualche caso fortuito d'incendio, terremoto o altro sinistro accadente (che Iddio non voglia) 1'Accademia suddetta non sia tenuta ad alcun risarcimento, sul riflesso che la Comunità si riserva il dominio diretto e non altrimenti, perché così. 3. che sia leccito [sic] alli Signori Accademici pro tempore di ampliare la platea, fare aggiunta, mutare ingresso, fare li cassini e tutto altro che stimeranno opportuno per l'esercizio delle loro accademie e recite di commedie e come a loro più piacerà e parerà per maggiore ornamento, comodo e decoro del luogo pubblico. E finalmente che la chiave di detta casa debba tenersi dal Principe o Presidente pro tempore di detta Accademia. Dichiarando detti signori pubblici rappresentanti debba restare in perpetuo l'uso della casa Petrogalli, come sopra comprata per il signor Commissario, Cancellieri e Sbirri e Balivo e la casa e di lei uso, ove è il detto teatro, debba ancor questa restare in perpetuo per l'Accademia suddetta dei Riuniti, senza che mai possa ritogliersi, promettendo di sempre e perpetuamente mantenerla nel libero, quieto e pacifico posesso [sic] ed uso di essa, né a ciò mai contro dire o venire per qualunque capo, causa o motivo, volendo esser sempre tenuti in nome della loro Comunità ch'a perpetua osservanza del presente contratto non solo in questo, ma anche in ogni altro modo migliore. [Notaio Vittorio Paolucci. Archivio Notarile Umbertide. Registro n. 866.] Lettera di Giampietro Pensa Giampietro Pensa da Città di Castello [omissis] l'espone avere una casa nella Terra della Fratta per la metà ed indivisa con questi Reverendi Padri Conventuali di San Francesco posta nella Piazza frumentaria, presso davanti la detta piazza, di dietro li sciolti delle muraglie castellane, da uno il palazzo del pubblico, casa ereditaria del Fracassini, ora de' Signori conti Ranieri di Perugia rifermata in ultimo luogo al detto oratore in terza generazione il dì 8 novembre 1741 per rogito del fu Maurizio Savelli notaro di detta Terra e descritta al libro livellare di detta sua mensa a carta 59; e siccome desidero vendere la metà della medesima casa per indivisa, come sopra, stimata dai periti communi in somma di scudi 15, supplica pertanto l'oratore Vostra Illustrissima [...] per la licenza di poter vendere detta casa per il suddetto prezzo ..... Nulla osta rilasciato dalla Diocesi Nulla osta del Vescovo di Gubbio relativo alla compra-vendita della casa del Pansa adiacente al teatro. Attentis narratis servato dominis favore nostrae mensae episcopalis et sine prejudicio habentium meliora et potiora jura quater oratori petitam licentiam vendendi medietatem domus, de qua in precibus, concedimus atque impartimus ita tamen ut emptor intra debitum tempus precies nobis porrigat ad effectum conseguendi debitam investituram, et non intelligatur illatum illum praejudicium [...] exigendi canones decursos et non solutos. Incipiendi datum Eugubii ex Cancelleria Episcopale hac die prima mensis septembris 1785. Episcupus Eugubino Franciscus Lusieri LVD. Cancelliere Episcopale. Stima della casa dei frati Noi Maestri muratori [Bruni e Porrini] di questa Terra della Fratta, essendo stati richiesti, Mastro Pietro Bruni ad istanza dell'illustrissimo signor Domenico Cerboncelli come Depositario degli Accademici del teatro di questa Terra della Fratta, e Mastro Francesco Porrini ad istanza dei Padri Minori Conventuali di questa medesima Terra per vedere, considerare, stimare e riferire il giusto prezzo e valore di una casa che in comune si gode da terra fino al tetto dalli suddetti Padri Conventuali e dalla suddetta Accademia del teatro posta in questa Terra nella Piazza della Rocca che confina da Levante le mura castellane mediante lo steccato, O [occidente] la Piazza della Rocca et eredi Fracassini, S [sud] il teatro salvi etc. composta di tre piani e stalla a pianterreno, il prezzo della qual casa, libera da ogni defalco, la giudichiamo secondo la nostra perizia e coscienza avendo minutamente considerato ascendere a scudi sessanta moneta romana di paoli dieci per scudo e per essere tutto ciò alla verità conforme sarà il presente foglio sottoscritto e rispettivamente segnato col segno della Santa Croce da noi infrascritti. In fede questo dì 26 febbraio 1787 nella Terra della Fratta. [Notaio Giovan Battista Burelli. Archivio Notarile Umbertide. Registro 885 c. 30]. Richiesta dei frati al Vescovo Illustrissimo e reverendissimo Monsignore, il Guardiano e Religiosi Minori Conventuali di San Francesco della Terra della Fratta umilmente rappresentano a Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima come, fra gli altri stabili al loro Convento appartenenti, tengono una casa in detta Terra situata nella Piazza della Rocca compatronale ed indivisa con l'Accademia del teatro di detto luogo del valore di scudi sessanta moneta romana, trenta dei quali appartenenti e di ragione al loro Convento e gli altri trenta a detta Accademia; come anche ritengono un pezzo d'orto del valore di scudi quattro romana moneta, e siccome sì dell'uno che dell'altro ne ritraggono al presente poco e quasi niente d'utile, supplicano pertanto Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Reverendissima volergli accordare il permesso di poter vendere detti stabili ascendenti al valore di scudi trentaquattro, come dalle perizie giurate e qui annesse, obbligandosi di depositare il denaro nel loro errario [sic] per rinvestirlo poi in miglior fondo. Che della grazia..... [Notaio Giovanni Battista Burelli. Archivio Notarile Umbertide. Registro 885 c. 29 ]. Contratto di compravendita tra i frati e gli accademici In Dei nomine amen.Die vigesima septima junii anno... [27 giugno 1788] Presenti e personalmente costituiti alla presenza mia e dei testimoni infrascritti li Reverendissimi Padri Francesco Antonio Celestini guardiano, Filippo Maria Magnanini e Felice Antonio Angelucci sacerdoti e religiosi di famiglia del venerabile convento de' Minori Conventuali di San Francesco di questa Terra della Fratta e quello intieramente rappresentando, tutti a me cogniti, i quali inerendo alla risoluzione del loro Capitolo congregato fin dal dì 21 maggio 1787, al quale di loro spontanea volontà ed in ogni altro modo migliore, in vigore della licenza e facoltà ottenuta dall'Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Monsignor Vescovo di Gubbio, come dal suo rescritto in data 4 marzo 1788 che a me fu dato originale per inserirlo nel presente istromento, al quale danno, cedono e vendono all'Accademia del Teatro dei Riuniti di questa Terra, e per essa al [...] signor Don Nicolò del quondam signor Pietro Antonio Guardabassi membro della medesima qui presente a me cognito, a tale effetto dall'Accademia medesima deputato e per essa insieme con me notaio accettante e stipulante. La metà indivisa d'una casa, che detto convento godeva in comune coll'Accademia suddetta posta in questa Terra nella Piazza della Rocca, confinante nella parte posteriore le muraglie castellane mediante lo steccato; davanti la Piazza suddetta, da un lato le case degli eredi Fracassini e dall'altro il teatro suddetto salvi, composta di tre piani e stalla a pian terreno, con tutti i suoi scioiti, membri e pertinenze, ad avere, tenere e possedere con tutte e singole ragioni al detto convento competenti, ponendola e costituendola e fintantoché [omissis - formule varie] per il prezzo di scudi trenta moneta romana a tenore del foglio di perizia… [Notaio Giovanni Battista Burelli. Archivio Notarile Umbertide. Registro n. 885 c. 27]. Fonti: “Umbertide nel Secolo XVIII” di Renato Codovini e Roberto Sciurpa – Comune di Umbertide – Gesp, 2003

THE PATHS OF MEMORY Curated by Fabio Mariotti 1944 is remembered in Umbertide as the most dramatic year in the history of the city. World War II brought with it a long trail of blood, destruction and despair due to the tragic events that preceded the liberation of the city on July 5th. The allied bombing of Borgo San Giovanni, in the heart of the city, with 70 dead; the retaliation of Serra Partucci, with 5 dead; the massacre of Penetola, with 12 deaths; the massacre of Monsiano, with 8 deaths. Another 6 civilians lost their lives between 3 and 15 July in the territory between Preggio, Monestevole and Montemigiano. Sigifrido Bartocci, killed by German soldiers on May 8 near Civitella Ranieri and then many other civilian victims of bombings, cannonades and the explosion of grenades in Umbertide and in the surrounding areas (for details see "the Atlas of Memory" by Alvaro Tacchini) . To all of them, involuntary heroes of human madness, and to their families, we dedicate these paths of memory, so as not to forget and to pass them on to new generations. The bombing of Borgo San Giovanni Twelve British Curtiss P - 40 Kittyhawk aircraft departed from the Cutella field airport in Puglia to destroy the road bridge over the Tiber and make it more difficult for the Germans to retreat. It was April 25, 1944. A date that the people of Umbria will not forget. Between 9 and 9.30 the allied squadron flew over the sky of Umbertide, with its load of two large-caliber bombs per plane (a total of about 4 tons of explosives). After several vaults above Romeggio, the planes headed towards Serra Partucci, in favor of the sun, from which they swooped down towards the bridge over the Tiber. But the bombs (as Roberto Sciurpa wrote in his volume “Umbertide in the 20th century 1900 - 1946) were not yet“ intelligent ”(if ever there will be intelligent bombs) and they often missed the target. This unfortunately also happened to Umbertide. The bombs, dropped at regular intervals of about 30 seconds between one couple and the other, instead of hitting the bridge, all but two ended up above the houses in the historic center. It was a massacre. 70 people, including 46 women, were buried under the rubble. The spectacle that presented itself to the first responders was tremendous. Hideously mutilated bodies lay on the square and the hamlet of San Giovanni was a heap of smoking rubble from which moans and invocations for help rose. Despite the fright and the risk of new bombings, the people did their utmost to help the wounded and extract the bodies of the fallen from the rubble, placing them temporarily around the Collegiate Church. It was a race against time because the bridge remained intact and the planes could reappear at any moment. This happened in the afternoon, at 4 pm, and this time the bombs spared the town but did not succeed in destroying the road bridge whose north arch was only destroyed on April 30th. So many deaths, so much pain, a devastated community, due to a military action which is probably useless and which has not even reached the set goal. This is war. These are what we now call "side effects" that always and inexorably affect civilians, the most defenseless people. To avoid these effects too, there is only one universal system, stop wars and always work for peace. The list of the 70 victims: Pupils Pierucci Antonio, Arrunategni Rivas Mario, Baiocco Giulia, Banelli Anna, Banelli Amleto, Barattini Scartocci Neodemia, Barbagianni Antonio, Bartoccioli Giulia, Bebi Ceccarelli Elda, Bebi Luciano, Bebi Fileni Maria Domenica, Bebi Banelli Tecla, Bendini Annunziata, Bernacchi Maria Anna, Bernacchi Benedetto, Bernacchi Raffaele, Bernacchi Valentino, Boldrini Cecilia, Boldrini Bellezzi Elisabetta, Boncristiani Tommasi Rosa, Borgarelli Armede Gina, Borgarelli Ester, Cambiotti Amalia, Caprini Selleri Assunta, Ceccarelli Marianella, Ceccarelli Rosanna, Ciocchetti Fausto, Ciocchetti Giuseppe, Cozzari Galmacci Veronica Cozzari Verginia, Donnini Domenico, Donnini Gianfranco, Fagioli Franca, Ferrari Alfonso, Galmacci Realino, Gambucci Ubaldo, Grandi Giuseppina, Leonessa Licinio, Bernacchi Marianna manuals, Anna Paola screeds, Mastriforti Cambiotti Marianna, Mazzanti Graziella, Merli Mazzanti Argentina, Mischianti Angelo, Mischianti Ida, Monfeli Galeno, Montanucci Fiorucci Felicia, Mortini Elvira, Orlandi Sonaglia Augusta, Palazzetti Bernacchi Angela, Palazzetti Assunta, Pambuffetti Giovanna, Perini Giuseppe, Pierotti Coletti Giulia, Porrini Elisei Assunta, Renato Simonucci Bergasina, Renga Rosalinda, Renzini Pazzi Maria, Romitelli Rina, Rondini Mischianti Luisa, Sabbiniani Santini Leopolda Batazzi Letizia, Scartocci Mario, Selleri Angelo, Selleri Giuseppe, Selleri Pasquale, Tognaccini Delma Beans, Tognaccini Barbagianni Zarelia, Violins Lina, Villarini Bruno. Sources: - Mario Tosti: "Beautiful works" - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 1995 - Mario Tosti: “Our ordeal” - Ed. Petruzzi - Città di Castello 2005 - Roberto Sciurpa: "Umbertide in the 20th century 1900 - 1946" - Ed. GESP - 2006 Photo by Roberto Balducci from the volume by Bruno Porrozzi "Umbertide in the pictures - from the 16th century to the present day - Pro loco Umbertide - 1977 The plaque commemorating the victims On the rubble in search of survivors On the right, the ruins of the hamlet of San Giovanni Right, below, via Cibo after the bombing Left, below. the ruins of the sacristy of the Collegiate La rappresaglia di Serra Partucci L'eccidio di Penetola Vittime civili ad Umbertide - A. Tacchini La strage di Monsiano (Preggio) Il bombardamento di Borgo San Giovanni Le battaglie prima della liberazione - A. Tacchini La Liberazione di Umbertide - A. Tacchini Partigiani di Umbertide Il Diaro di Rino Pucci La storia di Palazzoli Natalino di Massimo Pascolini La storia di Ciro Monsignori Atlante della Memoria di Alvaro Tacchini Il bombardamento di Borgo San Giovanni The retaliation of Serra Partucci June 24, 1944 was Saturday. In Serra Partucci, St. John the Baptist was celebrated and the day before, according to the ancient custom, the petals of the wildflowers were collected and soaked in a basin. With that scented water the next morning we washed. So did the inhabitants of the Serra who that Saturday had gathered in the small church for the mass celebrated by Don Giuseppe Filippi. Suddenly some Germans with their commander had entered the church and, screaming, they had made everyone go out into the open, arranging them in a row in front of the soldiers with their weapons drawn. The German officer, in broken Italian, explained what was happening. A German soldier on a motorcycle nearby had been injured on the road the day before. So, although he was not dead, the inhuman law of retaliation had taken place which provided for the shooting of 5 hostages for the wounded German (in case of death there would have been 10). Since four "banditen" had already been arrested, they had come to take the fifth. It must be said, to tell the truth, that the Germans had already arrested five hostages but one of these, Quinto Centovalli, was without a hand and the Germans had decided to exclude him from being shot. The choice among those present at the mass fell on Domenico Cernich , a young 26-year-old tailor from Gorizia who was in Umbertide, together with his brothers, awaiting the arrival of the allies. Domenico, together with Radicchi Mario (24 years - farmer), Radicchi Giuseppe (17 years - farmer), Centovalli Natale (20 years - student) and Ciribilli Domenico (26 years - tailor) were taken to the tobacco dryer and tricidated here. from a few bursts of machine gun. At eight in the morning, the five bodies were transported to the Serra cemetery on two oxen-drawn treks. A stele and a stone commemorate the terrible retaliation. In the memorial stone, built in the twentieth anniversary of the Resistance, these words are written: “Here the German barbarian left gruesome memories of unfair retaliation. Five innocent young people fell victim to his fury on June 24, 1944. Justice, prayer, peace invoke the missing from the survivors. " Domenico Cernic La rappresaglia di Serra Partucci The door of the church The wall of the shooting The massacre of Penetola What is exposed in these pages is the story of an Umbrian family and its tragic encounter with history. Aspects and circumstances will be common to many other Italians and the story is one that all those who lived in 1944 can bear witness. In recounting the particular experiences of some individuals unknown to them, I hope to pass on to my children and those of my peers a less sterile and more aware knowledge of the final stages of the Second World War and of the positive social and democratic transformations of Italian society. Because, even the humblest of Italian citizens, emerging from the war and the fascist dictatorship supported by the values of democracy and the Republican Constitution, were able to overcome grief and injustice, free themselves from medieval social practices and, in just two generations, provide children and grandchildren all the opportunities that only a free and democratic society can offer. The great story, the one known to all of us in broad or broad terms, is a set of small, sometimes very large, personal stories. They constitute the shared collective memory or, in other cases, divided, of a nation. Putting order and seeking the objective truth in each of these little stories will prevent anyone who has a petty interest in them from mystifying the irrefutable reality of events and, for the younger generations, from forgetting what has been, drawing the necessary teaching from it. In the night between 27 and 28 June 1944, in the Umbrian high Tiber, in a farmhouse called Penetola di Niccone, six kilometers north-east of Umbertide, twelve people were brutally killed by soldiers belonging to the 305th engineers battalion of the army. German stationed in the Niccone valley. The operational dynamics of the massacre are today to our knowledge, while strong doubts and perplexities remain about the causes and modalities of the massacre itself, in many respects atypical compared to the many others that the German army stained itself during the retreat towards the line. Gothic in the summer of 1944. One of the most atrocious episodes among those that occurred in Umbria during the Second World War took place in Penetola. As with many "hidden" massacres of the war on civilians that broke out in Italy after 8 September 1943, even in the survivors of the Penetola massacre the anger of not knowing the culprits burned and in that of their descendants, like me, the desire to appease that same anger which, after so many years, prevented the definitive overcoming of mourning. Never, not even for a moment, in the course of the search for truth, was I driven by a desire for revenge against the moral or material perpetrators of the massacre. I just wanted and had to replace those who should have investigated and have not done it, not knowing or not wanting to do it. The former also belonged to my family, who lacked the strength, the education, the boldness and the money to open doors that they should have found wide open. To the latter, to those who have preferred to remain silent, to those who have chosen not to choose, to those who have disinterested themselves by evading their duty, I can only say that they would have known and could have done better and more at the moment and in the right place. ............... (Introduction from the book "Tre Nuts" by Paola Avorio) Sources: - Paola Avorio: “Three walnuts” - Ed. Petruzzi - Città di Castello - 2011 - Giovanni Bottaccioli: "Penetola, not all the dead die" - Municipality of Umbertide, 2005 The victims: Ivory Antonio, by Mario, 11 years Ivory Carlo, by Mario, 8 years Ivory Renato, by Mario, 14 years Forni Canzio, by Edoardo, 58 years Forni Edoardo, from Canzio, 16 years Forni Ezio, from Canzio, 21 years Luchetti Guido, from Avellino, 18 years Nencioni Conforto, from Menotti, 36 years old Nencioni Eufemia, from Menotti, 44 years Nencioni Ferruccio, from Menotti, 46 years Ferrini Milena, wife of Ferruccio Nencioni, 41 years Renzini Erminia, widow of Menotti Nencioni, 68 years The cottage, the memorial stone and the plaque commemorating the massacre Paola Avorio during the presentation of her book On the right, the inscription on the memorial stone the massacre (1974) Below, two internal images of the farmhouse theater of the massacre L'eccidio di Penetola The massacre of Monsiano (Preggio) In 2015, on the occasion of the centenary of the beginning of the First World War, throughout Italy and also in Europe, the need was felt to witness the tragic events, especially those still unknown, of missing and forgotten innocent people. For this reason it was decided to commemorate with a plaque a little-known massacre that took place in our territory in Monsiano, not far from Preggio, on 4 July 1944, during the passage of the front and the retreat of the Germans to the north. A bombardment by the allied forces hit a cottage where a couple of fleeing Germans were hiding. The entire rural building, now rebuilt, was razed to the ground, exterminating an entire family, the spouses Gelindo Braconi and Isolina Bellezzi and their six children, Maria (4 years), Anna (8), Lorenzo (11), Francesco (14 ), Rina (16), Luigina (19). The plaque commemorating this terrible event was applied to a small rocky boulder, located at the intersection of the provincial road with the local road that leads to Monsiano. The Municipal Administration and the population of Preggio thus wanted to bear witness to all those who, by stopping in front of the plaque, will be able to learn about the history of this family from Preggio and its tragic destiny. The ceremony was attended by the mayor of Umbertide Marco Locchi, Alberto Bufali, president of the Pro loco di Preggio and promoter, together with the Municipality and the Città di Castello section of the national association for fallen and war missing families, of the commemoration, the regional president Rosanna Tonnetti, Gianfranco Braconi, family member of the victims of the massacre, Paola Milli and Pierino Monaldi from the “Venanzo Gabriotti” Institute of Political and Social History in Città di Castello, of the National Association of Families Fallen and Missing from War. The inauguration was accompanied by the blessing given by the parish priest of Preggio Don Francesco Bastianoni and by the deposition of a crown at the foot of the tombstone on the notes of the trumpet of the master Galliano Cerrini. During the ceremony, Mario Tosti and Alvaro Tacchini were also thanked for their valuable historical research on the events that occurred in Preggio on July 4th seventy-one years ago. Sources: Alvaro Tacchini: "Tiffernate history and more" website The memorial stone that commemorates the tragic event The manifesto for the inauguration of the cippus La strage di Monsiano (Preggio) LE BATTAGLIE A MONTE MURLO, MONTE ACUTO E MONTE CORONA (2-3 luglio 1944) Dal libro “Guerra e Resistenza nell’Alta Valle del Tevere (1943-44) di ALVARO TACCHINI, Petruzzi Editore, Città di Castello 2015 I combattimenti stavano per investire le montagne a meridione della valle. In seguito allo sfondamento della Linea Albert da parte degli Alleati, i tedeschi si ritirarono lungo la successiva linea difensiva Monte Murlo - Monte Acuto - Monte Corona - fiume Assino - Montelovesco. Nutrivano la convinzione di poter resistere accanitamente su quelle alture. In effetti l'attacco scatenato dalla 10ª e dalla 25ª brigata indiana nella notte tra il 2 e il 3 luglio ebbe un esito contraddittorio. Il battaglione gurkha della 10ª, appoggiato dall'artiglieria, da uno squadrone di carri armati degli Hussars e dalle mitragliatrici dei Northumberland Fusiliers, si mosse da Castel Rigone e riuscì a conquistare Monte Murlo difeso da una settantina di tedeschi, resistendo poi a un loro contrattacco. Invece i reparti garhwali e beluci delle due brigate non furono in grado di sopraffare le difese germaniche a Monte Acuto e Monte Corona. In particolare l'attacco dei beluci a Monte Acuto si risolse, per ammissione degli stessi britannici, in un "costoso insuccesso" (1) , con 32 perdite. Si resero così conto di aver sottovalutato, per errate informazioni, la forza dei tedeschi. Quanto a Monte Corona, quel 3 luglio un reparto attaccante dei garhwali fu inchiodato sulle sue posizioni dal fuoco di sbarramento tedesco per oltre nove ore. Fonti germaniche forniscono ulteriori dettagli sulla battaglia di Monte Acuto. Un reparto di 120 inglesi e indiani riuscì in un primo momento a occupare due basi del 132° reggimento della 44ª divisione presso il villaggio di Galera, a Monte Acuto. Ma la reazione tedesca fu immediata: "Visto il valore di queste posizioni in un territorio molto frammentato e molto difficile, il comandante del reggimento colonnello Hoffmann decise di fare subito un contrattacco. 35 uomini sotto la guida del tenente Zacke, sostenuti in modo eccellente dall'artiglieria del reggimento, riuscirono ad attaccare queste basi ai fianchi e riprenderne possesso. Il nemico ebbe 35 morti e feriti e 12 prigionieri. Il bottino: una mitragliatrice, un lanciagranate, 22 fucili, 8 machine-pistole e una grande radio-trasmittente" (2) . In un altro scontro gli uomini del sergente maggiore Eder respinsero l'assalto di una trentina di nemici, che ebbero 12 morti e un prigioniero. Qualche giorno dopo, poco più a nord, lo stesso Eder si sarebbe guadagnato la prestigiosa Croce Tedesca in Oro per il valore dimostrato in combattimento: "Nella lotta uomo a uomo, che fu molto feroce, il nemico patì perdite sanguinose, ma anche Eder subì una brutta ferita per un colpo ai reni; tuttavia continuò il contrattacco fin quando perse conoscenza". Il comandante generale del 51° corpo d'armata di montagna si compiacque per l’“eccellente comportamento” della 44ª divisione: “Granatieri! Voi avete lasciato, con la vostra gloriosa fermezza, una traccia nella storia della nostra divisione H.u.D. Le battaglie del 27 giugno, ad entrambi i lati del Tevere e l'assalto a Monte Murlo e Monte Acuto del 3 luglio 1944 sono degli esempi lampanti del vostro coraggio eroico” (3) . La tenace resistenza tedesca fu comunque vana. Soprattutto la caduta di Cortona il 3 luglio, sul fronte della Valdichiana, e i progressi degli Alleati nella pianura tiberina verso Pierantonio e lungo l'Appennino umbro-toscano verso Preggio rischiavano di mettere in trappola le truppe attestate sulle roccaforti di Monte Acuto e Monte Corona. Due brigate indiane supportate dai mezzi corazzati degli Hussars avevano cominciato a muoversi da Perugia lungo il Tevere verso nord il 30 giugno. L’indomani avevano raggiunto Colombella e Ramazzano senza incontrare resistenza. L'avanzata lungo le alture a oriente del Tevere stava invece richiedendo - e da allora divenne una mossa abituale in questo settore del fronte - manovre di aggiramento che disorientavano i tedeschi e provocavano il cedimento delle loro posizioni. Nelle prime ore del 2 luglio gli anglo-indiani erano a Civitella; al tramonto raggiungevano Solfagnano. Il 3 luglio, proprio mentre i combattimenti infuriavano su Monte Corona e Monte Acuto, potei-ano dunque attaccare Pierantonio, fortemente difeso dai tedeschi appostati sulle colline sovrastanti. Negli scontri che prelusero alla conquista del paese, il 4 luglio, rifulse il valore del soldato semplice A. J. Baldwin, del 1° battaglione del King's Own Royal Regiment. Mentre gli uomini del suo plotone erano bloccati dal fuoco nemico, riuscì a strisciare fino alla postazione della mitragliatrice nemica e a catturare i cinque tedeschi che si trovavano nella trincea (4) . Ma la conquista di Pierantonio costò un prezzo elevato ai fanti del Punjab e del King's Own, che ebbero 36 uomini uccisi, tra cui tre ufficiali (5) . A prendere Preggio, il 3 luglio, fu lo squadrone D del 1° reggimento del King's Dragoon Guards. I britannici definirono quella intorno al paese una “dura battaglia”. Aprì la strada verso la valle del Niccone, ma i carri armati ebbero a che fare con un percorso ostruito da crateri e con un intenso fuoco di sbarramento di artiglieria, mortai e mitragliatrici. Le prime pattuglie di fanti riuscirono a raggiungere il torrente Niccone il 4 luglio, “dopo aver trovato innumerevoli mine e demolizioni” (6) . Come di prassi nella loro ritirata, i guastatori germanici avevano reso inservibile la strada della valle del Niccone, da essi considerata una via di rilevanza strategica (7) . Proprio quel 4 luglio il passaggio del fronte seminò la morte per la prima volta in dimensioni drammatiche tra la popolazione civile. Avrebbe dovuto essere il giorno lieto della liberazione e della fine del conflitto per quanti erano asserragliati da giorni in ogni genere di rifugio. Non fu così per i Braconi di Monsiano, vicino a Preggio. Una granata centrò la casa dove vivevano e uccise otto componenti di questa famiglia contadina: insieme al padre Gelindo e alla madre Isolina, decedettero i sei figli, di età da 4 a 19 anni. Li seppellirono nel cimitero di Preggio, in tre bare: in una dovettero sistemarci tre bambini (8) . Altri quattro civili persero la vita per esplosioni di granate tra il 3 e il 6 luglio nel territorio che va da Montecastelli a Preggio: due donne a Monestevole e Montemigiano, un anziano arrotino a Montecastelli e un colono. Note: 1) The campaign in Italy 1943-45, Official history of the Indian Armed Forces in the Second World War 1939-45, edited by Bisheshwar Prasad, D. Litt., 1960, p. 266 (Traduzione dell’autore). L’attacco a Monte Acuto partì da Pantano. 2) Friedrich Dettmer – Otto Jaus – Helmut Tolkhitt, Die 44,. Infanterie-Division Reichsgrenadier Hoch-Und Deutschmeister, Wolfersheim Berstadt, Podzung Pallas Verlag, s. d., pp. 319-320. 3) Ibidem. 4) 1 Battalion, King’s Own Royal Regiment, The Campaign In Italy June 1944 – July 1944 (in http:/www.kingsownmuseum.plus.com/1koitaly01.htm). Cfr. anche The campaign in Italy 1943-45 cit., p. 266. 5) Claudio Biscarini, Il passaggio del fronte in Umbria (giugno-luglio 1944), Fondazione Ranieri di Sorbello, Perugia 2014, p. 313. 6) 1 The King’s Dragoon Guards (The Welsh Cavalry), in MBRS. 7) Avorio, Tre noci per la memoria cit., pp. 63-67 8) Testimonianza di Fortunato Rossi. Nel 71º anniversario della strage, per iniziativa della Pro Loco di Preggio, è stata posta a Monsiano una lapide commemorativa del tragico evento. Le battaglie prima della liberazione - A. Tacchini Titolo 6 Titolo 6 LA LIBERAZIONE DI UMBERTIDE (5 luglio 1944) Dal libro “Guerra e Resistenza nell’Alta Valle del Tevere (1943-44) di ALVARO TACCHINI, Petruzzi Editore, Città di Castello 2015. Teodorico Forconi scriveva nel suo diario il 3 luglio: Il rumore spaventoso della truppa in ritirata incute terrore. [...] Intanto saltano mine e ponti; colpi da ogni parte. [...] Sulla strada secondaria comincia il passaggio serale dei soldati e mezzi in ritirata". Quello stesso giorno, a Città di Castello, pochi chilometri a nord di Falerno, dove Forconi era sfollato, i guastatori germanici facevano saltare in aria la stazione ferroviaria e procedevano con l'opera demolitrice della linea. Dall'altra parte del Tevere, sul colle di Serra Partucci a oriente di Umbertide, i contadini recatisi di buon mattino a mietere il grano s'accorsero che il fronte bellico stava ormai incombendo: "Abbiamo dovuto abbandonare in fretta il lavoro, perché si sentivano i cannoni molto vicino; cadevano granate. Tornando a casa abbiamo cominciato a lavorare vicino a casa, ma presto anche da qui siamo dovuti fuggire. Sempre più forte sparavano con l'artiglieria: una vera offensiva". La notte dal 3 al 4 luglio nessuno riuscì a dormire: "Di notte ci ha svegliato un gran boato, tutta la casa tremava, ci siamo subito alzati, vestiti e usciti fuori. Abbiamo visto saltare in aria un ponte e poi anche altri ponti. Tutta la notte sparavano terribilmente" (1) . A crollare erano i ponti della valle dell'Assino, minati dai tedeschi. Le esplosioni si susseguivano da un lato all'altro della valle. Il 5 luglio il maestro Forconi annotava: "Un fortissimo rombo: cade il ponte che unisce Trestina a Cornetto. [...] Verso sera colpi di cannone tedesco sulla via di Montecastelli". Poco prima dell'alba di quel 5 luglio, senza incontrare particolare resistenza, la 25a brigata indiana entrò a Umbertide con il 1° battaglione del King's Own Royal Regiment e ne acquisì il pieno controllo a sera con i1 3° battaglione del 1° reggimento Punjab (2) . La notte stessa alcune pattuglie in avanscoperta entrarono in contatto con i tedeschi presso Montone. Costretti ad abbandonare Monte Acuto e Monte Corona, erano dunque retrocessi sulla linea di difesa Monte Bastiola - Montone – Carpini. Contemporaneamente gli anglo-indiani consolidavano le posizioni a ovest del Tevere, portando il quartiere generale tattico della l0a brigata a Polgeto, alle pendici di Monte Acuto. Un'annotazione nel “Diario di guerra” del 1° battaglione Durham rivela come, in una guerra che pure vedeva impiegati mezzi tecnici d'avanguardia, non si potesse ancora prescindere dall'apporto dei muli su un terreno montagnoso: "I muli sono arrivati al quartier generale tattico, in quanto è impossibile usare mezzi di trasporto" (3) . Questi umili quadrupedi si sarebbero mostrati ancora essenziali nel prosieguo della guerra sulle montagne altotiberine. Intanto, in Valdichiana, gli Alleati avevano raggiunto Castiglion Fiorentino e Monte San Savino. Invece, sul fianco destro della 10a divisione indiana, procedevano più lentamente. I mezzi corazzati del 12° Lancers stavano portando avanti un "pattugliamento aggressivo" in direzione di Gubbio, ma la conformazione del territorio permetteva ai tedeschi di tener bene sotto controllo la sola via di comunicazione attraverso i monti in quella zona: "La gola era profonda e le sue pareti ripide, così che con forze esigue si poteva controllare il passo indefinitamente. I tedeschi non subirono una dura pressione a Gubbio e difesero quel nodo viario per circa un mese dalle pattuglie del 12° Lancers" (4) . Mentre a Umbertide continuavano ad affluire truppe anglo-indiane, festosamente accolte dalla popolazione, il governatore alleato il 9 agosto nominava sindaco Mariano Migliorati, al quale sarebbe succeduto di lì a pochi giorni Giuseppe Migliorati (5) . Nella campagna umbertidese veniva rinvenuto il corpo di un carpentiere di 65 anni, Emilio Paoletti, ucciso a colpi d'arma da fuoco - presumibilmente da truppe tedesche - intorno a1 24 giugno. Note: 1) Testimonianza di Daniele Cernic, in Domenico e Daniele Cernic, “Due fratelli in un diario”. 2) Secondo Raffaele Mancini (Gruppo autonomo San Benedetto – Sue origini e attività svolte nel periodo settembre 1943-luglio 1944), il 5 luglio alcuni membri del gruppo partigiano umbertidese di San Benedetto scesero nella cittadina abbandonata dai tedeschi e non ancora liberata, costituendo “un nucleo armato per impedire furti nelle case abbandonate”; si incontrarono con gli anglo-indiani “nel pomeriggio dello stesso giorno in località Buzzacchero”. 3) Diario di guerra del 1º Battaglione Durham, 5 luglio 1944, in Tosti, “Belli lavori”; il 6 luglio il quartiere generale era avanzato al castello di Montalto. Cfr. anche “Il Passaggio del Fronte. Diario di guerra di un battaglione inglese. 1º giugno 1944-31 luglio 1944”, a cura di Mario Tosti, Rotary Club Città di Castello, per il 50º anniversario della Liberazione, Città di Castello 1994. 4) The campaign in Italy 1943-1945. 5) Entrarono a far parte della prima giunta amministrativa Nello Boldrini, Tramaglino Cerrini, Angelo Martinelli, Renato Ramaccioni, Giorgio Rappini, Aspromonte Rometti, Giuseppe Rondoni e Attilio Scannavin. La Liberazione di Umbertide - A. Tacchini LE VITTIME CIVILI DELLA GUERRA NEL TERRITORIO DI UMBERTIDE Nel 1944, con l’avvicinarsi del fronte, la guerra arrivò nel nostro territorio con il suo drammatico carico di distruzione e morte. Furono circa 130 le vittime civili che persero la vita nei mesi che precedettero la liberazione della città, a partire dalla terribile devastazione del centro storico di umbertide il 25 aprile con 70 morti. Poi la rappresaglia di Serra Partucci il 24 giugno (5 morti), l’eccidio di Penetola il 28 giugno (12 morti) e la strage di Monsiano il 4 luglio (8 morti). Oltre a questi, molti altri umbertidesi sono morti in conseguenza della guerra in modi diversi fino al 1946. Qui, vogliamo rendere omaggio alla loro memoria riportando le pagine che lo storico tifernate Alvaro Tacchini ha a loro dedicato nel suo bellissimo libro “Guerra e Resistenza nell'Alta Valle del Tevere 1943-1944”. Vittime di mine e residuati bellici nel 1944-1946 - Alunni Violini Marsilio, di Dario, nato a Umbertide il 3 marzo 1910, bracciante, coniugato con Antonia Contadini, deceduto il 13 marzo 1945 a Sant'Orfeto per scoppio di ordigno esplosivo. - Mannucci Letterio, di Annibale, nato a Montone il 22 dicembre 1912, residente a Santa Giuliana, bracciante, coniugato con Zaira Ceccagnoli, deceduto il 13 marzo 1945 a Sant'Orfeto per scoppio di ordigno esplosivo. - Pannacci Francesco, di Antonio, nato a Montone l'8 maggio 1915, residente a Umbertide, fabbro, deceduto il 13 marzo 1945 a Sant'Orfeto per scoppio di ordigno esplosivo. L'esplosione della mina che uccise Alunni Violini, Mannucci e Pannacci avvenne alle ore 11.30 presso il ponte sul torrente Mussino. - Arcelli Vittorio, di Luigi, nato a Perugia il 2 agosto 1887, residente a Pierantonio, coniugato con Cecilia Borchiellini, deceduto il 12 febbraio 1945 presso il ponte sul fiume Mussino di Pierantonio per scoppio di ordigno esplosivo. - Bacini Pietro, di Attilio, nato il 24 aprile 1930 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, colono, deceduto il 6 maggio 1946 a Felceto (Città di Castello) per scoppio di residuato bellico. - Lisetti Vincenzo, di Leopoldo, di anni 19, colono, coniugato, deceduto il 13 marzo 1945 all'ospedale di Perugia forse per ferite da scoppio di ordigno bellico esploso a Romeggio. - Broncolo Lazzaro, di Filippo, nato il 28 febbraio 1874 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, colono, vedovo di Clelia Mochi, deceduto il 29 luglio 1944 a San Bartolomeo, presso Preggio, per scoppio di ordigno esplosivo. - Iposolfito Margherita, nata il 7 marzo 1894 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, casalinga, coniugata con Luigi Ambrosi, deceduta il 18 marzo 1944 a Romeggio per scoppio di ordigno esplosivo. - Moroni Renato, di Sante, nato a Umbertide il 25 ottobre 1924, residente a Racchiusole, colono, deceduto il 30 agosto 1945 a Lugo di Romagna per scoppio di ordigno esplosivo. - Picottini Amedeo, detto Vittorio, di Mariano, nato il 19 giugno 1915 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, colono, coniugato con Ines Montanucci, deceduto il 12 dicembre 1944 a Camporeggiano (Gubbio) per esplosione di mina. Mitragliamento aereo di Montecastelli Il 28 maggio 1944 morì a Montecastelli per mitragliamento aereo Carlo Belardinelli , di Vincenzo, nato il 20 novembre 1909 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, bracciante, coniugato con Iolanda Citti. Vittima di granata a Montemigiano - Baldoni Filomena, di Domenico, nata il 17 dicembre 1894 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, casalinga, coniugata con Nazzareno Palazzetti, deceduta il 6 luglio 1944 a Montemigiano per scoppio di granata. Vittime di bombardamenti e cannoneggiamenti a Umbertide - Alunni Esposto Franco, di Luigi, nato a Umbertide il 5 maggio 1939, residente a Preggio, di famiglia colonica, deceduto il 26 luglio 1944 a Racchiusole, presso Preggio, per ferite da scheggia di granata. - Baffetti Domenico, di Andrea, nato a Lisciano Niccone il 16 novembre 1904, residente a Preggio, colono, coniugato con Concetta Tamagnini, deceduto il 6 luglio 1944 presso Preggio per scoppio di granata. - Belardinelli Ennio, di Giuseppe, nato il 19 maggio 1922 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, insegnante elementare, deceduto il 7 luglio 1944 per le ferite provocate dallo scoppio di una granata presso Rocca d'Aries (Montone). - Bottaccioli Stefano, di Domenico, nato il 9 maggio 1867 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, arrotino, coniugato con Clotilde Alunni, deceduto il 5 luglio 1944 a Montecastelli per ferite all'addome prodotte da scheggia di granata. - Marconi Giuseppe, di Antonio, nato il 24 settembre 1923 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, colono, celibe, deceduto il 25 luglio 1944 a Preggio per ferite da schegge di granata. - Simoncelli Stefano, di Napoleone, nato a Umbertide il 26 dicembre 1912, residente a Montecastelli, colono, coniugato con Olga Bazzurri, deceduto il 15 luglio 1944 all'ospedale di Perugia in seguito a ferita da mitragliatrice (o scheggia di granata). - Trinari Ugo, di Angelo, nato a Umbertide il 9 giugno 1943, residente a Preggio, di famiglia colonica, deceduto il 14 luglio 1944 a Preggio per ferite da scheggia di granata. - Vagliani Rosa, di Leopoldo, nata a Cortona il 13 gennaio 1889, residente a Umbertide, casalinga, coniugata con Giuseppe Ferranti, deceduta il 3 luglio 1944 a Monestevole per ferite da scoppio di granata. Sono inoltre deceduti per la stessa causa a Umbertide i non residenti - Betti Angelo, di Vincenzo, nato e residente a Perugia, di anni 72, coniugato con Oliva Bistocchi, deceduto il 23 giugno 1944 all'ospedale di Umbertide per ferite all'addome da scheggia di granata. - Bistoni Achille, di Luigi, nato a Perugia nel 1867, residente a Perugia, colono, vedovo di Emilia Bottoni, deceduto il 29 giugno 1944 in voc. Sollicelli di Santa Giuliana in seguito a scoppio di granata. Vittime dell'artiglieria britannica a Monsiano (Preggio) 4 luglio 1944 - Braconi Gelindo, di Pietro, nato a Passignano il 16 marzo 1899, colono, coniugato con Isolina Bellezzi. - Bellezzi Isolina, di Francesco, nata a Passignano il 25 febbraio 1903, colona, coniugata con Gelindo Braconi, deceduta al Policlinico di - Perugia il 4 agosto 1944 in seguito alle ferite subite. - Braconi Anna, di Gelindo, nata a Umbertide il 17 giugno 1936. - Braconi Francesco, di Gelindo, nato a Umbertide il 24 agosto 1930. - Braconi Maria, di Gelindo, nata a Umbertide il 7 novembre 1940. - Braconi Luigina, di Gelindo, nata a Umbertide il 20 giugno 1925. - Braconi Lorenzo, di Gelindo, nato a Umbertide il 17 giugno 1933. - Braconi Rina, di Gelindo, nata a Lisciano Niccone il 30 gennaio 1928. Vittime di altri bombardamenti aerei oltre a quello del 25 aprile - 29-30 aprile 1944, Umbertide. Di nuovo preso di mira il ponte ferroviario sul Tevere. Il 30 aprile aerei in picchiata da Monte Acuto riuscirono a colpire l'arco a settentrione e a danneggiare la strada nazionale Tiberina 3Bis. - 6 maggio 1944, Pierantonio (Umbertide). È bombardata la zona della ferrovia. - 13 maggio 1944, Umbertide. Bombardata la zona della stazione. - 21 maggio 1944, Umbertide. Distrutto il ponte di Pian d'Assino; bombardati altri ponti e mitragliati i treni nella stazione ferroviaria. - 22 maggio 1944, Ranchi (Umbertide) e Promano (Città di Castello). Alle ore 14.50 mitragliamento del treno viaggiatori alla stazione di Ranchi e dell'abitato di Promano. Morirono due uomini; furono danneggiate tre vetture ferroviarie e incendiato un camion tedesco. La mattina, per un mitragliamento aereo della Ferrovia Appennino Centrale presso Torre dei Calzolari (Gubbio), persero la vita due umbertidesi. - 28 maggio 1944, Umbertide. Incursione di aerei P. 47D del 57° Fighter Group: colpiti il piazzale della stazione di Umbertide, con l'officina ferroviaria, e l'abitato di Montecastelli, dove si ebbe una vittima. - 31 maggio 1944, Umbertide. Incursione aerea contro la ferrovia. Altre vittime di bombardamenti e mitragliamenti aerei - Boriosi Roberto, di Giacomo, nato a Gubbio il 4 gennaio 1894, residente a Umbertide, commerciante in legna, coniugato con Alessandra - Bocci, deceduto il 22 maggio 1944 a Torre dei Calzolari (Gubbio) per mitragliamento aereo. - Boriosi Ruggero, di Fortunato, nato a Gubbio il 20 luglio 1903, residente a Umbertide, commerciante in legna, coniugato con Clarice Curina, deceduto il 22 maggio 1944 a Torre dei Calzolari (Gubbio) per mitragliamento aereo. - Bruni Giuseppe, di Luigi, nato l'8 dicembre 1891 a Umbertide, dove risiedeva, colono, coniugato con Filomena Bovari, deceduto il 27 giugno 1944 in frazione Badia per mitragliamento aereo. - Gattaponi Luigi, di Giuseppe, nato a Città di Castello l'8 aprile 1885, residente a Umbertide, colono, celibe, deceduto l'8 luglio 1944 presso Santa Giuliana per mitragliamento aereo. - Giombetti Antonio, di Giuseppe, nato a Fossato di Vico il 28 dicembre 1884, residente a Umbertide, ferroviere capotreno, coniugato con Anna Lena Baccellini, deceduto nell'incursione aerea su Ponte San Giovanni del 19 dicembre 1943. - Nanni Alfredo, di Luigi, nato a Montone il 5 maggio 1915, residente a Umbertide, manovale ferroviere, celibe, deceduto il 19 dicembre 1943 nell'incursione aerea su Ponte San Giovanni. Vittime di esecuzioni sommarie da parte dei tedeschi - Bartocci Sigifrido [sic], di Angelo, nato a Umbertide il 18 aprile 1927, dove risiedeva, ucciso da soldati tedeschi in rastrellamento l'8 maggio 1944 presso Civitella Ranieri. - Falcini Giuseppe, di Antonio, nato a Pietralunga il 30 ottobre 1913, residente a Umbertide, autista, coniugato con Rosina Vescarelli, ucciso il 7 maggio 1944 dai tedeschi in rastrellamento a Molino della Casella (Pietralunga). - Paoletti Emilio, di Eugenio, nato a Perugia il 28 marzo 1879, residente a Umbertide, carpentiere, coniugato con Alessandrina Paolucci, ucciso verosimilmente da soldati tedeschi intorno al 24 giugno 1944 a Sant'Orfeto (Perugia), presso Pierantonio. - Porrini Enrico, di Domenico, nato a Umbertide il 21 agosto 1883, impiegato, coniugato con Fidalma Gnagnetti, ucciso da soldati tedeschi intorno al 1° luglio 1944 a Badia di Montecorona. - Sonaglia Gaudenzio, di Sante, nato a Umbertide il 10 gennaio 1865, colono, vedovo di Concetta Veschi, ucciso dai soldati tedeschi il 28 giugno 1944 a Santa Giuliana. Vittima di militari alleati Gonfiacani Ettore, di Giosafat, nato a Perugia il 16 giugno 1866, residente a Umbertide, deceduto l'8 luglio 1944, “ucciso da soldati indiani”, a Sioli, loc. Vignola (Gubbio), dove era sfollato. Si annovera inoltre tra le vittime civili Palazzoli Natalino , di Giovan Battista, nato il 25 dicembre 1929 a Umbertide, residente in loc. Cioccolanti, investito e ucciso da un automezzo britannico il 15 agosto 1944 presso Montecastelli. Per il testo integrale con le note e i riferimenti iconografici, si veda il volume di Alvaro Tacchini “Guerra e Resistenza nell'Alta Valle del Tevere 1943-1944, Petruzzi Editore, 2016. Vittime civili ad Umbertide - A. Tacchini FOTO Partigiani di Umbertide PARTIGIANI DI UMBERTIDE NELL'APPENNINO UMBRO E ALL'ESTERO Partigiani di Umbertide e dintorni riconosciuti dalla Commissione umbra ed elencati nel Ruolino della “San Faustino” - Cecchetti Guido, di Vittorio, di Umbertide, 1913-1999; carrettiere; partigiano dall'11 febbraio 1944. - Loschi Francesco, di Nello, di Umbertide, 1926-1979; partigiano dal 1° maggio 1944; volontario nel Gruppo di Combattimento “Cremona”. - Loschi Luciano, di Nello, nato a Umbertide nel 1924; partigiano dal 1° febbraio 1944. Partigiani delle formazioni di Capelli e Montelovesco riconosciuti dalla Commissione umbra I nominativi in questo elenco, sebbene non compaiano nel Ruolino della “San Faustino” o in altri suoi elenchi, sono stati riconosciuti dalla Commissione partigiani combattenti della Brigata. La data di conclusione della loro attività partigiana è il 15 luglio 1944. - Baiocco Guido, di Luigi, di Umbertide, 1922-1981; partigiano dal 10 novembre 1943. - Bonucci Raoul, di Giulio, di Umbertide, 1923-1970; maestro; partigiano dal 25 settembre 1943. - Fiorucci Aurelio, di Luigi, Montone 1925 - Umbertide 2005; residente a San Faustino; colono; partigiano dal 10 settembre 1943. - Fiorucci Giulio, di Domenico, nato a Gubbio nel 1901, residente in loc. San Faustino (Pietralunga); colono; riconosciuto partigiano combattente dal 15 ottobre 1943. - Fiorucci Luigi, di Domenico, nato a Montone nel 1889, residente in loc. San Faustino (Pietralunga); colono; riconosciuto partigiano combattente dal 15 ottobre 1943. - Gennari Addo, di Valerio, di Umbertide, 1920-1997; partigiano dal 15 marzo 1944; volontario nel Gruppo di Combattimento “Cremona”. - Gennari Aspromonte, di Valerio, di Umbertide, 1917-1992; partigiano dal 15 marzo 1944. - Giubilei Aurelio, di Antonio, di Umbertide 1925-1980; partigiano dal 15 ottobre 1943. - Lazzarini Oscar, di Zino, di Umbertide, 1924-2005; studente; partigiano dal 1° dicembre 1943. - Mancini Raffaele, di Domenico, Montone 1923 - Gualdo Tadino 2008; partigiano dal 15 maggio 1944. - Migliorati Giuseppe, di Luigi, Città di Castello 1915 - Umbertide 1987; partigiano dal 10 novembre 1943. - Nanni Ramiro, di Silvio, di Umbertide, 1909-1985; meccanico; partigiano dal 15 novembre 1943. - Ramaccioni Renato, di Angelo, di Umbertide, 1919-1994; avvocato, partigiano dal 5 novembre 1943. - Simone Raffaele, di Ciro, nato a Manfredonia (FG) nel 1924, sfollato a Umbertide; partigiano dal 22 settembre 1943. - Taticchi Antonio, di Gaetano, di Umbertide, 1903-1977; barbiere; partigiano dal 1° ottobre 1943. - Urbanelli Pietro, di Giuseppe, Pietralunga 1909 - Umbertide 2001; colono; residente presso San Faustino di Bagnolo; partigiano dal 20 settembre 1943. Partigiani di Umbertide nella banda di Capanne - Feligioni Giovanni / Gianni, di Stefano, di Umbertide, 1924-1988; colono; partigiano dal 10 novembre 1943. - Feligioni Giuseppe, di Carlo, Umbertide 1924 - Perugia 2005; colono; partigiano dal 10 novembre 1943. Partigiani di Umbertide all'estero - Baldoni Torquato, di Agostino, Passignano 1919 - Perugia 1990, residente a Racchiusole; colono; “si aggrega ai partigiani albanesi il 12 settembre 1943, rimpatria a Bari il 29 giugno 1945”. - Brachelente Giuseppe, di Ginesio, di Umbertide, 1921-1991, residente a San Giuliano; colono; “si unisce con i ribelli greci il 13 settembre 1943”. - Giovannoni Antonio, di Domenico, Umbertide 1920 - Perugia 1992, residente a Case Sparse; colono; partigiano combattente nella 4a Brigata Jugoslava, rimpatriato il 9 luglio 1945. - Rometti Ugo, di Luigi, Umbertide 1918 - Perugia 1980, residente a Niccone; colono; partigiano nella Divisione “Garibaldi” in Jugoslavia dal 9 settembre 1943 all'aprile 1945. - Rosignoli Stefano, di Rinaldo, di Umbertide, 1922-2013, residente a San Giuliano; bracciante; “coi partigiani nel Montenegro il 16 settembre 1943, rimpatriato col Battaglione Matteotti a Udine il 22 giugno 1945”. - Valdambrini Arnaldo, di Giuseppe, di Umbertide, 1909-1999; barbiere; partigiano nella Divisione “Garibaldi” in Jugoslavia. Componenti della banda di San Benedetto che non chiesero il riconoscimento ufficiale da parte della Commissione umbra Beccafichi Aldo (1921), colono; Beccafichi Pio (1922), colono; Cuccarini Giuseppe (1905), colono; Fiorucci Anselmo (1902), colono; Fiorucci Guido; Floridi Giovanni (1925), coltivatore diretto; Floridi Ulisse (1925), coltivatore diretto; Fofi Antonio (1923), colono; Gianfranceschi Elio (1926), colono; Grassini Fernando (1923), colono; Grassini Giovanni (1923), colono; Grassini Terzilio (1926), colono; Moretti Corinto (1924), colono; Moretti Giuseppe (1921), colono; Pauselli Pasquale (1910), colono; Pauselli Pietro (1916), colono; Pedana Natale (1914), operaio; Vannini Marino (1924), colono (Tra parentesi è indicato l'anno di nascita). Per il testo integrale con le note e i riferimenti iconografici, si veda il volume di Alvaro Tacchini “Guerra e Resistenza nell'Alta Valle del Tevere 1943-1944, Petruzzi Editore, 2016. Galleria fotografica NB: Il "Diario" di Rino Pucci seguente è ricordato anche in "Ottant'anni", progetto di Mario Tosti per gli 80 anni del passaggio del fronte, nella pagina dedicata al "marzo 1945 ". IL DIARIO DI RINO PUCCI Da San Faustino a Po di Primaro Nel 1975, in occasione del 30º anniversario della Resistenza e della Liberazione dal nazi-fascismo, nei Quaderni della Regione Umbria è stato pubblicato “Il Diario di Rino Pucci”, testimonianza umana e storica di quel periodo tragico della nostra storia italiana e locale. Lo riproponiamo oggi, attraverso umbertidestoria.net, perché pensiamo che l’impegno e l’entusiasmo per la libertà di quei giovani, e il sacrificio di Rino, siano ancora un esempio per i giovani di oggi, in questo mondo che, nonostante il drammatico passato che si porta dietro, non è riuscito a bandire la guerra, a sconfiggere povertà e fame e a vivere in armonia con la natura e l’ambiente che ci circonda, sempre più fragile e minacciato. PRESENTAZIONE La Consulta Comunale di Umbertide per le celebrazioni del trentennale della Liberazione, nel proporre all'attenzione dei propri concittadini, dei giovani specialmente, il «DIARIO» di Quirino Pucci, non ha cercato un mezzo o un'occasione, se volete, per rinvangare a fini speculativi, agendo sul sentimento, uno dei periodi più tragici del nostro recente passato. No. Il nostro è ben altro obiettivo: noi vorremmo far conoscere, attraverso un comune episodio, uno dei tanti, come è nata la Resistenza. Rino non scrisse il suo «DIARIO» per la storia. Ma, senza volerlo, scrisse pagine di Storia, vera, immediata, vissuta. Rino scrive le proprie impressioni, analizza i propri stati d'animo, cerca di fermare alcuni aspetti d'una vita nuova che vive all'improvviso, con un gruppo d'amici. Perché scrive? Non certo per i posteri. Forse il suo intento sarà stato quello di poter rileggere un giorno, tanto tempo dopo, le pagine sbiadite di un diario sgualcito che ricordano l'episodio della montagna, per magari riderci sopra, con gli amici, con i familiari, con gli stessi protagonisti, come si ride di una storia di gioventù che, a pericolo scampato, assume il sapore di una allegra scampagnata. O, forse, per risognare con la sua «ELA» una gioventù ormai lontana, la loro gioventù difficile, ma pur sempre una gioventù intensamente vissuta. E invece quel «dopo» quel «domani» per il quale il «DIARIO» fu scritto, per Rino non venne. E non solo per Rino. Il nostro Paese fu spazzato da una ondata di terrore e di odio: lacrime e sangue scorsero ovunque. Per tanti, non venne il domani! E, per chi venne, non fu certamente quello sognato da Rino e dai suoi amici. Fu duro, doloroso, implacabile nello smorzare i sogni e le speranze nate sui monti di S. Faustino, sui monti d'Italia. Però non tutto il bagaglio ideale di quei giorni ormai lontani è andato perduto. Qualcosa è rimasto. E quando, come oggi, sentiamo risorgere intorno a noi le forze del male, quelle stesse forze che credevamo d'aver disperso per sempre allora, trenta anni fa, quando vediamo messe in forse quelle verità e minacciate quelle Istituzioni per le quali i migliori caddero, allora ci ritroviamo tutti insieme e riprendiamo il dialogo, per ritrovare quella forza, quella stessa forza, che allora ci mosse e ci guidò al sacrificio ed alla vittoria. Lo riprendiamo dalla casa di Anacleto, lo riprendiamo dalla vecchia pieve di San Faustino, famosa una volta per le sue campane dal canto d'argento, e oggi conosciuta anche per il nome dato alla formazione partigiana che operò in quella zona e nel pietralunghese, di cui, Tu, nel «DIARIO» fai già presagire la nascita. Lo riprendiamo con tutti gli amici che erano con te, con quelli che sono venuti dopo, con quelli che ti sono stati vicini nell'ora del sacrificio supremo. Lo riprendiamo con i giovani d'oggi, che non ti conoscono ancora, perché appunto imparino a conoscerti e, con Te, possano conoscere anche la Resistenza. Ecco perché sono state riaperte le pagine del tuo «DIARIO». Oggi sono parte di una storia più grande di quella che tu ci racconti: sono parte della storia del nostro popolo che allora lottò, vinse e riconquistò la libertà perduta, rischiando e morendo, pur amando tanto la vita. E perché da questa piccola finestra, aperta sul panorama della locale Resistenza, si possa più agevolmente guardare il panorama che offre, pensiamo giovi inquadrare gli avvenimenti nella cornice e nell'epoca in cui essi si svolsero. Umbertide 1943 Nel capoluogo vivono poco più di 3.000 persone, nelle campagne, ancora fortemente abitate, 14.000 circa. La guerra infuria da oltre tre anni. Prima lontana, ora vicina. Gli anglo-americani sbarcano in Sicilia. Il 25 aprile cade il fascismo. L'8 settembre il governo Badoglio firma la resa e scappa al Sud. L'esercito italiano, lasciato senza guida, sbanda. I tedeschi dilagano nel paese. Mussolini, liberato, costituisce la repubblica di Salò, serva dello straniero occupante. L'anello della catena nazi-fascista torna ben presto a saldarsi intorno al collo degli italiani. Tornano le «cartoline precetto». I giovani, smarriti in così rapidi avvenimenti contraddittori, devono decidere. Che fare ? Molti scelgono la via della montagna. E, tra questi, un gruppo di otto ragazzi, di diversa condizione sociale e di diversa formazione politica, di diversa cultura e di diversa educazione, la notte tra il 22 e il 23 settembre 1943, s'avvia verso i monti di San Faustino, «affratellati da un comune sentimento di libertà e di italianità». Di preciso non sanno cosa l'aspetta. La lotta partigiana non è ancora organizzata. Il loro è solamente un atto di ribellione, un anelito verso una vita migliore. Visto oggi, possiamo definirlo un atto fondamentale, grande e coraggioso, poiché con quello nasce nella nostra zona la prima Resistenza. Il «DIARIO» racconta la storia di quella fuga, dei primi giorni trascorsi in montagna. Una storia appassionata, vera, che contiene tutte le speranze e tutte le delusioni di quei giorni d'attesa sui monti. Una storia scritta in fretta, senza pretese, che scopre però l'impazienza propria dei giovani che vorrebbero passare subito all'azione. Azione che deve, invece essere organizzata, e che, per diverse ragioni tarda troppo a venire. Il gruppo di casa Anacleto lentamente si sfalda, scompare. Il «DIARIO», aperto sui monti di San Faustino, dall'ampio e libero orizzonte, si chiude nel campo di lavoro di Collestrada, «prigione senza sbarre», come la definisce il suo autore. Sembra il tramonto di ogni speranza. Ma non è così. Si chiude solo - e provvisoriamente - l'ultima pagina del «DIARIO». Non quella della Resistenza che è nata veramente, che vive, che cresce in fretta. Ben presto i giovani saranno di nuovo sui monti. In armi, questa volta. E' l'ora. La lotta armata inizia: tra difficoltà ed errori, ma inizia. I cento, i mille episodi che la compongono si snodano, si saldano insieme rapidamente. Alcuni di vasta portata e risonanza, i più silenziosi, modesti, oscuri, ma altrettanto importanti per la realizzazione dell'unico fine che la Resistenza s'è prefisso: liberare il nostro paese dallo straniero e dall'oppressore fascista. Gli «Anacleti» ora sono tanti perché tanti sono i giovani accorsi sui monti. L'ospitalità dei contadini è piena, completa. Anzi, è più che ospitalità. E' partecipazione diretta alla lotta: dei giovanissimi, degli anziani, delle donne. Quelle di Vallescura, ad esempio, non esitano ad accorrere a spegnere il fuoco che arde la casa dei partigiani, quando ancora fascisti e tedeschi sono così vicini che si sentono le loro rauche voci. Da San Faustino a Morena, da Montebello a Vialba, da Moravola a S. Leo, da Montone, a Pietralunga, a Gubbio, a Umbertide, è un fiorire di episodi grandi e piccoli, di atti di eroismo e di piccole azioni di disturbo, è un pungolo continuo che finisce per logorare i nervi ed il morale dell'esercito invasore che non si sente più sicuro sul suolo italiano. Cadono, intanto, intorno a noi le vittime della guerra. Alcune hanno un lungo passato di lotta al fascismo, come il tenente colonnello Venanzio Gabriotti , fucilato dai nazi-fascisti a Città di Castello, altre sono giovani reclute della Resistenza, come il tenente Aldo Bologni , caduto a Montone con le armi in pugno, altre ancora uccise mentre cercano di organizzare la resistenza e la lotta, come Ennio Belardinelli e Giuseppe Falcini , caduti a Rocca d'Aria e Colle di Vialba, come Giuseppe Bernardini trucidato a Montecastelli. Altre del tutto innocenti, travolte dalla furia cieca della guerra, come le 70 vittime del bombardamento di Umbertide, i cinque fucilati di Serra Partucci, i dodici bruciati vivi di Niccone, il giovanissimo Sigfrido Bartocci , assassinato dai tedeschi tra il grano verde dei campi di Civitella e gli anziani Enrico Porrini , Gaudenzio Sonaglia , Luigi Gattaponi , uccisi per rappresaglia, rispettivamente nei cascinali di Badia di M. Corona, di S. Giuliana e di S. Cassiano. Ed ultimi, in ordine di tempo, i volontari Giuseppe Starnini , morto a Firenze, e Giuseppe Rosati , caduto a fianco di Rino. Altri sono presi e rinchiusi nelle carceri fasciste, spesso torturati. Sono giovani ed anziani : è l'Italia tutta che si ribella e combatte. Tra questi, ricordiamo una delle maggiori figure di animatore della resistenza nel pietralunghese: Bonuccio Bonucci , alla cui casa di San Faustino tanti giovani accorsero per avere un consiglio nell'ora difficile ed oscura, come fece il tuo gruppo, Rino, in quel lontano settembre del '43, o per avere un'arma, dopo, quando la lotta divampò più cruenta, come facemmo noi, nel '44. Bonucci, per l'arresto del quale fascisti e tedeschi si scomodarono in forze finché non riuscirono nel loro turpe intento. E vicino a questo nome prestigioso, vogliamo ricordarne altri, più umili, che nessuno conosce, che solo pochi intimi ricordano: quello del colono Luigi Fiorucci , detto «Baldilino», arrestato durante un rastrellamento sui monti di S. Faustino, insieme ad un invalido della 1° guerra mondiale, Domenico Mancini , ed entrambi rinchiusi nelle carceri di Perugia, dove soffrono interrogati e maltrattamenti, ma non parlano. E, tra i più giovani, ricordiamo il M° Lamberto Beatini e Giuseppe Antonelli che, arrestati, rimangono per oltre sei mesi nelle carceri perugine, rei d'aver preferito la libertà e la lotta al servaggio fascista. Intanto gli anglo-americani avanzano, arrivano a Umbertide. Ma la guerra non è finita. C'è ancora bisogno di giovani gagliardi e generosi, disposti a combattere per la totale liberazione del Paese. Partono i 24 volontari umbertidesi della «Cremona». Il campo d'azione si sposta dalle nostre montagne alle vaste pianure del ravennate. Rino è tra loro. Dove c'è una causa giusta da difendere, Egli non può mancare. Il «DIARIO» riprende sotto forma di «BOLLETTINO». E' quello che per 18 giorni gli umbertidesi leggeranno in una bacheca della piazza Matteotti, ancora invasa di macerie. Lo spirito goliardico, apparentemente scanzonato, riappare, torna a pizzicare fraternamente amici e commilitoni. Ma il «BOLLETTINO» appare più impegnato, più ufficiale, diremmo. Il giovane che lo redige s'è maturato in brevissimo tempo: s'è fatto uomo. Rivelano questa maturità anche le poche lettere inviate dal fronte alla Madre. Rino è sempre il figlio affettuoso, ma più contento e laconico, quasi voglia nascondere alla madre il pericolo che incombe, quasi voglia rassicurarla che a difenderlo basterà la sua preghiera. E poi, Po di Primaro, 3 MARZO 1945. Una raffica di mitraglia stronca la Sua giovane vita. Rino tace per sempre. Ma non la sua voce del Suo spirito. Quella continua con noi il colloquio ideale che unisce i vivi con i morti. L'anno scorso, quando ci si chiese di indicare una breve epigrafe per il cippo commemorativo delle dodici vittime innocenti di Penetola, ci suggerì le parole del Tuo verso della «NOTTE» del «DIARIO»: ..... «Rino parlò: NON BISOGNA ODIARE» ..... Ed oggi, Rino, da un ruvido masso posto sul bordo della strada cortonese, i Martiri della Penetola ripetono il Tuo messaggio, parlano ai vivi con il Tuo cuore. Perché il cuore dei martiri è UNO. Uno solo. Ed ha un solo linguaggio. Universale. Come universale è la VERITA' per la quale siete caduti, per la quale vivete nell'animo nostro, per la quale vivrete nell'animo di coloro che verranno, per la quale ci ripetete: NON ODIO CHIEDIAMO A CHI RESTA SOLTANTO MEMORIA PERCHE' ALTRI NON DEBBAN MORIRE PER MANO ASSASSINA. Umbertide, 14 settembre 1975 Raffaele Mancini IL DIARIO DI RINO 22 settembre – NOTTE Nella notte stellata, ricamata da densi banchi di nubi, il silenzio assume un mistica religiosità, il viale bianco, fiancheggiato dai neri cipressi che maestosamente tentano scalare l'infinito, si distende, contorcendosi come un serpente, fra i campi verdeggianti, dove l'odore dei mosti novelli s'alza, fragrante di natura buona e generosa. II rumore degli scarponi ferrati che battono sicuri la terra dura rompe la calma serenità della notte. Da un cascinale giunge l'abbaiare affannoso di un cane, un gallo si sveglia e tenta uno stridulo acuto mentre altri cento piccoli insetti della notte tentano invano, di accordare le loro voci misteriose. Otto ragazzi marciano con giovanile baldanza verso la vita nuova, verso la libertà. Hanno lasciato dietro di loro una umanità falsa ed egoista, hanno disprezzato la bieca amicizia di uno straniero odiato, hanno abbandonato le care famiglie, gli agi, le persone che amano, hanno abbandonato tutto e tutti per vivere liberi, per sfuggire ad una odiosa schiavitù. Un giorno: quando nell'alba radiosa un sole più splendente e limpido saetterà i suoi raggi caldi di fuoco e di vita sulla terra italiana tornata libera e pacifica, essi ritorneranno, ricominceranno la solita vita e di questi giorni duri, ma intrisi di ore felici, serberanno un dolce, eterno ricordo. Siamo otto giovani, dai 18 ai 22 anni, alcuni studenti, altri operai, altri impiegati, affratellati da un comune sentimento di libertà e di italianità, pronti a dividere insieme rischi, pericoli, pane ed allegria. La strada è lunga e dura, ma noi non ce ne accorgiamo. C'è in noi la forza armoniosa della gioventù, quella forza che scaturisce dai cuori, che esala al di fuori di noi e colorisce tutte le cose intorno, anche le più inanimate, e le fa parlare e cantare di gioia. Claudio, come al solito, anima la compagnia con le sue ignobili freddure, Ruggero marcia silenzioso e si perde con la natura, Piero forse penserà al suo bianco lettino, Aurelio insegue colonne aride di numeri, Guido sogna una bruna bambina della laguna, Peppe intravvede tra le foglie degli alberi teste ispide e barba folte, Menco si perde tra una nuvola dì fogli stampati e spera di poter scrivere presto un manifesto: «L'ITALIA E' LIBERA ! ITALIANI TORNATE ALLE VOSTRE CASE, AI VOSTRI LAVORI; DIFENDETE LA VOSTRA ITALIA!». Io?... Un visetto pallido di bambina ed un turbine di capelli neri. E cammina e cammina, come nelle vecchie favole, i bravi ragazzi arrivano alla Torre..... E' la prima tappa, è il riposo agognato. La Torre : sono quattro mura disperse fra le piante di un boschetto, quattro mura diroccate, che un giorno videro le gesta eroiche di cavalieri erranti. Invano cerchiamo un ricovero nella torre: consigli, opinioni, ma si finisce per non capirci più niente. Stendiamo, infine, le coperte ai piedi di un muro che la patina del tempo ha tinto di colore grigiastro, ci accomodiamo alla meglio e, come Dio vuole, ci corichiamo. La terra è dura, non è un letto molto piacevole; il vento si insegue tra le fronde degli alberi che, con un brusio sordo, si sussurrano dolci ed intimi colloqui. Frizzi allegri e motti salaci percuotono le vecchie mura che ci guardano austere, quasi rimproverandoci di aver rotto la loro secolare severità. Poi tutto tace. lo non dormo, come forse non dormono gli altri ..... ognuno di noi insegue un fantasma che danza davanti ai nostri occhi : i ricordi battono alla porta dei nostri cuori con note dolci e tristi...... Piano, piano, gli occhi si chiudono nell'ultima visione ..... io..... Ela. 23 settembre Una pioggerella fitta che si schermiva con le fronde, ci ha svegliati. Ho fatto il segno della Croce... Qualche cosa d'arcano che nasceva tra gli alberi mi ha spinto a farlo. Era la luce nuova del nuovo giorno, era il miracolo divino che si ripeteva con veste e colori nuovi, che ha parlato al mio cuore. Avevo le ossa rotte, non sapevo se ero quadrato o rettangolare ; certamente ero una figura geometrica. Erano le sei. L'alba svegliava gli uomini e le loro case, accendeva sentimenti e passioni nuove, riscaldava negli animi odio e amore che la notte per un istante aveva sopiti. La valle sotto di noi sì velava di una scialba cortina di nebbia, cime di alti pini e di querce vetuste s'alzavano al di sopra di quel mare bianco e mite e sembravano oasi ridenti sorte per incanto pel tocco d'una bacchetta magica. I comignoli delle povere casette disperse fra le colline gentili ed i monti severi, mandavano con, torte spire di fuma : un fumo quasi timido di alzarsi verso il cielo, un fumo che ha l'odore di sudato lavoro e di serena gioia familiare. Gli uccelli cinguettano garruli per l'aria e le note tristi e gioconde s'incontrano in una gara di bellezza e di gentilezza.... Ho tardato ieri sera ad addormentarmi.... le stelle tremolanti mi sorridevano dall'alto, timide nel loro splendore ed io vedevo il volto d'una cara bambina che mi sorrideva con loro. Anche gli altri si svegliano: negli occhi ancor gonfi ognuno insegue l'ultima visione della notte..... Piero ha chiamato la mamma..... La mamma: Vangelo buono che veglia su noi, la dolce, cara, creatura che ci accompagna con le sue preghiere, che ci insegue con i suoi pacati ed affettuosi consigli, che riposa sui nostri cuori cullandoli ed accarezzandoli con quella voce dolce e cara che tante volte ci ha fatto dormire quando eravamo bambini, quando ancora la vita era una favola con le fate buone e gli orchi cattivi. Mammina cara, forse stanotte, nel sonno agitato, ti sei svegliata.... è stato l'orologio della torre a svegliarti con i suoi battiti lenti.... ti ha ripetuto il mio nome e ti ha fatto sussultare di paura per il tuo figliolo lontano... forse hai pianto e nella tua calda fantasia di madre mi hai visto camminare stanco..... fra uomini cattivi..... Allora dal cuore è nata una preghiera e gli angeli buoni sono scesi dal cielo, hanno preso la tua preghiera e l'hanno portata in cielo, al Signore..… Zaini in spalla e, avanti march! Riprendiamo il cammino. L'aria fresca e pungente del mattino penetra nelle membra e le filtra di umore e di forza nuova. Si marcia : prima in silenzio poi s'alza un canto leggero che via via si alza e rimbomba. Sorge dai nostri petti. Siamo liberi..... Sulla cima di una collina ci fermiamo e facciamo colazione. Sardine in scatola - Lo sapete - dice Claudio - perché le sardine si mettono sott'olio ? - Perché quando il mare è calmo..... è come un olio. Claudio è un gran bravo ragazzo, però sì rovina con le sue freddure che io.... boicotterò sempre, finché avrò un po' di fiato. E' un ragazzo intelligente, studia medicina, come me. Siamo compagni di scuola ed anche nella vita. Non è molto bello, ma si salva per via di un paio di baffi che fin'ora nessuno è riuscito a vedere. In fatto di donne, quando non ci sono io, ha abbastanza fortuna. Sa stare in compagnia.... ed anche in plotone. Il caro amico mi scuserà per questa piccola freddura. Chi va con lo zoppo - dice un proverbio - impara a zoppicare. La colazione mattutina è stata buona ed ha stretto ancor più i nostri legami. Il « Secco » - Giubilei Aurelio per chi non lo sapesse - nel frattempo era andato in perlustrazione e dopo mezz'ora circa è tornato con la buona novella: un contadino era disposto ad ospitarci. Ci siamo messi subito in marcia per l'ultima tappa. Siamo stati accolti nel cascinale dall'abbaiare del cane, lo starnazzare delle oche e il grugnito dei maiali. 23 settembre NOTTE Scendevan lievi l’ombre della sera: radunati pensavamo a ciò che era, guardavamo nell'intimo del cuore per cercarvi il conforto dell'amore. E il pensiero nostro era lontano, e a tratti parlavamo piano piano. Occhi tesi oltre i monti, in lontananza, volti tesi in una estrema desianza. Sembianza cara e triste, immagine dolce ad ombre miste.... Una dolcezza che moriva in pianto e un dolore forte, ... ma senza schianto. D'un tratto per togliere la pena sorse un'accorata cantilena: un lungo canto pieno dì ricordi che penetrava dentro nei precordi. Voci alterne che non erano canto, ma solo grida per fugare il pianto: voci e voci e ritmi più vari, motivi allegri, motivi amari..... RINO PARLO': - NON BISOGNA ODIARE, non lo sentite che bisogna amare ? un desiderio di volersi bene, di stringersi forte, affratellati insieme? Non lo sentite che la natura canta i suoi inni di gioia e di speranza? Non vedete dirlo anche alle stelle che brillano nel ciel come sorelle? E nel cuor c'è una voce che ci dice: - Vivi, ama, spera e sii felice! - Non lo sentite che lo parla al cuore questa silente notte di tepore? Nessun rispose alle sue parole, ciascuno chiuso in un dolor che duole... Solo Claudio guardò a lungo, pensoso, rincorrendo non so quale pensiero ansioso.... Guardai quei volti tristi ma speranti, con la tristezza propria degli amanti. Rino 24 Settembre II sole già filtrava attraverso le fragili pareti della capanna sul nostro giaciglio e il cielo si andava tingendo d'un azzurro chiaro. Quando ho aperto gli occhi, Piero e Claudio dormivano ancora. Ela mi è apparsa in sogno. Quanta gioia mi ha portato la sua visione... m'è sembrato che stesse vicino, che mi accarezzasse i capelli; il tocco delle sue mani era lieve e l'olezzo calda del fiato m'irrorava il viso scaldandolo di un dolce tepore. I suoi occhi, di quel colore che non ho mai conosciuto, mi sorridevano dolci o mi parlavano con il loro muto melanconico linguaggio. Ela... bambina mia cara, torna ogni notte a trovarmi, torna ad accarezzarmi, dimmi quelle affettuose parole che tanto mi fanno gioire, ripetimi ancora, piccola cara, il tuo amore, le tue speranze, ed i nostri sogni. Un destino cattivo ci tiene lontani, ma i nostri cuori sono vicini e sognano la casina di legno sulla montagna, il piccolo Mauro, e quegli istanti che traboccheranno di intensa felicità. Quando anche Piero e Claudio si svegliarono intonammo una canzone, ma la nostra voce era stanca ed i nostri pensieri erano lontani. Il buon Anacleto ci ha offerto il latte di capra, era fresco e dolce. Per sfuggire ad un eventuale pericolo ci siamo recati nel bosco . Abbiamo lavorato alacremente per costruire una capanna, si lavorava febbrilmente ed il lavoro era intercalato da canti e barzellette che Claudio coloriva meglio di me nella sua satira. Tutti sembrano contenti ma forse nei loro cuori c'è un dolce rimpianto, un desio che preme i cuori d'affanno e di tristezza. Ognuno di noi custodisce un segreto nel cuore, un segreto che ci fa sperare, che ci fa aspettare fidenti il domani. l'uomo è strano... non può vivere nel pericolo se non sogna una gioia futura e... basta! basta! Qualche cosa urge il mio cuore, qualche cosa che non conosco ma che scuote i miei pensieri, batte i miei sentimenti e mi fa oscillare fra una gioia che sta per sfuggire ed una pena che forse verrà. Claudio mi comprende... mi guarda e sorride, dice che sono un mascalzone, ma nel suo cuore pensa che sono un buon ragazzo, un po' troppo carico di fantasia e di idee qualche volta malsane. Con Claudio e Ruggero mi trovo molto bene, essi sono un po' come me, vivono in terra e sognano il cielo. Forse nei prossimi fogli tenterò dì parlare dei miei compagni, sarà un lavoro difficile, perché se facile è ritrarre le sembianze di un uomo, difficile è analizzare i suoi sentimenti. C'è Chiara che è una gran brava bambina, ha negli occhi una ingenuità infantile, hanno un riflesso azzurro e colpiscono profondamente. Ha un visetto piccolo e grazioso; i suoi lineamenti sono regolari e gentili, i capelli castani leggermente ondulati le scendono sul collo esile e bianco. Non so cosa pensi, perché anche i suoi pensieri sono leggeri e velati come la sua persona. Chiara mi piace. Quando sono con lei mi sento sereno ed una felicità infantile scende nell'anima mia. La vita corre con quella lenta monotonia che è il pane quotidiano di questa buona gente. Ieri sera, mentre ci ritiravamo per dormire abbiamo vista dei lumi a valle. Chi sono? Le supposizioni più strane e le deliberazioni più disparate. lo avevo proposto di fare una spedizione, ma poi siamo andati a dormire. E' la più bella cosa che abbiamo potuto fare. Prima di addormentarmi ho pregato, ora, prego tutte le sere, vi trovo una pace nuova, un conforto che mi fa tanto bene. Madonnina cara che sei nei cieli, guardaci dall'alto e posa la tua mano benigna sulle nostre teste, insegnaci tu la strada che conduce verso la vera felicità, quella felicità che gli uomini non conoscono, quella serena felicità che c'è soltanto nel tuo cielo, vieni dolce, cara e buona mamma da noi tutti e dacci la tua benedizione. 25 Settembre Mi sono svegliato molto nervoso. Questa vita calma e monotona mi esaspera... non so cosa mi succeda, il mio spirito è scosso ed il mio cervello va qualche minuto indietro. Strano ! Ho desiderato sempre la serena tranquillità della campagna ed ho sempre amato il profondo brusio dei boschi, e le valli che si distendono ai piedi dei monti, con i lunghi filari di viti, le stradette che si snodano fra le grigie casette dei contadini, i paesetti dagli alti campanili che si riposano sulla riva di un fiume o fra le gialle spighe del grano. Accade sempre così... desiderare una cosa, vivere per più giorni beandoci nel suo sogno e poi... quando viene già siamo stanchi. I giorni più o meno li trascorriamo sempre nello stesso tenore : si gioca, si canta, si va peregrinando pei boschi finché giunge la sera. La sera ognuno di noi ritrova se stesso. Sembra che le ombre oscure della mia grande amica scendendo dalle cime dei monti ci riportino le nostre spoglie mortali, che il giorno morente ci aveva strappato. Sera, ... istanti pieni d'incanto, voci divine che parlano con nostalgica tenerezza, momenti in cui l'anima esce dal corpo e s'alza verso il cielo : «Non senti, caro amico - par che per essa dica il corpo - l'usignol che canta, non odi tu le note armoniose con cui risponde l'amata? Ascolta: questo è il vento che schermisce le fronde, il suo soffio è più leggero e la carezza più lieve; egli scaccia le ultime luci del giorno e le tremule ombre presto saranno fra noi. Addio corpo, addio prati bruciati dal sole, addio lieto cinguettar d'uccelli, addio affannoso ansimare di macchine e braccia, anche a voi o buoi che poco fa sbuffavate sotto il pesante giogo o caprette belanti, anche a voi io dico addio, presto le sorelle stelle illumineranno la notte e la luna si poserà tra le fronde, presto la sera farà posto alla notte e la Pace alla fatica, io spazierò nel cielo e cercherò la tua stella. Addio». E quando la sera ha finalmente liberato le nostre anime, sentiamo un bisogno arcano di cantare, di far tremare nell'aria le nostre voci... io credo che questa sia una serenata che i nostri cuori facciano alla sera, forse una preghiera che essi vogliono innalzare all'amica nascosta, una preghiera che porta con sé il rammarico di un giorno di una speranza perduta, un sogno infranto, una felicità che non tornerà mai più. C’è negli occhi una lieta bontà, c'è nella voce un tremore che forse è triste, forse gioioso, c'è in tutti noi l'immagine dei cari lontani, delle case spogliate dei nostri trilli giovanili, c'è gioia e tristezza volontà e stanchezza pianto e sorriso e più ancora un gran desiderio di pace. 27 Settembre Ruggero e Claudio sono seduti dietro a me cantano. Già da venti minuti annoiando con le loro voci stonate... pur tuttavia non li maledico, il loro canto mi scioglie un po' di quella triste indefinibile malinconia che da qualche giorno mi opprime ad intervalli. Forse sono quegli istanti in cui mi assale il desiderio di Ela. Cosa farà la mia piccola in quest'istante? Mi sembra di vederla con il suo vestitino a fiori, seduta sul divano assorta e pensosa su un libro che non riesce a leggere... con lei c'è Rossella, la nostra cara bambina, che sorride e con la sua vocetta le domanda: «Mamma, dov'è il papà, quando ritorna?» Allora Ela comincia a raccontare: «Il papà, gioia mia, è andato sulle montagne per fuggire gli uomini cattivi che volevano fargli del male. Con il papà ci sono tanti altri giovani, essi dormono la notte nelle capanne ed il giorno vanno per i boschi. Presto saranno armati ed allora andranno a combattere gli uomini cattivi». Poi la sua voce si spegne e Rossella l'accarezza sulla guancia e le dice: «Perché piangi mammina?». Ieri sera abbiamo cambiato appartamento. Dormiamo tutti otto in una cucina inusata. Quando si va a dormire c'è un po' di allegria, si tarda a prendere sonno ed oscilliamo fra una freddura di Claudio ed un rumore di Piero. Ieri sera siamo stati a veglia da Anacleto, dove Guido si è arrabbiato perché il solito Claudio con le sue solite stolte freddure l'ha punto in un lato delicato della sua vita. Stamattino Pippo, Ferranti e Fiorucci son venuti a trovarci. C'è stato uno scambio di vedute e solidali accordi per il futuro. ... e la vita scorre, come il ruscello scende dal monte, limpida, monotona, sussurrante e calma. 30 Settembre Siamo stati da Bonucci. Tutte le sere andiamo da lui per conoscere le ultime notizie e per prendere accordi sulle nostre future azioni. Bonucci è un uomo molto in gamba, un uomo d'azione che ha promesso di farci fare qualche cosa. Questa vita sempre uguale e facile comincia a stancarci; siamo giovani, abbiamo i cuori bollenti e la testa piena di fantasie e vogliamo essere impiegati in qualche azione. Ruggero è molto triste: ricordi, speranze, sogni, chissà? Forse è la noia. Seguitiamo a giocare ed a scherzare, ma una triste malinconia ci opprime, grigia come queste giornate d'autunno senza sole, silenziosa come questi boschi che sanno solo tremare al vento. 4 Ottobre Cosa importano le date? Tutti i giorni sono uguali ogni ora la nostra vita si ripete grigia ed uniforme. Se il tempo non fosse segnato la nostra esistenza sarebbe più bella, non si distinguerebbe l'oggi dal domani, non ricorderesti il giorno che fosti felice ed il giorno che soffristi, ma la tua memoria si perderebbe nel tempo uguale, senza il battito dell'orologio che continuamente ti ripete la tua piccolezza e la brevità della tua esistenza. II giorno sarebbe diverso dalla notte soltanto per il buio e la felicità si separerebbe dalla noia per il tempo che passa. Oggi è il quattro ottobre e i minuti rincorrono le ore; presto sarà mezzogiorno e mangeremo, poi verrà la sera con la notte ed andremo a dormire e questa data avrà segnato un'altra tappa del nostro triste cammino. Ieri l'altro mentre io ero assente c'era stato un allarme. Erano un maresciallo ed un carabiniere che venivano a perlustrare questa zona. Si sono radunati una ventina d'uomini, fra i miei compagni ed altri contadini e sono corsi nella zona pericolosa per sventare qualsiasi tentativo di violenza. Ma i due gendarmi vista la male parata se ne sono andati ed è sfumata anche un'avventura che prometteva di distoglierci un poco da questa odiosa monotonia. Ieri, domenica, abbiamo fatto un po' di festa. Abbiamo mangiata e bevuto più del solito, abbiamo cercato di ridere e scherzare con più sincerità per allontanare la tristezza dai nostri cuori e per segnare in qualche modo una festa che nessuno di noi sentiva. Verso sera è venuta la signora Bonucci ed insieme a Claudio e Chiaretta abbiamo fatto una passeggiata. L'aria vespertina era calma, dal punto dove eravamo si vedevano i monti toccarsi, unirsi ed erigersi maestosi verso fitte cortine di nubi che il sole morente cercava invano di ferire. I nostri discorsi erano vuoti e la mia anima vagava con il vento che sfiorava le cime boscose dei monti, si perdeva con esso fra le foglie che cominciano a ingiallire, si perdeva con esso ovunque e come lui non aveva riposo. Quando siamo tornati alla cascina ho trovato una lettera di Ela. Sono diventato triste, un nodo di pianto mi stringeva la gola. Ma tu, mio caro diario, mi permetterai uno sfogo, tu ascolterai quello che il mio cuore non ha saputo confessare ad alcuno. Tu sei condiscendente e buono, tu ascolti le nostre gioie e le nostre pene e non parli, il tuo volto è sempre pallido ed uguale, tu non hai la voce per gridare, il cuore per amare e le mani per accarezzare, tu sei più felice di noi perché non soffri e non gioisci, ma ascolti e taci. Spesso nel tuo candore io cerco il volto di colei che tanto amo, di colei che vive dentro di me e palpita dei miei palpiti, lo cerco nelle tue righe e lo trovo sempre caro ed affettuoso, sorridente di quel sorriso che mi spinge a sognare ed a sperare che scende nell'animo mio come un balsamo rivivificatore, che riempie la mia solitudine di gioia e spesso, però anche di tristezza. Io ho quello che gli altri non hanno, io ho l'amore che mi distingue da Ruggero, da Claudio e dagli altri, io ho la fede in questo amore puro e sincero che fa della mia vita una missione, ho la certezza del bene di questo amore che mi salva dal male che con i suoi neri polipi avvolge tutta la terra e la stringe e la stringe nel suo dolore. Soltanto che quest'affetto così grande spesso mi opprime, specialmente nella solitudine e nella lontananza, con il ricordo delle ore felici con la paura che debba finire. E' la paura che un Dio geloso della mia felicità scenda dal suo trono di tiranno per carpirmi questo tesoro, per schiacciarmi come gli altri sotto i suoi piedi insanguinati dal sangue di migliaia di vittime innocenti che egli, superbo della sua grandezza e geloso della sua gloria prezzolata, ha costretto nel dolore e nella miseria. Ma l'amore ci salva, l'amore che ha creato l'Universo, l'amore che è in ogni creatura, pronto a scaturire fuori di fronte all'ira del tiranno, ci accoglie nelle sue braccia quando noi stiamo per soccombere; è soltanto nell'amore che ogni uomo deve credere e deve porre la sua fede, di lui dobbiamo fare la nostra religione, a lui affidare le nostre vite: l'amore è il ponte che ci lega all'infinito, l'amore è la forza che ci sorregge, davanti all'immensità dell'universo, è l'amore infine che stringe una catena fra la vita e la morte, Quando sono triste mi piace ubriacarmi. Ieri sera l'ho fatto. L'ebbrezza dell’alcool scioglie la nostra malinconia e ci fa sorridere. I miei compagni hanno tentato invano di conoscere il motivo: Claudio mi è venuto accanto e con parole amorevoli ha cercato di aiutarmi, capiva benissimo che la mia allegria era finta ed il mio sorriso era pianto. Ruggero ha cercato di imitarmi, ma non era ubriaco, forse pensava a quel detto che dice: «in due si soffre meglio». Stamattina stavo male ed ora cerco invano di cambiare la serenità con la tristezza. 7 Ottobre Menco è sul letto che legge, io scrivo sopra una cassapanca, gli altri sono in cucina che discorrono e scherzano con le donne..... fuori piove. E' l'autunno che pian piano, scacciando la calda e odorosa estate, si desta intorno a noi. Qualche foglia ingiallita già è caduta nel fango, le caprette s'indugiano sui fili verdi che presto appassiranno e moriranno. Da una grossa e fronduta quercia una piccola fogliolina gialla tentenna; la pioggia la scuote, ma essa vuol rimanere tra le sue compagne ancora verdi e vive. Una scossa di pioggia più forte la fa cadere.... vibra nell'aria, rotola, si rialza sospinta da un soffio dì vento, rotola ancora e poi dolcemente si posa in terra. La pioggia la percuote, l'affonda un po' nel fango, ma essa brilla sempre di quella sua luce gialla che annoia, di quel pallore, scialbo che precede la morte. Passa un pastorello col suo gregge e la colpisce col bastone ; tante zampette la calpestano, l'insudiciano e la ricoprono di terra... il gregge s'allontana belando, il pastorello fischietta ed agita il suo bastone, la piccola fogliolina gialla non si vede più. Piove! E' autunno!! Siamo rimasti in sei. Guido è andato da un altro contadino e credo si trovi bene, Ruggero è ritornato a Vialba, dove faceva scuola, per cercarvi un po' di allegria, per trovarvi qualche cosa che rompa il cerchio di tristezza che ci circonda un po' tutti. Ieri sono andato a trovarlo insieme a Menco; dovevano venire pure gli altri ma Aurelio, mentre sopra un olmo strecciava le viti e sorrideva al sorriso della Nella è caduto e, dice lui, si è fatto molto male. lo credo invece che sia caduto una sola volta, da piccolo. Già che siamo in discorso di Aurelio voglio parlare un po' di lui. L'abbiamo soprannominato, oltre al già famoso «secco», «affannatico» per la mania che ha di correre e di sbrigare tutte le cose in maniera celere e alquanto irregolare. Questo soprannome forse non va bene con l'impiego che occupa. Infatti lavora presso una banca del paese, a quanto dicono è un ragazzo ordinato, laborioso, che riscuote molta stima dai suoi superiori. E' snello alto, fronte spaziosa, occhi intelligenti e nobili, porta i capelli lisci e biondi all'indietro. A parte il suo affanno, e la sua proverbiale sfortuna in amore, è un gran bravo ragazzo. Forse, dico forse perché mi potrei sbagliare, sognerà un buon posto nella sua banca, una casetta linda, una graziosa mogliettina, dei bambini e desidererà una vita calma e serena, anche se fatta di molte somme e di molte sottrazioni. Ritornando al mancato intervento dei miei compagni alla gita di ieri, anche per Peppe si è trattato di una caduta; questa volta, però non c'era un olmo di mezzo, né un sorriso, bensì un cavallo. Claudio infine non è venuto perché sembra che una certa signorina Chiaretta glielo abbia proibito... punto e basta. Ho avuto ieri l'occasione di telefonare a Ela, ciò che ho provato è un dolce e caro segreto che voglio tenermi tutto per me. Ora, gli allarmi diventano più frequenti e credo che presto tuonerà e tuonerà... bene per noi e mal per chi è contro di noi. 12 Ottobre Nella nostra compagnia sono avvenuti molti cambiamenti. Siamo rimasti in cinque. Guido è andato da altri contadini più vicino e pare vi si trovi molto bene. Poi c'è con lui Gianni di Biretone, che è un contadino civilizzato dal servizio militare; sembra che un giorno questo tale si sia spacciato per ingegnere... quindi ha fatto molti progressi. Aurelio è ritornato a Umbertide per riprendere il lavoro in banca. Ruggero è tornato dove ha fatto scuola e sta con alcuni bravi contadini suoi conoscenti. Mentre ci è rimasta indifferente la partenza di Guido, sentiamo invece la lontananza di Aurelio e di Ruggero. Il primo ha prodotto un vuoto per la sua vivacità, il secondo per il suo pessimismo. Infatti senza Aurelio si procede con più calma ed anche a letto si dorme meglio, poiché non c'è più nessuno che tira le coperte, dà calci e mette la testa in bocca. Ruggero qualche volta, ci circondava della sua tristezza e rendeva impazienti pure noi di fronte al lento svolgersi degli avvenimenti. Noi rimasti siamo molto calmi e sappiamo sopportare con più abnegazione il monotono fluire dei giorni sempre uguali e tristi.... Domenica siamo stati alla messa a San Faustino con molta gioia del prete che per l'occasione ha sfoggiato una delle migliori prediche. Questo pretonzolo m'aveva minacciato giorni fa una campagna disfattista perché andavo in giro con i pantaloni corti. Con un buon bicchiere di vino santo che è il migliore dei Santi, abbiamo fatto la pace. Mi sono però convinto, dopo una lunga assenza che anche la messa non serve a niente; è un rito noioso, stupido e senza senso, che molte volte professiamo o per vedere una donna che ci interessa o per ammazzare il tempo o anche perché, ormai tanti prima di noi l'hanno fatto. Questi giorni ho avuto un bisticcio con Claudio e per un certo tempo siamo stati imbronciati poi tutto è passato. Per questa ragione il mio amico ha cancellato il suo diario satirico. Incomincia a far freddo ed il vento soffia senza riposo tirandosi dietro nuvoloni neri e spazzando le foglie che cadono dagli alberi. Stamane ho fatto le fotografie insieme a Piero. Mentre scendevo dal monte dove eravamo stati ad immortalarci, ho incontrato Loschi Mario e Nino Conti che venivano a cercarci. In un primo tempo non l'avevo riconosciuti ed avevo messo la mano sulla pistola spaventando con questo gesto i due compagni, che a loro volta, non avendomi conosciuto, si erano nascosti dietro ad un'altura prendendomi di mira con un vecchio archibugio, che, se avesse sparato, avrebbe fatto venire il terremoto. Nino è venuto da Napoli, sfuggendo ai tedeschi ed agli inglesi, è abbastanza sciupato e ne racconta delle belle. Si fermeranno con noi e così potremo ricostruire anche la compagnia. 13 Ottobre Questa notte abbiamo dormito sulla paglia nuova, regalataci da S. Pietro. S. Pietro non è quello che secondo la leggenda cristiana, guarda le porte del paradiso, ma un bravo contadino che abita vicino a noi. Il suo vero nome è Agostino, ma tutti lo chiamano S. Pietro. E' un ometto basso, gracile, con la testa pelata e due occhietti piccoli e infossati. Tutti i contadini della zona ci sono amici e ci aiutano, sia perché il nostro contadino è di natura generosa e buona e sia perché il nostro bravo Peppe ha aperto una barbieria detta «Barbieria di San Faustino», nel nostro piccolo appartamento. Giornalmente ed ancor più il sabato, arrivano i bravi coloni a farsi radere la barba e tagliare i capelli. Il novello Figaro non riceve alcuna ricompensa, ma accetta volentieri uova e pane. Peppe è uno dei ragazzi più seri e più laboriosi della nostra compagnia. Non molto alto, ha una bella testa di riccioli neri e due occhi grandi e buoni che guardano da una faccia larga che s'attacca al corpo massiccio con un bel collo taurino. Peppe è uno di quei ragazzi semplici e sinceri, che guardano con sicurezza la vita, senza grandi sogni o voli di fantasia. E' fidanzato con una bella ragazza che gli manda continuamente lettere, sigarette e marmellata. E' molto bravo nel suo mestiere e mi resta molto simpatico, anche perché non ha quella falsa petulanza e non sfoggia quelle ipocrite gentilezze e quella scienza barbosa che sono in genere le armi predilette di ogni barbiere. Canta anche abbastanza bene e la sua voce ha un bel timbro forte e caldo che spesso mi avvolge e mi aiuta a sognare. Ecco perché spesso lo esorto a cantare, quando sono triste. Io e lui siamo gli ultimi ad addormentarci ed i primi a svegliarci. Da questo ho potuto arguire che anche nel suo cuore dovrebbe esser celato un dolce segreto..... credo ch'egli, pur senza grandi slanci lirici, accarezzi un piccolo sogno: un bel negozio tutto suo, una bella casa con una bella mogliettina che ogni sera gli sfiori con una mano buona i riccioli neri e gli faccia dimenticare le teste dei clienti e le spazzole noiose e unte. Nino è rimasto con noi ed è già divenuto uno degli uomini più temuti del quadrigliato. Oggi sono tre settimane che siamo fuggiti; ne passeranno ancora prima che possiamo tornare alle nostre case ed alle persone che amiamo. * * * * * 31 Gennaio 1944 - ROCCA D'ARIA ..... e poi tornò a nascondersi nel bosco. Come i vecchi briganti che scendevano a valle per fare rapine e risalivano poi carichi di bottino a nascondersi nel bosco, così io dopo un periodo di tempo trascorso con la mia famiglia e la mia Ela, sono dovuto rifugiarmi nuovamente fra queste aspre montagne. Senza bottino e senza delitti sulla coscienza, colpevole solo di odiare la schiavitù tirannica ed un obbrobrioso lavoro mercenario. Questa volta sono capitato in un vecchio castello medioevale, situato su una collina aspra e scoscesa che domina una piccola valle segnata da un mormorante torrente e tante altre colline e piccole montagne cariche di pini e d'abeti e di querce vetuste e novelle. Occupo uno stanzone dove alla meglio ho arredato una camera che fa anche da sala e da cucina. Non è brutta, è assai carina ed ospitale, tanto più bella e gradita sarebbe se oltre me ospitasse la mia Ela. Saremmo tanto felici in questo stanzone che nasconderebbe tutto un mondo di piccole gioie e di dolci piaceri. Sono solo, senza compagno. La solitudine mi opprime ancora di più con i suoi sogni impazienti, con le sue ore cariche di malinconia e di tristezza. C'è Peppone e l'Ottavia, i contadini che dimorano qui, molto buoni e premurosi. C'è anche la maestra, una mia compagna, che abita il piano di sopra con due cognate ed una bambina. Manca il prete, per fortuna, a completare questo quadretto di vita rustica. Ho portato con me il grammofono ed alla sera si passa un po' di tempo a suonare, a giocare, o in lieta conversazione. Vengono altri contadini dei dintorni «a sentire ì soni» e con loro mi intrattengo affabilmente fino a tarda ora. Sono tutti brava gente, laboriosi e ingenuamente onesti e puri, che dal duro lavoro traggono ben poche e misere soddisfazioni. La mattina mi alzo verso le otto; pulisco la stanza, metto in ordine le mie robe e passo molto tempo leggendo e contemplando la natura, molto generosa di bellezze in questi luoghi. Questa mattina la maestra era occupata ed io ho fatto un po' di scuola per lei. Sono bambini piccoli, delle prime classi elementari, che vengono a scuola per imparare a leggere, a scrivere ed a fare un po' di conti. Dopo di che ritorneranno alla terra e con dura, assidua fatica cercheranno di strapparle i frutti della vita. Vengono da lontano, infreddoliti ma sorridenti, con gli zoccoli rumorosi, vestiti di poveri panni stracciati. Sillabano stentatamente ed ascoltano tante cose che paiono loro incomprensibili e lontane, guardano con timidezza e parlano piano, come per paura di essere ascoltati. Stamattina ho parlato di fate, di treni, di aereoplani e di avventure. M'ascoltavano seri e certamente non capivano molte cose. I treni che fumano e camminano, le automobili veloci, i cavalieri senza paura che puniscono la gente cattiva, dovevano suonare stranamente nelle loro anime. Avranno pensato per un istante ad un altro mondo: un mondo lontano, vietato, dove loro non riuscivano a rendersi conto che non vi potessero esistere buoi, tregge, maiali, pagliai e pecorelle belanti. Mi guardavano come un essere superiore che sa tante cose ed ha visto tanta «roba». Poveri piccoli! Le loro mani già portano il segno del lavoro, il loro sorriso si arresta davanti ad un treno che sbuffa ed il loro gioco si limita a piccoli scherzi con il cane o il gatto. Non hanno un'infanzia e non l'avranno mai ! Nascono già uomini per morire stanchi e vecchi. No, pensavo, non è giusto che tanti bambini piangano davanti ad un giocattolo vecchio che l'annoia, che abbiano istitutori o istitutrici a loro disposizione, che conoscano già fin d'allora tutte le gioie più belle della vita, mentre tante altre povere creature imparino fin dalla più tenera età i sacrifici, i dolori, le fatiche. L'infanzia è un dono troppo bello, caro, fuggevole, perché alcuni ne siano privati. E' l'età in cui il mondo ci si para d'innanzi pieno dì meraviglie, di sogni, di illusioni, è l'età in cui non si comprende la gravità della nostra esistenza, è l'età che dovrebbe riposare nel cuore di ognuno come il ricordo più dolce, più felice che tutti indistintamente dovrebbero gustare, con le gioie pure ed innocenti, l'affetto caldo e sincero dei genitori..... Ora li conosco quasi tutti per nome e mi vogliono molto bene. Ci sono tre bambine, la Carla, la Jole e la Miranda che sono proprio tre amori di bimbe, sembrano tre passerotti perduti in tre paia di grossi zoccoli. Ieri ho regalato loro delle paste; l'hanno prese dicendomi grazie e poi sono corse felici a mangiarle..… 25 Aprile 1944 Caro diario, questa è la volta di arrossire. Non per questo destino eri fatto, non per riportare le ore noiose che passo in questa prigione senza sbarre. Pensavo di poter narrare se non fatti di gloria, almeno episodi di lotta per la Patria e la libertà che tu, un giorno, avresti a tua volta, ricordato a me ed ai miei amici. Ma, come sempre, l'uomo propone e Dio dispone. Non sempre possiamo fare valere la nostra volontà, i nostri veri sentimenti. Tu, diario, eri stato creato nella rivolta dello spirito, quando la libertà s'affacciava con l'alba grigiastra dell'autunno, quando tutti erano pronti a difendere se stessi contro lo schiavismo del tiranno. (Per 20 minuti ho interrotto di scrivere causa un bombardamento). Ora all'aquilotto che tentava le vie spaziose dell'infinito hanno tarpato le ali: una gabbia lo racchiude ed invano forse logorerà ì suoi artigli contro le sbarre di duro ferro a vile prezzo acquistate. Nulla rimane ai mortali se non la speranza, «Spes ultima dea». Da otto giorni mi trovo insieme a Mario, Renato e Angiolino, a Collestrada, al servizio del lavoro. Lavoriamo per l'Italia Repubblichina Tedesca. Come diverso sarebbe il nostro lavoro se per una vera Italia si lavorasse! Quanta diversa la fede che l'alimenterebbe! lo faccio l'assistente medico e, passata la visita del mattino il mio lavoro si può dire terminato, a meno che non succedano infortuni durante la giornata. Renato e Mario stanno all'Ufficio contabilità assillati da un lavoro noioso, ma non gravoso. Angiolino, detto « Bellera », per le sue movenze agili e svelte, ha già cambiato due o tre uffici, fra i quali quello di capo-cucina e, per il momento, è disoccupato.. II nostro lavoro, dunque, non è per nulla faticoso, ma estremamente noioso. Siamo stati mandati qua per punizione, costretti ad una vita che non è la nostra, dall'odio settario di un gruppo di coscienti mascalzoni. Qui la vita scorre monotona ed ogni ora insegue l'altra in un giro di noia, d'attesa, di ricordi e di speranze. Ieri era il 24 aprile. Questa data ha per me un valore. Segnò l'inizio di un sogno che trascinandosi per due anni fra le spire di una falsa illusione si è infranto al primo affiorare della verità. E' bello, sublime, intendere la vita come una illusione continua, ma bisogna stare bene attenti a non diventare un illuso di questa illusione. ..... Tutto passa nella vita, come un'onda gigantesca il tempo travolge e cambia le cose..... ma come uno scoglio gigantesco, immobile, fisso per l'eternità, i ricordi s'ergono al di sopra dell'onda furiosa e ad ogni impeto rispondono con la carezza ed il profumo della loro purezza e della loro integrità...… * * * * * Zona di operazione - 31 Gennaio 1945 Cara mamma, siamo arrivati stanotte a Ravenna. Il viaggio è stato un po' duro sia per il caldo sia per la sua lunghezza. Siamo già vestiti..... se tu mi vedessi! Sembro un vero inglese. Il morale é alto e speriamo che sia sempre così. Domani partiamo subito per il fronte.... Ciò non ti deve impressionare perché tutto è calmo e poi dovremo fare sei giorni di istruzioni alle armi. Noi di Umbertide stiamo tutti insieme e questo è già molto. La maglia marrone la tengo indosso perché qui fa un freddo canissimo. Vi penso sempre. Tanti tanti baci a Cario, Bige, Matilde, Concetta, zii ed amici. La santa benedizione. Rino Giorno x Cari tutti, mi trovo al fronte e posso dire che non mi ci trovo molto male. Il vitto è ottimo e lo facciamo da noi. Durante il giorno si fanno le esercitazioni, brevi scappate in linea e siamo in attesa di stabilirci definitivamente in una postazione di prima linea. Speriamo tutti in un'avanzata perché i pericoli sono minori e finisce prima questa immane carneficina. La sera si canta, si suona cercando di soffocare il rombo del cannone e il gracidare delle mitraglie. Voglio sperare che la situazione di Bige vada migliorando. Sono soddisfatto del dovere che compio e nulla mi spaventa. Vi penso spesso, a Matilde do ragione: «C'è bisogno di fede quassù e di una protezione dall'alto». Tuttavia anche se qualche volta non ho dimostrato molta passione per la chiesa, non lo facevo di cuore. Vi bacio tutti tanto tanto. Rino Cara mamma, proprio ora ho saputo che fra tre giorni e precisamente il 15 andremo in prima linea. E' venuto l'ordine dal comando. Noi di Umbertide siamo tutti in un plotone aggregati alla 9a compagnia. La mia squadra di postazione è la seguente: Leonardi (Civetta) Trippelli, Ceccagnoli, Claudio e... cucina. Il nostro settore dice che non sia molto violento. Quindi mammina, il 15 avrò la prova del fuoco. Pregate per me. Farò il mio dovere senza slanci e senza vigliaccheria. State tranquilli, speriamo che tutto vada bene. Ho con me un'immagine di S. Rita che mi ha regalato una ragazza di Umbertide che io amo; mi aiuterà, tanti, tanti, tanti baci a voi tutti e zii; un bacione a Franco. Vi chiedo la Santa benedizione. vostro Rino Caro Alfredo, a te ed ai compagni un fervido saluto. Siamo in linea e si combatte. Il nostro ideale è il motore che anima e accalora. Io e Claudio stiamo bene e vi pensiamo spesso e con affetto. Speriamo di poterci rivedere presto e ricominciare il nostro lavoro. Qui dove siamo ora c'è abbastanza calma, ma abbiamo passato qualche giorno!.... Ancora c'è molto lavoro da fare, cari compagni; la massa è con noi ma la monarchia ha le sue pedine e le manovra bene. Lo spirito nuovo è qui quasi assente, c'è molta nostalgia del passato, si strombazza un po' di democrazia, ma in realtà è ancora come prima. Qui, noi e tanti altri compagni lavoriamo per il nostro domani e speriamo che il nostro sforzo non rimanga nullo. Saluti cari a Remigio, Ramiro, Ramnusia e Elsa. A tutti i giovani compagni un caro saluto. Rino Pucci Bollettino n. 21 Partenza. Sveglia alle 6 e preparativi. Addio ai compagni fiorentini che ci salutano comunisticamente al canto dell'Internazionale. Attraverso Ravenna, verso S. Alberto, le nostre voci svegliano i pigri ed incuriosiscono, entusiasmandoli, i passanti mattinieri. Tra due immense inondazioni le nostre macchine filano veloci verso la meta. Al comando della 9ª compagnia avviene lo smistamento dei vari plotoni; il tenente Ceccarelli comanda il 2° plotone, quasi tutti gli umbertidesi sono al 3° plotone. I compagni di Città di Castello, che sono davvero ottimi comunisti, sono stati assegnati al lº plotone. Il cap. Maggiore Ceccagnoli comanda l'8ª squadra del 3° plotone ed è tutto un poema. Il caporale Leonardi, vice comandante dell'8ª squadra ha stupito il folto pubblico e l'inclita guarnigione nella costruzione, sotto il fuoco nemico, di una postazione modello. Stanotte il battesimo del fuoco. I tedeschi si fanno sotto audacemente; noi con calma rispondiamo ad ogni provocazione. II fante Bargelli è stato il primo ad avvistare i nemici che sono chiamati familiarmente «Tognini». Ai primi razzi illuminanti la pattuglia sì è allontanata. Verso le cinque un altoparlante tedesco ci ha tenuti allegri con canzoni e fregnacce propagandistiche. Il freddo è intenso, nel cielo le stelle impallidiscono percettibilmente. Battendo i piedi intirizziti le sentinelle, nelle postazioni, mescolano i propri con i sogni dei dormienti nelle cuccette interrate. E' l'alba ed i tedeschi si sono ritirati al di là del Reno e tutto è tranquillo. Di tanto in tanto qualche mortaio si fa sentire, ma senza effetto alcuno. Domani 19 avremo una importantissima notizia, da quanto ci ha detto il Ten. Ceccarelli. Attendiamo impassibili, il nostro scopo è ormai raggiunto: i tedeschi hanno già sentito che il plotone «Umbertide» fa sul serio. Bollettino n. 26 Una giratina per S. Alberto non fa male, c'è qualche borghese c'è ...... beh ! ...... qualche borghesina. E' piacevole vedere i gagà con la piega ai pantaloni militari che segue una ipotetica linea retta, qualcuno è arrivato al punto di lucidare le fette. Regola è di radersi la battagliera barba. Il Capitano ordina l'adunata e incomincia la romanzina per il contegno, per la disciplina ..... Il rancio si fredda, c’é una scenata che non è possibile narrare per ragioni tattiche. Poi tutto torna calmo e tiriamo avanti. Le notizie sono vaghe e tendenziose. Il cap. Maggiore Ceccagnoli si dà un sacco di arie ed è stato proposto per la nomina a.... Generale. I fanti Confini, Pucci e Caprini sono stati proposti per la croce di guerra in seguito all'audace pattuglia fatta a casa Giazol. La notizia che sembra di maggiore attendibilità è la seguente: si attacca. In attesa di abbracciare qualche veneziana o qualche milanese puliamo le armi.... Rancio e silenzio. Un Sergente suona il clarino e ci fa sognare : ricordiamo l'orchestra del valoroso Maestro Caporali, Anima di Franceschini, dove sei tu? Dove sono Lazzarini, Filippi e Codovini? Nel sogno si balla una quadriglia vertiginosa. Bollettino n. 29 Il fante ................. (poi la morte) DALLA LETTERA DEL CAPITANO ALLA MADRE DI RINO Gentilissima Signora, ricevo una Sua lettera senza data che, dalle condizioni in cui mi è pervenuta, lascia comprendere di essere stata a lungo in circolazione. Ciò anche a causa dei miei continui spostamenti. Infatti, dopo reiterate, vane insistenze, ho finalmente ottenuto dal Comando del Gruppo «Cremona» di poter partecipare a tutto il ciclo offensivo, da Alfonsine al Brenta. A tale premessa, che spiega il ritardo di questa risposta, aggiungo l'espressione della mia viva solidarietà e della mia commossa partecipazione al Suo immenso dolore. Come ho già scritto il mese scorso al Sindaco di Umbertide, quando incontrai Lei a Perugia, verso il 20 marzo, ignoravo assolutamente la fine gloriosa di Suo Figlio ......... .... Nella fase degli arruolamenti, nessuno ha mai nascosto che «si andava a fare la guerra» e che «qualcuno poteva non tornare». Ogni conquista implica sacrifici e perdite; la Libertà in particolare ha sempre voluto i suoi martiri. E' la fatalità, Signora, che si abbatte su una persona, su una famiglia, su una città, piuttosto che su altre. E ne abbiamo qui una ennesima dimostrazione: la provincia di Perugia ha dato al «Cremona» circa 500 volontari. Di essi ne sono caduti 5, ossia l'uno per cento. Purtroppo di questi cinque ben due sono annoverati tra i 24 umbertidesi. La sorte ha voluto dalla già tanto provata Umbertide, questo nuovo rilevante contributo di sangue generoso per la completa liberazione d'Italia. Noi, risparmiati dalla fortuna non possiamo non inchinarci davanti al loro nobile sacrificio; dobbiamo coltivarne perenne la memoria, onorarli e glorificarli. Voglia, Signora, accettare le mie più sentite condoglianze ed i sensi del mio devoto ossequio. Capitano Nardi Dalla lettera del Cappellano Militare alla madre di Rino COMANDO 22° REGGIMENTO FANTERIA «CREMONA Ufficio del Cappellano Militare Posta Militare 64, 30 maggio 1945 ALLA SIGNORA PUCCI MARIANNA - UMBERTIDE (Perugia) Gentilissima Signora, da qualche giorno mi è pervenuta la Sua del 16 maggio c.a. e comprendo tutta l'amarezza del suo dolore di madre privata del suo unico figlio. In verità, a suo tempo, ricevetti pure altra Sua lettera, alla quale, per disposizioni ministeriali, non potei rispondere non essendo a conoscenza se il Ministero competente le avesse o meno annunziato ufficialmente il decesso di Suo figlio. Oggi che di questo sono certo, posso assicurarle che il suo ragazzo ha fatto il suo dovere fino all'ultimo, come in genere tutti i giovani di Perugia. Egli è stato ferito nell'attacco condotto dal suo Battaglione per la conquista di Po di Primaro. Lo ricordo sempre quel giorno quando giunse a noi pieno di sangue e gravemente ferito, nell'infermeria da campo di Casal Borsetti. Nonostante il grande dolore, non si lamentava molto, eppure le sue ferite erano gravissime; un ampio squarcio alla coscia sinistra ed al braccio sinistro facevano prevedere prossima la sua fine, almeno dal lato medico. Il grande coraggio dimostrato e la reazione ad un dolore prostrante ci dettero per un momento la speranza di poterlo togliere ad una morte quasi sicura. Le cure gli furono praticate con amorevolezza e fraterna carità, sia dal medico di battaglione, sia anche dal dirigente il servizio sanitario coadiuvato dall'opera del cappellano militare sottoscritto. Per non esporlo ad una inutile dispersione di sangue, subìta la prima medicazione, fu smistato, a mezzo ambulanza, alla 54ª sezione di sanità, da dove proseguì immediatamente per un ospedale canadese in Ravenna (9 Indian Ospitai CCS). Anche qui dopo trasfusioni di siero e di sangue, sì tentò di salvarlo; ma non fu possibile e dopo alcune ore, del fante Rino Pucci non rimaneva che un cadavere freddo e senza vita. Laggiù, prima dì spirare, ricevette i sacramenti e la benedizione apostolica dal cappellano cattolico inglese di quell'ospedale. Curammo poi di raccogliere pietosamente la sua salma e di trasportarla al cimitero di guerra di Camerlona (Ravenna) ove riposano anche tutti i suoi compagni della Divisione (fila 7ª - tomba n. 77). Tutto questo è quanto posso dirvi relativamente al suo decesso. La bontà di suo figlio non lo potrà far dimenticare a nessuno e molto meno ai suoi compagni del 3° Btg., essi più di ogni altro si recavano spesso a visitarne la tomba ripromettendosi, non appena possibile, di ricondurne le spoglie al cimitero di Umbertide.… IL CAPPELLANO MILITARE (Fanti P. Pietro) VIVI E MORTI ...... SOLTANTO CON LA ROCCIA DI QUESTO PATTO GIURATO FRA UOMINI LIBERI CHE VOLONTARI SI ADUNARONO PER DIGNITA' NON PER ODIO DECISI A RISCATTARE LA VERGOGNA ED IL TERRORE DEL MONDO SU QUESTE STRADE SE VORRAI TORNARE AI NOSTRI POSTI CI RITROVERAI MORTI E VIVI CON LO STESSO IMPEGNO POPOLO SERRATO INTORNO AL MONUMENTO CHE SI CHIAMA ORA E SEMPRE R E S I S T E N Z A (P. Calamandrei) Il Diaro di Rino Pucci GALLERIA FOTOGRAFICA La storia di Palazzoli Natalino di Massimo Pascolini La storia di Palazzoli Natalino, chiamato Silvano di Massimo Pascolini Morì a 15 anni, nell’agosto 1944, investito da un camion inglese nella zona tra Montecastelli e Niccone durante il passaggio del fronte. Una delle tante vittime civili nel nostro territorio nell’anno più drammatico della storia di Umbertide. Il tragico episodio è stato raccontato da Massimo Pascolini , in base a ricerche d’archivio e testimonianze, nel seguente articolo pubblicato sul numero di marzo 2023 di “Informazione Locale”. Il passaggio del fronte ad Umbertide nell'estate del 1944 è sicuramente ricordato come uno degli eventi più tragici nella storia della città. Oltre ai morti nel bombardamento del 25 aprile, alla strage di Penetola, ai fucilati di Serra Partucci, alla famiglia Braconi deceduta a Preggio a causa di un bombardamento, Umbertide registra la morte di altre persone, uccise per rappresaglia, a causa di mitragliamenti aerei, bombe e ordigni rimasti inesplosi nei campi. Oggi, grazie anche ad alcuni documenti ritrovati presso l'Archivio Storico del Comune di Umbertide, (anno 1944), vogliamo ricordare la morte di Palazzoli Natalino chiamato Silvano. Natalino nasce a Monte Castelli, da Giovan Battista e Mannarelli Maria il 25 dicembre 1929. Muore il 15 agosto 1944 dopo essere stato investito da un camion Inglese. La dinamica dell'incidente si può ricostruire attraverso il rapporto fatto dal comandante della stazione dei carabinieri di Umbertide, Brigadiere Rinaldi Giuseppe al Pretore di Città di Castello ed al Governatore di Umbertide. "Verso le ore 16 del giorno 15 corrente, lo scrivente veniva a conoscenza che in località Cioccolanti di Umbertide era morto un giovane in seguito ad incidente stradale. Il sottoscritto si recava immediatamente sul posto ed accertava quanto segue: “[...], percorreva la strada campestre, in bicicletta, che immetteva sulla strada statale Tiberina - Romagnola e all'altezza della villa di Santini Giorgio sita fra la frazione Niccone e la località Cioccolanti. Appena il giovane raggiungeva la strada statale e stava girando alla sua sinistra per dirigersi verso Cioccolanti, sopraggiungeva un camion delle forze armate inglesi che proveniente da Città di Castello si dirigeva verso Umbertide, tenendo regolarmente la sua destra, lo investiva in pieno nella parte anteriore della bicicletta, lo gettava violentemente al suolo e lo trascinava per circa 20 metri. Il giovane Palazzoli riportava ferite multiple lacero contuse del tronco, addome, regione scrotale e frattura del cranio, (Referto del Dottor Ennio Paci, medico condotto di Montecastelli, che visitò il cadavere nella sua abitazione). I militari inglesi, secondo la deposizione di Giunti Pietro di anni 61, nato a Città di Castello e residente a Niccone, meccanico, che accorse subito dopo l'incidente sul posto, fermarono il camion e trasportarono il cadavere nella sua abitazione in Cioccolanti, distante circa 400 metri dal luogo del sinistro. Un ufficiale inglese, sopraggiunto successivamente con altra macchina, si fermava sul luogo dell'incidente e tracciava uno schema dell'incidente indicando lo stato del luogo e gli estremi scritti in italiano ed inglese del camion e dell'autista. Schema poi consegnato a Gaggioli Ennio che lo ha recapitato al sottoscritto. [...]". Il “disegno” (un vero e proprio CID) dell'Ufficiale Inglese riporta un disegno dell'incidente ed i dati dei soggetti coinvolti. Il camion era un “TRUK da 3 tonnellate, targato 1-4723037”, guidato dal soldato “Turner W” mat. 7/269409. Nell'effettuare un sopralluogo sul posto, abbiamo intervistato il Sig. Biagini Nazzario, abitante del luogo che all'età dell'incidente aveva 6 anni e ricorda di essere stato sul posto subito dopo il fatto. Il Sig. Nazzario ci ha raccontato la dinamica dell'incidente. Il Palazzoli, assieme ad un coetaneo, tal Biagini Vittorio, di 17 anni, fratello dell'intervistato, stavano facendo una gara per chi arrivava prima al Niccone dietro la ricompensa, per chi fosse arrivato prima, di 5 lire, promesse da un anziano del posto. I due ragazzi erano partiti dalla casa posta in vocabolo “Ruffietto”, ed arrivati in prossimità della villa “Palazzetto” alla curva, giravano a destra. Il Palazzoli che si trovava davanti, andava a impattare contro la fiancata destra del camion. Negli anni successivi il padre del ragazzo ha scritto, con il supporto del Sindaco del Comune di Umbertide, diverse lettere a vari Enti nell'intento di veder riconosciuto un indennizzo per il tragico evento (scrive di aver speso per il funerale, cassa ed altro, Lire 23.000). Presso l'Archivio Storico del Comune di Umbertide (anno 1950), si trovano conservate varie lettere indirizzate al Prefetto di Perugia, al Ministero del Tesoro Ufficio Requisizioni Alleate, al Ministero Difesa - Esercito, al Comando Presidio Militare di Perugia. Vi si trova pure una lettera dell'Ambasciata Inglese a Roma del 4 giugno 1948, che risponde “di non essere competenti riguardo ai fatti accaduti e dice di rivolgersi al Ministero Difesa - Esercito”. In data 21 maggio 1948, l'Associazione Nazionale Vittime Civili di Guerra, Sezione di Perugia, comunica che i genitori non hanno più diritto a nessun indennizzo in quanto, questi, dovevano essere richiesti "finché in tempo" al locale Comando Militare Alleato. Attualmente la salma riposa presso il locale cimitero di Montecastelli, nella tomba di famiglia, assieme ai propri genitori. Pubblicato sul numero di Marzo 2023 del periodico “Informazione Locale” La storia di Ciro Monsignori Morto a 20 anni nel campo di deportazione nazista di Zeithain nel 1944 Il 14 gennaio 1992 sono state riportate in Italia le salme di sedici giovani soldati umbri, dei quali quattordici morti nei lager nazisti e due nei campi di prigionia russi. Questi ragazzi, strappati alle loro famiglie e mandati a combattere a vent'anni, non sono che alcune delle tantissime vittime della guerra scatenata dal nazifascismo, che ha insanguinato l'Europa con le sue atrocità. La cerimonia in onore dei caduti si è svolta a Perugia, alla presenza dei familiari commossi e di numerose autorità militari e civili. Le urne con i resti dei poveri giovani sono sfilate da Palazzo dei Priori alla Cattedrale di San Lorenzo, dove è stata celebrata una messa solenne dall'Arcivescovo di Perugia Mons. Antonelli. Tra queste la salma di un giovane di Umbertide, Ciro Monsignori di diciannove anni, ultimo di sette fratelli, partito per la guerra nel 1943, tre mesi prima dell'8 settembre. Ciro, che era arruolato in cavalleria, al sopraggiungere dell'armistizio e al conseguente sfaldamento dell'esercito italiano, rifiutandosi di collaborare con le truppe nazifasciste, scappò insieme ad altri soldati nel tentativo di tornare a casa. Purtroppo però, nei pressi di Firenze, fu catturato dai tedeschi che lo deportarono in Germania, dove fu internato nel Lager di Zeithain, nell'ex Repubblica Democratica Tedesca. Rimase prigioniero nel campo fino al 1944, anno del suo decesso, comune tragica sorte di tanti giovani, morti di stenti, nelle terribili condizioni in cui venivano tenuti. I familiari di Ciro appresero poco dopo la triste notizia da una lettera del cappellano militare padre Luca Airoldi, anche lui internato nel lager e che teneva un diario dei soldati, il quale li informava anche che il corpo del giovane era stato seppellito nel cimitero del campo. Finita la guerra la famiglia Monsignori iniziò una disperata ricerca della salma del proprio caro, ma ogni tentativo risultò vano perché le autorità della DDR rispondevano che il cimitero di Zeithain non esisteva più. Nemmeno le Associazioni dei Deportati nei Lager riuscirono ad avere notizie più precise fino a quando, con la caduta dei muri, è stato possibile scoprire il cimitero del campo e tra le tante tombe quella di Ciro. Di lui c'era anche una vecchia fotografia, trovata negli schedari del campo. Dopo cinquant'anni, finalmente, i familiari hanno potuto ricongiungersi al loro caro e nel dolore hanno avuto almeno la consolazione di una tomba sulla quale ricordare e pregare. Da “Umbertide Cronache n.1 1992” – Panorama di Vita Cittadina, a cura di Amedeo Massetti * * * * * Il lager di Zeithain Il campo di prigionia Reservelazarett Stalag IV B Zeithain era un campo distaccato dello Stalag IV-B di Muhlberg. Istituito nel 1941 sul campo di esercitazioni militari di Zeithain, a nord di Riesa, lo Stalag 304 (IV H), poi Stalag IV B, fu inizialmente destinato ad accogliere prigionieri di guerra sovietici. A partire dal 1943 fu adibito anche a lazzaretto di riserva per prigionieri di guerra di altre nazionalità, tra cui moltissimi Internati Militari Italiani (IMI) che dopo l'8 settembre 1943 avevano rifiutato di collaborare con il regime nazista. Condizioni disumane, mancanza di igiene, denutrizione, assistenza medica insufficiente e lavoro coatto facilitarono il diffondersi di epidemie e gravi malattie, soprattutto tubrcolosi, determinando la morte di decine di migliaia di prigionieri, tra cui 850 italiani, sepolti per la maggior parte nel cimitero militare italiano di Jacobsthal e in parte nel cimitero di Muhlberg e Neuburxdorf. Il campo fu liberato dall’Armata Rossa il 23 aprile 1945. Degli IMI superstiti, tra cui molti gravemente ammalati, alcuni morirono sulla via del rientro e furono sepolti a Praga. Dopo la fine della guerra, il territorio del lager e del cimitero italiano fu adibito a zona di esercitazioni militari sovietica e rimase per decenni inaccessibile. Grazie all'instancabile opera di ricerca di alcuni reduci di Zeithain, primi fra tutti Padre Luca M. Airoldi (m. 1985), ex cappellano del campo che aveva annotato nel suo diario tutti i nominativi e i dati degli IMI deceduti a Zeithain, e dell'ex Ten. Col. Leopoldo Teglia, attuale Presidente della Sezione A.N.E.I. (Associazione Nazionale Ex Internati) di Perugia, fu finalmente possibile nel 1991 localizzare il cimitero militare italiano, riesumare e rimpatriare le spoglie di quasi tutti i caduti italiani di Zeithain. Nove croci di legno al margine dell'ex cimitero militare italiano di Zeithain ricordano oggi i caduti italiani del Reservelazarett Stalag IV B. Dal sito Internet di Wikipedia La storia di Ciro Monsignori Atlante della Memoria di Alvaro Tacchini Atlante della memoria di Alvaro Tacchini Atlante della memoria: Alta Valle del Tevere 1943-1944 a cura di Fabio Mariotti Per chi vuole approfondire gli avvenimenti storici nell’Alta valle del Tevere nel periodo 1943-44 è di grande interesse un nuovo lavoro dello storico tifernate Alvaro Tacchini che si inserisce nel solco della ricerca svolta sul periodo bellico. Tacchini ha infatti inserito nel suo sito “Storia tifernate“ gran parte dei testi del volume “Guerra e Resistenza nell'Alta Valle del Tevere”. Inoltre, affinché gli eventi, le tragedie e la lotta per la libertà dell'ultimo conflitto possano essere meglio divulgati a livello popolare e didattico, ha realizzato una splendida mappa interattiva, dal titolo "Atlante della Memoria. Alta Valle del Tevere 1943-1944". Si tratta di una mappa on-line, costruita sulla fotografia satellitare dell'Alta Valle del Tevere. Individua con specifici simboli gli eventi principali di quel biennio, localizzando dettagliatamente i luoghi dove sono avvenuti. Inoltre rende possibile approfondirne i contenuti con link che si aprono su testi tratti dal suo libro su questo tema. Nella mappa sono inseriti con cura anche i principali avvenimenti della zona di Umbertide, così come gli elenchi delle vittime civili e dei partigiani. Qui sotto è il link per la home page del sito. Per accedere alla mappa interattiva basta cliccare sul riquadro in basso a sinistra. http://www.storiatifernate.it/index.php

The Tiber and the water mills (edited by Francesco Deplanu) The Tiber was the primary route of connection and supply, it has characterized the history of the populations who lived in this area, essentially leaving the Etruscans to its right and the Umbrians to the left. But above all it defined the identity of the residential agglomerations in the plain: the symbol of our country shows, in fact, the three-arched bridge over it. Coat of arms of the municipality - Year 1870 - Municipal Archive (from the web) In ancient times it was "navigable" for commercial and therefore cultural exchanges; in different ways, with the help of pack animals to bring the current up to the boats or with small boats to allow the passage from one then bank. On the Tiber, Dr. Cencaioli writes in her ...: "it was the navigable way for commercial and cultural exchanges between the various cities from antiquity, in the Middle Ages and up to the last century, used for the transport of minerals, wood, food and of building material. The traf fi c was well organized and special offices were set up for the control of the waters. "..." The discovery of structures and materials and the toponyms along the Tiber allowed the recognition of some places as landing points: we remember for Umbria, Umbertide , loc. Barca, Perugia - Ponte Valleceppi, Perugia - Ponte S. Giovanni, Torgiano ". Octagonal construction at the "Petrelle". In the Petrelle area Luana Cencaioli, in " Umbertide, the Tiber and the territory", work presented within the "study day" organized by Prof.ssa Scortecci Donatella in 2012, speculates that the construction in octagonal plan about 3 meters high and built in mixed work with stones and bricks may be older than the post-classical age to which it seems to refer. It could have been used as a service room for a landing on the Tiber, as a garage or, given the variations in the course of the river, as a docking point. Cencaioli also speculates which may have been a "stakeout to control the river" (Cf. pg. 148). Probably the inhabited areas of the plains or along the rivers required more effort to be inhabited than those of the hills where the slope favors the flow of water, there are no marshy areas or you do not have to fight with torrential floods or the great river. Maria Cecilia Moretti in the volume "The Tiber and Umbertide" edited by Sestilio Polimanti reminds us how, in fact, the Tiber has often required containment works, reporting a news from the Umbertide archive of 1780 which confirms this need for containment: Gaspare Mazzaforti , parish priest of Migianella tells how in 1754 the Jesuit father Sivieri, an expert in mathematics for erosion problems in the area defined as "Prato", was consulted in Perugia for the problems of the Tiber near Fratta by means of certain "struts" which then seemed to a certain sense, then similar to a "rake" (Cf. pg. 24). We seem to find in the detail of this photo from the first half of the twentieth century, the evolution of this river erosion control technique in several places of the left bank of the Tiber just before the "Bocaiolo" area north of the city. This favored the deposition of materials from the Tiber with which it was then possible to consolidate the bank or "lengthen the fertile soil of the bank. Umbertide: particular early twentieth century photo This technique seems to be attested also by the details visible in the painting of Ernesto Freguglia from 1874 which represents the "Mulinaccio" area where, in addition to the canal that was used for the old mill now destroyed, you can see poles that look like the "struts" placed to protect the Tiber bend from erosion. Detail of Ernesto Freguglia of 1874 visible at this web address of the Municipality of Umbertide: http://www.umbertideturismo.it/content/download/260405/2771389/file/La%20storia%20di%20Ernesto%20Freguglia.pdf The Tiber had to be taken care of, that is, its banks had to be continuously reinforced to be protected from the force of the river which could be destructive with the floods: see in this photo from the first half of the 20th century which in addition to being sailed for fun and certainly to fish the shore opposite the pebbly beach (the "breccione") has some protection works with long poles planted vertically, the "pontoons", and other woods or fagots inserted horizontally which gave life to the protection "weeping". According to Maria Cecilia Moretti, the term "piangola" derives from the local dialect variant of the Po Valley where the term " pnèl " is still found today. thus the toponym "Pennello" in Umbertide would indicate the place of beginning of this technique (see note n. 26 in the text cited below). The floods of the Tiber could be destructive, especially if they were full of medium size, they had taken timber and residues to build natural barriers that could bring the river right into the city. But the Tiber was used above all in summer and spring for washing, a female activity that could increase the family budget although very tiring. In winter, country women preferred spring water which was less cold than that of the Tiber. The river was used also for fun, to browse it and as a meeting place: along the "patollo" area, in fact, in the thirties of the twentieth century, before the flood of '39 that destroyed it, a Lido Dancing was built which became the meeting place of the people of Umbria of the time. THE WATER MILLS Before industrialization, the large machines linked to the power of water, available in our areas as well as along the Tiber also along the Niccone River and other tributaries, they played a role in the transformation of crops such as maize and wheat, less frequently olives and sometimes even walnuts for the production of lamp oil. Other times they were important for the "gualcheria" for the fulling of the fabrics such as the famous "Mill of Sant'Eraclio" just south of the current confluence of the Reggia torrent in the main river, in the area of the current Piazza San Francesco. Cereal growing together of the scattered settlement, mostly of sharecropping origin, the little practicability of the communication routes and the frequency of streams and rivers allowed the notable diffusion of the "retricine" mills, or horizontal wheel, rather than the one mentioned above in Sant 'Erasmus with a vertical wheel. In the tense by the prof. Melelli and Fatichenti of the University of Perugia numbered 9 in the Fratta Territory and then, after the Unification, they increased to 15 at the end of the century ("L'UMBRIA DEI MULINI AD WATER edited by Alberto Melelli, Fabio Fatichenti, Quattroemme, Perugia 2013). The Mill of Sant'Erasmo was certainly active in 1470, in the word Botani, when it was given to the Rectory of Sant'Andrea by the Bishop of Gubbio, until 1610 when the great flood of the Tiber on 20 October made it less functional, which which was repeated the following year, bringing the Mill to the sale and change of use. The "gualcheria" was moved to a mill further south, in the Pian d'Assino area. There structure of the factory benefited from a reservoir, always visible in the image of the Piccolpasso just above the Mill where you can see a horizontal bubbling strip on the course of the Tiber, which according to the text of Melelli and Fatichenti made it possible to use grinding wheels for the grinding of sickles and other tools produced by the blacksmiths of Fratta to then make it possible to punch the clothes. As for the Mills, Fabio Mariotti reworked (you can read here in " Fratta-Umbertide nell'Ottocento ") the information from an unpublished manuscript by the local historian Renato Codovini where a statistic from 1880 appears. Here are still 9 Mills indicated: - Molino in Umbertide owned by Luigi Santini. It has three millstones, it is moved by water, it grinds grain, corn, olives eight months a year. - Molino known as "il Molinello" owned by Ciucci, in bankruptcy. It is one kilometer from Umbertide, it has three millstones, it is moved by water, it grinds grain eight months a year. corn and olives. - Molino known as "Vitelli" owned by the Marquis Rondinelli. four kilometers away from Umbertide. It has three millstones, it is moved by water, it mills seven months a year for lack of water. - Molino known as "di Casa Nuova" alla Badia, owned by Marignoli. It has five millstones and grinds cereals all year round. Molino inside the Badia owned by Marignoli. It has a single millstone and it grinds seven months a year due to lack of water. - Molino known as "dell'Assino" owned by Anacleto Natali. It is two kilometers from the town. It has three millstones and grinds all year round. - Molino di Pierantonio owned by Florenzi (the marquis, husband of Marianna Florenzi, from Ascagnano). It has two millstones. It grinds seven months a year. - Molino owned by Florenzi (other). It has two millstones. Seven months a year. - Molino di Paolo Sarti in Montecastelli. It is four kilometers from the town. It has two millstones, it grinds seven months a year, only cereals. - Molino della Serra. Property of the Ecclesiastical Fund. It is five kilometers from the town. It has three millstones. Grinds cereals all year round. All these mills grind 33,400 hectoliters of wheat flour, maize and a few cereals. In the area near the river there are today the remains of 5 mills: Mulinello, Truncichella, Mulinaccio, S. Erasmo, Mola Casa Nova, Pian D'Assino mill. Along the Niccone stream it must certainly be remembered that of the area of the current "Mulino Vitelli". The best-known mill on the Niccone stream is instead that of "Molino Vitelli" along the road that leads from Umbertide to 'Spedalicchio di Umbertide and then to Mercatale or Lisciano Niccone. This mill is already present in the "Gregorian Cadastre" (Montemigiano Map, part. 943) but we have news of its presence already in the eighteenth century under the ownership of the noble family of Città di Castello Bocompagni Ludovisi. It worked for the grinding of cereals and olives until 1955 when it was used for another use. A part of the "bottaccio" and the drainage channel are still visible, although it is filled with earth. The existence of Mills in these areas, where the flow was certainly less than that of the Tiber, reminds us that the population in our lands was mainly linked to the sharecropping system in the countryside. this page . On the basis of Umbertide's map of 1883 present in Guerrini's text "Storia della terra di Fratta", the "Molino di Umbertide" with three millstones that grinds 8 months a year was located on the course of the Tiber, in the position visible below, north of the bridge. The mill "Mola Casa Nova" also on the banks of the Tiber river, known as "Molino Gamboni", the last one that remained active, had been abandoned in the 90s. Here we insert two photos granted by the teacher Anna Boldrini. How the Mulino di Mola casanova looked in 1990: first side photo towards the Tiber river; second side photo of the current entrance area of the Park. Today the Mill of Mola Casa Nova it can be visited and is became a Mola Casanova Educational Science Park and has been managed so far, mid 2020, from Alchemilla sas with the nearby power station of the Municipality of Umbertide. The ancient mill sees its three floors arranged with themed rooms and workshops. The Alchemilla company offers valuable teaching to schools ranging from the past to energy news; here the link to the " brochure " for schools. SOURCES: - Cenciaioli Luana , Umbertide, the Tiber and the territory, (p. 145-162) in Scortecci Donatella (edited by): The middle and upper valley of the Tiber from Antiquity to the Middle Ages: proceedings of the study day ; Umbertide, May 26, 2012 - Daidalos, 2014. - UMBRIA OF WATER MILLS edited by Alberto Melelli, Fabio Fatichenti, photographs by Bernardino Sperandio, files by Giovanni Gangi, Fabio Fatichenti, Rosa Goracci, Alberto Melelli, Remo Rossi, Bernardino Sperandio, QUATTROEMME, 2013. - "The Tiber and Umbertide": Maria Cecilia Moretti, Lorena Beneduce Filippini, Fausto Minciarelli (edited by Sestilio Polimanti), Historical Society Umbertide Edizioni, 2018. The work originally came out in 1995 thanks to the Municipality of Umbertide but above all thanks to ALLI - Linguistic Atlas of Italian Lakes - and to Prof. Giovanni Moretti and to the Chair of Italian Dialectology. - http://www.umbertideturismo.it/content/download/260405/2771389/file/La%20storia%20di%20Ernesto%20Freguglia.pdf - https://www.molacasanova.it/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/brochure-scuole-2016.pdf - https://www.molacasanova.it - Photos: historical photos of Umbertide from the web and from various private archives to which we applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark in this way we try to avoid that the further disclosure on our part favors purposes not consonant with our intentions exclusively social and cultural. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com Henry Pirenne “ If I were an antique dealer, I would have eyes only for old things. But I am a historian. That's why I love life "

Umbertide 1944-1946: from the Liberation to the Referendum " Political-Administrative activity" 1946 - Le prime consultazioni elettorali Le elezioni del 2 giugno 1946 - il Referendum 1945 - L'amministrazione comunale ...tra speranze e delusioni L'attività di epurazione Introduzione Gli ultimi sussulti di guerra Le elezioni politiche Il Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale 1944 - La liberazione ed il Comitato di Salute Pubblica 1944 - L'amministrazione Comunale - I primi passi by Alessandro Cancian Author's Note "Umbertide 1944 -1946: From Liberation to Referendum - Political-Administrative Activity" This is the title of the degree thesis, which completed my studies at the Faculty of Sociology of the University of Urbino, back in 1992. The intent that drove me to undertake this work, in addition to the passion and pleasure of being able to study and deepen the past events of my city, was mainly to fill a gap that, at the time, I had found in the studies conducted on the history of Umbertide and its territory. I was amazed, in fact, that no author had ever considered the immediate postwar period (1944-1946), a really interesting period for the various ferments that characterized it. However, the many difficulties I encountered in researching historical sources convinced me that this historical gap was not due to the disinterest of scholars, but to the scarcity and ... disorder in which the documentation to consult lay, which only for a very short time (i.e. from when it was possible to publish the documents) the Municipality of Umbertide he was trying to give a proper arrangement. Not even the press of the time was of much comfort to me; he seemed, in fact, to have almost totally disregarded what happened in our territory. The oral testimonies, often fragmentary and confused, were also of little support, also taking into account that many protagonists of the events I was about to investigate had now, unfortunately, disappeared. All this, however, did not cause me to lose heart; on the contrary, it stimulated me to a greater commitment, both in research and in verifying the sources, and then in "mending" the events with the ultimate aim of giving their succession continuity and reliability. In addition to published sources such as books, newspapers and magazines, certainly the most interesting material, because it is absolutely unpublished, the subject of my meticulous investigation were the Acts and the Register of Minutes of the then CNL Municipal Section of Umbertide, and the Acts and the Register of the resolutions of the then Municipal Council of Umbria. Even today, as then, I do not intend to risk an assessment of what I actually managed to achieve. As I stated at the end of my work, I would have contented myself with arousing the curiosity of those scholars who, from the height of their experience and professionalism, would certainly have been able to achieve much more completely what was in my intentions. May 2020 The last gasps of war Immediately after the political-military events of '43, some Umbertidesi antifascists contact the clandestine National Liberation Committee (1), without the local fascist authorities doing much to catch the subversives in the act, well known in a small town which was Umbertide (2). At the end of 1943, the presence of the German army in the territory of the Upper Tiber Valley begins to become more consistent and more dangerous. The soldiers of the Wehrmacht are flanked or, even worse, are replaced by units of the SS, who see every Italian as a "traitor" and behave accordingly: then, especially in the countryside, raids and cruelties of all kinds begin. Against the German troops and the fascist militia there is the I 'Proletaria d'Urto Brigade, a new partisan formation better known as the San Faustino, born on the initiative of a group of anti-fascists, mostly liberals, headed by Bonuccio Bonucci of Perugia . Almost all of them come from the areas of Perugia, Umbertide, Città di Castello, Gubbio. San Faustino operates in the Umbrian-Marche Apennines and in particular in the mountain range of the municipality of Pietralunga. And since the partisan presence in this territory represents for the Germans a serious threat to transit on the alternative routes of connection for the transport of weapons, ammunition and provisions, there are several roundups put in place, which involve or keep in suspense the inhabitants of the countryside surrounding Umbertide. Yet the greatest tragedies have yet to unfold ... At 10.20 am on 25 April 1944, a squadron of 12 Allied fighter-bombers dives from the hills of the Serra. The objectives of the raid are the two bridges over the Tiber: that of the state road "Tiberina 3 bis" (the famous road of the Rome-Berlin axis) and that of the Central Umbrian Apennines, which connects Umbertide to Fossato di Vico and Arezzo. The populous district of San Giovanni (today Piazza XXV Aprile) is unfortunately close to the objectives: the two bridges remain standing, but 74 (they are 70 ed) unarmed citizens perish under the bombs dropped by pilots who are perhaps too young and inexperienced. In the afternoon a new raid which, fortunately, causes neither victims nor damage. Three days later, with a third bombing, an arch of the road bridge is destroyed. The railway one will be blown up later by the German sappers. For many years, historical credit was given to a popular voice, which held the Prefectural Commissioner Ramaccioni responsible for the deaths of the bombing, for not wanting to sound the air alarm sirens. Instead, research carried out by scholars Bruno Porrozzi, Raffaele Mancini and Mario Tosti, made it possible to return, after a long time, the truth of the episode and to remove this shadow about the behavior of the Commissioner (3). When, on June 20, 1944, the news arrives that Perugia is in the hands of the Anglo-Americans, the inhabitants of Umbertide are convinced that the following day they too will be "freed". And instead the Allies, by now for consolidated war strategy, take it easy: 15 days must pass before the 8th Army riflemen appear in the rubble of the San Giovanni quarter. Fifteen days in which the Germans (after the flight of the main fascist hierarchs), remain absolute masters of the territory of the Upper Tiber Valley, which is put to fire and sword. In Umbertide the Tobacco Factory and the Railway Workshop are set on fire. The countryside is looted. And, unfortunately, the Nazi anger is blindly vented even on unarmed citizens. On June 24, 1944, near the ancient castle of Serra Partucci, a few kilometers from Umbertide, a retreating German unit took up arms to five young men. The reason has always remained unclear, even if the popular rumor speaks of retaliation for a never ascertained wounding of a German soldier. Four days later, in the locality of Penetola, in the countryside of the Umbertide district of Niccone, without any reason (not even explainable in the light of the raw logic of war), a platoon of SS (but it is to be believed that some of them were Italians wearing the German uniforms ...), is tainted with an atrocious crime: penetrating a peasant house in the middle of the night, they set it on fire, firing on anyone who tries to escape the stake. Twelve people perish thus barbarously, including three women and five boys. 1. The Umbertidese artisans G. Vestrelli (carpenter) and A. Taticchi (barber), together with prof. R. Simonucci, received news and orders from Pio Taticchi (Antonio's brother), who resided in Rome and had in fact contacts with men of the National Liberation Committee, still "clandestine". 2. More than an oral testimony, however, reports that the "historical" nucleus of the Umbertidesi antifascists had never been too inclined to proselytize, especially among young people: and this "closure" has certainly avoided leaks about the activities of the nucleus itself. 3. Precise documents attest that Ramaccioni has long ago requested an "air warning signal", which the Prefecture refuses to grant. Introduzione Gli ultimi sussulti di guerra 1975. Bonuccio Bonucci, founder of the San Faustino Brigade, receives an honor from the Mayor Celestino Sonaglia Prefectural Commissioner Luigi Ramaccioni 1944 - La liberazione ed il Comitato di Salute Pubblica 1944 - L'amministrazione Comunale - I primi passi 1944 - The Liberation and the Public Health Committee On 5 July 1944 the allies entered Umbertide without encountering any resistance. The wounds, however, are still too much alive, too deep among the people of Umbria to give rise to outbursts of joy for the “liberation”. On the same 5th July, eleven citizens gathered in the home of maestro Raoul Bonucci to set up a Public Health Committee. Maestro Raffaele Mancini, who lost part of it, reported the following: “It was a spontaneous and completely improvised meeting. […] We were convinced that in some way it was necessary to act, but honestly we could not organize the hundred ideas that each of us was proposing. Fortunately, prof. Simonucci, municipal deputy secretary and a man of great experience and considerable culture. In a nutshell he convinced us that first of all it was necessary to deal with the situation of Umbertide, where chaos was in danger of taking over. Raoul Bonucci's house was a stone's throw away: eleven of us were there. The intention was to define ourselves as the National Liberation Committee, Umbertide section. But it would take the approval of the Provincial CNL, as well as a representation of the various parties. The professor. Simonucci then proposed the denomination Committee of Public Health […] We therefore took into consideration the situation of our town and began to get busy ”. The Public Health Committee does not have a charter. Only ten days later, someone wanted to make that informal meeting official, drawing up a meager list of eleven names, with the party to which they belong to the side: Boldrini In the Communist Boldrini Nenella Communist Mancini Raffaele Communist Communist Nanni Ramiro Taticchi Antonio Communist Simonucci Raffaele - C? Bonucci Raoul - C? Rometti Aspromonte socialist Baldelli Dante socialist Ramaccioni Renato P. Action Improved Socialist Joseph It is curious to note how the editor, in an attempt to attribute to each member of the Committee a political connotation, is in some difficulty. Does the letter C prove it? alongside the names of Simonucci and Bonucci (Communists?) On how much and how the Committee of Public Health work, you do not have official documents, but we know for sure that one of the first assignments that it is attributed is to form teams of "vigilante" to avoid acts of looting among the rubble and the houses that the "displaced" people have left unattended. It also works to fight the black market and, above all, the first official contacts are made with the provincial section of the Committee of National Liberation, which is based in Perugia. However, beyond its specific activity, it should be recognized that the Committee of Public Health, in these moments of strong disorientation, plays a role of fundamental importance in terms of stimulation and coordination of the first, frenetic initiatives, waiting for the official bodies to regain control of the political and administrative life of Umbertide. Thus we arrive at 23 July 1944, the day on which the local section of the CNL of National Liberation is established, the Public Health Committee is dissolved, also because the Allied Military Governor has now appointed a Mayor. 1944 - The Municipal Administration… the first steps The Allied Military Governor appoints Dr. Mariano Migliorati, surgeon, as Mayor. The Mayor, who had been entrusted with the mandate to form a Municipal Council, after a few days proposes to the Allied Military Governor a list of names taking into account their moral position more than their political one. Names are all accepted. Composition of the Municipal Council: Giuseppe Migliorati, Aspromonte Rometti and Tramaglino Cerrini are socialists; Nello Boldrioni and Giuseppe Rondoni are communists; Francesco Martinelli is close to the Action Party; Renato Ramaccioni is a liberal; Attilio Scannavini is a Christian Democrat, along with Giorgio Rappini, of whom there is no precise information. Municipal Secretary A. Bartolomei is appointed. The council met for the first time on 9 August 1944 and immediately resolved, on the order of the Allied Military Governor, to take disciplinary measures against those municipal employees who, "given political precedents", cannot remain in service. 16 employees are thus identified, who will be suspended from service and salary from 15 August. This measure will have a long aftermath and will be the subject of numerous disputes and disputes between the Municipality and the Prefecture. Furthermore, it should be noted that discontent is spreading in the village due to the sad phenomenon of hoarding: it appears, in fact, that most of the traders and producers have accumulated and hidden in improvised warehouses "lots of various kinds" that are sold on the "black market". Therefore, the suspicion arises that the employees of the Annonario Office and the Annonary Vigilant Corps are not doing their duty, or that they are even complicit in this situation. It was therefore decided to dismiss some employees (replacing them with new ones) and to suspend the aforementioned brigades indefinitely. In their place, a Nucleus of Annonary Police has been set up (as indeed the provisions of the "superior bodies" require) to be entrusted with the task of carrying out checks on the real or presumed irregularities that many citizens are denouncing. Therefore the Council, given the serious conditions in which almost all citizenship is found, appoints the members who must make up the Administration Committee of the Local Municipal Body for Assistance (ECA), as ordered by the Prefecture of Perugia. On 28 August 1944 the meeting of the Municipal Council is dedicated to the appointment of the new head physician of the Civil Hospital of Umbertide. The task (on the proposal of the Allied Military Governor himself) is entrusted to the mayor himself, dr. Mariano Migliorati, who takes over from dr. M. Valdinoci, suspended for political reasons, and included in the list drawn up in the session of 9 August. Giuseppe Migliorati replaces Mariano Migliorati at the helm of the Municipality On 2 September 1944 the office of Mayor remains vacant and therefore a new appointment must be made. Also in this case it is the Allied Military Governor who indicates the replacement, choosing from among the members of the same council the surveyor Giuseppe Migliorati, well known in Umbertide, and highly esteemed. Even if there are no official objections to this choice by either the men of the CNL or the Board, almost certainly there must have been some contrast, because with the entry into force of the new Mayor there is an almost total renewal of the Board, which now it has been extended to 12 members. Scrolling through the names, we note that only A. Martinelli of the Action Party and the socialist A. Rometti remain of the previous one, who is also a close friend of the Mayor. It also appears significant that of the other 10 members none belong to the Communist Party. The New Administration immediately worked to resolve the most pressing problems. In this regard, the Mayor sent a very detailed report to the Prefect of Perugia, about the disastrous conditions in which the town of Umbertide and the municipal area in general found themselves, also offering valuable advice on how to deal with and resolve them. To combat the sad phenomenon of hoarding and the so-called "black market" and to cope with the lack of shops, in August the Municipal Administration created a Bottegone Comunale del Popolo , for the distribution of rationed goods, collected in a special Center where all producers can converge. The management is entrusted to a provisional Board of Directors, chaired by two men of the Executive (the socialists Aspromonte Rometti and Tramaglino Cerini), who take care of its organization and operation. It is said that the Bottegone will continue to operate until normal commercial activity is restored, and then decide whether to close it or transform it into a consumer cooperative. The initiative found wide acceptance and so, in a short time, the Bottegone found itself having to cope with a mass of work that no one expected. It was therefore decided to transform it into a consumer cooperative. In this regard, Rometti is responsible for drafting a "leaflet" sent to all workers, so that they become members. In the heading of the Flyer we note that Rometti has replaced the more technical wording of "Magazzino" from the popular dialectal term "Bottegone". But on November 12, 1944, when the deed of incorporation must be drawn up before the notary, the sentiment of tradition prevails, and the cooperative was called by its first name "Bottegone Comunale del Popolo". 191 shares are awarded, for a total of £ 20,300. For the record, the Bottegone will function until the seventies, when it will be replaced by COOP - Umbria. Another delicate situation that the council has to face is that of housing. After the war raids, the population has spread a little everywhere, but it is pressing to return to the village, where, however, many houses have been destroyed, and many others damaged. In this way, a special office and a special commission are created to supervise the relevant services. The commissioner Arnaldo Zurli presides over the census of the lodgings and their assignment. It is established that each room must be occupied by at least two people and, where possible, families are invited to welcome other families. A Commission is also appointed to fix the rental prices which must be fair and in keeping with the economic situation of the tenant. In doing so, it is possible to buffer a dramatic situation. Regarding the viability, the council promotes a voluntary consortium among the interested parties, for the construction of footbridges to replace the destroyed bridges within the municipal area. A commission is then appointed for the bridge-reconstruction consortium, which is entrusted with the task of drawing up estimates and supervising the works. In late autumn, the need arises to provide somehow the heating of the houses and it is decided to distribute coal and wood to the population through the special Wood and Coal Commission which will have to work to ensure that the distribution takes place in an equitable manner and privileges the most needy. These, therefore, are the initiatives taken by the Municipal Council from August to November of '44. This is no small thing, if we consider that it must act in constant conflict with the local section of the CNL, which increasingly sees in the figure of the Mayor an expression of prefectural power (or that of the Allied Military Governor) and not of the will of the citizens of Umbria. A conflict that ends up determining the resignation of Migliorati, despite the Allied Military Governor try in every way to avoid them. In his place is appointed the lawyer Renato Ramaccioni of the Liberal Party, first president of the CNL and former member of the Executive headed by Dr. Mariano Migliorati. On 29 December a new council is appointed, made up of 6 members: 2 communists (Dante Baldelli and Giuseppe Rondoni), 2 socialists (Tramaglino Cerrini and Virgilio Occhirossi) and 2 who declare themselves "belonging to no party" (Francesco Martinelli and Lodovico Conte Ranieri). Count Ludovico Ranieri will attend only at this first meeting, then he will always be absent. It is therefore to be assumed that his represents an appointment "of convenience", perhaps to satisfy the upper middle class of Umberto and to balance, at least in part, the total absence of the Christian Democrats. Reproduction of the original document Dr. Mariano Migliorati Giuseppe Migliorati 1945 - The Municipal Administration ... between hopes and disappointments On January 18, 1945 the administrative activity resumed; but it seems to be proceeding a little slowly or, at least, no longer in spirit with that boost of enthusiasm that characterized the previous Council led by Migliorati. Identifying the exact reasons for this slowdown is not easy, because the documentation is really scarce. Based on the correspondence that the Municipality has with the CLN and with the various local committees, we can first of all deduce that it is in enormous financial difficulties, which do not allow it to intervene effectively on the disastrous social economic reality. Add to this that the work of the Municipal Administration, with the passing of days, falls more and more under the control of the higher bodies (of the Prefecture in particular). In fact, they give precise directives and perhaps impose specific expenditure items, which not only leave the concrete and daily needs of a large part of the population unsatisfied, but also exacerbate the already ill-concealed contrasts between the new council and the CNL. The Municipal Administration thus finds itself acting in an atmosphere that is anything but serene. On the one hand, the directives of a state that is gradually reorganizing its bureaucratic apparatus: on the other, the pressure of local committees, determined to resolve certain situations in a more radical way. Despite these difficulties of the path, the council still manages to take some commendable initiatives. For example, the Bursar Office is created, which is part of the Accounting section, which is assigned, among other tasks, those of providing for the transport of destitute citizens due to war and the payment of subsidies to the poor. A new commission is appointed for the first degree decision of appeals against municipal taxes, with Dr. Mariano Migliorati as president: it is hoped that the head physician of the hospital, whom everyone esteems for his professionalism and honesty, can somehow avoid the avalanche of protests that reach the municipal offices. However, it has just solved this "problem", and already the Ramaccioni council is still called upon to deal with the serious housing problem. Unfortunately, the number of homeless people is still significant, as renovations are proceeding slowly. On the other hand, property owners are in no hurry to speed up the restoration work on housing, which may then be forced to rent to ridiculous hormones ... A Committee for Building Repairs was then formed, chaired by the engineer Dante Pannacci, with the surveyor Giuseppe Migliorati representing the homeless and the engineer Giovita Scagnetti as the representative of the homeowners. Even the welfare and social security conditions of agricultural workers (who have resumed work in the countryside) leave much to be desired, so a Commission is appointed to carry out investigations on the matter. However, despite not standing idle, the Municipal Administration is unable to mend a peaceful relationship with the CLN. And this must create a lot of difficulties for them in action, because at the beginning of April the Mayor communicates to CLN. of having resigned in the hands of the Prefect, who however rejected them. It seems evident that this is a shrewd move by Ramaccioni, to mean that he does not want to remain in office ... in spite of the saints. On the other hand, it can also be a precise signal of willingness to re-establish good relations with the CLN Astorre Bellarosa is appointed Mayor of Umbertide The situation remains, however, what it is. And then on April 26, citing work reasons, Ramaccioni goes to Rome, after having delegated the senior councilor Giuseppe Rondoni to replace him. But Rondoni is a representative of the PCI and the delegation is not approved by the Prefect, who the following day sends one of his Commissioners to Umbertide to take over the management of the Municipality. It is clear that we do not want to leave the administration in the hands of a council chaired by a communist, moreover very close (due to ideological and friendly ties), to some men of the CLN In truth G. Rondoni is a man of great moral depth, which he has always put before the interests of the community to those of the party and, above all, to yours. But how always happens, these qualities will be recognized only after death ... Meanwhile, from Rome, the lawyer Ramaccioni insists that his own be accepted resignation and the Prefect can only acknowledge it, granting the authorization for a new appointment. Perhaps the CLN would like to re-propose the Rondoni, but the opportunity suggests not to ... force your hand. We then try to find a person who results appreciated by all: CLN, population, Governor and Prefect. The choice falls on communist Astorre Bellarosa , a self-taught craftsman, a man of vast experience human and, above all, of great balance. His appointment bears the date of May 6, 1945. The new council takes office on May 24 instead. It is largely formed by communists and socialists: Astorre Bellarosa, Giuseppe Rondoni, Vincenzo Rondoni, Renato Martinelli and Pasquale Ceccarelli of the PCI; Dino Bernacchi ed Arnaldo Zurli of the PSI, Guido Guidi of the DC Despite good intentions, it too can certainly not work miracles in coping and solve the problems that always remain the same; but on the other hand, you can ask sacrifices to the population because they have a broad consensus and great trust. The financial crisis forces, in fact, to take painful measures: the most rigorous parsimonies are required in the disbursement of expenses and the revision of all services so that they can function with the minimum staff. Here the Technical Office is forced to fire an employee and all permanent workers (carpenters, blacksmiths, bricklayers ...), in addition to reducing the number of roadmen. A reconstruction plan is underway In the meantime, the council activates a rational and concrete reconstruction plan, entrusting its realization to the same Technical Office, assisted by a new Building Commission and by all the engineers, surveyors, artists and professionals of the capital. The Reconstruction and Expansion Plan was approved in the session of 21 July. Furthermore, since the Prefecture has not yet done so, with a subscription from all citizens, forty thousand lire is collected to be used for the clearing of the rubble that obstruct the main square 1 and the adjacent streets. As the Migliorati had done, the Mayor Bellarosa also urges the Prefecture to take measures for the accommodation of the schools, which will absolutely have to start functioning again. In this regard, a resolution of the Executive which gives a favorable opinion to the establishment of a "balanced" high school assumes considerable significance. A few months earlier, the National Education Association “A. Vespucci ”had proposed to open a first class of scientific high school in Umbertide. The proposal seemed tempting, but the Municipal Administration could not have committed itself financially. Therefore, some private individuals who had declared their willingness to give the necessary contribution had moved. And so, in the session of 30 August, the Mayor informs that this will not constitute a burden for the Municipality, since the population has offered to cover the commitment of twenty-four thousand lire per year. The Executive therefore gives a favorable opinion. The Lyceum, however, will only begin to operate in 1946. In September, discussions are held on the proposed tax relief for the construction of new buildings. Emphasis is placed on the urgent need to encourage by all means the initiatives aimed at building new residential homes, not only to meet the numerous families still affected, but also to deal, in some way, with the phenomenon of unemployment which, in given the winter, it risks aggravating Umbertide's already precarious economic situation. It is therefore decided to grant total exemption from the consumption tax of all building materials to all those who will start the works by 1945, in order to complete them as soon as possible. Only objectively demonstrable delays will be allowed. The buildings completed promptly will enjoy, for a period of five years, exemption from the municipal tax. This is a resolution that will prove to be of fundamental importance for the rebirth of Umbertide. Also in September, the Mayor - applying a legislative decree Lieutenancy of 8.3.1945 - initiates the constitution of a Tax Council, an elected body, which has the task of supporting the work of the financial offices for a wide and equalized tax action. At the end of 1945, when we go to make the final balances, we realize that the deficit increases. And then the municipal administration is forced to take another rather "unpopular" decision, but inevitably dictated by the need to give breath to an increasingly asphyxiated budget: it restores the sale of the popular buildings located in via XX Settembre, whose auction it had been interrupted in 1925. These houses are, in this period, inhabited by disastrous families who pay, when they can ..., a purely symbolic rent. This constitutes a huge loss for the municipal administration. Yet, despite the year ending with the further request for sacrifices, and above all for the most destitute population, we must affirm that the Bellarosa administration has marked a decidedly positive step in the difficult path of reconstruction. And it did so, in particular, on the level of "moral" reconstruction, always working with great honesty and transparency, involving citizens as much as possible who, made responsible for a participation that has been forgotten for years, show themselves willing, at least to a large extent, to face sacrifices with the awareness of making them for a better tomorrow. 1 . On 5 July, on the proposal of the CNL, the square was named after Giacomo Matteotti, martyr for democracy. 1945 - L'amministrazione comunale ...tra speranze e delusioni Astorre Bellarosa 1946 - Le prime consultazioni elettorali 1946 - We return to democratic participation. The first electoral consultations In the first months of the new year the activity of the Municipal Administration is almost totally dedicated to the preparation of the upcoming electoral deadlines (1), which fall into a scenario made dramatic by the serious economic and social difficulties in which the Municipality of Umbertide is struggling, and for whose resolution it always continues to operate. We cite, for example, its effective contribution in favor of the unemployed, with the creation of a Committee for Winter Assistance; the establishment of a Board of Directors of the Civic Hospital ; the establishment of a Public Transport Service between Umbertide and Perugia; the formation of a new committee for the reconstruction of Umbertide (the post-war Committee ). But the desire to successfully carry out that revolution for freedom, which was born with the partisan struggles, and which was about to be sanctioned by a free democratic choice in front of the polls, gives such great enthusiasm that, often even the serious contingent problems take a back seat. The administrative elections The administrative electoral consultation, which will take place on April 7, finds only three parties well organized in the Umbrian territory: the Communist Party, the Socialist Party and the Christian Democrats. The dispute, however, will not be three; in fact, in November 1945 the local sections of the PCI and the PSI stipulated a pact of union, which leads them to appear under a single list (2) It is therefore a direct confrontation which, implying unequivocally bringing to light the inevitable political and ideological diversifications, certainly upsets the image of loyal collaboration offered up to now by the parties. Obviously, this does not mean that until that moment there had been a total absence of contrasts. But the common anti-fascist and republican impulse managed, at least in most of the occasions of dispute, not to unleash bitter ideological diatribes, both within the Giunta and in the ranks of the CNL The election campaign is largely left to improvisation and volunteering. More passionate, but also more concrete and incisive appears that of the Social Communists, conducted extensively by various activists who beat the entire municipal territory inch by inch, sometimes even going even further (3). We have significant testimony of one of these electoral interventions in two articles which appeared respectively in the socialist weekly "La Rivenditazione" (distributed in the Upper Tiber area) and in "Il Socialista", a periodical of the PSI of Perugia. There is news of a propaganda trip by the Umbertidesi social-communists in the hamlet of Preggio, still considered very linked to fascism. In turn, Communists and Socialists speak. The intervention of a comrade from the section of the PCI of Montecastelli is also mentioned. Apparently more cautious and less striking, but no less intense, appears the activity of the Christian Democracies, which for the most part entrusts its electoral campaign to the collaboration of parish priests, who try to persuade especially women, easier to fall into feelings of guilt, when they are faced with the risk of not being able to enter church anymore or, even, that of excommunication (4). It is the text of a Pastoral that, under the direction of the Bishop, parish priests will have to read during a Sunday Mass at the end of January and which, almost certainly, contains accusations against communism and socialism. I have not been able to find the text of the Pastoral, but we have found an article in "The Vindication" of 2.2.46, in which a severe criticism is made not so much of its content (which the writer admits he does not know), as of the the way it was read and explained to the faithful. Even if the article is reproduced in its entirety at the foot of this chapter, it is worth highlighting some passages: "... we cannot fail to note the sectarian spirit ... of some canonical commentator, who ... felt entitled to also promulgate otherworldly penalties for who has not followed the dictates of the pastoral care in question ... ", and again" ... The scandal aroused ... demonstrates how inappropriate is the propaganda, clearly political, made in church in favor of a single party ... "and continues" ... the clergy is clearly conservative and carries out this intimidating campaign on souls to be able to continue to be the main pillar of reaction and capitalism “. For the sake of truth, however, there is an obligation to point out that not all priests are so diligent in propaganda. For example, Mancini and Palazzetti remember very well that some parish priests of the Umbertidese countryside disregard the directives of the Curia and do not read the letter in question on that Sunday. The two social-communist-inspired newspapers published and distributed in the Upper Tiber Valley (the aforementioned "The Claim" and the communist weekly "Voce Proletaria"), give ample space to the chronicle of the Città di Castello district, but only very rarely do they speak of what happens in Umbertide. On the contrary, the religious fortnightly "Voce Cattolica", and the Christian Democrat fortnightly "Libertà", they are felt on more than one occasion. In the issue of February 23, 1946, "Libertà" addresses for the first time the issue of administrative elections in the Municipality of Umbertide, speaking of great electoral expectations within the Christian Democrats, which responded to the Social-Communist alliance by expanding the list of own candidates to some independents. In truth, rather than real "independents" they are representatives of those parties (such as the PLI) that do not show up for the elections: this, obviously, in an attempt to collect the vote of the sympathizers of the aforementioned parties. It is also specified that the Christian Democratic party will present itself with its own distinct character, which however does not mean renouncing to collaborate for the interest of the people. This, expressed, declaration to "collaboration" (even if it cannot be excluded that it is dictated by true availability), appears perhaps more realistically to be interpreted as "putting your hands forward". The Umbertidesi Christian Democrats, in fact, are well aware that they are leaving at a disadvantage compared to the "left"; and then they do not want to ensnare themselves in sterile as well as irritating positions of clear split with the direct competitors. The same article ends by expressing doubts about the merger between PCI and PSI which, apparently dictated by unity of purpose and concord, actually constitutes a sort of forcing that has left several candidates unhappy who, in addition to being opposed to some points of the program, ... aimed at individual affirmation. Another workhorse of Christian Democratic propaganda is represented by the letter with which Dr. Stefano Codovini (who was, albeit for a very short period, in the Board of the CNL), justifies his resignation from the Communist Party, within which he performed the functions of orator and propagandist. The religious fortnightly "Voce Cattolica", published on March 30, 1946, gives great prominence to this story, in an article entitled "PCI in crisis?" , which begins by announcing, very subtly, that Codivini resigned because he became a Catholic. In truth, Codivini's training and education were already clearly Catholic and his adherence to the ranks of the PCI, probably due to a certain influence of his uncle Riego, had never been too convinced. But the opportunity is too tempting to pass up, and so the article ends by quoting the words of the "former communist" verbatim. Scrolling through a few passages, we note that it is a real "j'accuse" against Marxist ideology: "Since Communism is a materialist philosophy, it does not recognize God or religion ... The leaders of Communism have always contested religion, thus resulting in atheists and materialists ... Today the PCI also includes Catholics in its ranks but it is all temporary and utilitarian tactics ... Therefore the Catholic who resides in this party is a Catholic who does his utmost to create a society from which he will be repudiated. " The story of the parish priest of nearby Montone also becomes a reason for electoral controversy. "Voce Proletaria" of 23 March 1946, publishes the news of the arrest of the priest, accused of having stolen eleven quintals of wheat, not giving them to the people's granaries. But on March 31, "Voce Cattolica" takes care to announce that the Court has amply demonstrated that this is a misunderstanding, and does not miss the opportunity to stigmatize the behavior of those who exploited the episode to widely defame the parish priest in propaganda speeches. . Quite interesting, to savor the atmosphere in which the electoral campaign takes place, is also the elzeviro that "Libertà" publishes just one day before the elections (ie April 6, 1946), entitled "... Under the heading ... to these cheerful comrades … ”And formed under the pseudonym of“ the one who laughs ”. Surely reference is made to the fact that during the electoral campaign often the speakers of the DC were so disputed and disturbed that they could not carry out the rally. I think it is worth reporting the article, written with a very particular irony and, in the last line, even a little ... hermetic: “In a low voice because otherwise they would go down with the shotgun. You are (you of the areas where our representatives have spoken) of the jokers: keep your friends happy, when it is the turn of the DC exponent, you retreat neatly on the trees or on the walls and start screaming and whistling. Then "authoritative" voices tell us that they are only irresponsible elements and that the necessary measures will be taken (many of these irresponsible ...). But we did not want to reproach you, dear comrades who are so happy: we just wanted to ask you, after having made the image of the haystack dog barking from afar flash before your eyes, if Mrs. Democracy is always prosperous and fat as we wish ". The programs of the two electoral sides In short, the debate involving the two sides is quite lively and, at times, even bitter. But we must also recognize that the administrative nature of these first elections ultimately also favored a constructive exchange of views and proposals on the issues of urban reconstruction, the reorganization of social and, indeed, administrative life. To confirm this, it is sufficient to make a comparison of the electoral program of the Social Communists and that of the Christian Democrats. The program of the PCI and PSI (which consists of 10 points), is reported by "Voce Proletaria" on 13.3.1946. That of the DC (summarized in 11 points), is instead published by "Libertà" on 30.3.1946. Well, 8 points are almost identical: Immediate and energetic arrangement of the finances and technical-administrative offices of the municipality; Drafting of a new master plan and construction of public housing; Scrupulous observance of the law that obliges landowners to renovate farmhouses in need of interventions, Rapid reactivation of the railway and of communications with neighboring areas; Improvement of Health, with particular regard to the accommodation and strengthening of the Civic Hospital; Industrial expansion and development, involving public and private companies, to give "bread and work"; Arrangement of the aqueduct, in the capital and in the hamlets; Interventions in favor of the school: fight illiteracy; give impetus to kindergartens; build school buildings in the hamlets; establish recreation centers; start the teaching activity of the Scientific High School. Of the remaining three points of the DC program, two refer respectively to the strengthening of agriculture and the necessary accommodation of veterans. The first point, on the other hand, is of a more purely political nature. Freedom and autonomy of the Municipality are hoped for within the national framework, together with a direct participation of citizens in the life of Umbertide, perhaps resorting to a referendum, if the case so requires. How to interpret? It can be assumed that the Umbertidesi Christian Democrats truly fear, on the national level, an overwhelming victory of the left, with consequent repercussions on the local administrations which would be totally in the hands of the Social Communists. Or it is a question of a preliminary ruling, to instill fear and doubts in the voters. As if to say: be careful who you vote for, because you could find yourself, even in Umbertide, under the Communist "dictatorship" ... The two points of the social-communist program speak in turn of greater tax justice (through income assessment) and heliotherapy colonies for children. Therefore, the basic theme on which the analyzes of the parties converge (that of budgetary consolidation, the efficiency of the administrative machinery, essential socio-structural interventions), finds numerous points of contact. Furthermore, both sides share the need to take new paths, which guarantee the effective functioning and the democratic nature of primary public services. We must also say that the fact that for the first time in Italy women are called to the polls has considerable political significance in this electoral contest. It is about the achievement of a “truly” universal suffrage, a source of great satisfaction for the democratic parties, which see in this enlargement of the right to vote a new and decisive step towards those goals of equality and justice advocated in every electoral rally. We said before that in this period the Municipal Administration of Umbertide is almost totally occupied in handling the bureaucratic process of preparation for the elections iter already begun in November 1945, with the drafting of a report concerning the compilation of the male electoral list (5) . The five reports on the state of electoral work that it must gradually send to the Prefecture make it up. Among them, significant is that of 31.3.1946 in which it refers to having drawn up and approved the electoral list for women, including those born in 1924. Another aspect that the Mayor Bellarosa intends to take care of with particular attention is that public order. In a letter sent to the local CNL on 26.2.1946, he expressed the need to convene the Party Heads, so that they undertake to guarantee order and tranquility. In this way, in fact, not only will political maturity be shown, but a clear response to the cliques will also be given reactionary and fascist who still try to have their say in the Italian political context. In this context, there is no shortage of curious notes. Like when the prefect orders, with a circular of 22.2.1946, to also mobilize the Municipal and Country Guards, in uniform and armed, and the Mayor replies that they do not have both the uniform (they go with the armband) and guns (removed by the fleeing Germans). In the month of March the Municipal Commission for the cancellation of the electoral lists of people who have held certain fascist positions. This Commission was appointed by the Prefect with decree n. 478 of 1.3.1946 and is made up of a representative of each party: A. Scannavini (DC), C. Palazzetti (PCI), V. Occhirossi (PSI). After careful examination, it proposes the cancellation of a dozen people, in addition to the 16 employees already suspended. But C. Palazzetti, President of the aforementioned Commission, reports that “… almost none of the proposed cancellations will then become enforceable. In fact, an appeal to the Prefect for obtain suspension and thus have the right to vote. And this will also happen for the referendum elections on June". On March 17, the Mayor informs the Prefecture about the regularity of the presentation of the two lists of candidates, one of which bearing the "hammer and sickle" mark and the other the "Crusader shield" mark with the word "libertas", each including 24 candidates. For the record, we will say that the two lists are presented to the District Commission of Città di Castello at the same time and on the same day: 4.00 pm on 7.3.1946 On April 7, therefore, we go to the polls, and the turnout is really high: out of 9,689 registered on the electoral lists, voters are 8,258, equal to 85.21%! The counting of the ballots takes place in an atmosphere of anxious expectation. "Voce Proletaria" of April 13 reports: “The whole country was gathered in the main square, awaiting the results of the elections. When the speaker made known the outcome of the ballot, which sanctioned the overwhelming victory of the Social-Communist coalition (it obtained 6,283 votes against the 1,507 of the DC), an imposing procession with red flags in the front row and the fanfare to sing popular anthems walked the main streets of the town amid popular enthusiasm. Once back in the square, first the Mayor and then comrade Puletti thanked Umbertide on behalf of the party ”. The same article speaks of a double victory for the Social Communists, who dispelled the legend of Preggio (the populous fraction with a high percentage of fascists), obtaining a clear affirmation there too. The reaction of the Christian Democrats is not one of bitter disappointment: even if a few more votes were expected, the defeat was widely expected. We are consoled, then, with some inferences about the methods used by the Social-Communists during the electoral campaign or by trying to attribute their success to fortunate contingent facts. For example, "Libertà" of April 20 writes "Thinking back to the propaganda systems used to grab the vote, we believe that opponents should worry about any legitimate reactions". And, moreover: "... Social-communist victory also seconded by 3 currents, of which victory we must keep in mind the various elements that determined it" (6). In a more general way, "Catholic voice" limits itself to acknowledging a defeat of the Catholic sense, without going into political and ideological quibbles or excuses. Finally, it is interesting to note how Don Torquato Sergenti, many years later (in 1980) defines the victory of the left in Umbertide as "subversive", and signals it as a shock of political involution. The results of the electoral elections determine, in the municipality of Umbertide, the election of 30 councilors: 15 communists, 9 socialists and 6 Christian Democrats. It should be noted that in the PCI - PSI community list the difference between who has obtained the highest number of consents (the communist Bellarosa, 6,340) and who has had the least (the communist Corbucci, 6,256) is only 84 votes ... of the DC it was Vincenzo Goti who obtained the greatest number of preferences: 1595. The City Council, freely elected for the first time by a universal plebiscite, met on 28 April 1946. The outgoing Mayor Bellarosa took the floor to thank the CNL, his party, the Chamber of Labor, the Association of Farmers and Industrial. He underlines, therefore, how it is now difficult for Umbertide to resume life as always, after the war has tried the country so hard. Finally, he does not fail to underline the difficult economic and financial situation of the Municipality "... a situation that must be immediately taken into consideration by the new administration". At the end of the speech, the councilors are invited to vote to elect the new Mayor: out of 30 present, well 29 votes (there is only one blank ballot) confirm Bellarosa in office, who then returns to warmly thank all the councilors "remembering they who will have to administer and act in the most just way possible, now that the people themselves have placed their trust in them ". On behalf of the representatives of the DC (which the drafter of the report cites as "Popular Party ..."), the lawyer Vincenzo Gotti then asks to speak, to signify that the minority agrees to offer its collaboration to the majority, in the tough path that awaits you. However, he is keen to underline that “… such support will often take on the role of criticism, which in any case will always be an open and constructive criticism, aimed only at giving advantages and benefits to the Administration itself. The program that our party has in mind and wants to carry out ", continues Gotti," concerns the economic improvement and the moral elevation of the working classes to ensure that capitalism and workers peacefully reach out their hand ", in a spirit of true "social justice". Perhaps Gotti, in expressing this last thought, wanted to pull some water on his mill. Let us not forget, in fact, that he is the Sole Administrator of the Autonomous Tobacco Farm, within which trade unionism is quite active ... Some councilors from the majority also intervene who, in summary, all repeat the same concepts: they speak of the exultation of the Umbertidese people, they hope that the future will be better, they hope that peace is truly the only sovereign of our times, that social justice will never fail in everyone's life. Once the various interventions are closed, the vote for the formation of the municipal council takes place, which sees elected: Giuseppe Rondoni and Candido Palazzetti for the PCI, Alessandro Renzini and Virgilio Occhirossi for the PSI alternate members are Vincenzo Rondoni of the PCI and Luigi Giulianelli of the PSI The minority excluded itself, warning in advance - again through Gotti - that it will vote blank not out of opposition, but as acts of respect towards the majority. Note: The government established in May 1945 by Ferruccio Pari was succeeded, in December of the same year, by a new government formation headed by Alcide De Gasperi. The nascent Italian democracy must now equip itself as soon as possible with its own freely elected local administrations, express itself on the institutional form of the state - whether monarchy or republic - and elaborate the new Constitution. Obviously, this does not mean that until that moment there had been no total absence of contrasts. But the common anti-fascist and republican impulse managed, at least in most of the occasions of dispute, not to trigger bitter ideological diatribes, both within the Giunta and in the CNL It is interesting to note how the most active propagandists of the PCI and the PSI are almost all elementary teachers: R. Mancini, U. Alunni, M. Belardinelli, A. Bernacchi, D. Bernacchi, C. Caprini, E. Maestri, C. Palazzetti, R. Puletti, F. Rometti and V. Rondoni. Here, about that what "The Vindication" writes on 5.1.1946: "... the women of the countryside, on which Voce Cattolica is very important so that they do not give us the vote, will be able to obey or not, but even if they obeyed they would be at the side of their men and at our side for the establishment of the socialist society; the women of the city ... smile at Bianco Spino and his anathemas and stay with us even if we wear the red carnation in our buttonhole ... ". From these minutes it appears that those entitled to vote are 4,733. but after examining the position of various people with a positive criminal record or accused of fascist offenses or deceased, 104 are removed. So 4,629 male voters remain. I refer verbatim, without having any possibility of giving an explanation about the current "3" and about the "elements various ". The letter from the Mayor to the local CLN April 28, 1946. The first democratically elected municipal council takes office The elections of June 2, 1946 The Referendum The electoral consultation on the institutional form of the state (whether monarchy or republic), is undoubtedly more heartfelt than the administrative one, in consideration of the fact that the structures and foundations of the future Italian state would have been designed by the Constituent Assembly, also elected from the vote of June 2, 1946. Already after the administrative elections, and precisely on April 28, 1946, "Voce Cattolica" warns: "No one can escape the immense significance of this act, in comparison with which administrative elections represent a an event of rather modest importance ". Therefore it is inevitable that the tones of the electoral debate will be characterized more and more in an ideological sense and that the controversy will become more intense. Again the fortnightly "Voce Cattolica", in an article of May 26, tries to explain what unites or divides Communists, Socialists and Catholics. It recognizes that the three great Italian popular parties are equally motivated by the desire to implement the idea of human brotherhood and to improve the conditions of the poor and the workers, fighting the common battle against the capitalist system, defined as individualistic, immoral, exploiting the workers. But on these unitary elements - the article still warns - the legitimate concern prevails that power may fall into the hands of Marxist parties that deny God, do not admit religion, do not believe in the indissolubility of the family, want to abolish private property, advocate a totalitarian state and wage a struggle that often borders on class hatred. These, in short, are the issues on which the DC forces the socialists and the communists to confront each other who, while pressing on those of economic and social reforms, reject the accusation of being the enemies of religion. Above all, they try to highlight how contradictory the attitude of the Christian Democrats is, as we read in an article in "Voce Proletaria": "... It is not possible today to be at the same time a party that claims to want a profound social reform ... and at the same time being the party that unleashes the struggle against the Communist Party ... if the Christian Democrats really want a social transformation, it must not fight as our party is doing because ... it would only do the interests of the enemies of the people ... ". In short, the ideological clash takes precedence over the confrontation on concrete problems, thus widening the rift between popular-based parties. On May 9, 1946, the Umbrian Episcopate issued a communiqué in which it recalls the grave obligation of voting and the absolute prohibition of adhering in any form to ideologies and parties condemned by the Holy See, such as those inspired by Marxism or state secularism, despite the much acclaimed respect for religion. On 2 June, therefore, the people of Umbria return en masse to the polls (the percentage of voters is very high: 92% !!), which give an unequivocal response about the institutional form of the State: 6,840 votes for the republic, against 1541 in favor of the monarchy. Political elections As for the election of the deputies of the Constituent Assembly, this time ten parties are competing, against the three that had presented themselves to the administrative session: PCI, PSI, DC, PRI, Action Party, Movimento Naz. Ric., Monarchist Party, Everyman, National Democratic Union, Social Christian Party. The results, compared to the elections of April 7, confirm another overwhelming victory of the left, and in particular that of the Communist Party: 4,975 votes out of the 8,898 available. The Christian Democracy undergoes a significant decline, almost certainly due to the dispersion of votes that flowed into the smaller parties: it obtained, in fact, 1,424 consents compared to 1,507 (out of 8,256 voters) obtained in the administrative. However, it remains the second party voted and, as our current politicians would say, “all things considered, it holds up”. The PSI, which ran alone this time, also achieved significant success with 1,225 votes. And it appears even more significant if we consider that in the nearby Città di Castello (as reported by the socialist weekly "La Vindication" of 8.6.1946), the Socialist Party obtained almost 2,000 votes. Of the other parties, only Giannini's Man Whoever saves a little face, with 238 votes ... The electoral results of the Municipality of Umbertide fully contradict the national ones, where the DC asserts itself as the central pivot of the Italian political system (with 32.5% of the votes), while the PCI 8 with 19%) is the third force, after the PSI (with 20.7%). And the echo of these results must have caused a sensation in some way, because the rumor is spreading that Umbertide intends to change his name to that of Palmiria, in honor of the leader of the PCI Palmiro Togliatti. This arouses the ire of the Mayor, who officially protests with the press, which has given credit to a news result of a sick and desperate mind ... This curious episode is reported by the socialist newspaper "L'Avanti" of 17.9.46, which informs that a few months earlier some national newspapers (such as Corriere della Sera) had published the news. Le elezioni del 2 giugno 1946 - il Referendum Le elezioni politiche The National Liberation Committee ... between politics and reconstruction The Constitution Act of the National Liberation Committee, municipal section of Umbertide, bears the date of 23 July 1944. At the meeting, held in the hearing room of the Magistrate 's Court in the Town Hall, 32 people were present. circular N.1 of the Provincial Committee of National Liberation of Perugia ... having felt the need to proceed with the constitution of a local Committee ... proceed to the conformation of this constitutive act from which the representative distinction is thus arranged ". Following are the names of: Carlo Pini of the PLI; Giovanni Bambini of the DC; Zurli Arnaldo and Rometti Aspromonte of the PSL; Renato Ramaccioni of the Action Party; Puletti Ruggero and Tonanni Remigio of the PCL; no name is indicated for the Labor Democracy (1). Apparently this meeting is characterized by an atmosphere of serenity and harmony. Yet we find it strange, for example, that the Constitution Act closes with these words: "This deed of constitution is definitive since the organization of the various parties has made it possible to elect their own representatives". This footnote (and above all that meaning of definitive) leaves room for some perplexity: definitive because the parties collaborated and proved to be in agreement? It really seems a somewhat forced and perhaps even belated clarification, almost certainly conceived later and, that is, at the time of typing the report. In our opinion, however, that final could represent a failed attempt to silence certain discontent and disagreements that may have arisen following that meeting. And this thesis of ours finds concrete comfort in the examination of the minutes of the first session of August 18, 1944, from which it appears that the representatives of the political parties are the following: Liberal Party: Pini Carlo and Ramaccioni Renato Action Party: Ramaccioni Giuseppe Socialist Party: Zurli Arnaldo and Tonanni Remigio Christian Democracy: Children Giovanni and Raffaele Zampa Communist Party: Puletti Ruggero and Codovini Riego Labor Democracy .: Bottaccioli Giuseppe and Bettoni Raffaele. As can be seen, with respect to the names that appear in the minutes of the Constitutive Act, we have corrections and additions, which immediately question the validity of that definitive character at the bottom of the Act itself. It should be noted, first of all, that there are two representatives for each party, with the exception of the Action Party which has only one. So Ramaccioni Giuseppe and Ramaccioni Renato found their definitive position (2); Remigio Tonanni passes from PCI to PSL; Labor Democracy is no longer an orphan of representatives; Aspromonte Rometti no longer appears (3). Almost certainly this has happened: most of the 32 men present have no experience of those subtle "games" that characterize politics. Of course, everyone has an ideal of reference and perhaps recognizes themselves in a group, but it is realistically to assume that many of them showed up at the meeting without knowing exactly what they should have done and, above all, far from imagining. that it would be necessary to agree on a certain party or group strategy. And here we are comforted by R. Mancini, who reports: "When those present were invited to declare which party they belonged to, some proved rather uncertain, before replying; others, on the other hand, completely confused, pointed to one, only to correct themselves at a later time. " And so, in the course of the session, very probably few people really realize the political importance of the representative distinction within a body such as the CLN. And it is this minority that directs the "game", without encountering any opposition at the moment. It may also be that someone, in his heart, does not agree with what is being decided; but who feels like disturbing this first democratic meeting? Only in the following days, when there is more time to reflect, to meet with greater tranquility and thoughtfulness, do second thoughts emerge that can even lead to some controversy. Hence, the opportunity for a comparison to reach that definitive composition of the CLN that satisfies everyone a little. In the session of 18 August the President is also appointed (we do not know if by election or by acclamation): he is the young lawyer Renato Ramaccioni, of the Liberal Party (4). Secretary and Cashier are appointed, respectively, Ruggero Puletti of the PCI and Giovanni Bambini of the DC The activity of the Umbertide CLN has a rather troubled start. The difficulty of finding, within, a precise political structure, the lack of clear ideas about one's duties and, above all, the immediate establishment of a climate of conflict with other bodies (City Council, Allied Military Governor, Prefecture) , ensure that its first steps are characterized by uncertainty and contradiction. And in fact, since the first meeting (precisely that of 18 August 1944), it is clear that the main concern of the Board is to determine a precise hierarchy of competences between the Executive and the Committee itself. The topics on the Agenda are different (5) but the discussion is animated almost exclusively on points 2) and 3) which concern the activity of the municipal council, namely: 2) Decentralization of offices; 3) Invitation to the members of the Executive to make a report twice a week to their parties on the problems raised for consultation by the Executive. It begins with the proposal of the PCI and the PSI regarding the need for the resolutions of the Executive to be submitted to the control of the CLN, before being disclosed. According to the President, the proposal arises following a Circular issued by the Provincial CLN, with which the Committee is entrusted with administrative control tasks in the State as well as political administrations. It is therefore unanimously resolved to invite the municipal council to present a weekly report on its activities, so that the local CLN Board can check and approve. But it certainly must not be the aforementioned Circular that determines this position. The deeper reasons are instead sought in two very specific facts: in the discontent that aroused, within the CLN, the appointment as Mayor of Giuseppe Migliorati (considered too moderate and too close to the city bourgeoisie) and, above all, in the accumulation of offices administrative documents attributed to the socialist Aspromonte Rometti, in which the Mayor places unlimited trust. In truth, the fact that Rometti holds so many public offices may not be a novelty and at other times no one would have contested it. In fact, the man, of proven socialist faith, possesses high moral and intellectual qualities, supported by a remarkable spirit of initiative and a great capacity for organization, which involves a bit everyone. In the village he is respected and enjoys a wide charisma. He is among the animators of the Public Health Committee, is councilor in the first council led by Dr. Mariano Migliorati and actively works to the constitution of the local National Liberation Committee, which relies heavily on his contribution. But Rometti is linked by close friendship and party faith with the surveyor Giuseppe Migliorati, who on 15 August 1944 was appointed Mayor. And almost certainly, before accepting the post from the Allied Governor, Migliorati must have snatched a promise of close collaboration from his friend. Realizing that misunderstandings would inevitably arise between the new Mayor and the CLN, Rometti does not want to take a compromise position (ie to be part of the Giunta and the CLN at the same time), and decides to collaborate with Migliorati. He therefore deserted the constitutive meeting of the CLN, during which a last attempt is made to make him desist from this decision: as we have seen, he is elected as a member of the Board, as if to put him in front of the fait accompli and in front of precise moral responsibilities. But he remains firm in his position and unleashes the resentment of the Social-Communist component, which in the course of this first official meeting accuses him of accumulating offices. However, Rometti is never explicitly mentioned. The socialist Zurli, in fact, in making a long speech about point 2) to the agenda and in stating verbatim that "there can be no sound administration when a single individual centralizes offices and prebends in himself ...", has the common sense and the foresight not to mention names (6). But we will find out whether it is Rometti later, when the subject will be treated again, and this time with a lot of name, during the fourth meeting on September 1st. Although nothing particular emerges from the minutes, even this first session of the CLN must have generated a bit of a storm. This is testified by the fact that the Committee, when it meets again on 26 August (7), is extended to include five other members: they are Dr. Sante Pannacci (PLI), accountant Alvaro Alberti (Democrazia del Lavoro), by Angelo Martinelli (Action Party), Reale Cecchetti (Independent) and Stefano Codovini (PCI). And at the beginning of the aforementioned report it is said that the need was felt to have to extend the number of representatives within said governing body, provided they are of proven anti-fascist faith, seriousness and rectitude, in order to reach the formation of a more broad views and knowledge. So why this need for expansion? A plausible answer can be offered by the extremely conciliatory tenor of the letter that must be sent to the mayor, to delimit and define the tasks of the CLN towards the Municipal Administration, as the first point on the agenda states. And it is also significant both that the letter is transcribed in the minutes as to avoid that, once the text is approved, there may be late second thoughts ..., and that it is precisely one of the new nominees who dictate its content: Alvaro Alberti , of Labor Democracy. There is no doubt then that the first meeting (characterized by too much intransigence and excessive censorship towards the Giunta), not only must have aroused strong concerns in the Allied Governor's entourage, but certainly must have also caused some perplexity to the Allied Governor. inside the CLN. This could also be confirmed by the fact that the second meeting of the Board, called on 22 August, was almost deserted. In fact, in the minutes, also without the o.d g., Only five present are indicated, who discussed the positions of some former fascists. Here then, in order to avoid the consequences of a harsh conflict with the established authorities, it was decided to expand the Board to more ... conciliatory and politically not too rigorous elements, perhaps suggested by the Military Governor or by the mayor Migliorati himself. An attempt is made to better define the role and tasks of the CLN We were therefore talking about the proposal presented by Alberti about the need to write a letter to the council, to delimit and define the tasks of the CLN and to ensure that the Mayor becomes a trait of union between the Liberation Committee and the Allied Governor. It is worth quoting some passages, because - as we said earlier - its content is quite significant to understand that it is an act ... remedial towards the Executive. It is said that the CLN intends to enter into close collaboration with the Mayor, who is invited not to consider this participatory will as a form of dictatorship that the Committee would like to have over the other management bodies. Above all, the Mayor is asked to indicate where the CLN sphere of activity begins and ends. The letter ends with these words: "The CLN aware of the serious problems that beset those who have to manage the Municipal Administration and those who have to solve the problems of unemployment and nutrition, wants to have the opportunity to submit the best solutions to the SV such problems arise ". Accepted unanimously, the text is therefore transcribed in the minutes. But the President of the Committee, the lawyer R. Ramaccioni, perhaps believes that there has been an exaggeration, in terms of "reparation": towards the Executive, this appears to be a beautiful and good submission ... In particular, he is not convinced that it is the Mayor who has to establish where the influence of the Committee can reach, and so he proposes that the Board should in any case contact the Allied Governor of the nearby city of Gubbio, to have him issue a declaration that define the tasks and limits of action of the Committee itself (8). The proposal is accepted. During this session, strangely, no mention is made of the position of Aspromonte Rometti, who, moreover, must have been the casus belli for the deterioration of relations with the Mayor. However, the question returns to the first point of the agenda of the following meeting (1 September 1944), but in a somewhat calm, albeit decisive tone. After a long discussion, it was approved to send a letter to the Mayor, drafted in the following terms: "The Committee found that Mr. Rometti Aspromonte focuses on his person the following activities: 1. President of the Hospital 2. Organizer of the Bottegone. 3. Municipal Councilor. 4. Organizer of Trade Unions. In order for the above-mentioned activities to be effectively carried out with absolute dedication and effective performance, the Committee deems it useful to decentralize them to more than one person "(9). This is a precise request, but formulated without polemical tones and taking care not to exert any pressure ("... the Committee considers it useful ..."). A sign of renewed harmony and trust? ... Perhaps it would be better to talk about an unsuccessful attempt. In fact, the extreme conciseness of the letter should not be overlooked, in stark contrast to the redundancy of the previous one; not even the absence (controversy? ...) of President Ramaccioni escapes; and finally do not escape what is resolved in point five of the agenda of the same meeting ("Lists of people to be arrested or stopped"): no decision will be taken on the matter, until it is known what measures the Mayor has taken against Rometti (10). But, clearly, Migliorati must not take into consideration the CLN proposal, because on September 14 the Board meets again to decree, controversially, its dissolution. It is the President who takes the floor and declares that the CLN of Umbertide "due to the futility of the work done so far, in the face of the vanity of its attempts to collaborate with the Mayor, decides to dissolve in protest towards the Provincial CLN which does not he took care of neither its emergence nor its development ". In summary, this must have happened: once it realized that the Mayor wants to take autonomous decisions, the Umbertidese Committee turned to the provincial CLN, sure of finding concrete moral support. But when he realized that no one was moving from Perugia, he tried to do it alone, both by using conciliatory tones towards Migliorati, and by turning to the Allied Governor of Gubbio. These attempts are also in vain, and the Committee's anger explodes, which, in our opinion rightly, takes it first and foremost with the provincial CLN. The President therefore proposes to write a letter of protest to the CPLN of Perugia announcing the dissolution of the local Committee. This proposal is put to the vote and unanimously accepted. The letter has an immediate effect. Bonuccio Bonucci, former animator of the Public Health Committee, belongs to the Provincial CLN, who understands that the dissolution of the local Committee would leave the "political" control of Umbertide in the hands of the Allied Governor and representatives of the most "moderates", with the consequent marginalization of those, such as the PCI, closest to the proletariat. He then convinces the President of the provincial CLN, Dr. Abbatini, to go with him to the town of the Upper Tiber Valley, to make immediate contacts with the most representative exponents of that Committee. Even if we do not know the date or the place where this meeting takes place, it is clear that it still gives positive results. Bonucci and Abbatini must undoubtedly carry out an excellent mediating action, both by calling the men of the Umbertidese Committee to a behavior of greater availability towards the Municipal Administration, and by obtaining, from the Mayor, assurance to a greater openness towards the advice given by the CLN and, in particular, towards a rapid solution of the Rometti case (11). But the mediation of the CPLN, while effective, is not painless. The Board of the CLN yes renews and enters into force the Statute Giuseppe Ramaccioni (Action Party), notary Raffaele Zampa (DC), Riego and Stefano Codovini (PCI) and Giuseppe Bottaccioli (Labor Democrats) leave the Board. Enter, instead, Astorre Bellarosa and Rondoni Giuseppe of the PCI, Benvenuto Mastriforti and Valerio Gennari of the PSI In short, the Action Party disappears, while the DC and Labor Democracy reduce representativeness to a single member; for its part, the PLI increases it to three, as does the representativeness of PCI and PSL A reshuffle, therefore, all in favor of the left and the PLI, which is the party of the President. And so the subsequent meeting on 25 September opens with a speech by the lawyer Ramaccioni who welcomes the new members, who have come to give their contribution to the renewed Committee, which proposes to collaborate with the Mayor and to put the better solutions that will be proposed to solve the problems that weigh on those who have to manage the Municipal Administration in a spirit of absolute harmony. Hearing Ramaccioni speaking in these terms is somewhat surprising ... A truly participatory speech? We harbor our doubts and we lean towards a speech of convenience, dictated by the need for compromise. In fact, we said that the Mayor must have given his assent to the renewal of the party representatives in the Committee and must have "settled" the Rometti case. However, he asked, in return, for an officer promised not to contest the decisions of the Executive. However, there must be good intentions, because the Statute that will regulate the life of Umbertide's CNL is transcribed from good memory and for the good of everyone. Almost certainly it was the President of the Provincial Committee, on the occasion of his visit to Umbertide, who brought a standard statute into view, to clarify the ideas to the men of the CLN club. Let us mention the most significant passages (12). For example, in points a) and b) of article 1 concerning the Attributions and Functions of the Local Committee for National Liberation we read: a) "The Committee has the purpose of coordinating and unifying the action of the various political parties represented in it, in order to ensure a union of all the active forces of the Municipality, for the destruction of Nazi-Fascism, and for the national reconstruction ". b) "The Committee must get in touch with the Allied authorities of the Municipality, ensuring them the most complete collaboration ...". There is therefore no question of control to be exercised over local administrations, but of coordination and collaboration. Point a) of article 2, concerning the composition of the Committee, also seems to be of considerable importance: "The Committee must be composed of the representatives of traditionally anti-fascist parties, which are represented in the current national democratic government, namely: Liberal Party, Democracy del Lavoro, Christian Democracy, Action Party, Communist Party, Socialist Party ". We conclude by recalling point a) of article 6, which states about the rights and duties of the members: "In all cases in which a vote is required, each representative has the right to cast his or her vote, regardless of how much possible from Party interests and conforming to the needs of the present moment, which require serenity of conscience and objective cooperation ". Despite some inevitable contrasts (13), concord and collaboration between the Executive and the Committee seem to hold, at least for some time. This is borne out, for example, by the fact that the Mayor willingly accepts to participate, on October 27, 1944, in a session of the CLN in which the appointment of the Judge Conciliator and his deputy is discussed. This appointment is the responsibility of the Mayor, but the Committee intends to propose names of his choice, among which the Migliorati should choose. And the Mayor entrusts the task to the accountant Francesco Martinelli, who is one of the men proposed by the CLN But then, almost suddenly, the situation precipitates with a series of events that it is rather difficult for us to mend in their exactness, but which we will try to analyze anyway. The CLN protests with the Prefect for the interventions promised and never carried out On November 4, 1944, the CLN wrote a letter of vibrant protest to the Prefect of Perugia (and PC to the Mayor of Umbertide) to try to hasten at least some of those interventions that were always promised and never kept (14). After a brief presentation of the situation, the letter immediately takes on highly polemical tones. There is talk of the population that with the arrival of the Allies hoped to have something, but that instead, disappointed, protest both against the city authorities and against the superior provincial authorities. He is also bitterly ironized on the fact that, while the various posters and circulars concerning the blocking of foodstuffs or the payment of taxes arrive regularly (indeed, sometimes well in advance ...), aid instead always struggles to find the way to Umbertide, where it has not yet been found a room that can serve as a warehouse for the storage of foodstuffs. It is also requested that electricity be restored and the example of Norcia is cited, whose public streets are illuminated. In fact, it seems almost a joke that the electricity has been reactivated in a village closed in the mountains, difficult to reach even in normal situations, while a town still remains in the dark just thirty kilometers from Perugia ... And yet - the letter warns - all these inconveniences are well known, because various commissions and authoritative people often come to Umbertide. "On the contrary, last Sunday, Mr. Bonucci, in a meeting of the COS on the discussion of city problems, listened to the requests and protests in the hands of the population and promised to be the spokesperson for your Excellency. The days have passed and already a certain skepticism hangs ". So, after having just mentioned the flood of the Tiber, the writing ends with these words: "How is it possible not to understand? And if it has been understood, why not take the necessary measures? of the population, hopes and demands a prompt and energetic intervention (15) ". Reading between the lines, it is clear that the criticisms are also directed at the municipal administration, accused, in particular, of not having been able to obtain even the most immediate measures, while for example Gubbio and Città di Castello have already enjoyed many help, although their situation is, in some ways, less disastrous than that of Umbertide. But it will be precisely this pointing the finger at the Giunta del Migliorati that causes a sort of fracture within the Committee. It can be deduced from the fact that, strangely, it is not Ramaccioni who signs the letter as president of the CLN, but the socialist Valerio Gennari, whose name, in the minutes of the sessions, appears for the first time in a meeting on November 5. In short, the letter bears the date of November 4, but it is certainly ratified the following day, during a meeting whose process gives rise to some perplexity. In fact, the minutes begin by warning that, since there is no majority, the agenda cannot be discussed (which in any case is not specified). Then these words are deleted and the session proceeds, but only to examine some trade licenses. Ramaccioni, mind you, is present. The Committee meets again three days later, that is on 8 November; but the minutes are not drawn up: only the names of the very few present are transcribed, including both Ramaccioni and Gennari. From this moment, and until the middle of December, the few resolutions that we have managed to trace all bear the signature of Gennari; only once does that of Ramaccioni reappear and, coincidentally, at the bottom of an act that cancels a previous purge measure signed by Gennari ... Meanwhile, the Mayor Migliorati suddenly resigns in the hands of the Allied Governor. And everything would lead us to suppose that this decision too must be linked to the Committee's moment of crisis. But what happened? The not conspicuous documents in our possession (little comforted by the oral testimonies, rather confused and contradictory), do not allow us to give precise outlines to this story, also forcing us to formulate only one probable hypothesis, which in truth could also prove to be risky, but which it is necessary to "marry". Let us propose it, therefore, with the help of documented events. After the misunderstandings of the first moments, we have seen that a good relationship of collaboration has been created between CLN and the Mayor, with a consequent rediscovered personal understanding between Migliorati and Ramaccioni: an understanding that is certainly not frowned upon by the Communist component of the Committee which he believes he can identify, in the good relationship between the two bourgeois-moderates, a sort of compromise to keep the progressive forces on the sidelines of Umbertide's administrative life. After all, Mancini and Palazzetti themselves report that even if every attempt at protest had been silenced for reasons of expediency, it must mean that the men of the PCI and the most extremist wing of the PSI had never shared, in their hearts , nor the appointment of G. Migliorati as Mayor, nor that of R. Ramaccioni as President of the CLN. Therefore, within the CLN the balance is rather precarious and it is sufficient that the decision to send the aforementioned letter of protest to the Prefecture (whose context reveals explicit criticisms of the municipal administration), to cause disagreements between the President (who sees in this resolution a will to "overlap" the Municipal Administration) and some of the members. The Mayor understands that Ramaccioni is about to lose the consent and control of the Committee and that, consequently, the Executive will now find itself more exposed to the attacks and requests of the CLN He then tries a maneuver of force, giving his resignation and causing an administrative crisis, from which he believes he can only get out by giving more power to the council itself. Obviously everything depends on the Allied Military Governor who, in the design of the Migliorati, should reject his resignation. However, the Committee senses this strategy and sends a letter to the Military Governor, in which it means that according to Italian democratic traditions it would be incompatible to reconfirm the Mayor who requests his will to be resigned. The letter, signed by Gennari, is dated November 9, 1944 and is also sent to the Mayor for information. And in another letter (also dated 9 November 1944 and also signed by Gennari), the CLN presents to the Governor a list of seven names of people who reflect the popular will, as they are chosen by a Committee composed of 6 parties democratic politicians who collaborate in the Italian reconstruction. If they are approved, the same in the first meeting will elect the person of the Mayor by majority vote. In drawing up the list, the Committee, very shrewdly, proposes only two members of the PCI, moreover recognized by all as rather moderate elements: Giuseppe Rondoni and Astorre Bellarosa. He therefore indicates four people who are not members of any party: Antonio Beatini (of the Mazzinian faith, as he used to say), the engineer Giorgio Rappini (close to the DC), the Marquis Ugo Patrizi (of liberal extraction) and the accountant Francesco Martinelli, formerly appointed Conciliator Judge (who declares himself, simply, of no party). The only name that is somewhat perplexing is the one at the head of the list: it is Aspromonte Rometti, the former municipal councilor, already a casus belli of strong contrasts between CLN and the Mayor. Why now does the Committee "candid" him even to the Mayor, while just a month before he was bitterly opposed? There is only one plausible explanation: his name represents a sort of guarantee towards the Military Governor, who knows and esteems him. And it is also to be believed that Rometti was not even consulted, but that CLN made his name "motu proprio". But the Governor totally disregards the indications of the Committee and proposes the engineer Giovita Scagnetti, a professional who has always shown himself willing to collaborate with the Municipal Administration. Scagnetti, however, cannot be liked by the CLN, because, although he is not a member of any party, he has never shown sympathy for the movements of the left; indeed, in the disputes between tenants and owners, it has in fact always sponsored the latter. Then, with a letter dated November 22, Gennari informs the Governor that he is against the appointment of Scagnetti and invites him to read the list of candidates already proposed with the letter of November 9, which are the true expression of the will of the Committee. This communication convinces the Governor to give up the Scagnetti, but not to please the CLN So, pending a better solution, he invites the Migliorati to remain in office. It is to be assumed that at this point a whole series of informal discussions and meetings begin to find, in fact, a solution to the stalemate that has arisen. And towards the middle of December the twist occurs: Migliorati definitively resigns and in his place the Military Governor appoints the lawyer Renato Ramaccioni. Yes, it is the former President of CLN But, seen in the light of the hypotheses we had formulated, his appointment should not surprise too much ... On 29 December 1944 the new council officially took office, in which only two names appear (G. Rondoni and F. Martinelli), among those indicated by the CLN Defeated on the political level, the Committee suddenly finds itself even without a guide. And in fact, even though Ramaccioni did not enjoy unanimous approval within the Board of Directors, it is however undeniable that his presence as a man of culture and law was of fundamental importance, especially as regards the organization and especially if we consider that the The committee was made up of many self-taught people. An attempt is therefore made to deal with this situation by appointing Professor Dante Baldelli to the office of president; but after a few days he is forced, due to a serious illness, to be admitted to a clinic in Rome. Now it is truly a crisis, for the Committee, which almost risks being dissolved. Suffice it to say that for five months (from November 1944 to April 1945), the minutes of the meetings do not bear any annotation of any session, but only many blank pages: a clear sign that the activity of the Umbertidese CLN, in this period takes place in a rather precarious way, disorganized and perhaps even with some controversy between the parties. For example, a letter that the PSI writes to the Committee itself (it is dated January 24, 1945 and perhaps it is not the first ...), in which it is again requested to send in advance, to the Socialist Section, the orders on the day of each meeting. This, in order to be sure that the point of view expressed by our delegates on each issue corresponds perfectly to that of the ... Section. Therefore, the letter not only testifies that the Committee, even if it has lost its President and without putting anything in the minutes, still carries out some activity; but it also confirms that not everything goes smoothly on the political level. We can say, at this point, that for Umbertide's CLN a period characterized by a strong and disordered will to affect the moral, material and socio-political reconstruction of Umbertide comes to an end. The enthusiasm is in fact very great, but it is almost never organized in a precise and concrete programming of interventions. Being able to finally discuss, debate and propose one's ideas in full freedom gives that certain sense of euphoria that is badly combined with concrete and hasty work. Even the desire to "do justice", which animates the vast majority of its members, soon finds itself entangled in the labyrinth of various skills; and we will see this more fully when we talk about purification. The lack of precise directives by the Provincial CLN of Perugia also plays a decidedly unfavorable role, which forces the Umbertidese Committee to act, at least in these first months, completely autonomously and almost in a situation of isolation. Agreement in the CLN between PCI, PSI and DC The situation returned to normalization, as we said, in the spring of 1945, with a meeting that saw only the representatives of PCI, PSI and DC The fact that in the minutes of the session these representatives are defined as delegates, seems to mean that the new CLN Board stems from a precise will to agree between the aforementioned three parties, while no mention is made of Labor Democracy, Party of 'Action and PLI What happened then? To formulate at least one hypothesis for an answer, it is necessary to pause in a brief digression about the reorganization of the parties in the Umbertidese territory (16). Immediately after the liberation, only Communists, Socialists and, in part, the Christian Democrats took action to give themselves at least a minimum of organization and structure. The PCI was already quite organized since the mid-1930s, when the clandestine cell headed by Antonio Taticchi and made up largely of men from the Republican Party operated in Umbertide. Therefore, with the fall of fascism, it was not difficult for him to pass from clandestinity to officialdom. We do not know the exact date on which this passage takes place, but it is assumed that already before August 1944 an Umbertidese Section of the PCL had to operate, because in that period R. Mancini and other companions constitute, in the rural hamlet of S. Benedetto , the first cell of the Communist Party, which on September 15, 1944 obtained recognition as a subsection, precisely by the Section of Umbertide (17). The PSI (which defines itself as the Italian Socialist Party of Proletarian Unity), constitutes its first Section on November 19, 1944, directed by an Executive Provisional Committee (and named after Giuseppe Guardabassi), which includes G. Migliorati, M. Migliorati, V. Occhirossi, G. Bartolini, A. Silvestrelli, A. Zurli and A. Renzini (18). As for the DC, we know (especially from oral testimonies), that immediately after the Liberation G. Bambini and E. Pazzi are the animators of the Christian Democratic group, which will be constituted in Section only in the first months of 1945. The other parties, on the other hand, seem to live only ... in the hearts and minds of their representatives, who generally participate in the political life of the city in the guise of "mavericks", that is, through completely individual interventions and initiatives, far from any strategy party. The ideological differences between the three main camps begin to emerge At the end of '44, while the ideological differentiations between the three main camps are taking shape more and more, the Christian Democrats begin to fear that they will soon have to compete with a compact front of the left, which for some time have been making agreements (19) . Fear reinforced by being ousted from the new Municipal Council of Mayor Ramaccioni and by being, even within the CLN, in a clear minority (they have only one representative). At this point all that remains is to try to coagulate, around the DC, the men of the "minor" parties, in order to rearrange, at least in part, the strong imbalance between the opposing sides. Surely this adjustment does not take place painlessly; on the contrary, it must cause a certain confusion in the Umbertidese political context, already made rather precarious by the conflict between CLN and the Municipal Administration and not even extremely secure in the social-communist alliance; it is certain, in fact, that, despite the apparent agreement, PCI and PSI live and operate in a climate of ill-concealed mistrust, above all because of a certain psychological subjection of the socialists towards the communists, judged - sometimes rightly and sometimes misinterpreting their strong will to action - a little too "overbearing." When the situation becomes really difficult, one realizes that only a "balancing" action by the Liberation Committee can remedy it (20). But, of course, a Committee that, like the one from Umberto I, is almost in shambles cannot do it. First of all, it is necessary to put it back into its ranks and make it really efficient. Meetings are then organized, agreements are made and in the end it is decided that the Board will be restricted to only the representatives of PCI, PSI and DC (two per party). And it is established that the President and Secretary by mutual agreement will have to choose from among the six delegates themselves. The PSI delegates its representativeness to a young man (Mario Belardinelli) and to the now "tested" doctor Mariano Migliorati, first Mayor of Umbertide. Giovanni Bambini and Eugenio Pazzi represent the DC, while the PCI delegates Astorre Bellarosa and Aspromonte Rometti (21). Mariano Migliorati new President of the renewed CLN Mariano Migliorati is elected President of the renewed CLN. And here it is to be assumed that his election was "piloted" by the parties, (if not also by the leaders of the Provincial CLN of Perugia), with the aim of putting a man who had always held himself above the head of the Committee. outside the political fray: the figure of a "pure" is fundamental to regain credibility, especially towards the Governor and the Prefect (22). At first, this does not really appear to be a move with rapid effects, because the diffidence on the part of the Prefecture is still quite evident. Suffice it to say that on April 26 it is precisely the Prefect who rejected the suggestion of the Umbertidese Committee about the man to be designated as a temporary substitute for the Mayor Ramaccioni, and to send his Commissioner to direct the Executive. But only a few days are enough (perhaps those necessary to obtain the necessary information from the Prefecture), to see this attitude totally changed and to ensure that the renewed Committee savors its first political success: it will be a member of the CLN, the communist Astorre Bellarosa, to be appointed successor of Ramaccioni, now firmly determined to resign definitively. To take up the new office, the 23 May 1945 Bellarosa leaves the Committee and is replaced by Riego Maccarelli. But beyond this moral victory, which still remains of great significance, what counts is the fact that from this moment on, any ideological reason for conflict between the Municipal Administration and CLN is eliminated. And this, comforted by the rediscovered internal equilibrium and by the good relations with the other bodies in charge, determines a radical renewal of the Committee's activity, which will truly adhere to the tasks established by its Statute: to collaborate, to suggest, to link up. And the commitment to meet at least once a week, taken at the end of the first session, is also substantially respected: from 12 April to the end of December 1945, 31 meetings were in fact recorded. But the frequency of the sessions is certainly not a sign of frenzy. Indeed, the examination of the Register of the aforementioned minutes (unfortunately only rarely supported by other documentation), allows us to affirm that the work of the CLN, in this period, is characterized more on a qualitative level than on a quantitative one, whether it is traits of purge, whether it be reconstruction or socio-moral initiatives. The CLN tries to report the most pressing problems of the city By this we mean that the Committee is no longer pervaded - as happened in the first moments - by the urge to remedy everything immediately. Now he is concerned above all with identifying and selecting the most urgent problems to submit them to the attention of the Executive or the parties or other organizations, which are responsible for any intervention in this regard. And if his operational contribution is also necessary, he certainly does not hold back, especially when it comes to "making himself heard at the top". By way of example, we offer a brief summary of the most important initiatives (with the exception of those relating to purge), taken by CLN in the period from April 1945 to June 1946. Since the first meeting, the "renewed" Committee feels the need to reorganize the COS (Center for Social Orientation) in Umbertide. With a clear Marxist matrix, COS is an organism which, in its general programmatic lines, aims to promote the study of the problems that social transformation presents in the various economic, political, juridical, scientific, moral, religious and cultural aspects (23) . And this study of general and local problems must be carried out on the basis of a concrete, independent sociality, criticized by prejudices and privileges, convinced that the transformation to be made brings with it not only economic, political, administrative, but also moral and cultural problems ( 24). In small towns such as Umbertide, COS does not only play a role of social promotion; in particular, it takes on the task of re-aggregating citizens and making them participate in local political and administrative problems. The population is in fact invited to periodic meetings, during which free conversations are stimulated: everyone can express their criticisms and their own proposals regarding the political and administrative organization, purification, food, market, transport, the viability, etc. The organization of the COS is strongly supported by the Provincial CLN and by the left-wing parties, because they see in them an effective tool for the "re-education" of citizens to democratic participation: which ends up transforming - albeit indirectly - into a sort of control and stimulus, with regard to Local Administrations forced to submit to the directives of the Allied Governors. Although the documents are really scarce, it can be assumed that the COS is starting to work in Umbertide, above all thanks to the commitment of its President Riego Maccarelli. But over time, the meetings must expire in chaotic assemblyism, because in December the CLN is still grappling with the Center which, it is said, must absolutely be reorganized. To this end, the Secretaries of the three parties are invited to participate in a session, during which it is established that the COS meetings are directed by people who know how to keep the environment calm and correct, also inhibiting the participation of those who cannot discuss. the problems in a concrete way. The problem of financing the COS is also examined and in the end the Secretaries of PCI, PSI and DC take on the burden. On January 5, 1946, the COS will meet on the following Sunday, with the following agenda: a) Communications from the CLN President b) Appointment of President c) Various. From this date we have no more news about the COS It is therefore to be assumed that, as the interest gradually waned, it ended up melting by force of inertia. CLN also tackles with great commitment the question of the destroyed Umbrian Central Railway, whose reactivation would not only obviate the serious problems of traffic and transport, but would also make a major contribution to solving the equally serious problem of unemployment. In fact, the Committee, in perfect harmony with the municipal administration, realized that it is useless to carry out reconstruction projects if Umbertide is not removed from the almost total isolation with the main roads. Here he then takes on a whole series of initiatives aimed at stimulating the competent authorities, starting with the creation of a city commission for the reactivation of the Umbrian Central Railway, on behalf of which Rometti goes to Rome for a meeting with the Minister of Transport, in order to raise awareness about the reconstruction of the railway bridge over the Tiber. On his return, Rometti reports that, although there are great difficulties, the authorities have made a clear commitment to send technicians for a rough estimate. And actually the technicians come and evaluate. But the bureaucracy proceeds slowly and so in April 1946 the CLN still has to urge the Mayor and the party representatives to a meeting that will lay the foundations for the work to be done for the reconstruction of the railway in particular and for that of Umbertide in general. The meeting takes place on May 4th at the CLN headquarters. In addition to the six members of the Board, the Mayor, the Secretary of the Chamber of Labor and the secretaries of PCI, PSI and DC are present The program for the reconstruction of Umbertide "The President exposes and illustrates the program for the reconstruction of Umbertide and says that in order to implement it as soon as possible it is necessary to start the practices with great energy, and there is also a need, on the part of everyone, of that activity that will gradually come withholding of the case ". It is therefore decided to meet tomorrow evening, May 5, to appoint a committee, which is given the name of the Committee for the reconstruction of Umbertide. It is made up of the president of the CLN, the Mayor, the Secretary of the Chamber of Labor and professionals from the country (25). We have not found any documents that refer specifically to this activity, but certainly we have worked in a concrete way, because in July 1946 the Minister Leone Cattani communicates to the President of the Committee - the lawyer F. Andreani - that the five expert reports of the Umbertide interesting works were approved by decree of 25 June of the Provveditorato alle OO.PP. for Lazio and Umbria. Another focus of interest is the problem of unemployment. In the session of 23 September 1945, following indications in a circular from the provincial section of the CLN, the Umbertidese Committee, in agreement with the Chamber of Labor and the Municipal Council, decided to convene a session to solve this problem and to draw up a program which will later be implemented. But the implementation of this program must encounter considerable difficulties, because on December 9 we return to the subject again and the need emerges to clarify the malfunctioning of the local section of the Chamber of Labor, whose secretary is currently the socialist Agostino Bernacchi. The problem of unemployment is also tackled with a different strategy, that is, starting from the assumption that nothing can be done without a minimum of planning, the formulation of which all the organizations and associations of the Municipality will have to contribute. And it is essential that this program stems from a precise analysis of the actual potential of the territory which, at the present moment, unfortunately is almost exclusively reduced to the agricultural sector and, to a limited extent, to the construction sector. In this sense, a fundamental role could be played by the local Chamber of Labor, which however (at least in the opinion of the Committee) does not seem to work as it should. At the end of the discussion, we are convinced that everything depends on the scarce collaboration of the representatives of the three parties and certainly not on the work of Bernacchi, who is busy with commendable spirit of dedication. It was then decided to invite the Secretaries of PCI, PSI and DC to meet to establish the measures to be taken so that the local section of the Chamber of Labor can function regularly. The issue is resumed in a subsequent session of 23 December, during which the outcome of the meeting of the three party secretaries is assessed, which took place in the presence of the Committee itself: from the discussion it emerged that the malfunctioning of the Chamber of Work is not due to the absenteeism of the political forces, but to the lack of a representative of the farmers. The Committee immediately undertakes to write to the Agricultural Union of Città di Castello, so that it can appoint a representative. But while waiting for the Chamber of Labor to organize itself, the CLN - at the suggestion of the Communist Party - promotes the constitution of a Winter Assistance Committee to help destitute families, who risk spending the winter in the cold, to the inability to get firewood. Not only the parties and the municipal administration are involved in this project, but also the other local socio-political organizations: the Italian Women's Union (26), the Combatants 'Association, the Veterans' Committee and the Youth Front. (27). A Commission made up of four representatives of the aforementioned organizations and operating under the direct control of CLN is appointed to make this Committee work. , which the municipal administration would be forced to suspend due to lack of funds, and which instead it is essential to continue, both to avoid the risk of infectious diseases (28), and for the need to provide work for those heads of families whose children already endure the cold and hunger of this harsh winter. Therefore, appealing to the sense of human and civil solidarity of those who have been better treated by fate, the wealthiest are asked to pay a contribution (29). The initiative must have a truly satisfying answer. Suffice it to say that the landowners not only contribute their share, but also make available to unemployed workers an adequate number of days to be carried out on their property for the entire two-month period January 15 / March 15, 1946, and this in order to meet for as much as possible to those who truly suffer (30). But, alongside these interventions that we could define as "priorities", the CLN takes on many other initiatives, equally significant and commendable. There is an obligation to report at least some of them, proceeding in a quick chronological excursus of the Register of Minutes: MINUTES No. 18, dated May 29, 1945 Since the President Migliorati will have to participate in the congress of all the CLNs of the province of Perugia, it is necessary to draw up a report illustrating the political and economic situation of Umbertide. It was decided to make contact with the Mayor, so that he could indicate which interventions should be privileged. MINUTES N.24, of 29.7.1945 The CLN turns to the Finance Office to ask for an extension of war damage reports, because the population of Umbertide and nearby Montone have not received the appropriate forms. MINUTES N.26, of 12.8.1945 It is decided to write a letter to the Mayor so that the permission of the dancing parties that have been taking place for some time and continue almost uninterruptedly be at least limited. To push the CLN to formulate this proposal, it is a highly moral reason (not only because the ruins, the agony and the mourning of our Umbertide require a very different behavior on the part of everyone, but also to educate the youth to love country and to human respect), combined with reasons of a social nature (the inevitable economic and social effects that can derive from the state of affairs that are complained of have also been considered). MINUTES No. 39, of 2.XII. 1945 The PCI has submitted a manifesto for approval, which the CLN authorizes to print and disseminate. The manifesto is aimed at the citizens of Umbertide, who are invited to denounce every maneuver and every manifestation of neo-fascism, to fight alongside the mass organizations to fight ... every liberticidal attempt, from whatever side it comes and to associate with the democratic parties to overcome this very critical moment and to be able to proclaim the Italian Socialist Republic tomorrow (31). There is also a premise, which partly explains the reasons for this appeal: ".. the neo-fascist forces organized in self-styled democratic movements and parties, try to exploit the difficult internal situation ...". Surely the Italian Communists, in this period, had the feeling that they were trying, in the plots of national politics, to create moments of tension to prevent the affirmation of the left forces. MINUTES N.49, dated 2.3.1946 The Committee considers it appropriate to invite the secretaries of the PCL, PSI and DC in order to agree on the forthcoming electoral campaign for the local elections. MINUTES No. 51, of 9.3.1946 President Maccarelli exposes the behavior that every citizen should keep in view of the elections and reads a manifesto he has compiled, submitting it for approval. The manifesto is not only approved, but the representatives of the three parties invited to the meeting decide to bear the printing costs. We point out that in the course of all these months there are various replacements among the members of the Board, decided from time to time by the respective parties to which they belong (31). There is also a rotation among the Presidents. In replacement of M. Migliorati, on 7 July 1945 the communist Riego Maccarelli (32) was elected, who on 9 December of the same year had to resign for health reasons. He is succeeded by prof. Giulio Briziarelli, of the PSI Although of different cultural backgrounds (one self-taught worker, the other didactic director), both are distinguished by moral rigor and a profound sense of justice, always combined with a high respect for the individual. And it is under the presidency of Briziarelli that, on July 17, 1946, the National Liberation Committee, section of Umbertide, will decree its dissolution. Il Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale The deed of constitution of the CLN of Umbertide Manifesto of the PCI aimed at citizens Letters from the parties to the CLN Resolution to dissolve the CLN L'attività di epurazione The purge activity Although there are not many Umbertidesi fascists who have shown extreme bias or who are guilty of serious episodes of intolerance, there is still the risk of summary vendettas, especially in the climate that has been established on the emotional wave of barbaric episodes of Penetola and Serra Partucci. So immediately after the liberation, the Allied Military Governor arrested 25 members of the Fascist Republican Party, who were held for a few days in the local prisons of the Rocca (35). This provision certainly appears appropriate, because it avoids the triggering of an indiscriminate "manhunt", as unfortunately easily happens in certain situations. Similar facts had already occurred in Umbertide, immediately after the declaration of armistice of 8 September 1943. We have news of it from a report sent by the CLN to the High Commissioner for the Purge in which, among other things, there is talk of the beating of a fascist during the September movement (36). Even the Public Health Committee ensures that stupid vendettas are not perpetrated; but surely this is not enough to - prevent some unconscious acts of violence carried out against fascists by some reckless; luckily they are all resolved with a beating, without the dead man escaping. The first official act concerning the purge is of 9 August 1944, when the newly established Municipal Council, according to the orders received by the Governor of the Allied Military Command, proceeds to purge those personnel who, due to political precedents, cannot remain in service. There are 16 employees suspended from service and salary, all "accused" of being squadrists and / or members of the former Republican Fascist Party. The "purged" employees present an immediate appeal to the Prefecture, which will be partially accepted. On 9 February 1945, in fact, the Mayor Ramaccioni invites the Accounting Office to immediately arrange for the issuance of the checks due to the staff suspended for purge as per the provision issued by the Allied Military Government, following an official act of the Prefecture. Therefore, while remaining suspended, the municipal employees will still have to receive the salary. And the matter will drag on for several months, as we will see later. Since August 1944 it is the local National Liberation Committee that has taken every decision regarding the investigations and sanctions to be imposed on the collaborators of Nazi-fascism, because the dead under the rubble of our country who sleep unattended, the families deprived of what they they loved more and more holy, the young people who were shot, entire families burned alive, the endless griefs of the nation want severe justice. Let's say immediately that it will certainly not be easy to ascertain facts or misdeeds, and it will be equally difficult to dictate and keep faith with uniform criteria of judgment in the evaluation of very particular cases, also because not all those who have found compromises with the Social Republic have joined them voluntarily. The Sforza Law on purge also contributes to increasing the difficulties which, drafted in a rather hasty manner and made known on 29 July 1944, does not always offer clear directives either as regards the methods of applying the sanctions or, above all, regarding the determination of areas of expertise. Basically, the various peripheral National Liberation Committees should know that all the practices concerning the purge must be subjected to the careful examination of the Provincial CLN which, in turn, will forward them to the Provincial Delegation of the Adjunct High Commissioner for the purge. which is responsible for the last control act. Instead, the Provincial Delegation of the High Commissioner for the sanctions against Fascism issued the final sentence (37). But the actual absence of effective links between the peripheral CLNs and the provincial section means that initially this process is mostly disregarded. In truth, this situation can also constitute a reason ... of convenience for the local Committees, which thus have the possibility of taking more immediate and direct initiatives. Even the Umbertidese Committee, in the absence of precise indications on the matter, often interprets the Sforza law in its own way and arrogates itself the right to decide on the matter and to "demand" that the Municipal Administration execute (or that private citizens put in place deed), as resolved by it. And here, for example, after having expressed a negative opinion on some trade licenses, the CLN sends a letter to the Mayor (on 23.X.44), which ends with: "So that the above is made executive" . Equally significant, in this sense, is the letter sent to the tenant of an office that the Committee judges to be of secondary importance. Well, he is peremptorily invited to leave the aforementioned room free for no later than 25 pv, which on 1 December will be delivered to Mrs. Gnagnetti Matilde ved. Tosti, which was left without a shop following the bombing of 25.4. 44 (38). Even when the tone of the communication is formally more conciliatory, the intention to "force the hand" still shines through. For example, in a letter sent to the Mayor on 9.XII.44 to request the dismissal of the municipal veterinarian, even if using expressions that are anything but mandatory ("... this Committee feels the need to express to the SV the opinion that he is dismissed .... It is hoped that the SV will welcome the expression of this Committee ... "), but it is important to underline that the veterinarian does not enjoy the sympathy and trust of the majority of the population. It is therefore not surprising that this way of operating not only risks determining, every time, a situation of conflict between CLN and the Municipal Administration (39), but also causes diatribes within the Committee itself, where most likely the line hard is opposed to soft. And this is confirmed, for example, by what happens during the first meeting (18.8.44), when we examine point 4) of the agenda: "Examination of the sales licenses and revocation of the same for fascists or philotedeschi ": it is reported that the topic provokes an animated discussion at the end of which there is a position of total disagreement, so much so that it is decided to ask the Mayor for the immediate convocation of a Commission made up of people who have an honest past and knowledge of the public ". However, it must be said that the purification activity carried out by CLN from August 1944 to April 1945, although characterized by a decisive and sometimes ... eager desire to do justice (40), never goes beyond the law , even at the cost of swallowing bitter morsels (41). Above all, the men of the Committee must be given credit for not giving too much credit to the "voices" in the streets or to confidential outbursts about abuses perpetrated by this or that "fascist". Citizens are invited not to limit themselves to sterile moral lynchings, but to denounce facts and people on the basis of irrefutable testimony. A poster that appeared on the walls of Umbertide in October 1944 testifies to this desire for objectivity: in urging the population to report fascist and black market crimes, it is recommended that the reports be made with honesty and seriousness, specifying the facts (42). Objectivity, honesty and seriousness are also confirmed by the fact that sometimes the Committee returns to its decisions, following more detailed investigations. In November 1944, for example, it expressed an unfavorable opinion with regard to a request for "discrimination" (43) presented by a lady; but on 12 December the CLN re-examines the file and declares that it has ascertained that the registration of the same to the Fascist Republican Party was actually due not to factious fascist spirit, but to coercion of the authorities of the republican period and to the concern to maintain the office of typist, the only source of income for a living. When, in April 1945, the total renewal of the Umbertide CLN took place, the purification activity slowed down. This is most likely to be connected to the presidency of Dr. M. Migliorati, who perhaps tries in every way to avoid investigations and measures that could seriously embarrass him, above all because of his professional position as primary hospital. In this regard, we have the testimony of C. Palazzetti: "Partly because of his willingness to help everyone, partly because some of his patients could also happen to be investigated, Dr. Migliorati really reluctantly accepted to make decisions regarding purge ". And most likely it will be the thankless task of purge that will determine the abandonment of the Presidency by Migliorati. The fact that in the minutes of 7 July 1945 no explanation is given for the change to the Presidency (44), and the fact that Riego Maccarelli signs in place of the President one day before being officially elected (45), lead realistically to assume that Migliorati has left due to some internal conflict, however not explicit in any of the minutes. But let's examine the minutes of the previous session (that of 2.7.1945): well, of all the minutes drawn up starting from April 12, 1945, strangely this is the only one not to mention the names of those present and it never appears that the President took the floor. Which suggests that the Migliorati was not present. And, coincidentally, in the course of that session the determined will to carry out a prompt and clear purge of those state and parastatal employees compromised with the past regime is manifested. It can then be assumed that Migliorati, already not very enthusiastic about the role of President (let's not forget that he was almost certainly ... "convinced", for the already indicated reasons of credibility, to assume the Presidency of the renewed Committee) and not feeling at all at ease in that of "purifier", faced with the impossibility of avoiding certain acts which, even if suffered, are still due, put aside. Or it is possible that he is advised or ... invited to step aside (perhaps by the provincial committee), precisely because of his lack of decision-making in terms of purge. Some might argue, much less suggestively, that Migliorati may have resigned because he is too busy in his profession as a doctor. Surely this is also a hypothesis to be taken into consideration, even if it seems strange that such a normal decision is not recorded ... The fact is that, under the Presidency of the communist Riego Maccarelli, the purification activity is characterized, compared to the previous ones. Committees, of greater scrupulousness and, above all, of more incisive rigor. In a meeting held in July 1945, Maccarelli bluntly criticized the work of those who preceded him. Textually it states that, from a whole series of facts, "... one can deduce the lack of activity of the previous Committees, their disinterest, their little initiative, which allowed themselves to be carried away by sentimentality, thus not fulfilling the task that the population had entrusted him. But currently the CLN carries out its increasingly growing activities with justice and truth following the best democratic tradition ". A severe criticism therefore and, at the same time, an announcement of a more serious commitment, especially as regards the purge activity, to which that "justice and truth" certainly refers. Purpose that is maintained. From this moment, in fact, in almost every meeting, the names of people on which to obtain information are mentioned; reports that have already been completed are approved; various applications for discrimination are evaluated or discrimination occurring without the opinion of the Committee is contested; they urge themselves to take action; attempts are made to regulate the issue of hunting licenses (46); requests for certificates of good moral and civil conduct and declarations of refusal to call to arms after 8 September 1943 are examined: all made by people who are suspected of collaborating or of common crimes. However, every act is undertaken with care and responsibility. In fact, Maccarelli is immediately concerned to suspend the release of documents or declarations ad personam, until the provincial CLN has given clarification on the matter. A few days later, the vice-president C. Palazzetti (who went to Perugia, to have a meeting with the lawyer Monteneri, President of the CPLN), reports that the local committees can issue certificates and personal declarations to the interested parties and finally clarifies that complaints must be forwarded to the CPLNP. which will then forward them to the competent offices. But President Maccarelli must not be satisfied with this oral answer, because on August 17 he asks in writing, to the High Commissioner for the Purge, to be authorized to issue certificates and declarations. And he is right not to trust the unwritten words: on the 29th of the same month he receives a negative response: "In general, the National Liberation Committees have no hierarchical dependence with this Delegation ... Therefore it cannot authorize .. . to issue ... special certificates ". The purge activity continues intensively even under the presidency of prof. Giulio Briziarelli. But as you progress through it, you realize that the results do not correspond to expectations. Although the Provincial Delegation for the Purge calls the peripheral Committees to a greater zeal, because the pending purge judgments against the various employees must be completed which, often suspended, constitute a serious burden on the administrative budgets (47), in truth a definitive sentence never appears among the various papers. For a certain period the Committee does not give up and continues regularly to carry out investigations and to propose names of people to be purged; then, faced with the almost total lack of results (and perhaps also because it is absorbed by the problems of reconstruction and by those of the electoral consultation), it gives less and less space, during its meetings, to purging. Only in the spring of 1946 did they try to take the situation back in hand. In the session of 19.V.46, in fact, it is said: "After a laborious discussion, this Committee establishes the following: a) to invite the Marshal of the RR: CC for the day 22 cm in order to make arrangements to be able to carefully monitor the operated by local fascist elements. b) to invite the Mayor to the same session ". The meeting of May 22 takes place regularly, but it seems that, when it comes to the conclusions, very little is said again: it is only decided to collect, through trusted people, all the information regarding the conduct of the fascist elements of the place and of refer them to the local RRCC station which will think to act in the best possible way. But, despite the propositions of a new commitment, only in one meeting is there still talk of purge, indicating the names of some former fascists on which to ask for information. The law on amnesty closes the purge processes At the beginning of July, Palmiro Togliatti, Minister of Grace and Justice of the new coalition government (set up by A. De Gasperi in those days), promulgates the law on amnesty, which determines the definitive closure of the purge processes. The provision, even if perhaps considered appropriate in parliament, certainly cannot satisfy those who have worked so hard to try to do justice to the abuses and crimes perpetrated during the "twenty years". In Umbertide it is above all the PSI to be indignant. This is demonstrated by the declaration that appears in "La Venda" of 28.8.46: "After the publication of the law for the purge of Togliatti, the section of the PSI of Umbertide, during the assembly held on 27.07, voted on the following order of day: "Noting the sense of bewilderment and mistrust caused by the aforementioned unjust law ... deploring the proponent of such an absurd political attitude, which could also have serious national consequences, makes a vow that firm and clear action is taken as soon as possible restorative ". It is clear that the indignation of the Umbertian socialists is not only against the law itself, but is also directed against Togliatti, defined as the proponent of such an absurd political attitude ... But even the men of the PCI do not agree with this provision, even if it originated from the will of their charismatic leader Togliatti. The burning disappointment provokes (as reported by C. Palazzetti), a reaction of disappointment and mistrust especially within the CLN: "In those days there was discussion, criticism, confrontation. Although perplexed, I was among those who positively interpreted the law on amnesty. But I also understood those who, due to tragedies experienced personally, could not see so many years of suffering erased with a swipe of the sponge ... ". And so, on July 14, 1946, the CLN of Umbertide unanimously decrees its dissolution, voting on the following agenda: "The National Liberation Committee of Umbertide, which in its work inspired by principles of human justice already felt the mockery of the purge, joins the protest of the people against the provision of the absurd amnesty recently promulgated and, remembering the sacrifices, the tears, the infinite sufferings, the victims and the immense ruins of the Nation caused by fascism and the Nazi-fascist war, resigns his resignation '”. Note: 1. See, in the Appendix, p. XX the minutes of the Constitution Act. Those present are: Mancini Raffaele, Boldrini Nello, Polpettini Vittorio, Puletti Ruggero, Renzini Alessandro, Ramaccioni Mario, Taticchi Antonio, Nanni Ramiro, Loschi Luciano, Rondoni Vincenzo, Gennari Addo, Beatini Lamberto, Migliorati Natale, Alunni Umberto, Gennari Aspromonte, Caprini Claudio, Caprini Nazzareno, Ramaccioni Giuseppe, Rinaldi Antonio, Pini Carlo, Sonaglia Gino, Codovini Stefano, Becchetti Giuseppe, Migliorati Giuseppe, Bottaccioli Giuseppe, Silvioni Guerriero, Simonucci Raffaele, Villarini Mario, Destroyed Amedeo, Chiodini Giuseppe, Children Giovanni, Ramaccioni Renato. 2. And in fact it was the correction and the superimposition carried out between the two homonymous Ramaccioni that made us suspicious. Renato is initially typed, as a representative of the PLI, under the name of Pini, while Giuseppe is noted alongside the Action Party; then someone deleted Renato's name from the PLL, to write it, in pen, alongside the Action Party, to replace Giuseppe. 3. We will see a little later the reason for Rometti's self-exclusion. 4. We have already seen that Ramaccioni will subsequently be appointed Mayor of Umbertide. 5. To be precise, the following seven points are indicated to be addressed: 1.Replacement of fascist or pro-German personnel from state and para-state administrations. 2.Decentralization of offices. 3. Invitation to the members of the Executive to make a report twice a week to their parties. 4. Examination of sales licenses and revocation of the same for fascists or pro-Germans. 5. Establish definitively the premises for the CLN 6. To call further meetings for the global organization of the parties. 7. The need for the Committee to come into close contact with the Provincial Committee of LN and with elements of the FSS and, if this is impossible, with the R. Questura. 6. As regards the positions "accumulated" by Rometti, see below. 7. This meeting is held in the former convent of San Francesco, in the music room, which from now on will be the permanent seat of the CLN. 8. The fact that a Military Governor is used unrelated to the Umbertide events, while it would have been more obvious to consult the Provincial CLN, testifies that there is an almost total lack of connections between the latter and the local Committee. 9. See, in the Appendix, p. XXI. 10. In truth, we find it quite difficult to establish a relationship between people to be arrested and the "Rometti case". Perhaps it can be assumed that the Mayor, in order not to assume the inconvenient role of the purifier, tries to "download" this responsibility onto the CLN, inviting him to compile or perhaps give his approval regarding the aforementioned lists, and that the Committee, sensing this move, resort to a sort of moral blackmail by conditioning their collaboration to the decentralization of the positions accumulated by Rometti. 11. And in fact on the 19th of September Rometti resigned as a member of the Executive, while retaining the other offices. An explicit gesture of protest towards his friend Migliorati, who has cornered him, offering him the opportunity to give up some job? Or, more subtly, an official resignation from the position of greater political weight, but with the tacit understanding of remaining a friend-adviser to the Mayor anyway? ... 12. See, in the Appendix, pp. XXII, XXIII, XXIV, XXV. 13. As when, for example, in the meeting of 16 October, the CLN disputes i rents established by the Municipal Commission, finding them unfair with wages and salaries, and therefore resolves to ask the Mayor to enlarge the aforementioned Commission, appointing, from among its members, representatives of employees and employees. 14. It is worth dwelling on this letter for a moment, if only to compare it with the one sent just a month and a half earlier, to the same Prefect, by the Mayor Migliorati. Both written with the same intent to obtain help, however, they are characterized by a totally different spirit and tone. Rather formal, almost "cold" the letter from the Mayor, which is limited to a list of the interventions to be carried out, supported by meager data and figures. Warm, controversial, but no less concretely essential, in the descriptions, that of the CLN, which almost certainly decided to contact the Prefect after the overflowing of the Tiber (3 November 1944) who, adding further inconveniences to a reality that was too tried by destruction warfare, ended up exasperating the citizens of Umbertide. 15. See, in the Appendix, pp. XXVI and XXVII, copy of the original. 16. We must warn that party archives are certainly not a source of information: no one has a single document that can refer to this period. Even the newspapers of the time did not give any news. Therefore, what little we are given to know, we have obtained from the rare personal papers of some militant or from oral testimonies, which are very vague and fragmentary. 17. See, in the Appendix, p. XXVIII, the report drawn up that day by R. Mancini. 18. In the Appendix, p. XXIX, we report the letter with which the Provisional Committee announces the constitution of the section to CLN, indicating the names of the comrades delegated to represent the PSLU.P. within the CLN itself. We also report, on the same page, a photocopy of a PSLU.P.card, taken from the cards of A. Renzini. 19. Among the documents of A. Renzini we found an invitation to take part, on Thursday 23 November at the Communist headquarters located in the premises of the Teatro dei Riuniti, in the meeting called between the leaders of the two proletarian sections. 20. It is no coincidence that the first session of the new CLN opens with the resolution that the renewed CLN in the ranks is in fact the balancing body of the political life of the country. 21. How is it possible that a "historical" socialist like Rometti has passed into the ranks of the Communists? Oral testimonies tell us of disagreements with the comrades of the local section of the PSLU.P .: nothing more precise is known to us. 22. R. Mancini and C. Palazzetti comfort us, in this hypothesis of ours, reporting that perhaps the most suitable person (for spirit of initiative and capacity for organization), to hold the office of President is undoubtedly Rometti. But his centralizing character and his momentary ... uncomfortable political position (he had passed from the PSI to the PCL), make him prefer the Migliorati. However, it must be said that most of the activities carried out by the "renewed" CL N. will be the result of Rometti's initiative. 23. So it is said in a pamphlet printed and disclosed in August 1944 in Perugia, where the Center began its activity on July 17 of the same year. See, in the Appendix p. XXX, copy of the booklet 24. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXI. 25. See, in the Appendix, pp. XXXII and XXXIII. 26. The invitation is signed by the new Secretary, Egino Villarini. The last three lines, almost incomprehensible, should indicate the day of the meeting (a Sunday), already agreed by the other Secretaries. 27. It was Mrs. Anita Zanottì Giacchi (director for many years of the Municipal Childhood Nursery), who gave life to Umbertide, the UDL, a women's movement of communist inspiration. The aforementioned was part of the Board of the CLN, which deemed necessary a female representation. But, when in September 1945 Zanotti proposes to the Mayor to appoint a representative of the UDL within the council, he receives a negative response, due to the fact that the council has deliberative power, while women have only consultative power. 28. We know very little about this "movement" which, by the admission of the founders themselves, is made up of independent young people, Communists, Socialists, Christian Democrats, the Cremona Club (veterans of the "Cremona" Partisan Division), the Student Union Italians. It was formed on August 16, 1945. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXIV, photocopy of a card of the Youth Front, kindly granted by R. Codovini 29. We speak of "limbs of human bodies" still lying under the rubble. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXV. 30. It should be noted that the amount of this contribution, although voluntary, has already been established on the basis of the actual size of the capital of the various owners. 31. So writes (20.1.1946) the secretary of the Provincial Farmers' Association of the Umbertide area. 32. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXVI, the typewritten text of the manifesto. 33. In the Appendix, pp. XXXVII and XXXVIII, by way of example, we report a copy of three letters with which PCL, PSI and DC inform CLN that they have decided to alternate their representatives. It should be noted that none of them ever explain the reason for the replacement. 34. We will see, in the following Chapter, the reasons for this rotation. 35. A curiosity: for the administration of food to these people (233 meals in total), the Municipality supports the expense of L. 1,631. 36. Indeed, the "beating" did not happen as it is crudely written. In fact, it refers to an episode that occurs inside the public telephone post. Suddenly, among the people, the rumor begins to spread that a well-known fascist trade unionist has entered the premises of the TIMO. Instead he is a bank manager of the same name. But now the crowd is crowding and a true fascist, who is there, tries to block the access. Then everything subsides and the "fascist" himself can be medicated by the pharmacist. 37. In truth, in the various papers we have found different terms of these organs: "Office of sanctions against Fascism", "Provincial purge commission". 38. The letter, dated 19.X1. 1944, has the subject "Provisions". 39. While perhaps considering them to be correct, the Mayor could not enforce certain resolutions; in fact, he had to carry out only the measures taken by the High Commissioner for the Purge or by the Allied Military Governor. 40. The letter referred to in note 66 ends with these words: "This deliberate is the solution of a high sense of justice that acts with serenity, punishing the guilty to facilitate those who unjustly were the object of the disastrous consequences that ensued ". 41. We would like to point out that among the members of the Committee there are those who have suffered (or believe they have suffered), harassment and injustices by the fascists. 42. The manifesto is shown in the Appendix, p. XXXIX. 43. When a person is accused of a political crime (almost always it is a question of belonging to the PER or of "fascist intemperance" or of collaboration with CSR and with the Germans), he can contact the local CLN to certify that these accusations are unfounded or that the offense was committed in particular situations. If the application is successful, the applicant obtains the so-called "discrimination": the fact loses the character of a crime, precisely due to the presence of a discriminant, that is, a cause of justification. 44. It is simply said that "the President and the Vice President have been elected. The following are elected: President R. Maccarelli ...". 45. The letter sent to the Mayor on 5.7.1945 bears his signature, in which he warns that "the CLN has expressed the opinion that the main square is dedicated to G. Matteotti". 46. In more than one meeting, it is insisted that for the issue of such licenses any doubts must be clarified by the Committee, because "... it is within its competence to resolve and conduct in the right light those cases that are compromised with the past regime ". We shouldn't be too surprised that CLN. gives such great importance to the control of hunting licenses: obtaining it means, in practice, having one or more rifles at hand, complete with regular firearms. And in moments of such great tension it is obvious that the Committee avoids keeping armed (albeit improperly), any fascist-hunters. And when it is realized that very little can be done about it, the Carabinieri Marshal is also invited to a meeting, who is asked to intervene to regulate these concessions. Unfortunately, the marshal is also involved in the general disorientation; he replied, in fact, that this was not within his competence and "limited himself to expressing an opinion". 47. This is a circular dated 13.9.1945., Which is of particular interest to Umbertide, whose Municipal Administration, as we have seen, has a long dispute with the Prefecture, due to employees suspended for a year now. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

L'Abbazia di San Salvatore di Monteacuto e poi Montecorona Il Ciborio di Montecorona Monuments, Museums and Sacred Places L'Abbazia di San Salvatore di Monteacuto e poi Montecorona I ruderi della chiesa della Madonna della Costa Il Ciborio di Montecorona The abbey of S. Salvatore of Monte Acuto, then Montecorona The abbey of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto, then Montecorona, 4 km from Umbertide, was a powerful monastic institution, not a de facto hermit, but well rooted in the territory and an economic and jurisdictional interlocutor of both civil and ecclesiastical power . Despite the traditional attributions of its foundation to San Romualdo, this foundation does not seem to be a historical truth; although in a short time its "management" was entrusted to the Benedictine current which was based on San Romualdo. The "management" was then assigned to the Cistercians in the 13th century; substantially returned to the Camaldolese in the sixteenth century. Since then, its history has been linked to that of the hermitage above. In this article we will focus above all on the possible history relating to the origin of the Abbey in the eleventh century. and up to the sixteenth century. Above all we will dwell on its foundation which, despite the erudite "assignments" of the seventeenth century, is neither certain nor known. In the continuation we will dwell on the description of the beautiful 8th century ciborium brought back to the Abbey by San Giuliano delle Pignatte, because this is considered to be its original place. Its existence opens up scenarios, still not investigated archaeologically, of the early medieval presence of one pre-existing religious structure on the same site as the abbey. We will conclude with an in-depth study on the reuse materials present in the crypt of the Abbey. By whom was the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monteacuto really founded? In a historical conference in 2009 on the Abbey, its history and its characteristics, ("THE ABBEY OF SAN SALVATORE DI MONTE ACUTO - MONTECORONA IN THE XI-XVIII CENTURIES"), the problem of the foundation was retraced, presenting the few traces available, and highlighting the fixed points traceable after the destruction of the Abbey archive in the war between the Oddi and the Baglioni in the mid-1400s. The professor. D'Acunto, during the study days of June 2009 dedicated to the Abbey, argued the possibility that the original building was even older than the indications of early millennium. Perhaps a pre-existing structure, a hypothesis to be investigated with archaeological methods, could have arisen from the role of local early medieval aristocratic elites. Hypothesis that could explain the presence in the area of the "Carolingian" ciborium of the eighth century of San Giuliano delle Pignatte. Tradition, on the other hand, has reported 1008 as the date of the foundation and the person of Romualdo as the founder. Felice Ciatti in the "Of the annal and historical memories of the things of Perugia, Part Four, that is, Pontifical Perugia", of 1638, supported the foundation by San Romualdo. This foundation is not confirmed, however, by all the sources that refer directly to San Romualdo. Ludovico Iacobilli, on the other hand, in his Lives of the saints and blessed of Umbria, published between 1647 and 1661, was the first to affirm that the abbey of S. Salvatore was founded in 1008, ascribing it to the Cistercian Order ... probable date of existence but we do not know from which sources it took this indication. In the following centuries, however, it was the Camaldolese who managed the institution. Certainly, even if we are not sure that the reference is to the current building, since it was consecrated only in 1056, we have news of the role of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto in the territory as early as 1036. In fact on this date the papacy granted the exemption in S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto from the jurisdiction of the diocesan ordinary, or rather from the power of the Dioceses that surrounded it (Perugia, Città di Castello and Gubbio). This is a sign of the institution's rising importance. This information is provided to us by Stefania Zucchini who dealt with the question in “Umbrian monastic foundations between the 10th and 12th centuries and S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto”. Giovanna Casagrande in "The Abbey of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto in the Cistercian period through the Protocol of the notary Achille of Bernardino di Montone (XIII century)", underlines, however, how under the Emperor Henry VI, in 1186, we to indirectly identify the indication of the importance already acquired by the monastery, that its probable pro-imperial position in the clash between the Empire and the Papacy. In fact, Henry VI recognizes the jurisdiction over the countryside to the municipality of Perugia, but excludes some lay lords from this jurisdiction… and our monastery of S. Salvatore. This would find further confirmation in the diplomas of Otto IV (1210) and of Frederick II (1220). As regards the uncomfortable pro-imperial position of the institution, Prof. Casagrande points out that Gregory IX found a "solution" after the peace of San Germano in 1230, in the stasis clash between the papacy and the Empire. In fact, an abbey of the imperial part in the Perugian territory, but close to the border with Città di Castello, it could well be a nuisance. "So 1234 actually marks a turning point ... On June 26, 1234 Gregory IX wrote to the abbot and the convent of Cîteaux so that the monastery of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto does not remain "in spiritualibus et temporalibus desolatum" and intends to "ibidem Cistercensem fundare sistema" and orders that "immediate subiaceat reverentia filiali »To the abbey of Cîteaux.". In this way the monastery passed to the Cistercians. Subsequently, with Pope Eugene IV, in 1434, the management of the institution changed again and returned to the Camaldolese, but the "handover" was anything but immediate. This was a troubled period, think of the noble conflicts in Perugia which involved the destruction of the documents in the Abbey's archive when the Oddi, based in Umbertide, were attacked by the Baglioni. In fact, the forces of the Baglioni also poured into the Abbey causing the destruction of goods and documents, only some brought by the Oddi to safety in the Rocca di Spoleto. Finally, the canon Galeazzo Gabrielli da Fano, commendatory of the abbey, donated it in 1524 with all its appurtenances to the company of San Romualdo, including a small church dedicated to San Savino, not far from the Abbey. The company, in the general chapter of 1525 and more explicitly in that of 1530, which was held right in the abbey of San Salvatore, approved the construction of a hermitage that was to serve as the mother house, following the design of the Hermitage of Camaldoli, and at the same time it was decided to erect it near the abbey on the mountain called "Montecorona". From this moment the word "coronesi" is also used to indicate the monks of the abbey of San Salvatore and the hermitage above. The hermitage and the Abbey were thus connected by a long path called "brick", even two meters wide, built with blocks of dry-laid sandstone that can still be traveled today. After the foundation of the Hermitage, it is remembered as the Hermitage of Monte Corona, a name later extended to the abbey as well, which became San Salvatore di Monte Corona. The abbey, in addition to the appurtenances not for religious use, is structured in an upper church, with a large nave at the entrance and the raised presbytery above the crypt, divided into three naves with an apse. Basement insists a crypt which can itself be considered a lower church with 5 naves and 3 apses. A bell tower that probably in some periods, given some slits, had different purposes from the current one and different construction moments that see it pass from a circular to an octagonal base. The crypt: The basement crypt is of the “ad oratorium” type, a vast and unique room with 5 naves although it ends with 3 apses, divided into 30 cross-vaulted bays with Byzantine-style decorations from Ravenna. The cross vaults are supported by columns of various styles, reused material from the first century. BC to the fourth century. AD, except one which is later. Along the walls of the area the arches of the cruises fall on semi-columns leaning against pilasters, creating an articulation of the walls accentuated by the presence of arched recesses, in turn pierced by double niches. The bare material, of the columns e it could come from a pre-existing pagan or early Christian temple. For this reason, there would be a need for archaeological investigations on the site of the present abbey. Externally to it are visible vertical pilasters. The upper church and the presbytery The part of the church that stands above the crypt was built first and consecrated by San Giovanni da Lodi, bishop of Gubbio; the central nave was added to it in the 13th and 14th centuries; so the oldest part served as a presbytery with 3 naves marked by 4 round arches. Each nave ends with an apse. An arch divides the oldest part from the most recent one. At the center of the great nave of the present Presbytery, there was an altar, whose table is now leaning against the wall of the left aisle. In 1959, in the execution of the renovation and restoration works, an 8th century Ciborium was placed in place of the great altar, present in the nearby Church of San Giuliano delle Pignatte. Later we will describe the Ciborium and the techniques of descriptions that were investigated in the 2009 conference on the Abbey. A 16th century wooden choir is located in the apse which has an ogival arch. Here we have paintings by unknown authors, right above the wooden choir: the TRANSFIGURATION - CHRIST IN GLORY AMONG THE PROPHETS AND APOSTLES, sec. XVII, an oil on canvas measuring 340 x 190 cm; the MADONNA DELLE GRAZIE, from 1549, oil on canvas, 174 x 167 cm; the ASCENSION, from 1602, oil on canvas, 168 x 104 cm; the FLAGELLATION, sec. XVI, oil on canvas cm. 102 x 75 (which does not appear in the video images because it is covered by the Ciborium); S. Andrea XVIII century, tempera canvas measuring 160 x 76 cm; the MADONNA DEL ROSARIO AND SAN DOMENICO, sec. XVII, oil on canvas, 236 x 100 cm. The most recent part of the upper church has a single large nave with two ribbed vaults and two chapels on the sides adorned with Baroque altars. The bell tower The bell tower which probably had different uses over the centuries has a particular structure diversified in three moments: the base is circular in shape, perhaps from the Lombard period, then it has 11 sides in the 14th century, endecagonal with battlements that were integrated, finally, in the octagonal continuation which now shows the large clock and bells. Sources: Proceedings of the Conference (Abbey of San Salvatore di Montecorona, June 18-19, 2009) edited by Nicolangelo D'Acunto and Mirko Santanicchia in Bulletin of the National History Deputation for Umbria, CVIII (2011), fasc. I-II (pp. 165- 183). Monographic section: "THE ABBEY OF SAN SALVATORE DI MONTE ACUTO - MONTECORONA IN THE XI-XVIII CENTURIES" - History and art - - Nicolangelo D'Acunto: "The origins of the monastery of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto and its monastic network" Maria Teresa Gigliozzi: "From the Benedictines to the Cistercians: the architecture of the abbey of San Salvatore in Montecorona in Romanesque Umbria" Giovanna Casagrande: "The abbey of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto in the Cistercian period through the Protocol of the notary Achille of Bernardino di Montone (13th century)" - Stefania Zucchini: "Umbrian monastic foundations between the 10th and 12th centuries and S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto" -The indications on the paintings in the apse of the upper church come from the “Alto Tiber” Archaeological Group with the patronage of the Municipality of Umbertide: “Initiative“ adopt a work of art from your territory ”with the contribution of local companies. http://turismo.comune.perugia.it/poi/abbazia-di-san-salvatore-di-montecorona https://www.iluoghidelsilenzio.it/abbazia-di-san-salvatore-di-montecorona/nggallery/page/1 For the images of the 2009 Conference see: https://www.comune.umbertide.pg.it/it/page/l-abbazia-di-san-salvatore-di-montecorona Abbey of San Salvatore - interior of the crypt The Abbey of Montecorona during the flood of the Tiber in 2005. By clicking here you can to download the photo in original resolution. For a study of the extent of the flood in Umbria you can see the IRPI report here ( Tiber River Basin Authority). The Monastery, the Montecorona Hermitage seen from Montacuto at the "Croce". THE CIBORIO OF THE ABBEY OF MONTECORONA formerly of San Giuliano delle Pignatte (By Francesco Deplanu, from the 2009 study days dedicated to the Abbey and indicated at the bottom) This artifact is one of the very few early medieval cibori that have come down to us intact. Its canopy has a square plan, and is made up of four slabs of equal size, two and two, placed on four supports with a monobloc capital and a crowning with an octagonal pyramid ending with a pinnacle. Where does the Ciborium come from The Ciborium was moved (or moved again) in the 1950s from "San Giuliano delle Pignatte" inside the Presbytery of the upper church of the Abbey of S. Salvatore of Montecorona. This choice is based on the certain inadequacy of the position of the Ciborium in the small church of San Giuliano delle pignatte, a photo from the 1950s shows it positioned with one side against the wall in a clear position that does not respect its function. The prevailing hypothesis is that it is a "dismantling", perhaps precisely from the place where the Abbey stands today. it underwent a period of near abandonment. It is probable at this point that the artefact was moved in that period, also taking into account the decorations on the wall of the small church. Let's start with a "conclusion" before describing in detail this treasure of the Abbey of S. Salvatore, that of Donatella Scortecci in "THE CIBORIO DELL'ABBAZIA DI MONTECORONA" in the study days of 2009: "the stimulating reflections proposed by Nicolangelo D 'Acunto on a possible lay foundation of the monastery by noble elites would well explain the presence of a luxury artifact, such as the ciborium, a liturgical object for display, to be flaunted. Perhaps a donation from the founder, a treasure exhibited as was widespread practice in the early Middle Ages by the hegemonic classes who, through what have been defined earthly and heavenly treasures, represented themselves, reaffirming their status to the religious and secular community, earning, if anything, also a place in paradise ". The Ciborium is an artifact of the "Carolingian" period, built in the eighth century. d. C .. With this identification, Prof. Scortecci recalls how it is not possible for the sculptural creations of the period to catalog them as "Lombard" or "Byzantine", or "barbaric", because there is "evidence of a variety of languages that contribute to the definition of a unitary context ". Furthermore, it must also be considered that the difference between the client and the workers who then create the artifacts must be considered, with their more complex ethnic, social and economic origin. We can therefore, in summary, indicate the sculpture as "early medieval". It is clearly a liturgical furniture that we can define as "luxury", and which is the testimony of a religious commission of high prestige, probably also economic. By indicating the front plate that looks at the faithful as plate "A", it can be seen that it is of a different material than the rest of the artifact. Also with regard to the Ciborium of San Prospero in Perugia, always “early medieval”, the tendency to standardize production is clear, reserving only the front plate, the more complex and full of symbolism decoration. In fact, the two side faces "B" and "D" and the back, indicated with "C", are also similar in the decorative motifs, with the body of the slabs having the same three-ply braid with buttons that accompanies the archivolt, and the same palm with long fringed leaves that fields the resulting spaces. However, only the frames of the upper margin have three variants of the usual spiral motif. In the front plate you can see a “cantharos” where two large peacocks cool off. The peacock, an immortal bird, which drinks from the cantharos is an iconography that goes from antiquity to the whole of the early Middle Ages. However, its extensive use does not make it possible to trace back to specific customers or workers. Harmonic forms are certainly not found here in the arrangement of the drawing of that of the aforementioned Perugian Ciborium; the birds in our ciborium are more cumbersome and a kind of "horrori vacui" with S-shaped "volutine", small circles with quatrefoil flowers and a short intertwining of mesh, this above the "braid" that runs through the arch, seems to prevail. How the Ciborium was built The structure of the Ciborium rests on four columns that form a quadrilateral with monolithic capitals in sandstone. Columns and capitals that support four variously sculpted stone slabs. Indicating the front plate that looks at the faithful as plate "A", it can be seen that it is of a different material, pietra serena, of a blue-blue color, like the columns, compared to the side ones, all instead of different materials, always sedimentary, or compact micritic limestones, which we can indicate as tending to a white color. Above the front slabs rises a pyramid made up of 11 slabs: eight major stone slabs, triangular in shape, as well as three smaller ones used to close the gaps left by the placement of the first eight. This can only be seen from the inside due to the “dull”, grayish plaster applied in previous restoration interventions. On the top there is a pinnacle that may look like a bell even if, again due to the "dull" present, it is difficult to see well. These indications come to us from Laura Zamperoni in "Stone materials, executive technique and state of conservation" presented again during the days of 2009 indicated in the notes. This distinction is important because in addition to the different color that can be immediately identified, the different stone nature has led to a different destiny of conservation: the pietra serena of the front facade has been damaged more than the "white" parts of the three "secondary" facades "(" B "," C "and" D ") in limestone. In particular, plate "A" has a fairly thin grain size and free from large colored impurities; the other three, on the other hand, are characterized by extremely small and homogeneous alveoli. What is worrying, as mentioned before, is the durability of the sandstone of the columns and related capitals. Sandstone (and pietra serena) which is exposed to an important erosion phenomenon that "pulverizes" it. Erosion also present in the front plate visible to the faithful but fortunately to a lesser extent than the capitals. Erosion that does not affect the "white" parts in limestone. These considerations lead Zamperoni (... and all of us) to say that "given the exceptionality of the artefact, a conservative restoration intervention would be desirable both to improve the state of alteration and to block its deterioration, and to enhance its historical-artistic importance. … ". Furthermore Zamperoni writes, after having studied the artefact in detail that “interesting considerations can be drawn on the working technique of stonemasons. The tools and the work of the artisans are characterized by a strong conservatism that has contributed to maintaining almost unchanged, until the 19th century, working methods and tools, with a certain reluctance to introduce innovative elements. As is well known, the tools for working stone essentially belong to two large classes: percussive and abrasive. In the first group are inserted the various hammers and cutting tools (chisels and the like), in the second the saws, drills, files and all the powders used for polishing. The percussive instruments shape the stone by striking and crushing it, the abrasive ones by rubbing it. Most of the early medieval and medieval stone sculptures were made with the direct cutting process, without making use of models in ductile material: the design was traced directly on the planes of the block (front and side) to then be engraved. ". This allows her to argue that flat and sharp edge chisels were used for the construction. Specifically, a chisel called "little nail" seems to have been used: thin but sturdy which allowed to reach fine but deep carvings; but also a "group of flat and sharp edge chisels (from 3 mm up to 8 mm) capable of smoothing the surface producing shading effects that essentially depend on the angle at which the instrument was held on the stone and on the intensity with he was hit. "In addition, the flat chisel was also used for the low-relief creations; finally he identifies a series of" bush hammering "in the intrados of the arches but also on the shafts of the columns and the capitals in the non-decorated parts, the latter probably not contemporary. Front plate of the Ciborium of the eighth century AD I ruderi della chiesa della Madonna della Costa Stone carving in the 19th and 20th centuries. Having placed the attention on the methods of construction of the Ciborium, the use of the tools used, has highlighted the strong conservatism of the masons' workers over the centuries. This allows us to indicate a hypothesis of "continuity", clearly only spatial to the state of knowledge, on the methods of sculpting stone in the areas under the influence of the Abbey of San Salvatore and the Hermitage of Montecorona. That is to remember, without clearly claiming to establish a real connection, how even the workers of the 19th-20th centuries of Niccone's stonemasons used tools that were partly similar: think of the “bocciarda” who had become the “liar” in our dialect. We also add, more to meet some curiosity, news of much later on the stones that could still be found in the nineteenth century in the area of the discovery of the Ciborium and the Abbey of San Salvatore. In the text of Bernardino Sperandio, "Of the Umbrian construction and ornamental stones" a document is reported among the "Inventories" entitled "State of Mines, Mineral Sources, Quarries, Workshops existing in the Municipality of Fratta, province of Perugia, district of Perugia", ASCU year 1861. This inventory indicates the "Quarries and Torbiere" of Fratta (cited in the text "Umbertide" also if in fact his name hadn't been changed yet). The document reports various types of stones, among these the "Strong sandstone or stone are used for use [...]" (the "pietraforte" in Tuscany is a very solid sandstone) and their presence is indicated as well as in the Parish di Romeggio, also a site in the “parish of M. Migiano owned by the suppressed Eremo di Montecorona”. As far as quarries and peat bogs are concerned, the "substances" indicated in 1861 were "white marble", "dark red or white marble", "cenerino marble", "red veined white marble", "white veined marble", "black marble" , "Sand quarry", "Clay quarry", "Pozzolana quarry", "Quarry for Macine" as well as "Strong sandstone stones". The "quarry for millstones" was located at the Parish of San Giuliano, or in the area of San Giuliano delle Pignatte. Precisely the Montecorona area, along the Nese stream, was characterized by the presence of "calcarenites", or "marbles". Sources: -Donatella Scortecci, “The ciborium of the Montecorona abbey”, with a contribution by Laura Zamperoni, “The ciborium and early medieval sculptural material. In "THE ABBEY OF SAN SALVATORE DI MONTE ACUTO - MONTECORONA IN THE XI-XVIII CENTURIES" - Bulletin of the National History Deputation for Umbria, CVIII (2011), fasc. I-II (pp. 165- 183). Proceedings of the Conference (Abbey of San Salvatore di Montecorona, June 18-19, 2009) curated by Nicolangelo D'Acunto and Mirko Santanicchia - Bernardino Sperandio, Of the Umbrian construction and ornamental stones., Perugia, Quattroemme, 2004 (p. 265, pp 288-289). https://www.umbertidestoria.net/gli-scalpellini-di-niccone Photo: -Image of the Ciborium located in San Giuliano delle Pignatte by Mons. Renzo Piccioni Tignai published in the “Bulletin of the National History Deputation for Umbria, CVIII (2011), fasc. I-II (pp. 165- 183). " - Other images and videos: Francesco Deplanu. The Church of the Madonna della Costa and the wooden statue (Curated by Francesco Deplanu) The Church of the Madonna della Costa of Monte Acuto This little one church on the slopes of Monte Acuto, known among other names over time as “S. Giovanni della Costa ”,“ Santa Maria della Costa ”and later known as“ Madonna della Costa ”, is located on the southwest coast of Monte Acuto. This church today is dilapidated but until 70 years ago it was a popular place of worship that is still lived and deeply felt. Anciently it was employed by the Abbey of San Salvatore di Montecorona, then passed under that of the Perugia dioceses. The church has a rectangular plan, with an entrance door under the bell tower and, opposite to it, a small door to the right of the altar connected to a small sacristy is still visible. The building shows its different construction phases with a lower part in well-worked stone masonry ceasing on a floor highlighted by a frame above the entrance door. Above this frame, on the main gabled façade, the bell gable was built. On the entrance a small niche above the architrave bore a dedicatory inscription which is now illegible. The left facade of the church is partially embedded towards Monteacuto. The opposite facade, on the right, it bears the trace of a loophole and “looks” at a panorama that opens up between valleys and high hills. The added walls are in unworked stone and everything had been plastered both inside and outside. The roofs appear to have been trussed and on the back wall a niche is still visible where the statue of the Madonna with the child was housed. Several photos from the recent past show signs that look like those of frescoes in the part near the altar area. Immagine 1: Chiesa della Madonna della Costa. Campanile a vela visibile tra la boscaglia; facciata principale (foto di Fabio Mariotti, scattata circa nel 2000). La Storia Una struttura per il culto è presente fin dal 1145: è documentata la sua presenza nella Bolla di Eugenio III del 1145 vche ede tra i beni confermati all’Abbazia di San Salvatore la “Cellam Sancti Joannis in Monte Acuto, cum Ecclesiis, & pertinenti suiis”. Nel primo elenco delle comunità perugine del 1258 è indicata come “Villa S. Iohannis de Costa”. Dal 1361 la parrocchia “eccelse S. Iohannis de Costa Montis Acuti” possiede un catasto di beni propri e nel 1367 si ha notizia della dotazione di una campana. Nel 1564, sotto il Vescovo Della Corgna, alla parrocchia di San Giovanni, denomina in questo periodo sembra anche Santa Maria, fu unita la chiesa diroccata di Santa Lucia, che sorgeva presso il castello della Fratticiola di Montacuto. Altre notizie più recenti ci attestano della diminuita importanza del luogo, perlomeno dal punto di vista dell’organizzazione parrocchiale, tanto che nel 1821 la parrocchia di San Giovanni/Santa Maria fu unita provvisoriamente alle parrocchie di San Simone in Monestevole, San Bartolomeo in San Bartolomeo dei Fossi e San Michele Arcangelo in Racchiusole. La chiesa, in tempi più recenti, venne chiamata della “Madonna della Costa” di Monte Acuto, per via della statua lignea medievale della Madonna con il bambino che lì si trovava. L’insediamento in età alto medievale attorno a questa zona vide una quasi costante presenza di una quarantina di “fuochi” (come media gli storici riferiscono che un fuoco era composto da 4 persone. n.d.r.): nel 278 sono riportati 42 “fuochi”, nel 1882 sono 32, nel 1410 supponiamo circa 38 (perché si contarono 152 “bocche”, cioè persone); ma già tra il 1438 ed il 1501 si contavano un numero minore di popolazione dimorante, tra i 20 e i 29 fuochi. Sicuramente l’insediamento sparso dei secoli a venire mantenne parte della popolazione nelle zone nelle vicinanze della chiesa, vista la necessitata di un popolamento connesso al sistema produttivo. Quasi in concomitanza con la fine della mezzadria, che possiamo datare ad inizio anni’60, nel 1954, crollò il tetto della chiesetta che fu dichiarata inagibile. Fino a quel momento, la domenica dopo l’Ascensione, veniva festeggiata in loco la festa della “Madonna della Costa”, che vedeva anche la presenza della Banda di Preggio; notizia attestata almeno fino al 1947 a causa di uno scontro politico che in quell’anno ebbe un certo risalto. La statua della Madonna con il bambino Che sappiamo al momento della storia della “madonna con il bambino” nella chiesetta della Costa di Monte Acuto ? E’ una statua lignea di un autore ignoto del romanico umbro del secolo XII (datata 1150 - 1199), alta cm 132 e dipinta in maniera policroma. E’ difficile pensare che nel corso di 8 secoli dalla sua realizzazione datata già dalla seconda metà del 1100, cambiando la tipologia di popolamento e di conseguenza il valore e la funzione dei luoghi di culto, la locazione della statua sia stata la stessa. Anche le indicazioni delle fonti storiche indicano un “peregrinare” della statua, “peregrinare” influenzato anche dalla dottrina della Chiesa dopo il Concilio di Trento. A questo proposito si può affermare che la statua lignea della madonna con bambino non fosse posizionata fin dalla sua realizzazione nell’attuale chiesa, ridotta quasi in cumuli, o nelle strutture originarie dedicate al culto in quel luogo. Seguendo le indicazioni di Elvio Lunghi, professore di Storia dell’arte medievale a Perugia, lo spostamento sulla “costa” di Monte Acuto della scultura lignea dovrebbe essere avvenuto successivamente alla seconda metà del XVI sec.: da San Giuliano delle Pignatte dell’Abbazia di Montecorona dove venne descritta come una “madonnam rilievi” nelle fonti delle visite pastorali del Vescovo Fulvio Della Corgna . Infatti nei decenni seguenti la conclusione del concilio tridentino i vescovi furono particolarmente rigidi verso le immagini obsolete o semplicemente mal conservate oltre che all’uso di statue lignee utilizzate in maniera lontana dalla liturgia, in questo periodo è anche possibile che le immagini sacre meno adeguate fossero destinate a una sede meno prestigiosa. Questo potrebbe essere stato il destino della nostra statua ritenuta comunque di “valore” e, piuttosto che eliminata, venne spostata in un luogo meno importante. Spostamento funzionale a salvarne il valore popolare di devozione; devozione molto sentita nella zona tra Romeggio e Preggio e proseguita fino al dopoguerra. Immagine 8: Statua della Madonna della Costa da: https://www.beweb.chiesacattolica.it/benistorici/bene/5504739/Bottega+umbra+sec.+XII,+Statua+della+Madonna+della+Costa Immagine 9: Statua della Madonna della Costa pubblicata in: Elvio Lunghi, “Considerazioni e ipotesi sulle sculture lignee nelle chiese dell’Umbria tra XII e XIII secolo” in “Umbria e Marche in età romanica. Arti e tecniche a confronto tra XI e XIII secolo”, a cura di E. Neri Lusanna, Todi, Ediart, 2013, pp. 203-212 Il destino delle opere lignee delle nostre zone sotto il potere temporale della Chiesa, risentì notevolmente del Concilio post-tridentino. Basti pensare al bellissimo gruppo della “Deposizione” di Montone, originario della Pieve di San Gregorio, che fu trasformato per secoli in “Crocifissione” con braccia e piedi non coevi e con la sparizione certa, perché poi ritrovata, della statua di Giuseppe d’Arimatea. Questa statua fu “ricomposta” con la testa ritrovata sempre nella Pieve di San Gregorio nel 1956, mentre il resto del corpo venne ritrovato sempre qui, nel 1977, tra le macerie di una volta crollata, e poi individuato come parte del San Giuseppe dal prof. Toscano nella Galleria Nazionale dell’Umbria. Solo da allora si prese consapevolezza dell’originaria disposizione e funzione che si può godere oggi nel Museo di San Francesco a Montone. Immagine 9: Deposizione della Croce di Montone (particolare) (foto di Francesco Deplanu). Immagine 10: Deposizione della Croce di Montone (particolare). Statua lignea di San Giovanni d’Arimatea ricomposta (foto di Francesco Deplanu). Per capire la portata del cambiamento che avvenne nel periodo post-tridentino basta leggere, riportate nelle pagine di Lunghi riprese dall’Archivio Vescovile di Perugia che riporta le visite pastorali sempre sotto il Vescovo Fulvio Della Corgna. Ad esempio nella chiesa di San Giustino alle porte di Perugia una statua della Madonna fu direttamente data alle fiamme: “Visitavit figuras virginis in quadam nicchio cum filio in brachio vetustate consumptas / quas igni comburi iussit». Ovvero: “In una nicchia ispezionò una statua della Vergine col figlio in braccio consumata dal tempo che ordinò fosse bruciata dal fuoco.”. Ma vediamo cosa scrive a proposito della statua lignea della madonna Elvio Lunghi, in “CONSIDERAZIONI E IPOTESI SULLE SCULTURE LIGNEE NELLE CHIESE DELL'UMBRIA TRA XII E XIII SECOLO”: “Nel Museo del Duomo di Perugia è conservata una scultura romanica in legno policromo di una Madonna in trono con il Bambino benedicente in grembo, che vi è stata depositata per esigenze conservative dall’abbazia di San Salvatore di Montecorona. È agevole riconoscervi una statua della Madonna che il vicario del vescovo Fulvio Della Corgna vide il 24 novembre 1564 sopra l’altare maggiore della chiesa di San Clemente nel villaggio di San Giuliano delle Pignatte, nelle immediate vicinanze di quell’abbazia cistercense. La Madonna era in rilievo e era posta tra due tavole dipinte con le storie del Santissimo.” Riportiamo per intero, vista la brevità, il passo che nelle note il Lunghi ripropone della visita pastorale, testo sempre conservato nell’Archivio Diocesiano di Perugia: “«Visitavit madonnam rilievi cum tabulis pictis Santissime inde / quas reaptari si potest santissimi aut retineri quanto decentius». Ovvero “Ispezionò una madonna in rilievo con tavole dipinte della storia del Santissimo, poi le quali se è possibile siano restaurate o conservate nel modo più decente”. Il passo è brevissimo ma accerta la presenza certa di una statua della madonna nella zona, difficile pensare che non fosse quella poi finita sulla Costa di Monte Acuto. Gli sportelli laterali sono andati perduti ma la madonna in legno con il bambino ha “proseguito” il suo cammino. In una data imprecisata, ma successiva chiaramente a questa visita pastorale del Della Corgna, arrivò alla chiesa di San Giovanni della Costa .”. Lo scopo di queste visite pastorali post tridentine era anche di “correggere la dottrina cattolica, espellere le eresie, promuovere i buoni costumi, e per quanto riguarda l’aspetto degli edifici religiosi era accertare l'idoneità degli edifici di culto e la celebrazione degli uffici liturgici secondo le nuove regole stabilite a Trento. Fonti: Elvio Lunghi, “Considerazioni e ipotesi sulle sculture lignee nelle chiese dell’Umbria tra XII e XIII secolo”, in Umbria e Marche in età romanica. Arti e tecniche a confronto tra XI e XIII secolo”, a cura di E. Neri Lusanna, Todi, Ediart, 2013, pp. 203-212. Luca Mor : “Esposte a Montone le sculture lignee medievali della deposito Christi, Bollettino d’arte” del Ministero per i beni e le Attività Culturali”, n. 108 - Aprile Giugno 1999. Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, Libreria dello Stato Giovanna Sapori, “Il Gruppo Ligneo di Montone”, in Museo Comunale di San Francesco a Montone - Regione dell’Umbria - Electa Editori Umbri Associati, Perugia 1997. - https://www.iluoghidelsilenzio.it/chiesa-della-madonna-della-costa-monte-acuto-di-umbertide-pg/ - https://www.beweb.chiesacattolica.it/benistorici/bene/5504739/Bottega+umbra+sec.+XII,+Statua+della+Madonna+della+Costa - http://www.chieseitaliane.chiesacattolica.it/chieseitaliane/AccessoEsterno.do?mode=guest&type=auto&code=32565 - http://www.umbrialeft.it/node/33429 - https://www.stradeeposti.it/stradeeposti/Italy/Umbria/Umbertide/Monte-Acuto/Umbertide_Monte-Acuto_Chiesetta-della-Madonna-della-Costa.html - https://www.umbertidestoria.net/cenni-storici-della-banda Under construction... The "Croce" of Montacuto and the Apennine chain behind it. Photos before the restoration. The Collegiate Church in 1918 Piazza XII Settembre in 1912 Piazza San Francesco and the Deposition by Signorelli SOURCES: - Photo by Francesco Deplanu, Giulio Foiani and Anna Boldrini. - Photo: historical photos of Umbertide from the web and from various private archives to which we applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark in this way we try to avoid that further disclosure on our part favors purposes that are not consonant with our intentions exclusively social and cultural. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

ARRIVALS AND DEPARTURES In this section you will find demographics considerations of today and of the past of our territory; in the subsections the trend demographic over time and then the stories of who left and who arrived . We are convinced that knowing the past, or who we were, will help us try to understand how the population will evolve, who we will be. This led us to think about the need to create this section: "Arrivals and departures". The study was born with a double "track", a double perspective: demographic, based on arid "data" or historical sources, and of "life", of people who emigrated or arrived ... yesterday as today. The rural settlement system in the past, defined "Scattered", connected to the sharecropping system, and "centralized" from the postwar period onwards, they have always been connected to the economic system that characterized over time the territory of this valley. The emigration of the early twentieth century, which continued until the 1960s, led many Umbrians to seek their fortune elsewhere. In the last twenty years, many young people from Umbertide have taken the path of professional training to distant places. The last three, four decades have seen a considerable increase in the foreign population which today appears to be resident in Umbertide. Now the second and third generations of migrants from various countries of the world live here. We believe it is essential to become aware of all this in order to prepare a common ground, shared as much as possible, for the future of all the people of Umbria. Beyond the repressive political moments that give life to exile "volunteers", as during Fascism, we are convinced that economic history can help to clarify the consistent migratory and immigrant flows of departure and arrival in a territory. A territory "full" of population with respect to its ability to offer employment generates emigration, we believe this happened with the increase in population in the sharecropping system of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, an "empty" territory of population compared to due to the new employment capacities, which occurred with the development of tobacco and activities related to mechanics, it attracts migratory flows. The historical economic and demographic perspectives are often intertwined. Our future And the future? If you look at the little ones you can see the future of Umbertide with a good approximation. We took a look at the PTOF of the nursery and primary schools of our country, First and Second Circle. There presence of foreign students in Italian schools is 9.4% while the regional average is 13.8% . The presence of immigrants from European and non-European countries in the first circle in Umbertide are 35% of the total students, in the second Circle (which also includes the Municipality of Lisciano Niccone) the average is 21% , with peaks of 30% . It follows for us that the definition of a common identity, as a basis for living all together, cannot ignore the awareness that we started from here to look for work in distant countries, that entrepreneurs from other regions of Italy, from Veneto and the Tuscany for example, they came to us because there was the possibility of setting up new businesses, that now prepared young people go abroad to study and work ... and people are looking for a better future in the same way as those who left 60 years or a century ago. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com Cipriano Piccolpasso " The men of this country are diligent, ingenious and solicitous and prudent because their little site for the continuous exercise makes it fruitful as a large countryside and a very large place ... "

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY FRATTA curated by Fabio Mariotti THE CASTLE OF FRATTA The castle within the walls was divided into three areas: the Terziere Inferiore , the Terziere di Mezzo , the Terziere Superiore which included the northern part of the castle (Rocca, north-west bulwark and was also called Terziere della Campana). The Terziere di Mezzo included the part towards the Tiber, the houses in front of the church of San Giovanni, the central square (square of the Marquis of Sorbello), the northern part of the Vicolo delle Petresche with the hospice of the Capuchin Fathers of Montone behind it, the part north of the middle road near the central square. It was also known as Terziere della Greppa. The lower Terziere (or Terziere della porta di sotto, also known as the door of the slaughterhouse) included the area around the southwestern bulwark, the southern part of the via delle Petresche (via Spunta current), the via regale (or straight, via Cibo), of the middle road and the San Giovanni road that led to the church of the same name. The castle walls In 1736 the Tiber, with its floods, ruined the central part of the west curtain and destroyed four houses built on that point of the walls. The budget of the defenders of Fratta amounted to 1,032 scudi. Wanting to hasten the reconstruction, they asked Clement XII for a subsidy and the pope replied that he would give five hundred scudi, however, when Fratta proved that he had found the rest. The defenders were able in a short time to find their part but, seeing that that promise from the pope did not arrive, they began to buy the timber for the armor, the bricks and the lime and entrusted the work to the master builder Bartolomeo Ferranti of Rome. They took action on September 15, 1739, but the pope had not yet paid the promised subsidy at the end of the year. The defenders gave the task to a Mariotti, a Frattegiano resident in Rome, and he replied that Clement XII was very ill and that the defenders of Fratta had to work hard to get the five hundred scudi. He adds that if the pope had died, it would have been much more difficult to obtain them. It is not known when the work was finished, but it was certainly done very quickly as winter approached. A plaque was affixed to the wall with the inscription "Clem XII Pont Max MDCCXXIYIX.", Which can still be seen about fifty meters before the bridge. The Tiber It had a different trend from the current one and was dangerous for two reasons: - the current was perpendicular to the road that led to the Niccone valley and to Città di Castello, even then of great communication, so it could have been cut. By 1758 he had come fifteen meters from the road and was threatening to cut it off. - if this had happened, the bridge would have remained dry, with evident damage to the town and with serious compromise of activities such as military defense, weir, mills, gardens, public wash house, sewage disposal. Work was done, using many large poles. In 1726 the bridge of the Reggia was consolidated, over which all the traffic, even heavy traffic, passed from Santa Maria to the church of the Madonna della Reggia and to San Francesco and Montone. The bridge was made of wood, except for the two brick ends and in 1770 the judiciary of Fratta decided to enlarge it. In 1787 the municipality incurred an expense to cover the top of the Rocca. The roof of the tower is rebuilt. The villages adjacent to the Castle The Borgo Superiore It is located north of the castle within the walls and includes the Castel Nuovo (formed by the two streets of the Boccaiolo and the one that leads from the Piaggiola to the market gate), the "Mercatale di Sant'Erasmo" (today's Piazza Marconi), the area of furnaces and the church of Santa Maria della Pietà. Palazzo Ranieri Owned by Count Curtio Ranieri, son of Costantino, it was in the Piaggiola road. In 1756 the count enlarged it. In front there was a public well (the widening that forms between the end of the Piaggiola and the Boccaiolo road) called the well of Sant'Agostino, near the church of the same name. Mill of the Fathers of San Bernardo (Castel Nuovo) It is located along the small road (now called del Molinaccio) which leads from the end of the Piaggiola to the Tiber. It was close to the castle walls and belonged to the Fathers of San Bernardo or Barnabiti. These had two small convents, one in Fratta and one in Migianella. In the Borgo Superiore there are still two tower-houses, one in the Mercatale area and another at the Porta del Boccaiolo. They consist of a bottom below and a room above. They were built for peasant use. The Lower Village It is also called "le Fabbrecce" because there are blacksmith shops and in the mill outside the Borgo, the scythes were rounded (as in the fourteenth century! Nothing had changed). It included the area of the street that led from the bridge of the Reggia to Piazza San Francesco, the Via di Santa Croce (now Via Soli) and the area outside the Borgo gate. At the beginning of the century, the road that began outside the San Francesco gate and led towards the Madonna del Moro was called the Caminella road; then strada del Piano (during the French occupation at the end of the century, strada Consolare del Piano); at the beginning of the twentieth century via Secoli. Along Santa Croce there was the Osteria della Corona, owned by Count Ranieri. The square was already called Piazza San Francesco. It changed its name later to go back to that name. Roads In 1790 work was carried out on the road to Montone, in the section under the convent of the Observant Friars of Santa Maria. The width is eight feet, like all the other roads leading to Fratta, the bracing of which is redone every year. The doors In 1788 an arm wrestling was put on the Porta della Saracina (there was still this mighty tower at the beginning of the bridge). Other works were done on the door of the market and that of the nuns. In 1790 the door of the Saracina is set up. In 1792 it was the turn of the bridge and work was done to lower the door to the market. Sources: - Renato Codovini - “History of Umbertide - Volume VI - 18th century” - Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2001 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2001 (Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli - Walter Rondoni - Amedeo Massetti - Fabio Mariotti). South-west bulwark of defense The plaque on the walls dedicated to Pope Clement XII The ancient houses on the Tiber. In the red circle the headstone - On the left, cadastral map of Fratta from the mid-1700s - Above, map of the medieval Fratta with the castle doors The cover of the 2001 Umbertide Calendar The historian Renato Codovini Il Castello di Fratta Il modo di vivere, di morire, la solidarietà e gli svaghi La chiesa di Sant'Andrea di Castelvecchio Il Castello di Fratta Le chiese minori di Fratta e i proietti L'Amministrazione e la Pubblica Sicurezza Gli appalti e le proprietà pubbliche Agricoltura, Commercio, Mestieri e Istruzione Il Tevere, i ponti, le mura del Castello Il sistema elettorale comunale L'Amministrazione e la Pubblica Sicurezza ADMINISTRATION AND PUBLIC SECURITY The municipal administration In the eighteenth century the public administration of Fratta has two different offices. From 1700 to 1787 the building located in today's Piazza Fortebracci, formerly the seat of the convent of Santa Maria di Castelvecchio (current seat of the Riuniti theater). From 1787 to 1799 in the palace of Castel Nuovo, formerly the seat of the convent of Santa Maria Nuova, suppressed in 1787. There are three administrative bodies: the judiciary, the council of twelve and the general council (or 42). The judiciary is made up of the four defenders, also called "priors" or simply "the magistrates". Once elected, they met and nominated the "chief magistrate" or "first prior". Person of great importance in social life, he came from the "first class". The election of the council was made between only two classes, the primary people of the place, civilians and landowners and the artists (craftsmen). The former are destined to obtain the rank of head of magistrate, the office of public chamberlain and the harangue of the council. The second the other three parts of the judiciary: the second, third and fourth prior who are distributed by seniority. The council of twelve met for decisions of greater importance, when they wanted to be sure that there would be no opposition to what was to be established. It was made up of the four defenders, the four counselors of the defenders, the three health conservatives and the chamberlain. He could not impose new taxes, vary the prices of abundance, discuss quarrels between citizens and the public administration, make decisions about wars, invasions, earthquakes, plagues. He was summoned by ringing the big bell with twelve taps. The council of 42 was the general council, that is the council of the twelve, increased by the representatives of the classes that had the right to be part of it and by the exponents of the major villas (hamlets). Organs: - Councilors (municipal). People who made up the two municipal councils (12 and 42). They were partially renewable, one third at a time, always removing the oldest ones. They belonged to the first and second classes. In 1798, following the French occupation, women were appointed municipal councilors for the first time. Three in Fratta and one in Preggio. - Defenders. There were four of them and they remained in office for four months. They were elected by means of a "bussolo" vote, but they did not receive any salary since theirs were an honorary office. Only at the end of the mandate were they compensated with a small sum as a gift, not exceeding one and a half shields. - Counsel for the defenders . There were four of them and each "on the sidelines" of a defender (or prior), to whom he gave advice. almost like today's personal secretary. They were chosen from among those who had been defender in the previous quarter, assuming that he had acquired some experience in the affairs of comitative government. - Gonfaloniere. First prior and head of the judiciary, he was called so only at the beginning of the restoration, after the end of the Roman republic. in August 1799. - Consular prefect of Fratta. Office of the French administration, reporting directly to the prefect of the canton of Fratta. He was the head of the commune of Fratta and also "president of the commune". - Prefect of the canton. Figure established in the last decade of the century, when there was the French invasion. The prefect was responsible for everything that took place in our canton, including the municipality of Preggio and Poggio Manente (San Paterniano) as well as Fratta. Employees and officials: - Archivist. Usually a notary. He drew up acts for the municipality but also for the citizens. - Balio. He was in charge of liaising between the judiciary and other community bodies and private citizens. He took four scudi a four-month period. - Camerlengo. Collection and payment clerk. He did not take any premium on the collection as he received a normal salary. - Chancellor. He had more or less the functions of today's municipal secretary. His office was called "chancellery" or "priority secretariat". - Commissioner and judge. Public official appointed by Perugia. His main task was to enforce the law and punish the guilty, but in the most difficult, delicate and controversial cases he had the order to send the guilty to Perugia subjecting them to the examination of the higher court. - Conservatives of health. Three people who remained in office for two years and had to belong to the first sphere, that is, to the first class. They spoke to the city council when called and their job was to give an opinion on what was being discussed in the meeting. - Donzello. Clerk to all minor duties, he had the lowest salary paid by the administration to an employee. - School teacher. His salary was paid partly by the municipal administration, partly by the parents of the children and another by the brotherhood of Santa Croce. - Doctor led. He was also paid by the municipality. - Moderator of the public watch . Supervisor, maintenance, loading and various checks of the public clock. - Portinari. Surveillance of the gates of the town who opened every morning and closed in the evening at about "two hours at night". - Preacher. Ecclesiastical, priest or friar, about three times a year he preached in the churches of the town. He stayed in Fratta for a few days, staying in a convent. - Praetor. Charge born at the time of the French invasion. - Commissioner. Charge that arose at the time of the French invasion. He kept the books of the canton's administration. - Scribe. Person in charge of copying documents, letters, reports of board meetings, etc. - Sindicators. We find this use in the first half of the century. The mayors controlled the community accounts and remained in office for one year. - Letter dealer. He was the postmaster, also hired by the municipality. - Public appraisers. We find them in the first half of the century. They were people responsible for estimating properties or various activities both for the interest of the municipality and for private citizens. They remained in office for a year. - Community representatives in Perugia and Rome. People involved in unraveling community affairs in these cities. Being well established in state offices, they had practice in public administration and were known by various employees. Management of the Municipality Revenue for taxes There were the chamber tax, the municipal tax, the privileged and fair tax, the allotment of the ground coffee. The community of Fratta imposed them on the population and then calculated its percentage on the sum; the remainder was sent to Perugia. The chamber tax was requested by the reverend Apostolic Chamber of Perugia, which kept a small sum and sent the rest to the central government of Rome. The privileged and fair tax related to the various privileges that the city of Perugia granted to its dependent communities. The ground tax concerned everything that was brought to the mill and was the most detested by the peasants. Then there was the focatico tax. It hit all the "fires", that is, the hearths, the families. It remained until the 1960s under the name of "family tax". In 1706 only eleven families paid for it; in 1728, fifty-seven. The "property tax" hit the owners of houses and land. In addition, there was the "undressing and jail tax". By "bare" was meant unnecessary clothing and by "galleys" a tax intended to strengthen the state's navy. Finally, there were other occasional taxes, such as the "tax on the million", introduced in 1713 by the papal government which needed as many scudi. Revenue for procurement They were preferred by the municipalities as they were easy to manage and made it possible to collect the maximum on set dates. The contracts were made known by posting a notice outside the door of the town hall: on the appointed day, the "piper" would station himself in certain points of the town, sound the trumpet and let people know the time and place of the competition. Which took place with the "virgin candle" method every three years. Procurement of the oven. Granted in 1710 to Ercolano Fanfani. It ensured the production of bread for the whole country. Wage contract. The prerogative of distributing the salt belonged to Perugia, which gave it out to the various communities. Fratta, in order to get the necessary, had to go and pick it up in Perugia or, when there was none in the warehouse, in some town on the sea road: Fossombrone, Fabriano, Jesi, Ancona. Contract of the oil shop and grocery store. It consisted in granting a contractor the service of selling edible oil and kinds of delicatessens in the municipal shop, at the prices established by the municipality and written prominently on a sign. Procurement of the land stamp. Those who wanted to occupy a part of the public land (for example street vendors) had to pay a certain fee. Procurement of the meat stamp. The "butchers" of Fratta had to "skin" the animals in the public slaughterhouse. After removing the skin (which was used for the sole of the shoes) they cut the animal and the pieces were stamped by the "meat boiler". The operation served to make it clear to those who bought which was ox and cow, calf, sheep or mutton. The "bollatore delle carne" made the butchers pay the stamp, then paid the municipality, in two or three installments, as established. Public procurement slaughterhouse. Whoever won the tender sold the meat in this shop for two or three years by paying the agreed sum, in half-yearly installments, to the municipality which had the purpose of keeping prices calm to favor the poorest population. Contract for damage given and deposit of pledges. The depositary of the "damage given" was assigned to the surveillance of public goods, movable or immovable, he noted, in his interest, the damage caused by citizens to public goods, brought these facts before the judge and commissioner. This was also joined by the contract for the "depository of the pawns" , that is the office that advanced money to whoever deposited a pledge. Procurement of measures. The possibility of having large quantities of goods weighed was the prerogative of the Noble College of Exchange of Perugia. The operation took place with a large scale, publicly owned, called "the big steelyard". Procurement of firewood. Those who intended to bring firewood into the village had to pay a right in money to the municipality. Who contracted the collection to a private citizen. Procurement of the foietta. The right to tax the sale of wine "al menuto", ie sold by glasses or foiette, was also contracted out by the municipality to third parties. Procurement of the cenciarìa. He charged the collection of rags. The contractor collected a fee from those who collected the rags and was also a collector. Contract for the pen . Collection of the excrements of the animals that passed through the country, assigned by means of a contract to the one who offered the highest price. Tiber wood tender. It used trunks and branches that were deposited under the bridge after the floods. Tiber fishing contract . It struck those who wanted to fish in the stretch of river under the jurisdiction of the municipality, that is, upstream of the bridge. Expenses The municipal administration of Fratta divided the expenses into "recurring expenses", "Occasional outgoings and expenses", "various gratifications". The "recurring outings" yes they distinguished in outputs for the achievement of the purposes of the institution and for alms. Among the former, the main item is the payment of employees and employees of each degree. A recurring exit was the seasonal arrangement of the roads which, both in the country and outside, they had to be bridged every November. Another expense was the annual cleaning of sewers, wells and fountains. It does not seem strange to consider among the recurring expenses also those "for alms", because at the time the municipality used to give money to some brotherhoods for the patronal feasts of Sant'Erasmo, San Bernardino and SSma Annunziata. He also bought wax (candles), "powder" (for the barrels), oil for lighting and other useful things in the processions. At Christmas and Easter the municipality also used to give gifts: to the representatives of the community in Rome gave two capons; to the four defenders, at the end of the mandate quarterly, two scudi. The "occasional expenses" were used, for example, to repair municipal-owned houses and farms, roads, bridges, town gates, to pay interest liabilities on debts, cops' living expenses. All those rewards, finally, that the It was common to give the refreshments offered in the form of gifts and tips to distinguished visitors to guests (for example for the arrival of the bishop), gifts to the commanders of the foreign troops of passage so that they did not do too much damage, donations to the convents. Public safety While the public administration was delegated, in Fratta, to the judiciary and to the municipal councils, in the eighteenth century public security was strictly the responsibility of the commissioner, who was appointed decenviral (that is, of the Perugian judiciary). The commissioner and ordinary judge, in this double capacity, had in his first role the competence over the public safety of the whole territory and the investigating power given to him by the Perugian executive. On the basis of this power, it resolved all issues relating to public order that arose in a territory of about five or six thousand inhabitants (Fratta and hamlets), up to the arrest of those responsible. For certain crimes he sent the guilty to Perugia, to his superior judicial body or criminal office, as it was then called. In the event of minor disputes (those which today, for example, are the responsibility of the justice of the peace) he invited the parties to go to a notary and in his presence formulate a "peace act" between them. In case of crimes of greater gravity (usually acts of banditry), where the powers and possibilities of the commissioner proved powerless, he asked Perugia to send one or more teams of cops. They, with the force of arms, were able to put an end to those emergency situations and to restore the normality of life, bringing the offenders to Perugia. In the village the behavior of the cops was rather heavy and savage and the population paid the price, but this was well tolerated by the "good government" for which the fear that they knew how to instill in the people was obviously convenient, as it facilitated their way to act. The cops also came in times of epidemic diseases and if there was to fight the bands of brigands. In these cases they also went to guard the border areas and blocked the road with large iron gates to prevent transit in both directions. During their passage they stayed at the Osteria della Corona where they could stay for several days, but they were always frowned upon by the population as they committed abuses of all kinds and even harassed the hosts and their families. The Count of Civitella, who owned it, decided for these reasons to close not only this tavern to the public but also the one located in the San Giovanni street. It is the first case of "lockout" of an exercise. The municipality then bought a house to be used for housing the cops when they came to Fratta. It was bought in 1770, in via di San Giovanni and became the office and residence of the commissioner-judge. In this way it was possible to free the two rooms of the town hall which had already been used for this purpose for several years. Security problems also arose at the time of French domination, due to the harassment carried out by those troops. The commissioner-judge could not move as he wanted in these situations: the military occupation had effectively nullified many of his possibilities. In May 1798, for example, the French soldiers of General La Vallette, coming from Città di Castello, committed various abuses, including the destruction of furniture and books from the convent of San Francesco. It is due to such vandalism that nothing has remained on the life of our convents whose friars had come to Fratta in the last decade of the 13th century. In December 1785 the central government of Rome forbids all games in taverns and taverns. In 1788 soldiers were sent to Fratta to oppose a gang of criminals. In 1791 it was necessary to arm other soldiers, in the face of new raids by brigands who escaped, in July, from the Macerata prison and considered very dangerous by the government which had made prizes available to those who had captured them. A great scourge of time was that of collecting grains, which were then sold outside the kingdom. To put an end to this illicit trade, the municipality issues a notification against the "grabbers of wheat products". On August 13, 1795, a decree tends to limit the underworld of our province by forbidding those who go to the Monteluce fair from carrying weapons. In 1788 an ordinance was issued against "wounders and those who insult in the streets, with or without weapons". On 26 March 1797 two companies of the Colonna regiment pass through Fratta, the Vespiccini company and the Colonnello company. On June 26, Corsican soldiers "fled from Faenza due to the French invasion, commending themselves to the mercy of this public". He is fed. On February 2, 1798, carriages from Cisalpini pass. Sources: - Renato Codovini - “History of Umbertide - Volume VI - 18th century” - Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2001 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2001 (Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli - Walter Rondoni - Amedeo Massetti - Fabio Mariotti). Today Teatro dei Riuniti, from 1700 to 1787 seat of the Municipality of Umbertide The town hall in the early 1900s Old photo of the church of S. Bernardino Ancient image of the Castle of Civitella di Civitella Ranieri THE WAY OF LIVING, OF DYING, SOLIDARITY AND LEISURE The way of life At the beginning of the eighteenth century most of the people of Fratta struggled in misery. The few owners (and this throughout the Papal State) had a good game to keep wages low, given the large supply of labor, fed by many poor people looking for work. There were other elements to burden this picture: the frequent famines, the extraordinary taxes to compensate for the various flaws in the central administration, the devaluations of the currency to fill the sudden cash gaps. The people were totally subject to higher taxes. He didn't feel the need to rebel, but he certainly felt the weight of it. The entertainment The Frattegiani's opportunities for recreation and distractions were not many and all more or less orchestrated from above. The theater, as the local academics society had a certain activity; patronal and religious festivals in general; the public joy in the cases of the most sumptuous marriages and in the passage through Fratta of the cardinal protector; the festivities in the immediate surroundings of the town. They could lock themselves up to play in the Osteria della Corona or in that of the Staffa but, above all, they had the greatest set of distractions and entertainment during the carnival period. It began on the day of Saint Anthony and ended on the "fat Saturday" with the midnight dinner, called "la sabatina", made up of fatty foods. Weddings They were characterized by three moments: the private policy, the notarial deed, the ceremony in the church. With the private policy, the families established the economic conditions under which they would allow the marriage of their children. The parties then went to the "notary", together with the witnesses, to ratify the agreement. Finally, the ceremony followed, celebrated "according to the rite of the Holy Roman Church", preceded by a public "denunciation". The marriage was registered by the priest in the special book which, in 1741, had the five baiocchi stamp of the reverend Apostolic Chamber. The processions They all had a religious character and there were no civil processions or parades. Their development was linked to the many festivals of the time; then there were others that originated from contingent events (rain, earthquake, disease, etc.). In the seventeenth century they were still called with the old medieval name of "lumi", for which going in procession was said to "go to the light" (taking place almost always in the evening, there was a great display of lights, with candles, "fàcole" of pitch , oil lights). They were planned a few days earlier by a certain fraternity which appointed a group of five or six brothers who were entitled to the honor of the organization. These were called "above" and had the task of looking for the necessary money in the "begging" done in the countryside or in the streets and squares of the town, especially on market or fair days. Elements common to all the processions were the presence of (lay) companies and (religious) congregations with their brothers, closed in their cloaks of different colors and shapes. The representatives of the community for the occasion wore the ceremonial dress (the purple rubbone), while the soldiers, often Corsican mercenaries, came specially from Perugia. Another element was the "machine", that is the large wooden scaffolding equipped with two large and long poles which served to support the statue of the saint for whom the procession was made and which was carried on the shoulder. Finally, the banners of religious and secular associations among which wooden sticks with cloth and fringes sprouted, carried by the sacristans of the churches, in the midst of a cloud of smoke, smells and sizzles of burning pitch released from the many "fàcole", candles, lights and a burst of barrels that framed that whole. In the end, those who had intervened wearing the "hood" were given food consisting of bread, cakes, torcoli, wine, the distribution of which often gave rise to "abuses and dishonesty" and several times the bishops of Gubbio suspended "the brothers' tycoon that go in procession ", and replaced it with distribution of candles. But given a certain rarefaction of the people in tow, everything returned as before. Parties and sweets In the eighteenth century there were about twenty feasts a year and they all had the common and main component of religiosity. The banners of the art corporations, religious fraternities (or companies), congregations (only priests) intervened together with that of the community of Fratta. These associations, together with the municipality, thought of the decorations, both of the town and of the churches. They were made with great pomp, of the drapery type (the "drapoloni"), of silk or damask, as well as they could consist of light weaves (structures) of wood or light metal, of various designs, covered with fabrics or flowers ( even fake), ribbons and lace at will. It was possible then, but only on major occasions, to the construction of real triumphal arches for the streets and gates of the town. Among the characteristic festivals there was the "flower festival of May", promoted by the company of Sant'Antonio. On such occasions, in the organizing church, there was always a "choir of musicians" and singers. On 8 September 1795, for the feast, the famous Frattegiano singer Domenico Bruni arrived in the church of San Francesco, passing through one of his numerous artistic tours that he sang among the amateurs of the town, without any compensation. In the evening, the houses were lit with candles in the windows and everyone waited for the climax of the "barrels and rays". The costume In the eighteenth century the "sumptuary laws" of the seventeenth century on the way of dressing were in force in the Roman ecclesiastical kingdom, which forbade citizens (not the rich) certain luxurious ways, discriminating and further distancing the various social classes. In 1703 Pope Clement XI issued an edict in which he ordered low-status women to renounce any adornment, imposing the use of ordinary fabrics and non-violent colors. It was then forbidden to those of the people and petty bourgeois (edict of Clement XII in 1730) to put gold and silver trimmings on headdresses, fabrics and ornaments. The way to die In the parish books we find various "systems" to pass on to a better life. In 1715, with a touch of romanticism, - "... died at 10 pm on the moon ...". There are also descriptions of violent deaths, such as "... assaulted by two brothers, one of whom took his gun and shot him in the chest and so wounded he fled the Tiber on the boat of Ascagnano". In 1740, for a woman who throws herself into the Tiber "... At other times she had done other wisdom". A woman dies "from a serious fall made on the precipitous stairs of her house". Another, certain "Francesca di Brizio found in the house all burned with the exception of the head". Then there are death records and testamentary dispositions which show the religious sentiment of the people. Sant'Antonio da Padova enjoyed a certain cult in our country, so much so that he had his own altar in the church of the Compagnia del Soccorso, in the monastery of Santa Maria Nuova. In 1722 a Frattegiana told the notary "I want to be buried at the altar of St. Anthony of Padua, my lawyer and protector dressed in the habit of St. Anthony ...". In another testament of 1794 we find instead the extreme will of a sinner (or presumed such). He explains how his funeral must take place: "... from the house where I live my body is to be taken directly to the church without any turn of the streets and this in order not to remind the public of the scandals given in my life. When it reaches the church it is immediately buried without to expose the corpse of such a great sinner to the public's view, without wax, or music, or other similar things that vanity has been able to invent ". Funerals and burials The dead person, after having received, sooner or later, the visit of his parish priest for the absolution and registration of the death in the parish books, remains entrusted to the relatives and is stripped, washed, then wrapped in a sheet, ready for the funeral (or fùnere, as it was said then). That was the responsibility of the parish priest of the parish to which the dead man belonged and, if he was in a company or in a congregation, the association sent its own representation of brothers dressed in "hoods". The dead man was placed on top of the bier, with the top layer covering him, then carried on the shoulder to the church. Often the testator, among other things, indicated the place of burial. In fact, the dead were buried in the rear part (cemetery) of the church, but some were placed in existing mounds under the floor. There was therefore a distinction between outside, where the poorest were buried, and inside, where the brothers of the lay companies and the wealthy were placed (noble sepulchres), while the truly rich had their chapel. The noble tombs, for the rich, were obtained in front of the altars (even the main one) or on the sides of the same. In the entombment, the simple burial of the corpse wrapped in a sheet was carried out. The box was used only exceptionally, when it was a person who had acquired a great human value in life, or for the rich or for those who died outside the country and whose body had to be brought back to Fratta, transported on the wagon to horses. The burial in consecrated land was conditional on the fact that the dying person had first confessed and communicated, with the exception of those who had died suddenly. In the latter case it was the priest who ascertained whether the deceased had confessed some time before and, in any case, had always lived as a good Christian. The unconsecrated land was near the church cemeteries. Solidarity Wheat mountain It was commissioned by Don Giuliano Bovicelli di Fratta, a priest in Rome where he held the office of secretary to Cardinal Sacripante. Bovicelli, in the year 1715, donated the sum of one hundred scudi to the brotherhood of San Bernardino, of which he was a brother, with whom "... he wanted and longed for a mountain of wheat to be created in order to buy grain for the poorest population ". The brotherhood immediately bought two hundred wheat "stands" and started this institution. The wheat mountain stored grain for harvest and then gave it free to the poorest during the winter and spring, when it was difficult to find it. After the legal institution of 17191a confraternity began looking for a suitable seat where to arrange both the grain and the administrative office of the mountain. He succeeded only many years later, in 1764, when he bought a small house owned by the company of the Most Holy Sacrament in the central square, called "del Marchese" (Piazza Matteotti). The pawnshop Poor people who needed small loans of money turned to it and brought their little things as collateral, that is, movable goods of all kinds. For this service the municipality requested a sum to be calculated as a percentage. This was truly negligible, that is, much less than what would have been paid by resorting to the loan of the Jews, then present in Fratta, whose interest rates were much higher. The community of Fratta was authorized to manage this institution by the municipality of Perugia, from which it had contracted it out and to which it had to pay a sum. annual. The municipality could therefore manage it on its own but could also subcontract it, as it did in the year 1748 when the Monte was sold under contract to Ubaldo Moretti di Fratta. Free study The community of Fratta could send "two young people to the Episcopal Seminary of Gubbio every year, to remain free there, as long as they have the necessary requisites and are suitable to set out on the Ecclesiastical Way". Assistance to the "exposed" The "exposed" were newborns abandoned at the door of churches or hospitals, sent by the community to the hospital of Santa Maria della Misericordia in Perugia. Here many foundlings die because the nannies cannot be paid. Those who take babies to breastfeed them "... Also have five or six in the chest", so nourishment is scarce and deaths are many. Before 1739 the external nurses received a "dirty" grain mine a year, too little for Cardinal Martino Enrico Caracciolo, apostolic visitor in that year to Perugia, who assigns each six paoli a month, plus a shield, a tantum, after the eighteenth month. These children went around with a tag attached to their neck to indicate the date of baptism and the name. Gifts for spinsters In the eighteenth century some local brotherhoods, including that of Santa Croce which was the richest, bestowed a dowry on a spinster. In this way, girls who had to marry but who could not afford the necessary expenses were helped in this way since 1612. The dowry, one a year, was granted upon written request to spinsters born in the village (such as their parents), attaching a certificate from the parish priest who attested to both the birth, the age and the patronage of these girls. The brotherhood then chose a certain and limited number of girls and subjected them to an examination. The vinciti-ice could have the dowry only if and when he got married. There was also a deadline, which was 35 years; if the girl did not marry by this age, the brotherhood would take back the dowry. Another reason why the dowry was denied was that the girl, before marrying, did not live honestly. The entertainment Theater Already in the seventeenth century an association of theatrical art lovers was operating in Fratta called "Accademia degli Inestabili". In 1746 it had to proceed with its reorganization, which suggests that it was in a strongly negative phase. On the other hand, public and private music teaching was very active. In particular in the oratories, where the youth met for religious representations, with singing and instrumental schools linked to the various religious functions of the feast days. The Fratta theater was located since 1746 in the town hall, in today's Piazza Fortebracci. On the first floor there were some offices and the council meeting room which was given to the "unstoppable academics" for their performances. It had two "lodges" which probably served for municipal councilors, but were open to the public for the theater. You entered via a stone staircase placed outside. In 1770 it was still in the hall on the first floor of the town hall but this room was by now insufficient for the activity of academics. They therefore decided to expand it and asked for two adjacent rooms that served as the office of the commissioner and judge as well as for the passing cops. In 1746 we know that they wanted to reconstitute a theatrical association on a different basis from the old one: perhaps the "unstable academics" had dissolved, in whole or in part, towards the end of the 17th century. In the mid-eighteenth century the members of the "Accademia degli Inestabili" were eleven, from the main families of the town, such as the Fabbri, the Francesconi, the Burelli, but then the number grew and other illustrious personalities took part, such as Dr. Prospero Mariotti, his son Annibale and doctor Giulio Fracassini. The academy had a coat of arms formed by a noble shield where a hand was drawn. He held three gold cords intertwined together that ended with leads like a small tassel and, all around, the motto "Difficile solvitur" (it will hardly melt). Outside the theatrical season (ie outside the carnival), the amateur dramatists of the country acted instead, who were mostly the academics themselves and the members of their families. The plays were performed to train young people in stage disciplines rather than to give entertainment to the population. In the mid-eighteenth century, dramatic companies of a nomadic nature were a rarity and the first came to play in Fratta in 1748. It was the company of Giovanni Gazzola, a professional "histrionist artist" who, after many difficulties in obtaining authorization, was able to delight the Frattegiani with the affected parts of Pulcinella, Brighella and Doctor Belanza. Our theater closed, like everyone else in the Roman kingdom, from 1791 to 1795 by order of Pope Pius IV, due to the political events of the time, centered on the invasion of Italy by the French army. It was then reopened with the works "The guilty woman" and "The corsair of Marseille", where that "corsair" must have been a clear reference to the work of Napoleon, the most interesting character in the political scene of the time. The theater was granted on request for dance parties, elementary school work, occasions in which the best children were rewarded. Sometimes it was then granted for the game of bingo, introduced in Perugino in 1796. In the first months of 1798 the "Viva Maria" movement arose. In mid-February Fratta was invaded by these rioters who did various damages to municipal and private property, tampered with the theater and dispersed the administration documents. Free time In 1730, the "ox hunt", or "fence game", a sort of bullfight between oxen and dogs in a town square, usually San Francesco. In 1760 we have news that hunting was practiced in the months of September and October, the so-called "birding" (with the net). In 1794 the game of the "ball" or "ball" appears in Piazza San Francesco. Sources: - Renato Codovini - “History of Umbertide - Volume VI - 18th century” - Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2001 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2001 (Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli - Walter Rondoni - Amedeo Massetti - Fabio Mariotti). Il modo di vivere, di morire, la solidarietà e gli svaghi Procession of the Madonna - late 1950s. (Corradi photographic archive) The facade of the church of San Francesco The opera singer Domenico Bruni Piazza Umberto I (now Matteotti) in the early 1900s. (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide). In 1700 it was smaller and was called piazza del Marchese. Annibale Mariotti Giuliano Bovicelli AGRICULTURE, TRADE, TRADES AND EDUCATION Agriculture In 1700 the permanent settlement in the countryside was much safer than in previous centuries and the construction of farmhouses was no longer based on the tower-house system, the house with a minimum surface area but developed in height, suitable for housing and also for defense. of the peasant and his household goods. Now the type of house developed on a flat level is adopted, with a greater base, lower height, overall higher airspace. It has a ground floor used for agricultural management and a first floor for the farmer's home. The land could be "arable", "canapinato", "cerquato", "gineprato", "gengato", "working", "olivato", "ortivo", "pergola", "grass", "sodivo", "fucato" "," Vlneat0 "," silvato "," boschivo "(or" buscato "). The "cerquato" land was held in great esteem because the oak was even considered a fruit plant due to the great need for acorns that were used for pigs but, at times, in cases of great famine, they were reduced to flour as an aid to feeding. Human. There was a dominance of the pergola over the vineyard, a fair extension of the olive grove and the presence of the "canapinato" in the places richest in water. The extension of the land was measured in the capacity (rubbia, mina, stara, cup) of seeds necessary to cover the ground. The owners are very few. We find noble families such as Ranieri, Degli Oddi, Bourbon di Sorbello, Florenzi, Antinori, Crescenzi, Zeccadoro who had lands in Fratta but resided elsewhere, for which they did not pay taxes. There were resident families, also very rich: Alberti, Albanesi, Bertanzi, Bruni, Agostini, Burelli, Gnoni, Fracassini, Guardabassi, Magnanini, Paolucci, Petrogalli, Reggiani, Vibi, Cambiotti, Cibo, Mavarelli, Ramaccioni, Montanucci, Falici , Bartoccini. The leases were of two kinds: a temporary type, stipulated for three, six and nine years and the type called "emphyteusis" which usually covered a period of three generations. These were the most used but there were some valid for a single "riculture", that is, for a single crop or a single agricultural year. There are three parties to the dispute, even if only two stipulators, namely the owner of the land and the tenant who makes the peasants work the land, excluded from the negotiation. The owner had to allow the tenant to have the peasant's family members live in the farmhouse; he had to give vines and olive trees to be planted in the year. If he did not provide them, the tenant was released from the "planting" obligation and the owner could not oblige him the following year. The tenant was required to keep the plants found in the delivery inventory, he could send the farmers away at his will and pleasure. It was up to him to pay, in addition to the rent, the duties, the gabelles, the chamber's taxes. He had to leave the sown land as he had found it at his entrance; he had to return the barrels but be careful "that they are of good smell and without any vice, as he receives them". At the end of the rent, the pigs and the large cattle were given back according to the estimate; the sheep and goat cattle were made at the head. The farmer had to sow wheat and fodder with his own seed, prune and undermine young and old trees, plant a certain number of vines and olive trees every year with the system of formoni and that of single holes. Do not cut fruit trees, only lumber that has died from the fire. He had to take part of the land product to the master's house and for this he was paid in kind or in foodstuffs. The must was divided in half. At Easter he had to give a certain quantity of eggs and "pancasciato"; he had to give gifts and obligations in chickens and eggs. In the eighteenth century there was no "colonial pact" specified and imposed by law as will happen later, but only unwritten agreements. Of the products of the fields, half went to the owner (dominical part) and half to the farmer. In the cases of three-way relationships (owner, tenant and farmer) the division took place between tenant and farmer; the master took the rent. The owner was responsible for the costs of pruning and undermining the vines, the formoni and the pits, the fees to the farmer when he was called to give his "assistance" to the harvest work, to sift the wheat and shovel it, to do various jobs of the cellar, when it brought to sell the products to the market, the appraisals and the taming of the cattle, the construction and the accommodation of the rural buildings. They produced cecio, red cecio, hemp, cicerchie, cherries, beans, broad beans, mulberry leaves, opium leaves, figs, cheese, wheat, corn, acorns, lenses, lentils, wool, flax, lupins, honey, hazelnuts, walnuts , barley, olives, panic, pears, peaches, peas, grapes, vetch, vein, wine. The farmer had to pay a tax called "collar" when he used the oxen that belonged to the owner to work the land. The peasant's give and take resulted from the "workers' book". On the hill farms, sheep and goats were kept, but also many pigs. The Commerce The aspect that characterizes the economy is the static nature of values. There is no inflation and the differences in the prices of some commodities are caused by momentary extraordinary factors. Another component is the painfulness of work, of wages stuck on the verge of a tiring survival. The economy is very poor, both at the territorial level (municipality of Fratta) and in the Papal State. Another aspect is the almost total concentration of productive activities such as agriculture, for example, in the hands of a few nobles who also took possession of a certain industrial activity (wool mills). There was also a small artisan industry (iron and figulina [terracotta]), but it was limited by a limited availability of capital, always insufficient as it was available in the family. The large payments were made with "bank coupons", generic receipts issued by banks (the "Monti"). The deeds were stipulated by the notary who certified that the buyer was putting the money on the table. Sellers - Bocci (silkworms): Mavarelli, woman Caterina Igi. - Hemp: Alessio Moriconi. - Calcina: Mariangelo di Paolo, Domenico Stoppa. - Construction material: Giovanni Maria Diamanti, Menco di Natale, Andrea Fanfani, Molinari, Domenico Salvatori, Fortunato Agostini, Ludovico Cristiani. - Fronda dei mori (mulberry trees): Antonio called "il Regnicolo", the "Stinco". - Timber: Andrea Bellagamba, Raffaele Scapicchi, Antonio di Giovan Battista, Paolo di Giorgio, Gio. Tomasso da Monte Castelli, Giuseppe Jotti, - Straw: Girolimo di Rondino. - Hides: Pietro Baldoni is a seller (and collector) of goat skins and "white bassettes". - Stabbio: Donna Carolina Gratini (1712) to the brotherhood of San Bernardino; Costantino di Vincentio, Angelino Mavarelli, Giulio Rovinati. Mattio Massi, Filippo Leonetti, Filippo Carocci. - Wine: they received monetary compensation for each barrel of wine. Santi di Cristoforo (1700), Francesco Franceschini, Federico Palazzari (1701), Pietro Martinelli (1715/1749), Francesco Mercante (1722), Antonio Jotti (1726), Costanza Martinelli (1727/1738), woman Elisabetta Jotti, known as " the Padella "(1733/1735), Bernardino Cantelli (1741), Elisabetta Falcioli (1741/1747), Fabrizio Brugnoli (1749), Donna Francesca d'Andrea (1751), Donna Margherita Massi called" the Margarita "(1756/1759 ), Giovanni del quondam Andrea (1759/1760), woman Virginia Ciangottini (1767), Tommaso and Clemente Ciangottini (1768), Antonio known as "il Regnicolo" (1780), woman Maria Antonia Mercanti (1782/1784). Gambattista Fanfani (1787), Gian Maria Bartolini (1789). Shops and shopkeepers 1702 - Gregorio Molinari: glass. 1706 - Francesco Luminati: wax. 1718 - workshop of "Fabbreccia", in Piazza San Francesco, on the side of the Tiber. 1722/1730 - Sante Mavarelli: bread, lard, lard, wax, fàcole and gunpowder. 1724 - cobbler's shop. There were hammer, pincers, ligiatore, knife, stick. 1732 - Pietro Spaccini: glass, dies for windows (to be placed between the glass). 1732 - Gaspare Martinelli: lead for the dies. 1741/1749 - Domenico Cerbonelli: wax, string, nails, incense. 1745 - Borgo di Sopra, market area, Vasaro Giovan Maria Martinelli. 1745 - Borgo di Sopra, master Antonio Vibi, arquebusier. 1745 - Borgo Inferiore, three blacksmith shops. 1748 - Agostino Bettelli: wax. 1753 - Gaspare Martinelli: lead for glass. 1765 - Ercolano Roni: eggs. 1767 / 1797- Vibi: lace, wax, etc .. 1770 - Silvestro Jlartinelli has a "cossi" shop. 1770/1776 - Domenico Mavarelli: wax, lead for paints, canvas bombage . 1779/1795 - Donino Passalbuoni: shoe shop. 1776 - Burelli: "spetie", wax and shellac. 1781 - Vincenzo Mavarelli: wax. 1788 - Guerrini: wax. 1788 - Ubaldo Perugini: oil. 1791 - Alessio Vioriconi: cloth for sacks. 1792 - Girolamo Ciangottini: wax. 1794 - piazza San Francesco, a potter's shop with an adjoining furnace. 1794 - Piaggiola, shoemaker shop. 1794/1797 - “between the doors”. small square at the south-west bulwark (Tiber), the butchery shop, municipal meat resale. 1795 - 1799 - Vincenzo Mavarelh: balance bills, nails, pins, centaroles, silk buds. Taverns and hotels -Osteria della Corona "with accommodation. It was located in Piazza San Francesco, in front of the church of Santa Croce. It was owned by the Counts of Civitella Ranieri. In 1738, a Perugia cop died there, hit by a harquebus." Osteria della Staffa " , with lodging, in the street of San Giovanni, inside the castle walls.It was probably the property of Count Ranieri.There were also the taverns of Antonia Mercanti, with lodging, of Giuseppe Carocci, of Sebastiano Cesaretti. In 1721 there is "the Osteria di Pier Antonio", managed by a certain Bruscatelli. Next to it stood a "palombaro", the classic peasant house. The villa (hamlet) consisted of only these two or three houses. Nearby was the chapel of the Holy Spirit. "L'osteria della Mita" was owned by the Marquises Florenzi di Reschio, who lived in Perugia. Towards Città di Castello there was "l'osteria di Montalto", on the level of the Tiber, along the consular road from Fratta to Niccone. It belonged to the Counts Degli Oddi of Perugia, also owners of the castle of Montalto. Finally, there was "1'osteria della Nese", on the river of the same name, on the border between Perugia and Fratta. Fairs and markets Fairs were held in the first week of June and took place in the square of the church of Sant'Erasmo, also known as "il Mercatale". Only the cattle for such occasions found place in another location, usually the large municipal lawn located beyond the Tiber bridge. In Civitella Ranieri the fair took place between 20 and 25 July. In Montalto, on May 28th. The post office In the eighteenth century the Upper Tiber Valley was crossed by two services with diligence (two "mail courses", as it was then called). One came from Città di Castello and was directed to Perugia, the other departed from Montone and was also directed to Perugia: they stopped in Fratta to change horses, to pick up the mail and any passengers. These "mail courses" arrived in Fratta early in the morning, first that of Montone, then that of Città di Castello, with a delay that could be half an hour compared to the fixed time. They reached Perugia about four hours later. In addition to the "scheduled" service, there was also a special "course", for urgent community mail, called "lo sped" or "celerifero" (a kind of "priority mail). Provided by a man on horseback who brought "bolzetta" (leather bag) only the parcels of the municipality for which the departure of the diligence could not be expected the following day. Trades Oil mills There was one near the Lazzaro ditch, on the border between the "Mercatale di Sant 'Erasmo" and the area of Santa Maria. He probably also had a millstone. In 1794 it belonged to the Mazzaforti brothers who rented it for four years to Ubaldo Cambiotti. In the area there were oil mills in Cicaleto, Migianella, Monte Acuto ("Molino with its press and vine, in whose stump there are three iron circles, the millstone with its trestle and on an iron stake but with a wooden wedge" ), Racchiusole, San Patrignano. Grain mills In the "villa" of Cicaleto, in the parish of San Giuliano, property of the Camaldolese friars of Montecorona. It was located one kilometer from the Tiber river, south of Fratta and remained active until the early decades of the twentieth century. It had its own dam, the grinding wheel, the "cialandro", the hopper, the iron blades. And the "fulling machine", the mechanism for beating woolen cloths by means of large wooden hammers that were moved by the water. Other grain mills were located in Molino Vitelli, Monte Migiano, Serra "di Partuccio", San Patrignano and the abbey of San Salvatore (inside, it was called "mill of the cloister" and drew water from a ditch). I calcined In Santa Giuliana, owned by Mariangelo di Paolo. He made mortar which he sold the soma to four baiocchi. Another on the coast of Monte Acuto, belonging to the Fracassini family. Furnaces They had one Angelo di Roso and Fortunato Agostini, who in 1751 sold bricks for the facade of Santa Croce. In Carpini and Montalto, of the Degli Oddi of Perugia, owners of the castle of the same name. It was demolished by a flood of the Tiber in 1760. A bit of everything'.. Archibugieri: master Giulio Castellani, master Giuseppe and master Antonio. Gilders: Antonio Gabriotti, in 1717 gives gold to the candlesticks and carteglories of Santa Croce; Giuseppe Ferranti, from Gubbio. Silversmiths: Silvestro Angelini, from Perugia; in 1743 he sold a chalice and a silver paten to the Confraternity of Santa Croce. Bastari: Pietro Profili, Tommaso Mischianti, Giacomo Botti and Fabio Urbani. Bottari and bigonzari: Alessandro Jotti, Angelo Ciangottini, Francesco Puletti. Calzolari: were gathered in the congregation of the art of shoe-making (which had its own chapel in the church of Santa Croce, at the altar of Saints Crispino and Crispiniano, protectors of the category): Pietro di Angelo, Ubaldo Moretti, Carlo Guerrini, Donino Passalboni, Antonio Mariani. Hatters: Passalbuoni, Giuseppe Benedetti from Città di Castello. There was also a shop in Castel Nuovo. Canapari: Giovan Carlo Montanucci. Tanners: Giulio and Panfilio. Designers: Brischi, Giuseppe Notari and Giovan Pietro Gigli. Fabbri: Lorenzo and Pietro Martinelli, Carlo Francesconi, Domenico Paganelli, Raimondo Rotelli, Pier Giovanni Lestini, Francesco d'Agostino, known as "Ferraccio". At the end of the eighteenth century two blacksmith shops were in the small open space at the beginning of the road that leads to the Borgo Inferiore, immediately after the bridge over the Reggia. In 1798 Silvestro Martinelli and Vincenzo Jotti are the "officials" of the art and university of blacksmiths. Carpenters: Carlo Bolisi (1720), Ludovico Franceschini (1724), Alessandro Jotto (1753), Giovan Lorenzo Gigli (1750), Francesco Moscatelli (1745) in Pierantonio, Giuseppe Jotti (1749). Founders: Gregorio Righi, from Perugia, melts and accommodates the bells of Santa Croce in 1717. Fornari: Bartolomeo di Lorenzo, Domenico Lauri, Giovan Battista di Giulio, Bernardino Tassi, Olimpia Tassi. Carvers: Marco Batazzi, Alessandro Igi. Slaughterers: Santino, Andrea, Giuseppe Schiavini; Angelino Mavarelli, Marino Farneti. Magnani: Michele Aragoni (1698/1710). Laborers and porters: Tommaso di Francesco, Santi Paoletti. Giulio di Goro, Domenico Salvatori. Marescalchi: Antonio Mazzanti. Measurers, estimators: Fabrizio Mazzaforti (barrel meter), Lodovico Franceschini (grain meter), Alessandro Jotti (timber estimator), Antonio Brischi (wine meter), Vincenzo Mavarelli (wine estimator). Molinari: Tommaso Mancini, Giuseppe di Antonio. Masons: Giovanni, known as "Miracle", Costanzo di Cesare, Antonio di Giovan Maria, Ventura Bartoccini (master mason), Ercolano Corsini, Domenico Farneti (master mason). Mason's tools were the hammer, the spoon, the hoe for making mortar, the hammer, the lead, the archipendolo, the shovel to scornigate. Organ builders: Carlo Balducci, Pietro Forti, Orazio Fedeli. Pyrotechnicians: 1786, Francesco Natali; 1787, Bernardino Brischi Painters: Antonio Gabriotti, Francesco Leonardi, Ubaldo Vitaliani, Giuseppe Ferranti, Francesco Cocchi, Giuseppe Bertanzi. Pollaroli: Pietro known as "1'Anitraro", Giambattista. Pruners: Antonio called Sciuga, Francesco di Antonio; Francesco Scalseggia. Embroiderers: Colomba Vespucci. Tailors: Guerrini, Crestina Francesconi woman, Francesco Moriconi, Mauritio Pucci, Margherita Massi woman. Stonecutters: Francesco di Vincenzo, Lorenzo Brischi, Francesco known as "Borzicchio", Domenico Mavarelli, "il Riccio". Segatori: Giuseppe Moretti, Tommaso di Pascuccio, Belardino known as "il Regnicolo", Paolo Pieroni, Panfilio di Francesco, Paolo Ercoli. Saddler: Fabio Urbani Stucchi: Giuseppe Notari (1753, works in Santa Croce), Giovanni Cherubini. Weavers: Maria Cristina Francesconi, Aurora Roni, Elisabetta Cantelli woman, Margherita Massi woman. There are no factories, woolen mills and cloth factories. The processing is done in the homes of private citizens as many have looms. Dyer: Gerolamo Martinelli. Vasari: Francesco Fussai (1709), Giammatteo Martinelli (1742), Silvestro Martinelli, Gaetano Martinelli. Painters: Giuseppe Ferranti Carriers and couriers: Paolo Cangelotti, Marino Rotelli, Tommaso di Marco, Andrea di Ercolano, Giovanni known as "Spaterna", Pietro Simone Cicutella. Education In the eighteenth century there was a school where the first elements of reading, writing and arithmetic were taught, held by a clergyman. He was paid by the community with a salary that was, at the beginning of the century, of about twelve, fourteen scudi a year. To these were added three shields from the confraternity of Santa Croce as schoolmaster and another twenty-five that the same corresponded to him "for the chaplaincy", the task of saying masses in the chapel of the brotherhood. The employment contract was stipulated between the municipality and the master before the notary. In case of vacancy, the parents of the children signed a policy with which they agreed to pay a small sum to the municipality, in favor of the teacher. The school was located in the Borgo Inferiore, in the premises of the Confraternity of Santa Croce. At the end of the century, the master took thirty-two scudi a year from the community. In addition to this he received eight scudi from the Confraternity of Santa Croce again for the school and the "chaplaincy", to which were added the sums from other confraternities for various religious or occasional services such as musical performances on the occasion of parties. However, the annual income was sufficient for a decent standard of living. A teacher taught grammar and rhetoric for a salary of seventy scudi a year. At the end of the century this school was located in Castel Nuovo, on the premises of the former monastery of Santa Maria Nuova, purchased by the community of Fratta. In 1700 the schoolmaster was Don Pietro Cardoni, from Nocera. He lived in the two rooms above the Santa Croce hospital that the brotherhood had reserved for him. The latter retained fifteen paoli a year from the salary she paid him for the rent: thirty paoli in all, that is, three scudi. As was customary at the time, the maestro also performed the "music service" for the company of Santa Croce. In early August 1719 Cardoni resigned. Don Matteo Silvestrini took over and the brotherhood also rents the rooms above the hospital to him. In 1725 the teacher is Don Pietro Burli. In the early months of 1730 the school teacher was a certain Fabbri, but in April he was replaced by Don Innocenzo Diamanti, for four years. Then the Abbot Giovan Battista Orlandini and Don Lorenzo Meuccio. From 1741 to 1750 the masters were Don Ubaldo Balducci, Don Gerolamo Passi, Don Francesco Tosoni, Don Gaspare Mazzaforti, Don Lorenzo Pellegrini, Don Modesto Spinetti. From 1750 we find don Arcangelo Mischianti (teacher of sacred theology is fra 'Francesco Maria Calindri, guardian of the convent of San Francesco), don Alessandro Dini born in Urbania, don Matteo Tosciliani, don Paolo Costantini, don Ubaldo Menghini, don Stefano Loretti, don Angelo Mavarelli, don Antonio Giuseppe Gnagneri, don Cristiani, don Giuseppe Angelini, the canon don Paolucci. In 1787 the school teacher was Don Ercolano Mavarelli. He took four scudi a four-month period. He is a canon of the collegiate church of San Giovanni. In 1789, Father Fulgenzio Maria, a minor of the observers of the convent of Santa Maria, born in Città di Castello, was the master. In 1790 there is the canon Pecchioli followed by Don Luca Brami. We then find Don Sebastiano Riccardi and Abbot Paolo Padoni. The teaching of music It could be public and private. The first was entrusted to the chapel masters and these, having graduated in music in some school, were called and paid by the various brotherhoods and religious congregations. Their dependence explains the term "di cappella", as the brotherhoods had their headquarters in a church where they owned a chapel with an altar dedicated to their protector. The major brotherhoods, of Santa Croce and San Bernardino, had their own teacher but he did not take a salary that would guarantee him economic security; for this he also carried out occasional work at other brotherhoods and churches, managing, among other things, to earn enough to live. In addition to public teaching, there was a private one. There was the custom of entrusting a young man, from early adolescence, to a teacher who undertook, for an annual fee, to teach him instrumental music and singing and, at times, also to read and write. The boy, however, had to leave his family and move to the house of the teacher, who became father-master, staying here for the established time, about ten years. All this was agreed through a notarial deed comprising many clauses. Sources: - Renato Codovini - “History of Umbertide - Volume VI - 18th century” - Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2001 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2001 (Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli - Walter Rondoni - Amedeo Massetti - Fabio Mariotti). Illustrations by Adriano Bottaccioli. Harvesting of wheat by hand (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) Peasant family (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) Sul paiaio (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) On the ox cart (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) Calesse (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) 1977. La Fornace (Giuseppe Severi Archive) 1975. Trace of a potter's oven in via Bovicelli (Giuseppe Severi Archive) Glimpse of Santa Croce Agricoltura, Commercio, Mestieri e Istruzione Le chiese minori di Fratta e i proietti La chiesa di Sant'Andrea di Castelvecchio Church of Sant'Andrea di Castelvecchio The ancient temple was located at the height of the current analysis laboratory in the old hospital of Umbertide The church, of very ancient origins dating back to the early twelfth century, stood in the Upper Borgo of Fratta, called Castelvecchio, right on the spot where the old hospital was built in 1870. It had a bell tower with two bells and several altars inside. One of these, dedicated to Santa Barbara, was built in 1735 (1). Despite the long life and the prestige it had held in the hearts of the faithful of Fratta, we know little of its characteristics. We do not know its shape and we are not able to know if it kept works of a certain value within it, which is possible given the long history of the temple. If we lack certain information on its origins and its structure, we have, on the other hand, detailed information on its end which coincided with that of the eighteenth century. The collapse, in fact, began much earlier, in the year 1751, when the parish priest, Archpriest Petrogalli, informed the Bishop of Gubbio that a part of the roof was collapsing and also the wall around the bell tower was about to do the same. The authorization for the "reduction" of the church arrived and as the collapses continued, it was further reduced to become a small chapel. In this capacity it was occasionally officiated for some time and later disappeared as the seat of the services of the cult. The "reduction" works were financed with the proceeds from the sale of the main bell (2) which also made it possible to embellish the altar of the church of San Giovanni Battista, where on 15 December 1752 the painting representing Sant'Andrea, painted by Benedetto Cavallucci of Perugia. Note: 1. See Umberto Pesci, History of Umbertide, Typography R. Fruttini di Gualdo Tadino, year 1932, p. 133 et seq. 2. Archpriest Petrogalli, with the Bishop's permission granted on 10 November 1751, had sold the main bell, weighing 220 pounds, to the Philippine Fathers of Montefalco for 38 scudi. Sources: "Umbertide in the XVIII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide - September 2003 THE MINOR CHURCHES OF FRATTA AND THE PROJECTS The minor churches The church of the Madonna del Moro was located just outside the Borgo Inferiore, in the center of a farm owned by the Savelli family, next to the farmer's house and a well. In 1746 the farm was sold to Bernardino Dell'Uomo with all the annexes and the small chapel followed the fate of the house and the fields. The instead, the small temple of the Madonna del Giglio was located near the Borgo Superiore, in a property of Donna Pellegrini Stella, widow of Giovan Francesco Paolucci. The lady contributed to the maintenance of the chapel with the sum of five scudi a year. On 16 September 1730 she made her will and ordered that, after her death, the heir, who was her nephew, Captain Giovan Tommaso Paolucci, should continue to pay the contribution. In the market area there was a small chapel, also called Chiesina del Boccaiolo , dedicated to the Blessed Virgin. The news comes from very few lines of a notarial deed (1) . The church, which we do not know precisely where it was, was enlarged by Marcantonio Stella who did not have it as a property, but was obliged to maintain it as well as to have one mass said a month and six masses on the 10th. December each year. In front of the church of Sant'Agostino, before entering the Piazza del Mercatale, on the left, stood the Monastery of Santa Maria Nuova with the chapel of Santa Lucia attached to it. When the Monastery was suppressed on July 21, 1787, it continued to be open to worship. It was also called the "church of the blacksmiths" because that corporation had obtained it for use by the Municipality, which in 1787 had become the owner of the entire former monastery. Towards the end of the century, in 1790, it underwent substantial maintenance work for an amount of 140 scudi advanced by Lorenzo Vibi. The intervention suggests that the chapel was still officiated. There is little news about the church of Calatola . It was located in the homonymous farm word, above the hill where the Bertanzi house stands (Villa Pace). The chapel almost certainly belonged to the same family. Church of Sant 'Agostino Shortly before entering Piazza del Mercatale (Piazza Marconi), to the right of whoever descends from Piaggiola, stood the convent of Sant'Agostino and the church of the same name, right in the center of Castelnuovo. The temple was regularly officiated by the Augustinian Fathers who had the responsibility and care of it; it housed several altars, including one dedicated to Sant'Antonio, and communicated with the premises of the convent in the west. Above the ceiling of the church there were two large rooms and on the north side, between the road to Montone and the apse, there was a vegetable garden cultivated by the friars. The church was a thriving center of religious life and faith as long as the Augustinians who were its soul remained there, but when they left Fratta, the church also took second place. The convent, in fact, was suppressed and in 1738 its property, which also included that of the church, passed to the Municipality. The Judiciary of Fratta, in the same year, asked the Bishop of Gubbio for authorization to sell the buildings adjacent to the church. The permission was granted especially since the transfer was destined to remain "in the parish" because the buyer was a priest, Don Silvestro Fanfani, who offered 110 scudi. It was a forced choice since the administrators needed cash to pay the salary of the school teacher, since for several years and after numerous attempts, they had not been able to rent those premises. The church, which showed signs of subsidence in the wall along the road, was the subject of a careful restoration with the construction of a sturdy support spur. Towards the middle of the century, therefore, it was still officiated and was entrusted to the Company of Death. Note: 1) The deed reads: "Remembrance of the faculty given by Mr. Giambattista Bartolelli from Città di Castello to the late Marcantonio Stella of this land to enlarge and expand the church of the Madonna SS.ma di Loreto in the Market. Deed of the notary Michelangelo Cenni di Gubbio , on 15 September 1690, without reserve of patronage ". The projectiles (foundlings) One of the many painful problems of the century, of the previous ones and also of the following one, was the plague of projectiles (or foundlings, or exposed). There were many, more than one can imagine, and in some cases, in addition to the doors of convents, churches and hospitals, where newborns were usually abandoned, revolving drums were also put into operation, communicating with some convent, to to deposit defenseless children, wrapped in poor clothes as best they can. Also in Fratta there was one (1) , near the “scortico”, in the inter portas square that led to the Tiber bridge. It was called "The wheel of the exposed". The painful phenomenon had deep social roots and did not bear the signs of the scarcity of the maternal sense. The mere thought of such a hypothesis would be an offense to feelings and history. The mother was certainly the first person to feel the agony of the dramatic detachment and to swallow drops of daily bitterness at the thought that the fruit of her breast would grow without affection and without caresses. But in a society such as the eighteenth century, in which infant mortality reached very high levels even in the most affluent families, and the darkest poverty gripped a large part of the population, the abandonment of one's creature to a destiny that was hoped to be generous with better assistance, paradoxically it could represent an act of love or, at the very least, an extra hope of survival. History hides, pitiful and discreet, a series of sufferings and dramas that have not touched the palaces of power, the only archives that an ancient and widespread historiographic theory has carefully consulted in its partial research. The Fratta projectiles were taken to Perugia, to the Misericordia hospital, which then sent them to Assisi, where Mons. Caracciolo, since 1739, had created a special hospice. The transport to Perugia, for the weak newborn, already represented a heap of hardships, especially in the winter period, but for the insiders it was a normal practice to be carried out, governed by a series of strict provisions, behaviors and remunerations. (25 baiocchi per trip, for the coachman). Several had to arrive in Perugia if the Prior of that city, on May 14, 1741, sent a recommendation to the Confraternity of Santa Croce which had asked for information on the matter. The letter was long, but we report the most pleasant part, to soften the tints of the drama: "In response from the highly esteemed Loro Loro around the reception and transfer of the Proietti from there to this Hospital of Perugia, there is no difficulty in bringing us those who were born in this Territory of Fratta to be this of the Territory of Perugia, only the diligence remains that they are not from another nearby Territory, or from Città di Castello, or from Gubbio, that these have their Hospitals and there is the order of Monsignor Caracciolo, as they will see to the notification sent to them, as well as being careful that they do not take legitimacy and comply in everything with those orders, to which the due penalties are imposed ". With all the good will it was difficult to establish the provenance and territorial belonging of the projectiles, and if we had some certainty about it, they would no longer be such. Those in charge of this sector did everything they could to entrust them to some local nurse who nursed them in the very first days of life, before making the journey to Perugia, but the death records are pitiless. In 1753 one of them was entrusted to the Briganti family of Polgeto: “Luigi dies, of an uncertain father and mother, ten days old, handed over to Veronica Briganti on January 21st”; "On February 18, 1753 Anna dies, of uncertain father and mother, handed over to Veronica Martinelli to nurse her on February 11"; "On May 9 Maria dies, of uncertain father and mother, handed over to Veronica Martinelli to breastfeed her". And the list goes on, but we prefer to stop here. Just to give an example, in the parish of Sant'Erasmo alone, in 1710, five were collected in front of the church door and six in 1720, to refer only to two years of a religious community that had 600 souls. Note: 1. There was also another one next to the convent of Santa Maria Nuova. The gardener who cultivates the adjacent garden testifies that it was visible until the end of the 1950s. Sources: "Umbertide in the XVIII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide, 2003 PROCUREMENT AND PUBLIC PROPERTIES Procurement Almost all of the taxes were contracted out to a debt collector through a regular competition. The obligation was introduced in 1729 by an Edict of Pope Benedict XIII which remained in force for a large part of the following century. The method used for the award was that of the "virgin candle" described in detail in another volume (1). Some contracts were extraordinary and remained in existence for the duration of the tax, as we have seen for the passage tax; others were fixed because the sector of activity subjected to the tax was permanent, such as that of supplies and some services, and were renewed every three years. They constituted the most reliable and most substantial income for the Municipality. All citizens duly informed by the notice of the announcement posted on the door of the Municipality and by the Balio tubatore could participate in the conduct of the race who, after scraping a few rings of tuba, read the main heads of the announcement through the streets of the castle and in the squares inter portas. In a council meeting of May 27, 1747 the contracts were discussed and thanks to it we were able to know not only which and how many there were, but also the amount that we wanted to obtain. We report them in the same order in which they were exhibited at that meeting: 1. Public Oven Contract 2. Tender for the Land Stamp 3. Procurement of the Carne Stamp 4. Public Slaughterhouse Contract 5. Procurement of the Damage Given 6. Contract of the Salara 7. Oil shop contract 8. Procurement of Measures 9. Procurement of Wood 10. Contract of the Stabbio 11. Procurement of the Foietta 12. Cenciaria contract 13. Tiber Wood Contract. Procurement of the oven The public oven belonged to the Municipality which did not manage it directly, but gave it to contract. In truth, in some short periods of the century, for reasons that escape us, the system of direct management was adopted. We can only exclude that they were of an economic nature, since the average annual gain obtained with self-management was about 40 scudi, while the contract yielded 90. Self-management lost 50 net scudi, to which they were owed add all the management hassles and worries. The contractor, in fact, in addition to the bread making was forced to provide for the purchase of the grain, its grinding; to the wood for the oven, all at his expense, and finally to the bread trade. It was a job that took a lot, especially in an era when there were still no electric ovens, special yeasts and various types of flour already packaged. The frequent change of management of the oven, moreover, indicates that the profit margins were not flattering. In 1710 the contract, always three years, was in the hands of a certain Pietro Antonio Marcellini who had inherited it from Ercolano Fanfani and Giovanni Antonio Agostini. The most lasting management was the one that goes from 1770 to 1781 held by Giovanni Antonio Agostini, perhaps a descendant of the manager we met at the beginning of the century. In the five-year period 1787/1791 the Municipality almost certainly managed it on its own with the results we have illustrated. In the following year the contract was won by Ubaldo Perugini. Towards the end of the century, in 1793, there was an attempt at competition by the Count of Civitella who was determined to open a bakery on the border of his county with the territory of the Municipality of Fratta, right at the point where today Viale Unità d ' Italia intersects with Via Roma, in the place then called Case Nuove. Giuseppe Palchetti had to manage it. The new exercise would have represented a serious blow to the public oven because Civitella did not apply duties to the activities inside its territory. The matter was resolved haphazardly in a meeting between the Count and the First Prior, at the end of which it was decided that things would remain as before. Procurement of the land stamp Even in those days whoever temporarily occupied the public land had to pay a tax to the Municipality. The most typical and recurrent case was that of the itinerant trade. As usual, the Camerlengo did not directly collect the sum and the entire sector was given out on a three-year contract to the highest bidder. In the middle of the century the contract yielded 38 scudi a year. Procurement of the meat and slaughterhouse stamp All the beasts had to be "skinned" at the slaughterhouse. The skins were then left to dry in the sun and the meat, cut into pieces, was subjected to the stamp by the "Bollatore delle Carni". The stamp was a guarantee of safety for the consumer and also of quality among the various types of meat (ox, cow, veal, sheep, mutton, pork, etc.), but above all a tax expedient. The Bollatore was the one who had won the three-year tender and not a veterinarian. Its only role was to withdraw the stamp duties from the butchers and to pay the Municipality an annual fee that was between 30 and 140 scudi per year. The slaughterhouse was also subject to the same regime. This is obviously the public slaughterhouse that the Municipality kept open for calming purposes, while the private butcher had fulfilled his obligation with the payment of the stamp on the meat. The management of the public slaughterhouse was subject to the normal procurement procedure and the winner undertook to pay a fee that averaged around 35 scudi per year (2). In addition to being a contract, the relationship could be configured as a "slaughterhouse rental", but the rules and procedures followed were those of contracts and not those of leases. Since they had to carry out the control function, the prices were agreed with the Municipality. Castrato, for example, had to be sold for 4 baiocchi (twenty quattrini) a pound, but from the first Sunday of Lent until the feast of St. John (24 June) it had to be sold for 21 quattrini a pound. Cow, sheep and goat meat sold for 12 quattrini a pound. The regulation of the contract of 1782 required that during the Christmas holidays all meat had to undergo a reduction, in line with the "social" function that the public slaughterhouse performed. Contract for the damage given and the deposit of the pawns The contractor was responsible for the surveillance and protection of public, movable and immovable property. When they were damaged ("damage given"), his task was to report the person responsible to the Commissioner Judge and to collect the compensation established, if the dispute had not been settled by amicable means. Part of the sum (usually a third) was due to him and the other part was paid into the coffers of the Municipality. It was a type of contract whose revenue was unpredictable and for this reason it was entrusted to the same contractor as the Depositeria dei Pegni, or Monte dei Pegni, as it was more commonly called. Debtors who could not meet their financial obligations often resorted to them, in the absence of the banks, to deposit an object of value and receive a sum in cash. At the set deadline, the depositary withdrew the pledge by paying the amount received with the interest and deposit rights. If this did not happen, as it often did, the pledge remained the property of the contractor who arranged for the sale and withheld the proceeds. The contractor had to have a fair amount of cash to secure the loans and had to be a skilled trader to make the valuation of the assets deposited. The contract paid the Municipality 6 scudi per year approximately. Contract for the salary, oil shop and grocery store Salt was a kind of monopoly in the Papal State and the sales regime was subject to government regulations. The purchase had to take place in the official "Salara", which for the Fratta Community was that of Perugia, or of Fossombrone, Iesi, Fabriano or Ancona, if it did not have one. The amount of the withdrawal was fixed at 36,000 pounds per year, and the local salary was also to serve the municipalities of Preggio, “Castelrigone”, the Badia di Monte Corona, “Pier Antonio” and Pian di Ronzano. For retail outlets, the usual procurement system was used, which in this specific case had a duration of two years, and the "Minister of the Salara", as the contractor was also called (3), had the strict obligation to cover the entire needs of the territory under its jurisdiction, since salt is an indispensable element of very large consumption. With the “Salara”, but in separate tenders, the oil shop and the grocery store were also contracted out. In the first, edible oil was sold and in the second, cured meats, lard and lard, salted meats and cheese. The prices of the products were set by the Defenders and had to be clearly visible on a sign posted in the shop. While we do not know how much the Community earned with the salt contract, the oil shop and the grocery store yielded 20 scudi a year (8 scudi for oil and 12 for other products). Procurement of weight measurements The possibility of weighing quantities of goods over 50 pounds was an exclusive prerogative that belonged to the Nobile Collegio del Cambio of Perugia, which held the monopoly right in this sector. Not being able to exercise it directly, the Noble College contracted it out to the various communities and these, in turn, to a local contractor through the usual tender procedure. "The large steelyard", as the scale was called, was considered a "public weigher" and the receipt issued attested not only the payment of the rights, but also the exact weight of the goods, to be asserted in court in case of disputes. The large steelyard belonged to the Municipality, which had to comply with all the provisions issued by the Collegio del Cambio and the Congregation of the Good Government (CBG) of Perugia. Even private individuals could equip themselves with a similar instrument, which had to be "stamped" by the contractor, that is, subjected to the control and payment of a tax, and was not valid in the event of a dispute, nor could it be lent to others, under penalty of seizure of the "steelyard". Weights under 50 pounds were carried out in all the shops of the time and in private homes, but the scales, in addition to the stamp duty, were subjected to bi-monthly checks. Other contracts Anyone wishing to bring firewood into the village had to pay a tax to the contractor as a "right of entry". The parcels were different in relation to the type of transport that could take place “a some”, that is, on the back of a donkey or mule, or in larger quantities of wagons. Payment in kind was also envisaged with the deposit of a piece of wood next to the entrance door to the castle. Generally the wood came from the cutting of the woods, but there was - also the “del Ponte” one, that is all the trunks that the floods of the Tiber piled up close to the pylons of the bridge. All this material that formed a kind of dam, with a lot of practical sense and foresight, was removed and sold on a systematic basis. Most of the time the contractor was unique, but the " wood of the Bridge " could have a different one from the official one. The streets of the town were haunted by the passage of beasts which, not being angels, deposited their excrements along the way, without much modesty. In an economic system in which nothing was thrown away and everything was recycled, even the “pen” was a useful material. The Municipality contracted out the collection and sale to the highest bidder who, in addition to making a profit, kept the streets of the town clean. The same thing happened with the rags whose collection was contracted out (contract by the cenciaria). The rags then ended up in Fabriano, where a thriving processing industry had existed since then. The pleasure of the "drop" of wine seems to have ancient origins and even goes back to Noah. For the taxman there could not have been a better opportunity. Thus the innkeepers and innkeepers who sold the wine by the minute had to pay the “foietta” tax. Even fishing, in the stretch of the river along the walls, did not escape the tax burden and the fishermen had to pay a kind of "license" to the contractor on duty. These latter contracts did not represent large revenues for the Community. The tax on the fishing license, for example, paid the municipality a shield a year. We do not know about the others, but we are inclined to believe that municipal finances could not be raised with rags, stabbing and wood. Various revenue A few more shields entered the anemic municipal coffers through the leasing of land, of the Shiites, of the houses and shops of public property, but it was very little. The sale of the crushed stone of the Tiber, the foliage of the poplars ( albaroni ), of the willows, of the elms and above all of the morigelsi, planted along the roads and the banks of the waterways, also gave some shields. The breeding of silkworms was widely practiced, even in small quantities in common houses, not to mention the massive production of maggots that were found in the area. The recycled materials of the renovated public properties were also sold, such as bricks, beams, tiles and bent tiles. The Rocca enjoyed direct financing from Perugia of 45 scudi a year, intended for the maintenance costs of the building and the entire complex of the castle walls . There were also chancellery rights at that time and those who needed declarations, certifications or copies of deeds were subjected to the payment of the expected fee. In any case, the proceeds deriving from the various items of income were very often not sufficient to cover the expenses of the Community and recourse to the loan was a constant practice even in those times. As there were no public credit institutions, private individuals were used, which were mostly religious communities. The loan was always guaranteed with the stipulation of a written deed, often with the endorsement of a guarantor and sometimes also with the deposit of a pledge by the guarantor himself. It happened that the Municipality had credits to collect, but they did not constitute an additional income, but the recovery of taxes not paid at the time by the defaulting taxpayer. Public properties In the century in question, the concept of "inventory" did not exist and therefore we do not have a detailed list of municipal property. From the various documents examined, however, it can be deduced that the patrimonial situation of the Municipality was approximately the following: L. Since 1725 there was a community of Monte Acuto with land on the coast of San Giovanni. We do not know for sure what the relationship between the Comunanza and the Municipality of Fratta was, but it is possible that it was a municipal property sold for use to farmers in the area. 2. In 1738 the Municipality became the owner of the church, the building, the gardens and the farm of the former convent of Sant'Agostino. The farm word “ Sant'Agostino ” had an area of 18 mines and three tables; farmhouse, cellar, barn and oven. The rent paid the Municipality 10 scudi a year paid in "two pays", that is, in two half-yearly installments. 3. In 1766 the Municipality owned the "shop of the bridge" which was located in the south-west bastion, that is in the small inter portas square near the bridge over the Tiber. It was rented to Silvestro Somigli with land under the public oven. 4. All the shiites under the castle walls were municipal property and also the environments in which commercial activities of public utility were carried out: oven, salary, flaying. 5. The seat of the municipal residence belonged to the Municipality, namely the Palazzo in the Rocca square and, subsequently, the former Convent of Santa Maria Nuova. 6. A house located in via San Giovanni di Bartolomeo Petrogalli was purchased by the Municipality in 1780. 7. Some registrations of 1798 certify that the following assets are sources of income for the Municipality, and therefore owned by it: • a vegetable garden attached to the municipal house; • a cellar under the municipal house; • a vegetable garden above the castle walls and under the Bruni house; • a vegetable garden in the word Porta Nova; • two pieces of land under the fortress; • two pieces of land at Boccaiolo, under the castle walls; • a shop known as the "old slaughterhouse"; • a large number of mori-mulberry trees on the municipal skies. Note: 1. For the same reason, Montone had to pay 2,500 scudi (Ascani A., Storia di Montone). The news is interesting because it can be deduced that at that time the territory of Fratta was smaller than that of Montone. 2. For the sake of completeness, we report the names of the contractors that result from the records in the Archives: 1774/76 Angelo Mavarelli, 1776 Angelo Nardi from Fiesole, 1779 Gismondo Contadini. 3. In 1745 the contractor was Mattia Degli Arrighi. After him the post was taken on by Bernardino Dell'Uomo. Sources: "Umbertide in the XVIII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide, 2003 Gli appalti e le proprietà pubbliche THE TIBER, THE BRIDGES, THE CASTLE WALLS Work on the area after the bridge The Tiber, silent and lazy, in some circumstances also knew how to be noisy and violent, so much so that, over the course of the century, it caused considerable damage to the banks and the castle walls. The banks along the Montalto area were the hardest hit, in particular the right one where the road to Città di Castello passed. The biggest damage occurred in 1760 when a brick kiln belonging to Count Degli Oddi, then owner of the castle of Montalto, and a long stretch of road were swept away by the current. "The city of Perugia, with the assistance of Mr. Domenico Tickets, factor of the castellano Degli Oddi, made a new road and built a double brush in the place of corrosion ..." But the most dangerous damage occurred to the north and south of the Fratta bridge, right along the castle walls. The river bed then followed a slightly different path, and upstream of the bridge, due to the erosions accumulated over time, the Tiber described a wide loop between the fields, moving away from the primitive route parallel to the road that corresponds to the current one. The current of the waters coming from the north direction rushed through the area of the bridge and threatened to dig an autonomous path, cutting the road and bypassing it on the right bank of the river. In 1758 the erosion reached only fifteen meters from the route of the via tifernate and the risk seemed to materialize with the breakthrough downstream. Fortunately, the phenomenon stopped, otherwise serious troubles would have been produced: the weakened castle defenses, the dry bridge, the compromised weir and large expenses for the adaptation of urban infrastructures to the new route (mills, public wash house, gardens and sewer system ). Therefore, a serious reorganization of the banks was urgent and the first systematic interventions began in 1753. In that year, the Sacred Congregation of the Waters of Perugia sent the engineer Antonio Felice Facci to Val di Chiana, then a marshy area, to carry out no better specified remarks. And since the Fratta was along the route, the technician was also in charge of examining the state of the banks of the Tiber around the castle. On the outward journey he stopped for two days, taking lodging at the Staffa tavern (1) at the expense of the Municipality; on his return trip, on February 17, 1753, he stopped again for three days, always in the same inn and always at the expense of the Municipality. We do not know the report that the engineer presented to the competent Authorities, but something concrete certainly suggested, if at the beginning of 1754 the first expense reports for works of a certain consistency appearing on the right bank of the Tiber, north of the bridge. . The trick used was to reinforce the bank with a palisade of large beams embedded in the ground and connected by thick planks behind which stones and bundles of glass were stowed. The "club" was also ingeniously built to drive the beams into the ground. It consisted of a castle of wooden planks from which a heavy oak trunk was lowered, shod at the edges, which hit the head of the pole. After each stroke the log was hoisted up again by six workers who pulled a sturdy rope wrapped in a pulley and the strokes were repeated until the desired depths were reached. All the timber was supplied by the Camaldolese of Monte Corona. The costs of the works, including technicians' fees, travel and reimbursement of expenses, reached high levels and in 1755 provisional tolls were imposed on every animated being who crossed the bridge. The table of tax levies has come down to us and we are reporting it for information for our readers. Surprisingly, they also paid the people at a rate equivalent to pigs, for reasons of weight and nothing else. People, 3 cash per person per day Beast unloads, cash 6 Charged beast, money 12 Horse-drawn carriage or wagon, baiocchi 4 Pigs, 3 bucks each Sheep, castrated and goats, 2 money each Vaccine, money 6 each In the same year there were important visits. The engineer of the Municipality of Perugia, Pietro Carattoli, the engineer of the Sacred Congregation of Waters, Antonio Felice Facci and a Jesuit, certain Father Ippolito, came to "recognize the state of erosion, draw up the map of the place and check the works". Syrians. The works continued uninterrupted throughout the year and beyond, so much so that on June 22, 1756 another inspection arrived, that of Don Pietro Tassinari. The monsignor left, on 10 July the Tiber organized another ruinous flood which, in addition to damaging the sheltered banks, took away a good quantity of planks stowed in the yard, later recovered in Ponte Felcino. The flood in July made it clear that the defense of the banks alone was not enough to prevent damage and around the sick area the commitment of the administration and technicians for more radical solutions intensified, with surprising timeliness. In March 1758, the engineer of the Municipality of Perugia, Pietro Carattoli, came back to Fratta and drew a new plan of the area in which the construction of an artificial canal was planned to bring the river back to its original layout, parallel to the road, so that close to the city walls it made a bend of 90 ° sufficient to harness the violence of the floods. The works began immediately in May and were almost finished by the end of June (2) . The work gave the desired effect: not only did it lighten the places from the damage of erosion, but the river immediately began to flow in a stable and definitive way in that riverbed which is still its natural bed today. Other floods occurred in 1773 and 1778 which threatened the Tifernate road and the Cistercian mill, but the works carried out considerably limited the damage. The use of manpower was massive and also involved women. Their task was to find the stones to be placed inside the "baskets", a kind of wicker containers, which were used by the workers in charge of sheltering the banks to stabilize the river embankments. The papers tell us that they were 19 and they received six baiocchi a day, almost as much as men. There was also a large group of woodcutters to saw the beams and boards, a team of cable workers to work the hemp and weave the ropes and ribs (sturdy bands of canvas), a handful of men who took care of the poles and these, in all likelihood, they must have been the workers at the poles of the castle of the mace, and a series of other figures of workers and artisans such as carters, masons, shovellers, etc. The most urgent and imposing works for the arrangement of the banks and to avoid damage to the castle were certainly those to the north of the bridge, but the intervention to the south was also necessary and in this sense, since 1752 (3 ), repeated requests were made which had no effect. In 1758, once the work to the north was completed, the pushes began again to fix the stretch of river from the bridge to the Schioppe, the cliff that was then also called "Punta della Genga" (4) . The practice went on very slowly due to evident contrasts between the Municipality, the frontists and the Perugian authorities who had to grant authorization to proceed, as well as an economic contribution. Since 1757 the three frontists - the friars of the convent of San Francesco, the Paolucci family and Count Ranieri di Civitella - had taken steps on their own to stem the banks along their properties. They were even willing to intervene on their own even in the most critical point of the situation, that is, at the mouth of the Palace into the Tiber, with the construction of a masonry "spur" or "guardian". The Municipality, although not very convinced of the solution, agreed because "you don't look a gift horse in the mouth", but Perugia rejected the proposal because it would have worsened the situation. On the contrary, the Sacred Congregation of Waters also contested the works of arrangement of the banks already carried out, inviting the frontists to demolish them. The result was a technical-juridical controversy which lasted for years and which had the sole result of paralyzing every initiative until 1789, when hostilities resumed. This time the experts came forward. The Municipality of Fratta, the city of Perugia and the Camaldolese friars (owners of the land on the right bank of the Tiber) chose Pietro Casimiro Fagliuoli as their expert; the convent of San Francesco, Paolucci and Count Ranieri commissioned the archpriest Don Bartolomeo Borghi, a great expert on the subject. But even the experts did not find an agreement and decided to resort to the arbitration of a well-known professional, a certain Virgilio Bracci, architect and engineer of the Sacred Congregation of the Good Government of Rome, who in those days was in Perugia. The meeting "in spite of the place" took place on 25 October 1789, in the presence of the archpriest Borghi and the abbot Luigi Pacini representing Fagliuoli. After two days of discussions, the dispute ended at the table with the lunch offered by the Camaldolese and a transaction was signed. It was a platonic agreement only because the commitments were never honored. Only two years later, the signed pacts were resumed with the decision to build at the mouth of the Reggia that triangular spur that the wise frontists had already designed in 1757. But when the work began, the Congregation of Waters of Perugia, still allergic to spurs, made it known that it did not intend to participate in the costs as it was due only to the frontists. One thing finally became clear: if the agreed works were to be carried out, the three owners had to bear all the expenses and the engineer Cristoforo Bartoli was promptly sent from Perugia to establish the boundaries of the land and share the shares. The bridges La Fratta was a fortress completely surrounded by water and the bridges were the only means of connection and communication with the surrounding area. Not only that, but since the surrounding countryside is crossed by the Tiber, the Royal Palace and the Carpina, other crossing systems were necessary to join the banks of the waterways and allow greater ease of movement and traffic in the fertile plain that it crossed. the valley. In some cases, considering the costs of a bridge, we relied on the ferry boats, but the Fratta was quite lucky and, in its immediate vicinity, had safe and stable tolls in masonry or wood. The bridge over the Tiber was a masterpiece of engineering, technique and aesthetic taste. It rested on three arches, which constitute the coat of arms of the Municipality of Umbertide and, even after the demolition of the drawbridge of the Porta Saracina, it had not lost its beauty and grandeur. Two sturdy doors guarded its entrances and the small church of Carmelo, located above the central pillar of the valley, invited peace and prayer when the road was all slower. The year of its construction is to be found between 1571 and 1588, at the will of the "Company of the Madonna della Reggia and Madonna del Ponte", entrepreneur of the two aforementioned sites (5) . Another bridge, the one over the Reggia stream in front of the Collegiate Church, played an important role in the town's economy. It connected Montone, the entire plain below and the Borgo Superiore with the center of Fratta and was also open to heavy traffic of animals and wagons. Its structural conditions were precarious because it was all made of wood with the exception of the two masonry heads on which the beams rested. The passage presented some difficulties because the bridge was narrow and without banks and on several occasions the Reggia had the bad taste of giving a few pieces to the Tiber. The spending resolutions for the restoration work were recurring, so much so that on April 4, 1770 the City Council decided to build it from scratch. The work was entrusted to Giovanni Tomassini, a Swiss from Lugano who lived in Gubbio, for a hundred baiocchi. The entrepreneur was known to Fratta because the previous year he had renovated the facade and the interior of the church of San Bernardino to the satisfaction of those who had commissioned the work. The new, wider bridge had sturdy sides and was suitable for carrying greater loads. It offered all the prerequisites of comfort, stability and safety. In the last years of the century the Judiciary of Fratta launched the project for the construction of a second bridge over the Reggia, the one that was to connect the center of the town with the Collegiate Church through a nave of the church of San Giovanni. The bridge will be built in 1807, but the first projects and intervention plans date back to 1794. In the surroundings, then, there were secondary but equally important bridges, such as the bridge over the ditch of Lazzaro and the one over the Fonte Santa. The latter, completely rebuilt in 1799. Further north, on the Montonese road, there was an ancient bridge over the Carpina built since 1294. To these bridges outside the castle must be added those that directly linked the area within the walls with the outside, such as the Piaggiola bridge, which allowed to cross the moat and access the Porta della Campana, and the bridge over the Reggia which allowed access to the Borgo Inferiore (Piazza San Francesco area). The Rocca had a drawbridge that descended over the Reggia and put it in communication with the lawn in front of it. In 1787 it still existed and was used. A note dated 3 September, signed by the Municipal Secretary Giambattista Burelli, stated: “Mr. dr. Giuseppe Paolucci Camerlengo to pay Angelo Gigli paoli four for refurbishment of the drawbridge of the Rocca, which with receipt are forty baiocchi ”. The walls of the Castle The most natural and spontaneous defense system among the ancients was to surround the castle, the village or the city with a robust wall. Sometimes ditches filled with water, palisades or other similar devices were also used in order to curb the impetus of the enemies and immobilize them in front of the obstacle in order to hit them with greater ease and precision from above. The walls therefore were born with the first urban settlements and have developed and strengthened with them, following their historical evolution. On more than one occasion, particularly in large cities, their successive and concentric walls are evident documents of population growth and urban sprawl. The castle of Fratta had only one wall of walls, robust and compact and nature had also endowed it with the natural defense of the water of the Tiber river and the Reggia stream in the area of its confluence with the older brother. Its inhabitants had built an artificial moat in the short stretch free from water, making the castle a fortified islet, with stone edges, among the safest in the area for very long centuries. The maintenance and repair of the city walls was always a meticulous commitment for the inhabitants and administrators of all times, well aware that it was a priority asset, essential for the survival of the community. For the Fratta the part most exposed to the wear and tear of the corrosive pressure of the waters was the stretch along the course of the Tiber. On several occasions it had suffered damage and had recourse to repairs, but the flood of 1736 was particularly devastating. He dragged out 1,600 square feet of walls and four houses that stood on them. The appraisal, immediately prepared for the repair of the damage, established the total amount of expenses at 1,032 scudi. It was a high figure that the local community, alone, could not have met and the Pope was turned to for the granting of an extraordinary contribution. Clement XII declared himself willing to provide 500 scudi on condition that the other 532 provided the inhabitants. And so it was. Having found the money, the reconstruction machine started with the purchase of the necessary material and the preparation of the construction site. The contract for the work fell to Bartolomeo Ferrati of Rome (6) and the direction was entrusted to Cesare Francesconi della Fratta. The excavation of the foundations began on 15 September 1739. Some financing problems arose immediately because at the end of the year the Pope had not yet granted the promised contribution. The Defenders of Fratta approached the representative of the community in Rome, a certain Mariotti, to act as intermediary for the handling of the file. We do not know if the choice was happy, the fact is that Mariotti made it known that "... the Pope was in a very bad state and almost sent to the doctors", taking care to add that if he died it would be more difficult to get the contribution and advised to get busy quickly, as if in the Roman Curia there were no offices in charge of dealing with the commitments undertaken, regardless of the Pope's health. Mariotti certainly did not have those "entrances" that his fellow citizens attributed to him and for which they paid him and he suggested asking others what they had rightly asked of him. It often happens that when you need a favor, the person you are addressing, instead of giving us a hand, submerges us under a heap of thoughtful advice, thankfully free. One thing, however, got it right: Clement XII died on February 16, 1740. A few years later, Mariotti was replaced by Giacomo Guadagni, a more authoritative and introduced Abbot who moved with greater agility in the offices of the Quirinale. The papers do not tell us what happened to the Pope's contribution that certainly arrived, otherwise we would have found traces of increased taxes in subsequent years and also on the reconstructed walls a plaque was affixed with the inscription "Clement XII - Pontiff Maximus - MDCCXXXIX" ( 1739) which testifies to a direct economic intervention by the Pope. The building intervention gave stability and safety to our walls precisely in that stretch where the thrust of the current was greatest, at the beginning of the sudden swerve of about ninety degrees that the Tiber makes before passing under the bridge. The abrupt change of direction makes us guess the nature of the ground below at that point. The castle of Fratta rises on a resistant conglomerate base that forces the Tiber to deviate its course in an almost unnatural way. Its consistency, as well as ensuring stability to the urban center and its walls, protects the buildings and their basements from the infiltration of humidity typical of the most permeable soils. The notarial deeds relating to the sale of properties located along the walls describe in a precise manner their characteristics and the neighboring strip of land. All the houses with the front in Via Diritta, in the rear part, bordered the fence, the municipal skids and the walls. The fence was not attached to the houses, but was separated from them for logistical reasons. Between it and the back of the houses ran a strip of land that formed a street or path. Later, in the west of the castle, the path will become Via delle Petresche and then Via Spunta. The space between the fence and the walls constituted, on the other hand, the "municipal shito", publicly owned which, in the distant past, was used for military defense purposes. At the beginning of the century, however, construction began on this area, reaching as far as the walls. The four houses that the flood of 1736 demolished are clear proof of this. The following graph reconstructs the characteristics of the castle walls. The design was made on the basis of what the notary Filippo Maria Savelli, della Fratta affirms, on 12 March 1768 in his notarial deed relating to the sale of a house. Note: 1. It is the only reference we have about the existence of this inn. In all likelihood it is the one that will be managed by Romitelli in the following century. 2. In a letter dated June 24, 1758 it is said: "... the work of the new cut is carried out almost to an excellent end". 3. Between 1752 and 1758 five reminder letters were written which can be found in the Augusta Library in Perugia among the "papers of Pietro Giacomo Mariotti". 4. The genga is a limestone rock for which the expression is scientifically more correct than others to indicate a cliff. It is used in the report of the engineer Cristoforo Bartoli of 1791 and in a notarial deed of the notary Giovan Battista Burelli, also of 1791. 5. In 1571 the Depositary of the “Company of the Madonna della Reggia (see the book Revenue and Expenses 1565/1571) and of the Madonna del Ponte” paid for some materials taken to accommodate (prepare) the pylon on which the church will have to support. In the year 1588, another recording tells us that a painting already existing in the Majesty which was at the beginning of the bridge is brought to the said Chapel. On that day the Confessor reminds us that the Chapel was not yet finished. In fact, it does not appear even in the drawing by Piccolpasso, dated 1565. 6. The Roman master mason came with a team made up of two masons and two unskilled workers (apprentices). He perceived in all (daily) paoli 14.50 (equivalent to scudi 1.45, i.e. baiocchi 145) divided by him as follows: baj 75 for him, baj 25 for each bricklayer and baj 10 for each boy, for a daily total of 145 baiocchi. Sources: "Umbertide in the XVIII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide - Gesp, 2003 Il Tevere, i ponti, le mura del Castello IL SISTEMA ELETTORALE COMUNALE Al centro della vita democratica del tempo c'era un bussolotto che faceva girare le palle. Di esso abbiamo ampiamente parlato in un altro volume, al quale rimandiamo il lettore per evitare di ripeterci. Qui esporremo solo le procedure tipiche dell'epoca, avvertendo che quanto diremo è il resoconto del rinnovo del Bussolo del 17 luglio 1783: "Rinnovare il Bussolo" era sinonimo di "predisporre la lista virtuale" di coloro che avrebbero dovuto amministrare il pubblico bene per i due anni successivi. Alla fine di ogni biennio esso veniva "rinnovato", inserendo nella cavità delle palle di legno poste al suo interno, un foglietto con i nominativi degli uomini destinati all'incarico. Non si trattava di eleggere solo i Difensori, che duravano in carica quattro mesi, ma anche i Consultori della Sanità, un triumvirato del primo Ceto con incarico biennale; i Sindacatori (Sindaci Revisori), una coppia con incarico annuale; i Terminatori e Stimatori (Quasi sicuramente si trattava di persone esperte nei confini catastali e nelle valutazioni dei beni mobili e immobili. Dopo la metà del secolo lentamente scompaiono), un'altra coppia con incarico biennale; i Portinari, due custodi, uno per la porta sud e l'altro per la porta del Mercato, che restavano in carica due anni; i Sindaci, una coppia con incarico annuale. Per questo motivo le palle, tutte uguali nelle dimensioni, erano contraddistinte da un'etichetta che indicava la categoria dei nomi contenuti: "Difensori, "Sindaci", "Portinari", ecc. per essere individuate al momento del sorteggio. Ma seguiamo da vicino il rinnovo del Bussolo del 17 luglio 1783 per avere un'idea diretta e precisa della procedura adottata. Si doveva, prima di tutto, rinnovare la Magistratura, ossia i Difensori, la carica più importante, che aveva una durata quadrimestrale e gli Imbussolatori avevano perciò a disposizione sei palle, entro ognuna delle quali dovevano inserire il biglietto con una quaterna di nomi. Ogni Ceto o "Sfera" indicava i suoi. Dei quattro, uno doveva appartenere al primo Ceto, ed era di diritto Capo di Magistrato, gli altri tre al secondo. Nella prima votazione furono indicati: Giuseppe Paolucci, Vincenzo Martinelli, Mattia Massi ed Angelo Gigli. Questa quaterna, di cui Paolucci del primo Ceto sarebbe stato il Capo, fu scritta in un foglietto, chiusa dentro la palla contrassegnata con l'etichetta "Difensori" e imbussolata. A questi signori, quattro mesi di governo cittadino da scontare quando sarebbero stati estratti, non li toglieva nessuno. Si passò alla seconda quaterna seguendo la stessa procedura e furono indicati: Angelo Cristiani, Giovan Battista Guerrini, Giovanni Montanucci e Silvestro Martinelli. La terza quaterna dette il seguente esito: Giuseppe Bertanzi, Angelo Ciangottini, Filippo Legnetti e Vincenzo Iotti. Man mano che veniva definita una quaterna, e dopo aver compiuto le operazioni di rito, si imbussolava la palla. A questo punto il Bussolo conteneva già tre palle. La quarta votazione dette il seguente risultato: Giuseppe Cerboncelli, Vittorio Ceccarelli, Pietro Crosti e Maurizio Pucci. La quinta votazione sentenziò: Giovan Battista Burchi, Lorenzo Gigli, Ubaldo Perugini e Pietro Bruni. La sesta e ultima votazione indicò: Giovan Maria Criacci, Gabriele Dell'Uomo, Donino Passalbuoni e Antonio Martinelli. Ora nel Bussolo si trovavano tutte e sei le palle dei Difensori e ogni quadrimestre ne sarebbe stata estratta una che conteneva i quattro componenti della "Giunta" cui spettava la guida del Comune. Si passò alla designazione dei tre Conservatori della Sanità, tutti possidenti appartenenti al primo Ceto, che dovendo restare in carica due anni, come il Bussolo, non vennero imbussolati. Lo stesso criterio fu usato per i tre Terminatori e Stimatori e per i due Portinari. Le due coppie di Sindicatori, con incarico annuale, furono nominate, scritte sul foglietto, chiuse nella palla e imbussolate. A questo punto nel Bussolo c'erano otto palle che diventarono dieci con le due coppie di Sindaci. Le operazioni erano terminate ed il Bussolo, completamente rinnovato, conteneva dieci palle. Al suo interno fu inserito anche il foglio degli "Spicciolati", una lista di riserva, divisa per ceti, da usare nel caso in cui, al momento dell'estrazione della palla, uno dei nomi ivi compresi non fosse più in grado di accettare l'incarico o perché malato o passato a miglior vita. Le elezioni erano finite e per due anni tutti i principali ruoli del governo cittadino erano assicurati dentro le palle. Riflessioni "elettorali" I metodi con cui venivano scelti gli amministratori e gli altri titolari di incarichi importanti nella Fratta del 1700 non sono nemmeno lontani parenti del sistema elettivo attuale. Ci siamo espressi con termini quali "elezione" e "sistema elettorale" solo per usare un linguaggio di uso comune e perciò comprensibile a tutti. Non sarà sfuggito ai nostri lettori che non esiste il minimo accenno alla procedura con cui veniva eletto il Consiglio Comunale Generale. L’accenno non c'è, perché non l'abbiamo trovato. Ma si può ragionevolmente affermare che quel Consiglio fosse l'espressione delle indicazioni assembleari dei due Ceti, riuniti separatamente, come avverrà nel secolo successivo. Non si hanno notizie nemmeno circa la sua durata e il rapporto distributivo dei Consiglieri tra i due Ceti, ma è legittimo sostenere che esso durasse quattro anni e che i membri del secondo Ceto fossero in misura doppia di quelli del primo, come nel secolo successivo. Anche la proporzione tra i Difensori legittima un'ipotesi simile. Del resto in un sistema politico immobile, come quello dello Stato Pontificio, in cui il precedente costituiva prassi duratura per il futuro, non è da escludere che i meccanismi in vigore agli inizi del secolo XIX fossero gli stessi del secolo precedente. L’avvicendamento avveniva quasi certamente con sostituzioni di aliquote quadrimestrali, in modo che al termine della legislatura il Consiglio fosse completamente rinnovato. Pur nei limiti di una rappresentanza ristretta, il sistema era ingegnoso e finalizzato ad assicurare continuità e stabilità all'amministrazione del territorio. Le notizie sugli organi di rappresentanza sono comunque pochissime. Dati i tempi, era infatti superfluo trattare un argomento che si giocavano tra loro solo una ventina di famiglie. Il paragrafo precedente dedica un ampio spazio al resoconto della riunione consiliare del 17 luglio 1783, che si occupò del rinnovo del Bussolo. È una delle rare occasioni in cui il secolo, avaro di notizie politiche, diventa generoso. Prima ancora, i1 20 ottobre del 1743, ci fu un'altra importante riunione consiliare che offre molti spunti di riflessione. Il rinnovo del Bussolo, nella sua disarmante trasparenza e semplicità, dovrebbe aver creato non pochi problemi, litigi laceranti e destabilizzanti ricorsi. Si viveva, insomma, in un clima di incertezze e di sospetti anche perché, in assenza di una normativa precisa, ci si rifaceva alle usanze e alle disposizioni precedenti. Le une e le altre venivano invocate, quando faceva comodo, dai personaggi più abili e interessati. Le cose stavano arrivando ad un punto di non ritorno e nella riunione dell'ottobre 1743, il Consiglio nominò una Commissione paritetica, composta da tre Consiglieri del primo Ceto e da tre del secondo, per elaborare una nuova bozza di Regolamento sul rinnovo del Bussolo e su altri problemi, da sottoporre poi all'approvazione del Consiglio Generale. I poteri conferiti ai Commissari erano ampi e andavano dal ripristino delle prassi "passate", all'adozione di misure nuove da adattarsi "alle circostanze de presenti tempi". La Commissione, presieduta da Filippo Maria Savelli, era composta da Cesare Francesconi, Bartolomeo Petrogalli, Domenico Franceschini, Francesco Guerrini e Carlo Vibi. La bozza di Regolamento, riportata per intero alla fine di questo capitolo, i1 6 dicembre del 1743 era pronta e si presume che fosse sottoposta all'esame del Consiglio Generale nella riunione successiva. I sette capitoli di cui si compone, nel loro stile involuto e tra ardite contorsioni concettuali che fanno invidia a un'odalisca, denunciano molti aspetti del costume del tempo. Senza dubbio, ci sarà stata anche la necessità di maggiore trasparenza e di moralizzazione della vita amministrativa, ma certe sassate impietose, scagliate con troppo disordine, sono sospette e sorprendono non poco: "... perché attesa la scarsezza degli uomini intelligenti e capaci e la molteplicità delle persone meno idonee, ne avviene che il più delle volte fannosi risoluzioni poco profittevoli agli interessi pubblici... ". Possiamo concordare sulla "idoneità", dal momento che non tutti sono portati per la vita politica; meno sull'intelligenza che è una dote di più difficile lettura; quanto alla posposizione del bene pubblico al privato, è un problema di etica politica e non di attitudini o di intelligenza. La furbastria ha un albero genealogico lungo e ramificato ed in questo il `700 ha anticipato i tempi. Senza dire che un giudizio del genere, approvato dal Consiglio comunale, si ritorceva con effetto autolesionistico su se stesso ed in particolare sul primo ceto, costituito al massimo da quattro decine di famiglie e sul secondo che ne contava poche di più. Non sappiamo se quel regolamento si applicò veramente. Il resoconto del rinnovo del Bussolo, riportato nel paragrafo precedente, ad esempio, ne è la violazione palese a distanza di soli quarant'anni dalla sua adozione. In quella circostanza, tutte le indicazioni avvennero per "ballottazione", cioè per votazione consiliare, ed era proprio quello che esso vietava, affidando ad una Commissione ristretta di soli tre imbussolatori la scelta dei nomi, con l'obbligo strano di mantenere la massima segretezza. È chiaro che si sarebbe trattato del segreto di Pulcinella, anche in considerazione del fatto che il mercato delle persone "intelligenti e capaci" disponeva di pochi scampoli di rimanenza. L'introduzione di un accorgimento inutile sta forse a significare che 1'ufficializzazione delle quaterne dei Difensori o degli altri incarichi del biennio, sollecitava attese del turno "amico" o più "arrendevole" o comunque del momento più opportuno per effettuare poco commendevoli manovre. Così, affidandoci alla riservatezza degli Imbussolatori, si salvava la forma ma la sostanza rimaneva immutata, come spesso succede tra gli umani, e l'estrazione sarebbe diventata davvero una tombola. Il Regolamento, inoltre, dava per scontata una prassi che a distanza di due secoli appare poco chiara, quando affermava che i quattro Difensori dovevano essere "uno per Sfera". Nel lessico usato, sembra assodato che il termine "Sfera" sia sinonimo di "Ceto" ed i ceti che godevano del diritto elettorale attivo e passivo erano solamente due. Come mai le "Sfere" diventano quattro? L'unica spiegazione plausibile è riposta nel fatto che mentre la prima sfera era molto ristretta ed omogenea perché l'appartenenza richiedeva il solo requisito del "possesso", la seconda era più eterogenea in quanto agli Artisti appartenevano non solo gli artigiani, ma anche i commercianti e i professionisti (medici, chirurghi, farmacisti, veterinari, avvocati, notai, preti, ecc.). Non si può escludere, pertanto, che all'interno di questo Ceto una prassi condivisa e consolidata stabilisse che i tre Difensori spettanti appartenessero ad ognuna delle tre categorie costituenti la "Sfera". Un'altra constatazione che ci convince della non applicazione del nuovo Regolamento sta nel fatto che il Bussolo avrebbe dovuto contenere 17 palle, invece ne furono inserite solamente 10, e non figurano più alcuni incarichi importanti come quello di Ufficiale della Madonna SS.ma della Reggia. La nomina dei "salariati" aveva procurato molte "turbolenze" a causa delle raccomandazioni, un vezzo dalle lontane radici che qualcuno fa risalire alla nostra Religione che ha codificato il ruolo intermediario dei Santi presso Dio (N.d.R.: Avere qualche Santo in Paradiso) e sotto questo profilo occorre riconoscere che le nostre radici religiose sono lontane e resistenti. Per eliminare il vezzo delle raccomandazioni vengono dettate misure severe quanto inutili e inapplicabili poiché è difficile stabilire il limite tra la raccomandazione e la segnalazione dei titoli di capacità e di merito, richiamate dal Regolamento, se non si precisano i sistemi per documentarli. Tanto per finire ricordiamo che le disposizioni regolamentari stabilirono la possibilità di imbussolare "padre e figlio" e "due fratelli", purché in palle diverse "attesa la suddetta mancanza di persone capaci". Non si può certo dire che quei Signori Consiglieri mancassero di autostima. Del resto basta dare uno sguardo all'elenco dei Difensori per accorgerci che gli intelligenti e i capaci appartenevano solo a un paio di decine di famiglie. Adesso si capisce perché quelli bravi erano tanto pochi! RIUNIONE CONSILIARE DELLA COMUNITÀ PER DECIDERE SUL NUOVO BUSSOLO E CAPITOLATO RELATIVO In Dei Nomine Amen - Die 20 Octobris 1743. Convocatum et celebratum fuit publicum et generale Consilium per illustris Comm(unitatis) Insignis Terrae Fractae Perusiae more solito intimati cum interventu, et assistentia per Ill(ustris) Dom. Francisci Ghezzi Commissarii, in quo quidam Consilio interfuerunt infras(criptii)… Illu. Dom. Joseph de Sabelli Caput Officii Laurentius Martinelli Anselmus Donatuti Petrus Ant. Guerrini Ill. Dom. Philippus de Sabellis Franciscus Guerrini Carolus de Vibis Joseph Andreas Milanesi Dom. Franciscus Francisconi Joseph Matthias Cristiani Joseph Bernardinus de Homine Petrus Joseph Lestini Raimundus Rotelli Bartholomeus Petrogalli Caietanus Molinari Laurentius Gigli Philippus Roni Dominicus Franceschini Constantinus Pignani Augustinus Bettelli Franciscus Passalboni Carolus Ant. Francesconi Dominicus Paganelli ... de Consilio... et notum in eo habent ed illud totum representa ; et pro absen. si qui... promittentes. Et omissis aliis de voluntate reperiuntur infrascripta videlicet. Dom. Dominicus Franceschini in aringo eius med. ... dixit.... Intra. Vedendosi questo nostro Consiglio posto in molta confusione attesi i vicendevoli ricorsi fatti da diverse persone circa la Rinnovazione del Bussolo, numero dei Difensori, ed altre cose appartenenti a questo Consiglio, e non potendo fare a meno che questa Comunità non sia per risentirne gravi pregiudizi da questa discrepanza di voleri, sarei di sentimento pro bono pacis, ed in vantaggio del Pubblico et del Privato, che si eleggessero sei persone delle più capaci e dare a questi la facoltà di accomodare le differenze suddette; col darli anche l'arbitrio di rimettere in pristino molte buone e sagge disposizioni del nostro Statuto e rispettivamente de Signori passati Superiori, concedendoli anche la libertà di accomodare tali procedimenti alle circostanze dei presenti tempi e di fare insomma tutto ciò che li parerà opportuno per bon regolamento di questa Comunità con sottoporre poi alla Sag... questa loro... acciò si degni approvarlo e perché abbia la piena forza e debba essere osservato da tutti ed in tal modo credo che si darà fine alle liti e si rimetteranno gli animi in quiete, come tutti desiderano. Rimettendomi... [seguono due righe in latino]. A chi pare e piace di aprire il suddetto Aringo e di dare alli signori Difensori la facoltà di nominare sei persone tre della prima Sfera, tre della seconda in effetto suddetto, dia la palla bianca in favore, e a chi non piace, la negra in contrario. Tunc distribuitis et re... fuerunt reperta nota albe ri dece et nove, et unum nigrum... Post modum vigere... nominarunt... Cesare de Francescani, Bartholomeus Petrogalli, et Philippus de Sabellis, et Dominicus Franceschini, Franciscus Guerrini et Carolus de Vibis. Iterum de... A chi pare e piace di lor signori di approvare gli uomini nominati come sopra e dargli tutte le facoltà necessarie et opportune come sopra, dia la palla bianca in favore e a chi non piace, la negra in contrario. Tunc distribuitie e recollectis de more suffragia fuerunt reperta vota alba favorabilia viginta…" MODO DI FORMARE IL NUOVO BUSSOLO Capitolo I Primieramente, a tenore delle enunciate facoltà, si determina e stabilisce che essendo già determinata l'estrazione delle Palle degli Officiali di questa Comunità un mese prima che termini l'amministrazione delli Difensori estratti nell'ultima Palla, debba radunarsi il Consiglio nel modo e forma che dirassi in appresso ed ivi il Signor Capo d'Offizio dovrà nominare per primo un bussolatore uno della sua Sfera, il secondo e terzo Difensore un altro per ciascuno della sua Sfera, e dandosi il caso che alcuna delle persone nominate non fossero presenti al Consiglio, dovrà immediatamente mandarsi a chiamare da Donzelli ed in caso di legittimo impedimento dovrà nominarsi altro in suo luogo e, stabiliti che saranno gli imbussolatori, dovranno questi, doppo licenziato il Consiglio, rimanere in Palazzo col Signor Commissario e Segretario per formare il nuovo bussolo, quale dovrà rifarsi perpetuamente per soli due anni, sotto pena di nullità, e dovrà farsi di comune consenso, invocato prima l'aiuto dell'Altissimo e prestato il solito giuramento di prescegliere i più atti ed idonei, rimossa ogni privata passione e di tener segreta l'elezione fatta conforme costumasi e ritenuta convenientemente la facoltà al Capo Imbussolatore di prescegliere i Capi, in caso che il secondo e terzo imbussolatore non volessero convenire col primo e richiedessero che si ballottassero per voti le persone da eleggersi. Il Bussolo poi dovrà contenere sei Palle delli Difensori da durare ciascuna mesi quattro; una Palla delli tre Conservatori della Sanità o Consultori della Comunità da durare tutto il biennio; due Palle degli Officiali della Madonna SS.ma della Reggia, da durare un anno l'una; due Palle delli Sindacatori; altre due delli Stimatori Pubblici; altre due delli Portinari; due delli Sindaci, parimente da durare un anno per ciascuna, conforme si è sempre costumato, col fare anche i nomi de Spicciolati. Capitolo Il Delli Difensori e Conservatori della Sanità Dovranno in ogni palla imbussolarsi quattro Difensori cioè uno per Sfera delle persone più capaci e discrete e che possiedono qualche stabile di proprio, giacché nelle presenti circostanze non puol pienamente adempirsi la mente del nostro Statuto che determina che nessuno possa essere eletto Difensore che non possieda almeno 30 di Scovere, determinandosi ancorché oltre alla possidenza debba essere ancora unita la capacità, ad effetto, che siano ben regolati i pubblici affari, il tutto sotto pena della nullità, a tenore del medesimo Statuto. Si dovrà inoltre formare, come si disse, la Palla delli tre Conservatori della Sanità, o Commissari della Comunità, quali dovranno durare per fin che saranno compite le Palle delli Difensori, e questi dovranno sempre essere della prima Sfera, sotto pena di nullità, e persone non imbussolate se sia possibile in altri Offizi, la incombenza dei quali sarà di intervenire al Consiglio tutte le volte che saranno invitati, e di sopra intendere alla custodia delle porte in tempi di contagi e sospetti, di attendere alla restaurazione delle mura, ponti e fonti con l'assenso però dei Difensori, sotto pena a quelli che ricusassero di comparire al loro Uffizio d'uno scudo per ciascuna volta da applicarsi dal Signor Commissario, non essendo scusati dal legittimo impedimento dichiarandosi inoltre che non potranno gli Imbussolatori sotto la pena suddetta aggiungere alcuna persona al numero dei Consiglieri, né mutarle dalle loro Sfere e gradi ma solo sia lecito agli stessi Imbussolatori l'imbussolarsi per loro in caso di mancanza di persone. Capitolo III Delli Consiglieri particolari delli Difensori Per miglior provedimento degli affari pubblici si determina e stabilisce che ogni Difensore debba avere il suo Consigliere e questi debbano essere quelle persone medesime che sono stati Difensori nella Palla immediatamente antecedente, per essere essi meglio informati dei pubblici interessi e dandosi il caso che nella prima Palla che si estrae finito il Consiglio, uscisse per Difensore alcuno delli Difensori della Palla antecedente, in tal caso anche il suo Consigliere debba proseguire nel suo officio per altri quattro mesi, se pure questo accidente non si dasse in uno dei tre Conservatori della Sanità nel qual caso dovrà surrogarsi dalli Signori Difensori altro nel suo luogo. Il che dovrassi sempre osservare quando per accidente o per mancanza di Soggetti una delle persone fosse imbussolata in Offici contemporaneamente. L’incombenza poi per tutti suddetti Consiglieri sarà di dire il loro parere in tutti li consigli dopo che dal Segretario sarannosi proposti gl'affari da risolversi e non potranno consigliare fuori del luogo destinato e se prima non averanno prestato il solito giuramento de bene et fidate liber consulendo e se non volessero consigliare vi potranno essere forzati sotto pena d'uno scudo d'applicarsi come sopra, restando dopo di loro la facoltà alli Conservatori della Sanità di dire il loro parere approvando il sentimento di Consiglieri secondo le sarà dato dalla coscienza, sempre però prestando il suddetto giuramento, senza di cui non devrassi scrivere il sentimento e consiglio veruno. Capitolo IV Del modo di convocare e celebrare il Consiglio Perché attesa la scarsezza degl'uomini intelligenti e capaci e la molteplicità delle persone meno idonee, ne avviene che il più delle volte fannosi risoluzioni poco profittevoli agl'interessi pubblici, si determina e stabilisce a tenore delli statuti e disposizioni, che in tutte le occorrenze della Comunità debba convocarsi il Consiglio composto di dodici Persone ed inoltre con l'intervento del Signor Commissario, e questi saranno li quattro Difensori, li quattro Consiglieri, li tre Conservatori della Sanità, ed il Camerlengo del Pubblico e questo Consiglio avrà tutte le facoltà di risolvere, determinare, decidere e far tutto ciò che puol fare il Consiglio Generale fuorché in materia di nuove imposizioni, prezzi d'Abbondanza, introduzione di litigi ed altri gravissimi emergenti per i quali dovrassi convocare il Consiglio delle 42 persone, senza intervento del Signor Commissario a solo fine di ben digerire le materie d'importanza da discorrersi nel Generale Consiglio, e tutto ciò a tenore di diverse risoluzioni fatte nei Pubblici Consigli ed approvate dalli Presidi di Perugia fin dal 1620, come si raccoglie da libri dei suddetti Consigli e dallo Statuto rispettivamente a quali si rimanda. Per convocare poi e celebrare validamente il suddetto Consiglio si determina che il giorno avanti debbano per ordine delli Signori Difensori invitarsi dalli Donzelli tutti quelli che dovranno intervenire e dandosi l'accidente che qualcuno fosse legittimamente impedito, li Signori Difensori avranno la facoltà di surrogare un altro della medesima Sfera nel luogo della persona impedita il che parimente dovrà farsi tute le volte che nel Consiglio dovesse trattarsi dell'interesse particolare d'alcuna delle 42 Persone sopra nominate, non volendo che la persona interessata possa in nessun conto intervenire al Consiglio sotto pena di nullità del medesimo a tenore delle suddette statutarie disposizioni. Stabilito poi che debba farsi all'ora determinata il giorno seguente il Consiglio, dovrà la sera innanzi dalli Signori Difensori farsi dar ordine al Campanaro del Pubblico che suoni all'Ave Maria, senz'altro segno, mezz'ora prima dell'ora determinata per il Consiglio si diano dodici tocchi alla Campana del Pubblico, che sarà il segno della convocazione del Consiglio delli 12 lasciando nel solito stile il modo di convocare il Consiglio Generale, come costumasi di presente. In caso poi che le persone che dovranno intervenire al Consiglio delli 12 ricusassero d'intervenirvi all'ora determinata, non avendo legittimo impedimento da approvarsi dal Signor Commissario si determina e stabilisce che debbano essere puniti nella pena di uno scudo di moneta romana da applicarsi dal detto Signor Commissario, nella qual pena parimente incorreranno quelli che non avendo riguardo al luogo e alle persone ardissero discorrere temerariamente profferendo parole ingiuriose contro alcuno dei presenti in Consiglio, qual pena dovrà duplicarsi in caso che l'ingiuria fosse fatta ad alcuno delli Difensori, volendo che si discorra con tutta la modestia e solo degli affari pubblici nel luogo destinato e non altrove, tenuto conto di ogni umano rispetto, conforme ordina il suddetto Statuto al quale si rimanda. Attesa poi la suddetta mancanza di persone capaci si determina e stabilisce a tenore degli ordini ultimamente emanati da Mons. Enriquez Giud. Dep. della Sagra Consulta, che possano imbussolarsi due fratelli, padre e figlio d'una medesima casa, in diverse Palle però, e che questi nel Consiglio delli 12 abbiano unitamente il voto per non diminuire in modo alcuno il numero dei voti che dorassi sempre mantenere integro; determinando che nella ballottazione il partito s'intenda vinto per voti otto favorevoli e non altrimenti. Capitolo V Delli salariati Perché nel elezione di Medico, Chirurgo, Predicatori ed altri salariati sono in questa Comunità varie volte accadute varie turbolenze ed inconvenienti a cagione delle raccomandazioni procurate dai medesimi concorrenti, si determina e stabilisce che non possa essere ammesso alcuno a pubblici uffizi quando voglia impetrarli con loro commendatizie, ma si abbia solo riguardo a requisiti e meriti del concorrente, e perciò ne meno alcuno del Consiglio possa far pratica per unire li voti dovendo ciascuno votare a tenore de dettami della propria coscienza, avendo così altre volte decretato li Signori Superiori con lettere; a quali essi determinandosi in oltre che li salariati, dovendosi riproporre, si faccia due mesi prima che spiri l'anno dal giorno della loro elezione, acciò rimanendo esclusi possa la Commissione provvedersi d'altro soggetto che presti la debita servitù a se stessa ed agli abitanti del luogo. Capitolo VI Della rinnovazione di alcune pene Si stabilisce in oltre, che qualunque persona commettesse fraude in pregiudizio di privativa, che gode questo Pubblico nei suoi proventi, o de i detti loro appaltatori, possa e debba dal Consiglio de i 12, coll'attestato d'un testimonio degno di fede, procedere unitamente col Signor Commissario a privare il suddetto defraudatore di Medico, Chirurgo, Maestro di Scuola e d'ogni grazia e favore che potesse concedere questo luogo e ciò a onore di quanto anno altre volte stabilito li Signori Superiori, qual pena dovrà anche infliggersi contro quelli che senza legittimo impedimento e privi di sufficiente privilegio, vi ricusassero di accettare gl'Uffizi Pubblici, non essendo giusto che riceva benefizi da questa Comunità chi si mostra ingrato in servirla nelle sue occorrenze. Capitolo VII Del acompagno del Magistrato nelle pubbliche funzioni Si determina finalmente che in congiunzione, cioè in occasione, delle solennità dei nostri SS. Avvocati (Santi Protettori del paese), ed altre solite Sagre Funzioni debba sempre portarsi il Magistrato in Corpo a visitare le chiese consuete, ancorché sia sospesa quella ricognizione che era solita darsi in tal congiunzione, cioè occasione, e acciò a tenore del costume sin ora osservato e molto più perché non si manchi di prestare il debbito onore all'Altissimo e nostri SS. Avvocati e Protettori e in tal congiuntura debbano i salariati e Consiglieri necessariamente intervenire all'accompagno del Magistrato, assieme con gl'altri uomini della Comunità con abito e ferraiolo negro e con quella maggior decenza che li sarà permesso, altrimenti potranno essere rigettati indietro e puniti ad arbitrio del Signor Commissario e ciò per maggiore decoro del Pubblico e di tutto il Paese. Quali capitoli come sopra stabiliti approvati che benignamente saranno dalla Sagra Consulta, vogliamo che siano inviolabilmente osservati, né sia lecito ad alcuno il mutarli senza il preventivo assenso della detta Sagra Consulta e del Generale e Particolare Consiglio. In fede li abbiamo sottoscritti di nostro carattere adì 6 dicembre del 1743. Io Filippo Maria Savelli Deputato mano propria Io Cesare Francesconi Deputato ma. pr. Io Bartolomeo Petrogalli Deputato ma. pr . Io Domenico Franceschini Deputato ma. pr . Io Francesco Guerrini Deputato ma. pr. Io Carlo Vibi Deputato ma. pr. [Seguono poi sei righe che si riferiscono alla stesura del documento stilate da un notaio, quasi sicuramente il notaio Burelli, e datate 17 giugno 1794, cioè 51 anni dopo. Esse sono siglate con il timbro "IBBN" che è quello di Burelli (Iohannes Baptista Burelli Notaio)]. FONTI: “Umbertide nel secolo XVIII” di Renato Codovini e Roberto Sciurpa – Comune di Umbertide, 2003 Il sistema elettorale comunale

Amerigo Contini: l’aviazione nelle guerre mondiali e la scoperta della “Tomba di Sagraia” (a cura di Francesco Deplanu) Foto 1: Amerigo Contini: immagine di Amerigo estratta dalle cartolina postale acquistabile su https://www.maremagnum.com/cartoline/cartolina-aviazione-militare-pilota-amerigo-contini-sur/130257376 Amerigo Contini nacque a Preggio di Umbertide il 10 agosto 1894, Gabriella Vignoli nel suo bel libro “Preggio. “Piccola grande storia di un paese dell’Appennino umbro” ci ricorda la figura di questo uomo di grande sensibilità artistica, colto e coraggioso che divenne un asso dell’aviazione italiana durante i conflitti mondiali: “L’architetto Amerigo Contini, già nel 1915 pilota di aereo militare componente della ottava squadriglia Caproni, dopo aver partecipato a varie operazioni di guerra fece parte della squadriglia comandata da Gabriele D’Annunzio nell’incursione su Pola ed ebbe dal poeta attestati di elogio e stima; coltivò anche la pittura e numerosi suoi quadri, in possesso della famiglia Caproni, sono tutt’ora esposti in varie mostre. Nella seconda guerra mondiale si distinse nei cieli di Libia, ricevendo la stima e l’amicizia del duca Amedeo d’Aosta e, inviato in Eritrea, realizzò l’organizzazione del servizio aereo territoriale in soli tre anni, ottenendo per questo un encomio solenne.” Foto 2 : Amerigo Contini in divisa. In Gabriella Vignoli, “Preggio. “Piccola grande storia di un paese dell’Appennino umbro”, “associazione amici di Preggio”. Scandagliando la sua vita si viene a sapere che il giovane Amerigo Contini si iscrisse a Roma, nel 1914, al corso speciale di architettura presso l’Istituto Superiore di Belle Arti. Sempre nel 1914 venne chiamato però a prestare servizio nel genio militare e nel ’15 venne ammesso a frequentare il corso di pilota presso la scuola di pilotaggio a Gallarate. Proprio in quell’anno, con il “patto di Londra”, l’Italia si apprestò ad intervenire nella prima guerra mondiale, anche Amerigo si trovò coinvolto nel conflitto conseguì il brevetto di “pilota” su velivolo Farman e ad ottobre, sempre del 1915, quello di “pilota militare”. Foto 3: “Palazzo Contini” a Preggio. In Gabriella Vignoli, “Preggio. “Piccola grande storia di un paese dell’Appennino umbro”, “associazione amici di Preggio”. Venne così assegnato col grado di Caporale alla sesta squadriglia Caproni e nel ’16 partecipò all’azione di bombardamento su Lubiana; nel settembre del ’17 partecipò le azioni di bombardamento contro la base navale di Pola. In queste azioni gli venne riconosciuta una delle due “medaglie d’argento al valor militare” che ricevette nel tempo con questa motivazione: “Mirabile d'audacia e di fervore, ai pericoli innumerevoli, agli attacchi di ogni sorta oppose la volontà decisa ed il saldo cuore, trasfondendo nei compagni dell'equipaggio quella volontà di vincere che moltiplicò lo sforzo sul nemico in combattimenti aerei, in incursioni vicine e in lontane ardite operazioni di bombardamento e di mitraglia. In un'impresa rischiosa e difficile oltremare, avuto l'apparecchio colpito in luogo vitale e ferito uno dei compagni, ebbe pari pericolo l'audacia e la maestria di volo, portando in salvo l'equipaggio e l'apparecchio, affinché l'ala bucata, lacerata, dilaniata, testimoniasse della volontà eroica e dell'ardua prova superata. Cielo della Carsia Giulia, 19-30 agosto; Cielo di Pola, 2-8 agosto-4 settembre 1917”. In quel periodo continuò a dipingere oli su tela di carattere aeronautico che dopo la fine dell’ostilità entrarono a far parte della collezione del conte Gianni Caproni. Dipinti che si ritrovano impressi in delle cartoline a tema ancora oggi visibili ed acquistabili sul web. Dopo il termine della guerra nella quale venne decorato con due medaglie d’argento e una di bronzo al valor militare (ne ebbe complessivamente nella sua vita due di argento e due di bronzo); riprese lo studio dell’architettura. Si laureò così nel 1921. Nell’agosto dell’anno precedente, a Preggio, nei terreni della sua famiglia, si accorse dell’importanza del cedimento nel terreno che aveva messo in luce quella che per noi oggi è la tomba etrusca di Sagraia. Sotto riportiamo l’intero suo “racconto” della scoperta con un bellissimo schizzo, sempre di Contini, riportato in “Notizie degli scavi di antichità” dell’Atti delle Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. L’anno seguente si trasferì in Sardegna e dal 1923 con la costituzione della “Regia aereonautica” riprese l’attività militare. Nel maggio del 1925 venne promosso a capo della 12ª squadriglia a Tripoli, nell’Africa settentrionale; dal 1927 al ’28 prese parte alle operazioni di conquista della Libia. Successivamente, nel 1932, venne mandato in Eritrea, ovvero nell’Africa orientale italiana, dove lavorò come organizzatore del servizio aereo territoriale e venne promosso maggiore nel 1935. Si ammalò e dovette ritornare in Italia, venendo promosso prima “tenente colonnello" e poi “colonnello” nel giugno del 1939; con questo grado divenne comandante dell’areonautica della Libia. La seconda guerra mondiale lo rivide ancora in prima linea, questa volta a comando dell’aeroporto, prima di Castelbenito e poi di Perugia, fino all’arrivo dell’armistizio dell’ 8 settembre 1943. Da quel momento non rientrò più in servizio. Nel 1951 divenne “generale di brigata aerea”; Amerigo morì in Sardegna, a Sassari nel 1957. Amerigo e la scoperta della tomba etrusca di Sagraia Immagine n. 4 estratta da “Atti delle Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Anno 1922, Serie V, Notizie degli scavi di antichità, Vol XIX, Roma, 1922. Pagina 110-116/532. X. PREGGIO (comune di Umbertide in provincia di Perugia) “Relazione sugli scavi eseguiti in Sagraia." "Nell'agosto del decorso anno mentre presenziavo a dei lavori agricoli di sterro nel predio al vocabolo Sagraia in frazione di Preggio, comune di Umbertide (Perugia) di proprietà della mia famiglia, vennero in luce dei blocchi di pietra, evidentemente lavorati, che generarono in me il sospetto che si potesse essere in presenza dei resti di una qualche antica costruzione. Immagine n. 5 estratta da “Atti delle Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Anno 1922, Serie V, Notizie degli scavi di antichità, Vol XIX, Roma, 1922. Pagina 110-116/532. Feci proseguire a maggiore profondità il lavoro in quel luogo con il felice risultato di venire alla scoperta di parte di una costruzione da attribuirsi con molta probabilità agli Etruschi. Allora sospesi immediatamente i lavori, ne informai la R. Soprintendenza agli scavi di Etruria. Nei primi giorni di ottobre del passato anno lo stesso prof. Pernier Soprintendente agli scavi dell'Etruria, venne a compiere un sopralluogo; e, riconosciuta l'importanza e l'interesse archeologico della scoperta, disponeva perché gli scavi fossero continuati per conto del Sottosegretariato per le Antichità e le Belle Arti, affidandone la sorveglianza all'assistente Montagnoli Severino, perché venissero completamente messi in luce i resti dell'antico monumento. Dopo circa dieci giorni di lavoro di scavo e sgombero, fu completamente liberata dall' interramento una costruzione a pianta rettangolare delle dimensioni interne di m. 5,85 X 3,22 (fig. 1); le pareti sono costituite da tre filari di blocchi di pietra serena, estratta certamente nelle vicinanze, perfettamente squadrati e connessi senza cemento (fig. 2). Le pareti, coronate da una cornice molto semplice e sporgente per circa m. 0,48, sono alte, questa compresa, m. 1,83. Immediatamente sopra di essa, a filo con le pareti longitudinali, era impostata una volta a tutto sesto composta da lunghi blocchi di pietra bene incuneati, come nelle più perfette volte romane; ciò desumo dalla presenza di un blocco lungo m. 1,55, l'unico ancora a posto ehe chiaramente, per la sua curvatura, proporzionata al diametro della volta, indica la pienezza dell'arco (fig.3); cosicché l'altezza massima dell'ambiente sull'asse longitudinale doveva toccare i m. 3,45. L’accesso all'interno della costruzione è costituito da un corridoio largo m. 1,05 e lungo m. 3,75, ehe precede la porta larga m. 0,83; fra il piano della soglia di questa e quello del corridoio, esiste una bassa ed ampia antisoglia della profondità di m. 0,62 (fig. 4). La maggior parte dei caratteri della costruzione la fanno attribuire agli Etruschi; d'altra parte nella relativa piccolezza del monumento si scorge una potenza di costruzione ehe fa subito pensare ai monumenti romani. Pur troppo nulla si rinvenne nell'interno ehe potesse aiutare a precisare l'epoca e l'uso della costruzione ; ma certo si tratta di un ipogeo monumentale; solo furono trovati pochi frammenti di urne, olle ed orei in terracotta. In ogni nodo che il monumento possa essere attribuito ad età etrusco-romana può risultare anche dal parallelismo assai vicino con la tomba di Bettona pubblicata anni or sono dal Cultrera (1: “In Not. Scavi, 1916, p. 3.”). Immagine n. 6 estratta da “Atti delle Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Anno 1922, Serie V, Notizie degli scavi di antichità, Vol XIX, Roma, 1922. Pagina 110-116/532. Secondo 1'uso etrusco, la costruzione era per buona parte sotto terra ma poiché il sottosuolo non si prestava per la sua costituzione geologica (filoni di roccia a sottili falde frammentate poste per coltello) all'escavazione di una grotta, i costruttori rivestirono le pareti della grande fossa praticità sul pendio della collina con poderosi blocchi. Sulle pareti longitudinali appoggiarono la volta a botte e poscia coprirono la costrizione col tumulo tradizionale. Il forte aggetto della cornice che ricorre con certezza su almeno tre pareti, è sproporzionato allo scopo puramente decorativo e fa supporre che possa principalmente aver servito alla collocazione li urne cinerarie, lampade ecc., in modo da preservare questi oggetti dall'umidità, non presentando il fondo roccioso alcuna traccia di pavimentazione. Stupisce il fatto che in tale costruzione, ehe doveva essere perfetta, fosse lasciata per pavimento la superficie abbastanza ineguale della roccia ; ma probabilmente il fondo doveva essere almeno ricoperto da uno strato di terra battuta e argilla, scomparso e disciolto nel processo dei secoli. A meno che il pavimento non sia stato distrutto quando fu violato, depredato e smantellato il monumento. L'ipotesi della devastazione è avvalorata dal fatto che poche delle pietre costituenti la volta si trovarono nell'interno dell’ipogeo, oltre che dall'assenza completa di uu qualsiasi oggetto. Si conserva memoria che circa 40 anni fa, nell'eseguire lavori agricoli, sempre nel territorio circostante alla scoperta odierna, si rinvenne un idoletto etrusco, che fu venduto per scudi 200. Altri saggi sommari, eseguiti contemporaneamente allo scavo dell'ipogeo, hanno rivelato dei punti ove la roccia, costantemente quasi affiorante alla superficie in tutta la zona adiacente, manca improvvisamente lasciando il posto ad una riempitura di terra lavorata, mista a franınenti di vasi, orei e tegoloni in terracotta. In altro punto quest franımenti vennero trovati uniti a uno strato di terra nera serbante ancora evidenti tracce d'incendio. Il nome della località (Sagraia), la scoperta dell'ipogeo, i saggi fatti e ii frammenti di antiche terrecotte affioranti alla superficie di tutti i canıpi vicini, avvalorano il sospetto che il sottosuolo possa nascondere altri antichi monumenti, forse in migliore stato di quello testè messo in luce ; sicché sarebbe opportuna un'accurata esplorazione atta a sincerare il vero valore archeologico del terreno in parola. In vari punti della zona circostante la frazione di Preggio, sono state più volte rinvenute tombe semplici a cassoni di terracotta, e al pian di Marte, anni or sono, fu invenuto una specie di salvadanaio in terracotta, contenente monete ; ivi pure con frequenza sono stati trovati avanzi di sepolcri umani. Immagine n. 7 estratta da “Atti delle Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Anno 1922, Serie V, Notizie degli scavi di antichità, Vol XIX, Roma, 1922. Pagina 110-116/532. La zona a nord del Trasimeno, e precisamente fra Preggio e Passignano del Lago, è compresa nel campo di battaglia in cui furono sconfitti i Romani dai Cartaginesi. Tutto ciò non perché abbia relazione col fatto del rinvenimento dell'antico monumento, ma solamente per dimostrare l'interesse scientifico che questa ignorata regione può presentare dal punto di vista dell'archeologia e della storia dell'arte, anche per la grande quantità di inenorie e di rovine medioevali. AMERIGO CONTINI." Fonti: “Atti delle Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Anno 1922, Serie V, Notizie degli scavi di antichità, Vol XIX, Roma, 1922. Pagina 110-116/532 - Gabriella Vignoli, “Preggio. “Piccolq grande storia di un paese dell’Appennino umbro”, “associazione amici di Preggio”. https://www.wikiwand.com/it/Amerigo_Contini https://www.maremagnum.com/cartoline/cartolina-aeronautica-pilota-amerigo-contini-i-caproni-sull/130117022 https://www.maremagnum.com/cartoline/cartolina-aviazione-militare-pilota-amerigo-contini-sur/130257376 https://www.maremagnum.com/cartoline/cartolina-monoplan-esnault-pelterie-rep-pilote-par-amerigo/130247900 https://www.maremagnum.com/cartoline/cartolina-militari-aviazione-impressioni-di-volo-di-amerigo/130008377 Video della Tomba di Sagraia: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ne8VH8IHOCM