Risultati di ricerca

Arboreal archeology: the "married vine" Le viti maritate di Sagraia (video) La "vite maritata" nella storia La persistenza nel tempo Il perché della durata La "vite maritata" ad Umbertide La "vite maritata" negli archivi Approfondimento viticultura da Ottavi Ottavio - 1885 Aggiornamento presenza vite maritata nel 1920 Le viti maritate di Sagraia (video) La "vite maritata" nella storia La persistenza nel tempo Il perché della durata La "vite maritata" ad Umbertide La "vite maritata" negli archivi Approfondimento viticultura da Ottavi Ottavio - 1885 (edited by Francesco Deplanu) In the hilly area where the Etruscan tomb of Sagraia is located, between Preggio and Umbertide, there are still some examples of " Married vine" . Cultivation that for a very long time characterized the method of cultivation of the vine and determined the appearance of the landscape of our areas. Video : last married vines in Contini, San Bartolomeo dei Fossi (Umbertide). The married vine has a history of about 3000 years; the use of the vine with the field maple as a living tutor was functional to a subsistence economy, the only one possible in the pre-Roman world, but which in our areas continued to substantially dominate and merged, starting from the sixteenth century, with the system from indirect management of the land, later structured in sharecropping. The maple with the vine "married" to it was often arranged in series within the cultivated fields to constitute the "tree-lined", characterizing our rural world until after the Second World War. Agricultural system functional to an agriculture that was aimed more at self-consumption than at the market, for this reason the mixed use of fields, vines and arable land, and polyculture. Since the post-war period, the use of the hubby vine has disappeared and with it that characteristic ordered landscape of our rural landscape has vanished. The vine ( Vitis Vinifera L. ) Is a liana shrub which, to better cultivate it, was grown on a live support, has a very long history of use, therefore, which was interrupted only in the century. XX, in the face of a more profitable vision of economic exploitation of the land. In fact in Umbertide and in northern Umbria there were not even the arrival of the specific diseases of the vineyards of the '900, such as "phylloxera", or those of their supports, as for the elms of northern Italy, which managed to "eradicate" this type of cultivation. Most likely, in fact, the distance between the plants in the typical promiscuous culture also favored their protection from diseases or pests. Fig. 1: first married life identified in Contini locality, San Bartolomeo dei Fossi (Umbertide). Photo by Francesco Deplanu To lead to their removal or replacement with vineyards, or systems of other structures, were the needs, already visible at the beginning of the 1900s, for an improvement in production and use of agricultural land increasingly aimed at the market. The end of sharecropping, then, led to the definitive loss of this type of cultivation and almost of the very memory of the very long presence of the "married vine". Fig. 2: second located married life in Contini locality, San Bartolomeo dei Fossi (Umbertide). Photo by Francesco Deplanu There "married life" in history This type of cultivation concerned the territories formerly inhabited by the Etruscans or, further north, by the Celts. For this reason this method of cultivation, and culture, is also called "Etruscan vine" or "Etruscan-Celtic vine". It was found mainly in Liguria (where it seems to have started), Tuscany, Umbria, part of Campania, Emilia, Veneto; examples of similar cultivation, moreover, due to trying to give a solution to the same problem of grape ripeness and to the better resistance of the vine, are found in some parts of Europe. Over time, the association of the vine with a tree-lined support was named differently. In the Etruscan language it was called "àitason", "arbustum" in Latin, which was then distinguished in "arbustum gallicum" term to designate a connected series of married plants, later defined as "planted", and “Arbustum italicum” to indicate the isolated plant with the vine, an agricultural use subsequently defined by us as “tree-lined”. The terms "alberata" and "Piantata" came into vogue, however, in the mid-seventeenth century. with Vincenzo Tanara in the work " Economy of the citizen in the villa " of 1644. Fig. 3: third located married life in Contini locality, San Bartolomeo dei Fossi (Umbertide). Photo by Francesco Deplanu Starting from the 1st cent. Finally, also thanks to the poets Catullus and Ovid, the metaphor of love began using the image of the vine and its support, which led to the current definition of "married vine". Persistence over time Certainly in the Etruscan era the possibilities of agricultural techniques did not recommend a different method of cultivation in colder and humid climates compared to those further south, areas where the Greeks, on the other hand, had brought the method of cultivation of the vine to the ground. Emilio Sereni, in "History of the Italian agricultural landscape" (1961), was the first to explain, thanks also to the etymology, how it was the Etruscans who introduced the married vine into the Po valley and how the "roosters" learned its cultivation. Consistently with his hypothesis, the persistence of lives married to tall trees up to the Etruscan domination, that is to say in Campania, is also explained. The persistence of cultivation, however, continued for a long time over the centuries in many areas. In fact, this type of production continued both in the Roman period, although other techniques for viticulture reached a considerable evolution, and in the long medieval period, as well as in the period of sharecropping production. Marrying the vine to a living support, however, at a certain point, after tens of centuries, became not convenient. With a management of agriculture that was abandoning the sharecropping system, economically subsistence, to move to a market one, there was also the transition to methods of cultivation with fixed (or "dead") support, or to specialized crops, such as the vineyard, and no longer promiscuous. In addition to the production reason linked to the economic element, which led to the exit from subsistence agriculture, it should be pointed out that the married vine in modern times certainly had some disadvantages: you had to work much more for pruning than what could be done on the row system; the foliage of the brace made the grapes ripen later; finally, the inconvenience during harvesting was certainly greater, considering the height of the live brace. Fig. 4: fourth located married life in Contini locality, San Bartolomeo dei Fossi (Umbertide). Photo by Francesco Deplanu But why did this type of cultivation last so long? It should be remembered that although the crown of the stanchion tree slowed down ripening, at the same time it protected the fruits of the vine from bad weather. Its leaves served as fodder. On the branches of the maple, often pruned to "candlestick", to facilitate the subsequent harvest, it was also possible to preserve the material cut during pruning (see in this regard the photos of the "Museum of Wine" of the Lungarotti Foundation, cited in the sources ). In short, it was an example of a productive association. In addition to producing grapes, leaves were obtained to be used as fodder, firewood, material for tying vines and also for weaving baskets and then… bottles and demijohns. In fact, a survival crop, which characterized our areas for a very long time, preferred a mixed use of the land. Furthermore, it should be considered that once the “marriage” was built, for decades the aspect of caring for the vine and the guardian could be left in second order; this was precisely a characteristic favorable to the management of works in polyculture linked to sharecropping. With a suitable stake, such as our "field maple", this cultivation seemed the best, especially for hilly and low soil. The maple has a slow growth, and also has shallow roots and thus did not enter into competition with those of the vine. These elements allowed the success of this cultivation system. Fig. 5: Maples in Contini locality, San Bartolomeo dei Fossi (Umbertide). Photo by Francesco Deplanu In 1885 in a text on "viticulture" Ottavi Ottavi, professor of agricultural sciences, analyzed from a technical point of view how the "married vine" was still cultivated, indicating, however, at the same time the reason for its future disappearance. Ottavi was careful to specify how he, compared to the agronomists of his time who pushed for an exclusively specialized production of the vine, had "granted" a space in his "technical-practical" manual to this type of cultivation. This is because he recognized the numerous advantages of this method for certain types of areas: “ unlike other authors of viticulture, we dedicate a chapter to the cultivation of vines married to trees. We condemn the principle as they do; we admit, however, that in certain plains it can be tolerated, that in some cases the vines cannot be protected differently from freezing temperatures, and that there are some vines that do not tolerate the pruning of low-vine systems, [...] we finally admit that many for now they cannot or do not want to transform. Here are sufficient reasons why we have to deal with this theme, and to study ways of making the product of vines married to trees less intermittent, more abundant and more chosen. " Thus we learn, among the various live supports used, of the advantages of our “field maple”: “ We therefore think that those trees whose root system is very little extended and which can hardly exploit the soil seem rather advisable. In this condition we find the wild cherry and the maple which Gasparin called a living stake. The field maple (acer campestre) is much less developed in height than the others (acer pseudoplatanus and acer platanoides), has slow growth, is satisfied with arid soils and also comes up from the seed. With the exception of tuffaceous soils it thrives everywhere. The seedlings they are suitable to be planted after 4 or 5 years. The maple has short and shallow roots and easily lends itself to being pruned into different shapes. ". For those who are interested, we report an appendix at the bottom of the text which is more extensive than Ottavi's reflections and explanations relating to his chapter XXIV: “ The married lives and the pergolas ”. The " married vine " in Umbertide before his disappearance As mentioned, the last great examples of "Etruscan vine", or "married" remain visible in the hill above the tomb of Sagraia, but if you look carefully at the images that have come down to us from the 1900s of our city, you can see the Umbertide countryside with the dominant "tree-lined" structure right up to the houses. Image 4: Detail of an image from the Municipal Archive of Umbertide. Panorama of Umbertide in the 1930s from the former Convent. In the foreground there are plants arranged in an "alberata" manner, most likely field maples alternating with arable land. This cultivation is also visible in the images of the darkest period of our history, the bombing of 1944, where in the photos, which show the cloud of explosions in the center of the city, you can see both the trees and some festoons of connections between guardian trees as happened in the more structured "plantation", often present with trees but along the edges of the road so as not to hinder agricultural work in the fields. Image 5: Detail of an image taken immediately after the bombing of 25 April 1944, from “Mario Tosti:“ Our ordeal ”- Ed. Petruzzi - Città di Castello, 2005, p. 213. As you can see in the following shot, while the cloud moves carried by the wind, the dominant type of cultivation was still the vine married to the maple, but times had already changed and you can also see the coexistence of vines in linked rows to fixed and non-live supports. Image 6: Detail of an image taken immediately after the bombing of 25 April 1944, from “Mario Tosti:“ Our ordeal ”- Ed. Petruzzi - Città di Castello, 2005, p. 213. The photo was taken in the area of the current via Fratta at the intersection with via Martiri dei Lager. In the map of the Military Geographical Institute (IGM), made on the 1941 relief, Tablet of "Umbertide" (here linked to that of "Niccone", because the city was divided into two different "tablets", scale 1: 25,000) we have marked with an "X" the probable place of the shots, with the red arrow we have indicated the area of the San Giovanni district, which can still be seen in its entirety before the destruction due to the bombing; with the red circle, finally, we have highlighted the symbol of the cultivation of the vine, which when presented alternating with the symbol of the "circles" indicates the "promiscuous culture of the vine". Image 7: Extract of "Tablets" 1: 25.000 joined to present the city that was "cut" in two. 1) "Niccone", Sheet 122 I, NE 2) "Umbertide": Sheet 122 I, NE of the Italian Map (relief of 1941). The overlap was discarded, preferring to leave both representations in the margin area of the two "tablets". Also from the book by Mario Tosti, "Our ordeal" p. 260, you can see some details by enlarging the photos like this one in Coldipozzo where you can see the maple and the tied vine before the apparatus of the branches made to grow with the "candlestick" pruning. In the following photo shown in the book you can see the landscape of the trees in the background of a souvenir photo. In the same period of the photograph the promiscuous culture of the vine alternating with fields cultivated, is clearly visible in the locality of "Col di Pozzo": it is in fact reported in Tablet 1: 25.000 Sheet 122 I, NE of the Map of Italy, and is visible in the excerpt shown below (see image n. 10) in the upper right corner, even if in the excerpt shown the toponym “col di Poz…” is partially cut. Image 8: Detail in the background of a photo taken in Coldipozzo in 1944, from “Mario Tosti:“ Our ordeal ”- Ed. Petruzzi - Città di Castello, 2005, p. 260. The symbols of the mixed cultivation of the vine completely “embraced” the city, like all the plains of Umbria. Still in the 60s in the area north of Umbertide, under the current cemetery of the city, one could very well see an expanse of field maples, arranged in an "tree-lined" manner, characterizing the landscape. Image 9: Photo from the Guardabassi archive. March 1960. Even if it is not possible to see, due to the quality of the photo, the presence of the vine connected to the field maples, this can always be seen from the "tablets" of the IGM shown below, again relief 1941, which indicate the entire area below the cemetery ("Petrella above", "Petrella below", "Lame", "Fornace", "Molinello" and "CS Croce") cultivated with "mixed cultivation" of the vine. Finally, even admitting the possibility that at that moment, 20 years after the IGM survey, the cultivation of vines was no longer carried out, the field maples, arranged in a row, continued to completely characterize the agricultural landscape. In 1964 the “economic” end of sharecropping was sanctioned (here we can learn more) , the trees quickly disappeared even in the Umbertidese area, increasingly relegated to marginal, hilly and sloping areas. Image 10: Extract of "Tablets" 1: 25.000 joined to present the city that was "cut" in two. 1) "Niccone", Sheet 122 I, NE 2) "Umbertide": Sheet 122 I, NE of the Italian Map (relief of 1941). The overlap was discarded, preferring to leave both representations in the margin area of the two "tablets". Searching for news on the "married life" in the modern and contemporary age. Following the spread of the cultivation of the vine married to live supports in pre-Roman cultures, during the Roman period a specialization of the cultivation of the greater vine was added, in accordance with the mass use of the use of the drink. In the period following the collapse of the Western Roman Empire, the cultivation of the vine certainly retreated in quantity of cultivated land but remained very present, because it was the cornerstone of the Christian religious ritual. In the centuries following the fourteenth-century plague, with the increase of the population and the resumption of trade, a slow recovery of the production of the vine began which, above all for the mixed cultivation, "married" with the indirect management of the land, what became our "sharecropping". We know for the long period up to the modern age of its existence from archaeological remains of the arboreal type (seeds etc….) And above all from the literary and iconographic sources of Italian art that the “married vine” cultivation was recurrent in our peninsula. For example, already in the modern age, the vine is clearly visible in Jacopo Clementi's "Drunk Moses" made in the early 1600s. Here we can see the presence of the vine "clinging" to the living tutor in the background of the central theme. iconographic representations that can serve as historical sources, but if the information is sought more accurately, both for the quantity and for the place of use of this type of cultivation, various problems arise. Image 11: “Drunk Moses" by Jacopo Clementi. Image from https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Drunkness_of_Noah_by_Jacopo_Chimenti.jpg In fact, how extensive was the cultivation of vines in promiscuous form in our areas? As for the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the written, archival sources known for our territory seem truly non-existent. Perhaps the problem, however, is only to return to the archives in search of specific indications, or to re-read the sources available for the Umbertide area in search of terms relating to the cultivation of the vine, paying attention to the 16th and 17th centuries, for example, rather than looking for the term "vinea", which indicates a vineyard, to those of "pergulae" or "pergola". These last terms certainly indicate the arable alternating with the cultivation of the vine. In fact, reading Anna Boldrini's thesis " Rural architecture in the Upper Tiber Valley: Umbertide XVI century " of 1991, it is found in an inventory of 1572 of the "Book where all the stable assets of the Abbey of San Salvatore are described and of the churches close to them "(note. 13, page 51) the reference to the mixed cultivation (" pergola ") of the vine appears in reference to two dovecote towers of particular shape, round, one of which in the locality of Colle San Savino, characterized as “a piece of land… working pergola with fruit trees serque and elms with a round diver… voc. the diving camp ". We also underline that the "vulgata" on the typology of dovecote towers in Umbria, relegated only the round-shaped dovecote towers to the Spoleto area. This reinforces our belief that studies on our territory in this vast area of the rural world are insufficient. At the end of the eighteenth century the terms to search for in search of the "married vine" are different. They can be found in what are the documents of the agricultural "companies" of the time, often of noble possessions, such as the "country brogliacci". Here it is " arativo pergola ", for example, which indicates a land with mixed cultivation of the vine alternating with arable land, which must be sought. Examples of how it is possible to find similar information on the culture of the vine can be found "looking" along the territory of one of the tributaries of the Tiber, on the left this time, just above Umbertide, or in the narrow valleys of the Carpina catchment area (Carpina and Carpinella). Precisely in the documents of the County of the Della Porta, a County that extended from the foot of Montone to Pietralunga. Here in the " Brogliardo di Campagna della Contea delle Carpine ", of 1782, it is often found, despite the increasing average altitude and the " gengato " soil ("genga" kept washed away from the ground where the underlying "marl and sandstone" emerge) the wording of the “ arativo pergola ” is not favorable to agriculture. Term that we can identify with the presence of married vine with live support. Note in the image the land (n.14 and following) near the famous "Tre ponti", under Montone, precisely in the Molinaccio area and nearby owned by Mr. Natal Migliorati: " arativo pergola " ... "a rative with pergolas "," Plowed part pergola ". Image 13: Details from “.SG, Fondo Della Porta, Title II, G 27/15. "Il Brogliardo di Campagna della Contea delle Carpine", 1782, in an unpublished degree thesis by F. Deplanu, "Evolution of a high hilly landscape of northern Umbria: the importance of the Della Porta company in the territory of the Carpini County since '700 to date ”, ay 2002/2003. At the beginning of the nineteenth century the sources began to become more structured and fortunately for us, too, more usable. In the Gregorian Cadastre of Fratta, present online, this time you can search for the term " arable land ", which differs from " arable land ", but also from the real vineyard which, most likely, is indicated with " vineyard " or " bushy vineyard "... with the addition of a characteristic of the cultivated variety:" sweet ". The Land Registry, built between 1815 and 1835, was equipped with a " Brogliardo " with indications of the owner, the place, the main characteristic and the extent and value of the land or property. Image 14: “Brogliardo di Fratta” of the “Gregorian Cadastre”: Fratta, 1915-35. Imago project: http://www.cflr.beniculturali.it/Gregoriano/mappe.php?fbclid=IwAR3SPsbhE0yDSOzPk5MrT3LVf77oKvYwwqFhUhZzDbdA4DHi4DWrz-9JHdA Here, for example, in parcels no. 700 and 701, 704, 705, 706, 708, 709, almost all owned by Domenico Bruni in “Pian di Bottine”, we have the news and, thanks to the Cadastre map, the "geometric-particle" representation of the real crops. The largest parcels were cultivated with "mixed cultivation", that is, with " arable land " and those closest to the banks of the Tiber, more productive but small and narrow, cultivated in a more specialized way with " sweet bushy vineyard ". Image 15: excerpt from the “Gregorian Cadastre”: Fratta, 1915-35. Imago project: http://www.cflr.beniculturali.it/Gregoriano/mappe.php?fbclid=IwAR3SPsbhE0yDSOzPk5MrT3LVf77oKvYwwqFhUhZzDbdA4DHi4DWrz-9JHdA Certainly the cultivation of "married vine" in the rest of our Umbria was already considerable. In various and precise studies of the agricultural world in the nearby Marche, a term often recurs to indicate a '"alberata" with the trees arranged in a checkerboard pattern in the field between the arable areas, or " alberata Folignata " to attest to the typical existence of this type of use of agricultural land in southern Umbria. We hope that this initial attempt at reconstruction that we have presented, may be useful to focus attention on the need for more in-depth research for all aspects of arboreal archeology or history of the productive structures of our territory. Aspects that have profoundly characterized ways of life and still the landscape that surrounds us. For this reason we add below, after the "Sources", a "chosen study" from the text by Ottavi Ottavio, "THEORETICAL-PRACTICAL VITICULTURE", CASALE, TIPOGRAFIA DI CARLO CASSONE, 1885 (pp. 750-760) on the specific mixed cultivation of the vine with that “living pole” which was the field maple, also typical of the Umbertidese area. Sources: Texts: - Carlo Vernelli, " The cultivation of vines in a sharecropping area" , in the magazine “Proposte e Ricerche”, nr. 60, 2008, pp. 153-174. - Unpublished degree thesis " Evolution of a high hilly landscape of northern Umbria: the importance of the Della Porta company in the territory of the Carpini County from the 1700s to today ", by Francesco Deplanu, Academic Year 2002/2003, University of Perugia. - Unpublished degree thesis " Rural architecture in the upper Tiber Valley: Umbertide in the XVI century " by Anna Maria Boldrini, Academic year 1990-91, University of Perugia. - Ottavi Ottavio, " THEORETICAL-PRACTICAL VITICULTURE ", CASALE, TYPOGRAPHY BY CARLO CASSONE, 1885. Cadastre and Brogliardi: - Gregorian Cadastre: "Fratta", in "Perugia" visible online: http://www.cflr.beniculturali.it/Gregoriano/mappe.php?fbclid=IwAR3SPsbhE0yDSOzPk5MrT3LVf77oKvYwwqFhUhZzDbdA4DHi4DWrz-9 - "Fratta", in "Perugia" visible online: http://www.cflr.beniculturali.it/Gregoriano/mappe.php?fbclid=IwAR3SPsbhE0yDSOzPk5MrT3LVf77oKvYwwqFhUhZzDbdA4DHi4DWrz-9JHdA - “ The Country Brogliardo of the County of the Carpine ”, 1782, ASG, Fondo Della Porta, Title II, G 27/15. Web Resources: - Maria Antonietta Aceto, “The representation of the married vine. Some recent identification ", in" Terra di Lavoro magazine ", year XI, n ° 1, April 2016 (also visible in: https://www.ascaserta.beniculturali.it/rivista-di-terra-di-lavoro/numeri -published / year-xi / year-xi-n1-April-2016 ) - https://www.beni-culturali.eu/opere_d_arte/scheda/-ebbrezza-di-noe-chimenti-jacopo-detto-empoli-1551-1640-09-00021770/400252 - http://www.biologiavegetale.unina.it/delpinoa_files/48_71-92.pdf - http://www.biologiavegetale.unina.it/delpinoa_files/44_53-63.pdf - https://www.guadoalmelo.it/il-vino-e-gli-etruschi-ii-la-vite-marita-tremila-e-piu-anni-di-viticoltura-ed-arte/ - http://www.rmoa.unina.it/2697/1/Gambari.pdf - https://ilvinoracconta.net/2017/01/08/la-vitivinicoltura-umbra-una-storia-appena-iniziata/ Images : - Details of images taken by Mario Tosti: “ Our ordeal ” - Ed. Petruzzi - Città di Castello, 2005 (pp. 213 and 260). - "Tablet" 1: 25.000 IGM, relief 1941, "Niccone", Sheet 122 I, NE of the Italian Charter - "Tavoletta" 1: 25.000, IGM, relief 1941, "Umbertide": Sheet 122 I, NE of the Charter of Italy - Historical photo images of Umbertide from a former convent: Historical Photographic Archive of the Municipality of Umbertide - Image "Drunk Moses": https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Drunkness_of_Noah_by_Jacopo_Chimenti.jpg - Video, photos not indicated otherwise and editing : Francesco Deplanu. Recommended insights of museum pages of the "rural" world in Umbria : - https://archeologiaarborea.com/ - https://www.muvit.it/viticoltura/ DEEPENING In-depth study taken from Ottavi Ottavio, " THEORETICAL-PRACTICAL VITICULTURE ", CASALE, TYPOGRAPHY BY CARLO CASSONE, 1885 (pp. 750-760). […] “ VINES MARITED TO TREES AND PERGOLATES There are therefore many inflexible supporters of specialization, who at any cost would like to separate the vine from every crop: on the contrary, there are others, which Marconi (2) calls opportunists, who they fight to the bitter end so that the union or consociation is maintained and extended. Among these we, although we feel that our sympathies are for specialists, we want to be conciliatory. For this purpose, unlike other authors of viticulture, we dedicate a chapter to the cultivation of the vine married to trees. We condemn the principle as they do; we admit, however, that in certain plains it can be tolerated, that in some cases the vines cannot be protected differently from freezing temperatures, and that there are some vines that do not tolerate the pruning of low-vine systems, as we have already warned on page. 616; finally, we admit that for now many cannot or do not want to transform. Here are sufficient reasons why we have to deal with this theme, and to study ways of making the product of vines married to trees less intermittent, more abundant and more chosen. CHAPTER XXIV The vines married to trees and pergolas, § 1. Choice of tree. - The trees that are used as living support for the vines are maple, walnut, cherry, ash, mulberry, poplar, olive and many others, fruit-bearing or not. Among these the least convenient are: walnut, because it casts too much shade, and in fact in the Veneto it is gradually being abandoned, whereas before it was very common; the elm which in compact, clayey lands replaces the poplar: but it has a root system that is too developed; ash and oak for the same reason. The olive tree has a wide branching, numerous and persistent leaves, and then requires care and nourishment, so while it would damage the vine it would suffer a lot on its part. In marshy soils some marry the vine to the poplar, the willow, the which plants can withstand moist soil; however, the vine cannot do this, and it soon saddens you. Fruit trees do not seem convenient to us, although recommended by the great Ridolfi in his Oral Lectures, because "they will produce little, he said, but it will be something, while the infertile supports do nothing but exhaust the earth uselessly. »Except that, with the exception of respect for the great master, we observe that our common fruit trees, pear, apple, plum and almond trees exhaust the soil too much, and being too leafy they would need strong and dangerous pruning. pp. 750-752 [...] Therefore, those trees whose root system is very little extended and which can hardly exploit the soil seem to us to be quite advisable. In this condition we find the wild cherry and the maple that was called by Gasparin a living stake. The field maple (acer campestre) is much less developed in height than the others (acer pseudoplatanus and acer platanoides), has slow growth, is satisfied with arid soils and also comes up from the seed. With the exception of tuffaceous soils it thrives everywhere. The seedlings are suitable to be planted after 4 or 5 years. The maple has short and shallow roots and easily lends itself to being pruned into different shapes. The field maple receives different names, according to the provinces in which it is grown as a live support for the vines: loppo, chioppo, fìstucchio, testucchio, stucchio and even poplar. The poplar of the Tuscan peasants is therefore not the common Populus, on the contrary it is known that in various parts of Tuscany the peasants usually give the name of poplar or chioppo to any living support of the vines. pp. 755 [...] § 4. Care in the early years. - We replace the trees and vines that the drought had already caused to succumb, we put some poles or branches around the vines themselves so that the new shoots can climb. If the planting was done with cuttings they, as soon as planted, are cut to 2 buds above the ground to have beautiful jets, and you must immediately begin to hoe the earth around them at least 2 times during the state. The trees are cleaned from the suckers that sprout on the trunk. This has been done since the 1st year. On the third the vines are pruned to two buds and the inter-row is spade and hoe, thus making the war against weeds. This inter-row, which in the Veneto region is called bina, wants to be absolutely clear so as not to bring a serious blow to the vitality of the vine from the early years. Leaving clear those two or three meters that form the inter-row you can have al fourth year the vines are already so robust that they can be propagated and pruned with a bud at least above ground, at a distance of half a meter from the tree. And so to the fifth one can come to possess branches of a decent length which are secured to the trunk of the tree (figure 280). In the meantime, the tree also needs care, as would be pruning, the peeling of the thin twigs, shortening even the gluttons, it is finally necessary to try to give all the branches the shape of a regular vase. The shape of a vase or glass, or basket as it is called in Tuscany, very open in the middle, is reached towards the sixth or seventh year. The trees must be cleaned annually from small useless jets, and since this rigorous cleaning causes the branches to acquire a lumpy shape, this is remedied "by leaving at the apex of each branch a couple of shoots, which attracting the activity of life towards them of the plant, in a certain way avoid the release of a greater number of buds on the branches, and maintain in milder proportions those lumpy forms on the branches themselves (1). " The vines are always pruned to two or three buds until they show that they have acquired a certain vigor, and give shoots at least one meter long. Don't be too quick to cut off all the side suckers that sprout on the vine over the course of the year. It is necessary that the juice of the vine does not go all to lengthen the shaft, but also reinforces it so that these suckers either respect each other or only sprout at four or five leaves. Once the vine has reached the height of the tree, it is arranged and arranged in the 1 'Emilia, 1' Umbria, the Terra di lavoro and the others that adopt this system of educating the vines. " Pp. 760 [...] § 7. Economy in the supports. - We must now mention to some economies that could be made in the various systems of educating the tall vine. It is well known that many also have willow, acacia and poplar poles as a subsidiary to living trees, to which the braids or garlands of the fruiting shoots are placed. In some systems (Mantovano, Bolognese) the rational distribution of these braids requires five, six often more than ten poles for each tree. Couldn't we now replace the very expensive poles with iron wire? Mr. YOU. freedmen in the Giornale d'Agricoltura, Industria e Commercio, declares from his own experience and following easy economic calculations that he is very much in favor of this modification. In addition to being cheaper, this gives rise to a perfect distribution of shoots, being able to tie along the wire all the isolated shoots and not wrapped in braids as is done in the case of the pole production. Finally, a more abundant vegetation would be obtained, because it is freer, more airy, more exposed to light and heat. Another modification is proposed by Prof. Viglietto, who hardly admits the vine married to trees and even in the conditions in which it is necessary to keep the vine very high he would like the number of living trees to be as small as possible. «A luxuriant fruit-bearing tree - he says - every 8 or 10 meters, and in between low-cost poles, linked by three or more iron wires longitudinally to the row, can generally replace the exorbitant number of living people with whom we afforest our vineyards. »And he concludes:« We therefore understand: exclusive vineyard and dry farming, or at least preponderance of this means of support. " Sources: Images from the original work (p. 755 and 757): https://archive.org/details/viticolturateori00unse/page/n3/mode/2up Full text, available online from the following address https://archive.org/stream/viticolturateori00unse/viticolturateori00unse_djvu.txt Aggiornamento agosto 2022 La vite maritata a Sagraia: nuove indicazioni di presenza nel tempo Come avviene nella ricerca storica, un approfondimento di diverso tipo può mettere in luce indicazioni per altri argomenti. E' il caso della presenza nel tempo della vite maritata a sostegno vivo nella zona della tomba di Sagraia. Sistemando il materiale edito per l'articolo "Amerigo Contini: l’aviazione nelle guerre mondiali e la scoperta della Tomba di Sagraia ", ci si è presentata una fonte iconografica significativa realizzata dallo stesso scopritore della tomba, un anno dopo, ovvero nel 1920, che ci indica la presenza della vite in loco (dove persiste tutt'ora anche se con esemplari abbandonati come si può vedere nel video iniziale): lo schizzo estratto da “Atti delle Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Anno 1922, Serie V, Notizie degli scavi di antichità, Vol XIX, Roma, 1922. ". L'allora aviatore ed architetto (poi generale) Amerigo Contini disegna sopra la tomba una parte di terreno rappresentata con la coltura promiscua della vite, precisamente si vede bene l'inizio di quattro "filari" di vite maritata a supporto vivo. Immagine estratta da “Atti delle Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Anno 1922, Serie V, Notizie degli scavi di antichità, Vol XIX, Roma, 1922. Pagina 110-116/532. La precisione e la cura di Amerigo Contini, proprietario dei terreni, mette in evidenza la presenza di questo tipo di coltivazione Fonti: “Atti delle Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Anno 1922, Serie V, Notizie degli scavi di antichità, Vol XIX, Roma, 1922. Pagina 110-116/532 Aggiornamento presenza vite maritata nel 1920

Questa sezione, " Privacy policy" o "informativa sulla privacy", è dedicata a rendere nella maniera più chiara e trasparente possibile la "liberatoria" per l'uso delle immagini o testi che potreste inviarci e come ci siamo adeguati al GDPR. Disclaimer, cookie and GDPR information This section, " Privacy policy " or " privacy policy ", is dedicated to making it clearer and more transparent possible " release" for the use of images or texts that you could send us, " how cookies work " on the site and how we relate to the use of any personal data based on the European " GDPR " taken from Italian legislation. The GDPR, which entered into force on 25 May 2018, aims to protect the fundamental right to privacy and the protection of personal data of EU citizens. At this time we do not collect personal data through "forms" or similar systems, but for clarity we insert all the information relating to a possible use on our part of personal data. The information we collect, to date, is sent by the people themselves after they have been informed of the "privacy policy" (visible on this page) and the relative "release" for the use of images and texts "which is available for download below. in .pdf and .docx. The site aims to disseminate the history, culture and memory of those who lived in Umbertide (Pg) to contribute to the construction of a common cultural identity in compliance with the Constitutional principles. This disclosure is and will remain non-profit. Data owner and manager On the site http://www.umbertidestoria.net more people write but the " owner " and " manager" of the data processing is always the same person: Francesco Deplanu, born in Città di Castello on 09/30/1968, resident in via G. Garibaldi 53, CF DPLNFC68P30C745P. The site itself is registered in its name. " release" for the use of images or texts Anyone wishing to participate in the construction of our memory, with texts, images or videos, must subscribe to the " release" for the use of images or texts visible in .pdf and .docx at the end of the page and printable. The owner and manager of the site will send by email after being contacted or in paper / digital form if contacted in traditional forms this information together with the link of the page itself that you are reading on the "Privacy Policy". Cookies THE cookies are text files containing minimal information sent to the browser and stored on your computer each time you visit a website. At each connection, cookies send information back to the reference site. They are used to improve the functionality of the site, allow the user to move easily between pages, remember his preferences and to guarantee the user an always optimal browsing experience. We do not directly take information on who visits and how they visit our site but "wix" (http://wix.com ) the platform with which we built the website through cookies. Wix uses cookies for several important reasons including: To provide the best browsing experience on your site to visitors and customers To identify registered members (users who have registered on your site) To monitor and analyze the performance, operation and effectiveness of the Wix platform To ensure that our platform is safe to use If you want, in the link below you can see which cookies "wix" uses, the platform with which we built the site and which hosts the website itself with its contents: https://support.wix.com/it/article/i-cookie-e-il-tuo-sito-wix If you want you can learn more about what cookies are in general on this page in English: https://www.allaboutcookies.org/ Keep in mind that if you switch from our site to our social pages such as Facebook and Instagram, these platforms use their own cookies. If you can access the sites mentioned it means that you have already accepted the "privacy policy" of Facebook and Instagram. the GDPR This information is inspired by the GDPR entered into force on May 25, 2018, but also to Recommendation no. 2/2001 that the European authorities for the protection of personal data, gathered in the Group established by art. 29 of the directive n. 95/46 / EC, adopted on 17 May 2001 to identify some minimum requirements for the collection of personal data online and, in particular, the methods, timing and nature of the information that the data controllers must provide to users when these link to web pages, regardless of the purpose of connection. Purpose of the treatment The personal data provided are proposed on a voluntary basis for the cultural and social purposes set out above, that is to disclose the history, culture and memory of those who lived in Umbertide (Pg) to contribute to the construction of a common cultural identity in compliance with the Constitutional principles. This disclosure is and will remain non-profit. Methods of treatment and conservation The treatment will be carried out in form manual, in compliance with the provisions of art. 32 of the GDPR 2016/679 and Annex B of Legislative Decree 196/2003 (articles 33-36 of the Code) on security measures, by the " responsible" of the data processing indicated above . We point out that, in compliance with the principles of lawfulness, purpose limitation and data minimization, pursuant to art. 5 GDPR 2016/679, subject to the free and explicit consent expressed at the bottom of this information, personal data will be kept for the period of time necessary to achieve the purposes for which they are collected and processed. Communication and dissemination scope We also inform you that the data collected will never be disclosed and will not be communicated without your explicit consent. Transfer of personal data Your data will not be transferred either to member states of the European Union or to third countries not belonging to the European Union. The information that with your consent will be published on the website is "hosted", or stored in "hosting", by the company wix.com, indicated above, which allows the structuring and maintenance of the website. Such content is stored on servers in Europe and the United States as indicated by wix.com. Data provided voluntarily by the user The optional, explicit and voluntary sending of e-mails to the address umbertidestoria@gmail.com indicated on this site entails the subsequent acquisition of the sender's address, necessary to respond to requests, as well as any other personal data included in the message. These data will be kept for archiving purposes until a request for deletion by the writers, which may take place at any time. Interaction with external platforms The site contains links to other websites that have their own privacy policy other than that described on our page. Interaction with social networks The site allows the passage to social pages always called " umbertidestoria " of Facebook and Instagram. For these platforms, interactions and information are subject to the User's privacy settings relating to the respective social network. Users are requested to read the privacy information notes provided by the entities providing the services in question. Facebook policy: https://www.facebook.com/about/privacy Instagram information: https://help.instagram.com/519522125107875 Francesco Deplanu uses social channels to inform citizens about their activities. Through this document the modalities of one's presence on social networks are defined. Presence on social networks and on new communication platforms Affected platforms: Facebook - Instagram Social channels and new communication platforms are used to relaunch the contents of one's business, to promote events and forms of participation, to listen to the voices of citizens and to answer any questions that may be asked. Taking advantage of the typical opportunities of these services, it can occasionally share and relaunch contents and messages of public interest and usefulness created by third parties, limiting itself to verifying the reliability of the source but not certifying the contents. To interact through these channels Francesco Deplanu produces texts, videos, infographics, images that can be used and relaunched always citing the reference sources. Moderation and Privacy on social pages The users of the social pages who will interact with the “umbertidestoria” pages are invited to keep respectful tones. Everyone and everyone has the right to intervene on social channels and to express their opinion freely, without prejudice to the public interest of the arguments. It is not possible to use social spaces for personal situations. In these spaces the normal rules of fairness, respect for the opinions of others and privacy apply. They will therefore be promptly removed: - comments and posts containing insults, foul language, offenses, threats or attitudes that harm the dignity of the person, violent or inappropriate towards other users present or not in the discussion, bodies, associations, institutions or those who manage and moderate the channels social; - comments and posts that infringe the rights of minorities and minors, the principles of freedom and equality; - comments and posts for commercial purposes or referring to non-verifiable external content; comments and posts containing advertisements and any type of electoral propaganda - Comments and posts containing personal data (common, sensitive and judicial) published by users on our social profiles will be removed and reported to the Manager. They will then be subject to moderation: - off topic comments with respect to the discussion of a specific post (off topic); interventions inserted repeatedly; - comments and posts written to disturb the discussion (so-called "trolling" or "flame"), or offend those who manage and moderate social channels; spam. Francesco Deplanu reserves the right to use the "ban" or block against users with clearly false accounts, those who repeatedly violate these conditions or those contained in the policy of the tools adopted and also reserves the right to report to the managers of the platform and law enforcement. Responsibility for contents The authors of the comments are considered responsible for the contents of the same and exonerate Francesco Deplanu from any responsibility, who does not have access to the data that is collected and processed independently by the managers of the social network platforms. For more information on the logic and methods of processing the data collected by social networks, users are invited to read the information notes on privacy provided by the entities that provide the services in question: Facebook policy: https://www.facebook.com/about/privacy Instagram information: https://help.instagram.com/519522125107875 Special categories of personal data Pursuant to articles 26 and 27 of Legislative Decree 196/2003 and articles 9 and 10 of EU Regulation no. 2016/679, the interested party could give the data controller data that can be classified as "particular categories of personal data", that is, data that reveal "racial or ethnic origin, political opinions, religious or philosophical beliefs, or 'trade union membership, as well as genetic data, biometric data intended to uniquely identify a natural person, data relating to the person's health or sexual life or sexual orientation ”. These categories of data can only be processed prior free and explicit consent of the interested party, expressed in writing. Existence of an automated decision-making process, including profiling The HOLDER OF THE TREATMENT does not adopt any automated decision-making process, including profiling, referred to in Article 22, paragraphs 1 and 4, of EU Regulation no. 679/2016. Rights of the interested party At any time, the interested party may exercise, pursuant to art. 7 of Legislative Decree 196/2003 and articles from 15 to 22 of EU Regulation no. 2016/679, the right to: a) ask for confirmation of the existence or otherwise of their personal data; b) obtain information about the purposes of the processing, the categories of personal data, the recipients or categories of recipients to whom the personal data have been or will be communicated and, when possible, the retention period; c) obtain the rectification and cancellation of data; d) obtain the limitation of the processing; And) obtain data portability, i.e. receive them from a data controller, in a structured format, commonly used and readable by an automatic device, and transmit them to another data controller without impediments; f) oppose the processing at any time and also in the case of processing for direct marketing purposes; g) oppose an automated decision-making process relating to individuals, including profiling. h) ask the data controller to access personal data and to correct or cancel them or limit their processing or to oppose their processing, in addition to the right to data portability; the) withdraw the consent at any time without prejudice to the lawfulness of the processing based on the consent given before the revocation; j) lodge a complaint with a supervisory authority. You can exercise your rights by sending a request to the email address: umbertidestoria@gmail.com Download the release to grant images, texts or videos for publication on the site http://www.umbertidestoria.net For clarification umbertidestoria@gmail.com

Umbertide 1944-1946: from the Liberation to the Referendum " Political-Administrative activity" 1946 - Le prime consultazioni elettorali Le elezioni del 2 giugno 1946 - il Referendum 1945 - L'amministrazione comunale ...tra speranze e delusioni L'attività di epurazione Introduzione Gli ultimi sussulti di guerra Le elezioni politiche Il Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale 1944 - La liberazione ed il Comitato di Salute Pubblica 1944 - L'amministrazione Comunale - I primi passi by Alessandro Cancian Author's Note "Umbertide 1944 -1946: From Liberation to Referendum - Political-Administrative Activity" This is the title of the degree thesis, which completed my studies at the Faculty of Sociology of the University of Urbino, back in 1992. The intent that drove me to undertake this work, in addition to the passion and pleasure of being able to study and deepen the past events of my city, was mainly to fill a gap that, at the time, I had found in the studies conducted on the history of Umbertide and its territory. I was amazed, in fact, that no author had ever considered the immediate postwar period (1944-1946), a really interesting period for the various ferments that characterized it. However, the many difficulties I encountered in researching historical sources convinced me that this historical gap was not due to the disinterest of scholars, but to the scarcity and ... disorder in which the documentation to consult lay, which only for a very short time (i.e. from when it was possible to publish the documents) the Municipality of Umbertide he was trying to give a proper arrangement. Not even the press of the time was of much comfort to me; he seemed, in fact, to have almost totally disregarded what happened in our territory. The oral testimonies, often fragmentary and confused, were also of little support, also taking into account that many protagonists of the events I was about to investigate had now, unfortunately, disappeared. All this, however, did not cause me to lose heart; on the contrary, it stimulated me to a greater commitment, both in research and in verifying the sources, and then in "mending" the events with the ultimate aim of giving their succession continuity and reliability. In addition to published sources such as books, newspapers and magazines, certainly the most interesting material, because it is absolutely unpublished, the subject of my meticulous investigation were the Acts and the Register of Minutes of the then CNL Municipal Section of Umbertide, and the Acts and the Register of the resolutions of the then Municipal Council of Umbria. Even today, as then, I do not intend to risk an assessment of what I actually managed to achieve. As I stated at the end of my work, I would have contented myself with arousing the curiosity of those scholars who, from the height of their experience and professionalism, would certainly have been able to achieve much more completely what was in my intentions. May 2020 The last gasps of war Immediately after the political-military events of '43, some Umbertidesi antifascists contact the clandestine National Liberation Committee (1), without the local fascist authorities doing much to catch the subversives in the act, well known in a small town which was Umbertide (2). At the end of 1943, the presence of the German army in the territory of the Upper Tiber Valley begins to become more consistent and more dangerous. The soldiers of the Wehrmacht are flanked or, even worse, are replaced by units of the SS, who see every Italian as a "traitor" and behave accordingly: then, especially in the countryside, raids and cruelties of all kinds begin. Against the German troops and the fascist militia there is the I 'Proletaria d'Urto Brigade, a new partisan formation better known as the San Faustino, born on the initiative of a group of anti-fascists, mostly liberals, headed by Bonuccio Bonucci of Perugia . Almost all of them come from the areas of Perugia, Umbertide, Città di Castello, Gubbio. San Faustino operates in the Umbrian-Marche Apennines and in particular in the mountain range of the municipality of Pietralunga. And since the partisan presence in this territory represents for the Germans a serious threat to transit on the alternative routes of connection for the transport of weapons, ammunition and provisions, there are several roundups put in place, which involve or keep in suspense the inhabitants of the countryside surrounding Umbertide. Yet the greatest tragedies have yet to unfold ... At 10.20 am on 25 April 1944, a squadron of 12 Allied fighter-bombers dives from the hills of the Serra. The objectives of the raid are the two bridges over the Tiber: that of the state road "Tiberina 3 bis" (the famous road of the Rome-Berlin axis) and that of the Central Umbrian Apennines, which connects Umbertide to Fossato di Vico and Arezzo. The populous district of San Giovanni (today Piazza XXV Aprile) is unfortunately close to the objectives: the two bridges remain standing, but 74 (they are 70 ed) unarmed citizens perish under the bombs dropped by pilots who are perhaps too young and inexperienced. In the afternoon a new raid which, fortunately, causes neither victims nor damage. Three days later, with a third bombing, an arch of the road bridge is destroyed. The railway one will be blown up later by the German sappers. For many years, historical credit was given to a popular voice, which held the Prefectural Commissioner Ramaccioni responsible for the deaths of the bombing, for not wanting to sound the air alarm sirens. Instead, research carried out by scholars Bruno Porrozzi, Raffaele Mancini and Mario Tosti, made it possible to return, after a long time, the truth of the episode and to remove this shadow about the behavior of the Commissioner (3). When, on June 20, 1944, the news arrives that Perugia is in the hands of the Anglo-Americans, the inhabitants of Umbertide are convinced that the following day they too will be "freed". And instead the Allies, by now for consolidated war strategy, take it easy: 15 days must pass before the 8th Army riflemen appear in the rubble of the San Giovanni quarter. Fifteen days in which the Germans (after the flight of the main fascist hierarchs), remain absolute masters of the territory of the Upper Tiber Valley, which is put to fire and sword. In Umbertide the Tobacco Factory and the Railway Workshop are set on fire. The countryside is looted. And, unfortunately, the Nazi anger is blindly vented even on unarmed citizens. On June 24, 1944, near the ancient castle of Serra Partucci, a few kilometers from Umbertide, a retreating German unit took up arms to five young men. The reason has always remained unclear, even if the popular rumor speaks of retaliation for a never ascertained wounding of a German soldier. Four days later, in the locality of Penetola, in the countryside of the Umbertide district of Niccone, without any reason (not even explainable in the light of the raw logic of war), a platoon of SS (but it is to be believed that some of them were Italians wearing the German uniforms ...), is tainted with an atrocious crime: penetrating a peasant house in the middle of the night, they set it on fire, firing on anyone who tries to escape the stake. Twelve people perish thus barbarously, including three women and five boys. 1. The Umbertidese artisans G. Vestrelli (carpenter) and A. Taticchi (barber), together with prof. R. Simonucci, received news and orders from Pio Taticchi (Antonio's brother), who resided in Rome and had in fact contacts with men of the National Liberation Committee, still "clandestine". 2. More than an oral testimony, however, reports that the "historical" nucleus of the Umbertidesi antifascists had never been too inclined to proselytize, especially among young people: and this "closure" has certainly avoided leaks about the activities of the nucleus itself. 3. Precise documents attest that Ramaccioni has long ago requested an "air warning signal", which the Prefecture refuses to grant. Introduzione Gli ultimi sussulti di guerra 1975. Bonuccio Bonucci, founder of the San Faustino Brigade, receives an honor from the Mayor Celestino Sonaglia Prefectural Commissioner Luigi Ramaccioni 1944 - La liberazione ed il Comitato di Salute Pubblica 1944 - L'amministrazione Comunale - I primi passi 1944 - The Liberation and the Public Health Committee On 5 July 1944 the allies entered Umbertide without encountering any resistance. The wounds, however, are still too much alive, too deep among the people of Umbria to give rise to outbursts of joy for the “liberation”. On the same 5th July, eleven citizens gathered in the home of maestro Raoul Bonucci to set up a Public Health Committee. Maestro Raffaele Mancini, who lost part of it, reported the following: “It was a spontaneous and completely improvised meeting. […] We were convinced that in some way it was necessary to act, but honestly we could not organize the hundred ideas that each of us was proposing. Fortunately, prof. Simonucci, municipal deputy secretary and a man of great experience and considerable culture. In a nutshell he convinced us that first of all it was necessary to deal with the situation of Umbertide, where chaos was in danger of taking over. Raoul Bonucci's house was a stone's throw away: eleven of us were there. The intention was to define ourselves as the National Liberation Committee, Umbertide section. But it would take the approval of the Provincial CNL, as well as a representation of the various parties. The professor. Simonucci then proposed the denomination Committee of Public Health […] We therefore took into consideration the situation of our town and began to get busy ”. The Public Health Committee does not have a charter. Only ten days later, someone wanted to make that informal meeting official, drawing up a meager list of eleven names, with the party to which they belong to the side: Boldrini In the Communist Boldrini Nenella Communist Mancini Raffaele Communist Communist Nanni Ramiro Taticchi Antonio Communist Simonucci Raffaele - C? Bonucci Raoul - C? Rometti Aspromonte socialist Baldelli Dante socialist Ramaccioni Renato P. Action Improved Socialist Joseph It is curious to note how the editor, in an attempt to attribute to each member of the Committee a political connotation, is in some difficulty. Does the letter C prove it? alongside the names of Simonucci and Bonucci (Communists?) On how much and how the Committee of Public Health work, you do not have official documents, but we know for sure that one of the first assignments that it is attributed is to form teams of "vigilante" to avoid acts of looting among the rubble and the houses that the "displaced" people have left unattended. It also works to fight the black market and, above all, the first official contacts are made with the provincial section of the Committee of National Liberation, which is based in Perugia. However, beyond its specific activity, it should be recognized that the Committee of Public Health, in these moments of strong disorientation, plays a role of fundamental importance in terms of stimulation and coordination of the first, frenetic initiatives, waiting for the official bodies to regain control of the political and administrative life of Umbertide. Thus we arrive at 23 July 1944, the day on which the local section of the CNL of National Liberation is established, the Public Health Committee is dissolved, also because the Allied Military Governor has now appointed a Mayor. 1944 - The Municipal Administration… the first steps The Allied Military Governor appoints Dr. Mariano Migliorati, surgeon, as Mayor. The Mayor, who had been entrusted with the mandate to form a Municipal Council, after a few days proposes to the Allied Military Governor a list of names taking into account their moral position more than their political one. Names are all accepted. Composition of the Municipal Council: Giuseppe Migliorati, Aspromonte Rometti and Tramaglino Cerrini are socialists; Nello Boldrioni and Giuseppe Rondoni are communists; Francesco Martinelli is close to the Action Party; Renato Ramaccioni is a liberal; Attilio Scannavini is a Christian Democrat, along with Giorgio Rappini, of whom there is no precise information. Municipal Secretary A. Bartolomei is appointed. The council met for the first time on 9 August 1944 and immediately resolved, on the order of the Allied Military Governor, to take disciplinary measures against those municipal employees who, "given political precedents", cannot remain in service. 16 employees are thus identified, who will be suspended from service and salary from 15 August. This measure will have a long aftermath and will be the subject of numerous disputes and disputes between the Municipality and the Prefecture. Furthermore, it should be noted that discontent is spreading in the village due to the sad phenomenon of hoarding: it appears, in fact, that most of the traders and producers have accumulated and hidden in improvised warehouses "lots of various kinds" that are sold on the "black market". Therefore, the suspicion arises that the employees of the Annonario Office and the Annonary Vigilant Corps are not doing their duty, or that they are even complicit in this situation. It was therefore decided to dismiss some employees (replacing them with new ones) and to suspend the aforementioned brigades indefinitely. In their place, a Nucleus of Annonary Police has been set up (as indeed the provisions of the "superior bodies" require) to be entrusted with the task of carrying out checks on the real or presumed irregularities that many citizens are denouncing. Therefore the Council, given the serious conditions in which almost all citizenship is found, appoints the members who must make up the Administration Committee of the Local Municipal Body for Assistance (ECA), as ordered by the Prefecture of Perugia. On 28 August 1944 the meeting of the Municipal Council is dedicated to the appointment of the new head physician of the Civil Hospital of Umbertide. The task (on the proposal of the Allied Military Governor himself) is entrusted to the mayor himself, dr. Mariano Migliorati, who takes over from dr. M. Valdinoci, suspended for political reasons, and included in the list drawn up in the session of 9 August. Giuseppe Migliorati replaces Mariano Migliorati at the helm of the Municipality On 2 September 1944 the office of Mayor remains vacant and therefore a new appointment must be made. Also in this case it is the Allied Military Governor who indicates the replacement, choosing from among the members of the same council the surveyor Giuseppe Migliorati, well known in Umbertide, and highly esteemed. Even if there are no official objections to this choice by either the men of the CNL or the Board, almost certainly there must have been some contrast, because with the entry into force of the new Mayor there is an almost total renewal of the Board, which now it has been extended to 12 members. Scrolling through the names, we note that only A. Martinelli of the Action Party and the socialist A. Rometti remain of the previous one, who is also a close friend of the Mayor. It also appears significant that of the other 10 members none belong to the Communist Party. The New Administration immediately worked to resolve the most pressing problems. In this regard, the Mayor sent a very detailed report to the Prefect of Perugia, about the disastrous conditions in which the town of Umbertide and the municipal area in general found themselves, also offering valuable advice on how to deal with and resolve them. To combat the sad phenomenon of hoarding and the so-called "black market" and to cope with the lack of shops, in August the Municipal Administration created a Bottegone Comunale del Popolo , for the distribution of rationed goods, collected in a special Center where all producers can converge. The management is entrusted to a provisional Board of Directors, chaired by two men of the Executive (the socialists Aspromonte Rometti and Tramaglino Cerini), who take care of its organization and operation. It is said that the Bottegone will continue to operate until normal commercial activity is restored, and then decide whether to close it or transform it into a consumer cooperative. The initiative found wide acceptance and so, in a short time, the Bottegone found itself having to cope with a mass of work that no one expected. It was therefore decided to transform it into a consumer cooperative. In this regard, Rometti is responsible for drafting a "leaflet" sent to all workers, so that they become members. In the heading of the Flyer we note that Rometti has replaced the more technical wording of "Magazzino" from the popular dialectal term "Bottegone". But on November 12, 1944, when the deed of incorporation must be drawn up before the notary, the sentiment of tradition prevails, and the cooperative was called by its first name "Bottegone Comunale del Popolo". 191 shares are awarded, for a total of £ 20,300. For the record, the Bottegone will function until the seventies, when it will be replaced by COOP - Umbria. Another delicate situation that the council has to face is that of housing. After the war raids, the population has spread a little everywhere, but it is pressing to return to the village, where, however, many houses have been destroyed, and many others damaged. In this way, a special office and a special commission are created to supervise the relevant services. The commissioner Arnaldo Zurli presides over the census of the lodgings and their assignment. It is established that each room must be occupied by at least two people and, where possible, families are invited to welcome other families. A Commission is also appointed to fix the rental prices which must be fair and in keeping with the economic situation of the tenant. In doing so, it is possible to buffer a dramatic situation. Regarding the viability, the council promotes a voluntary consortium among the interested parties, for the construction of footbridges to replace the destroyed bridges within the municipal area. A commission is then appointed for the bridge-reconstruction consortium, which is entrusted with the task of drawing up estimates and supervising the works. In late autumn, the need arises to provide somehow the heating of the houses and it is decided to distribute coal and wood to the population through the special Wood and Coal Commission which will have to work to ensure that the distribution takes place in an equitable manner and privileges the most needy. These, therefore, are the initiatives taken by the Municipal Council from August to November of '44. This is no small thing, if we consider that it must act in constant conflict with the local section of the CNL, which increasingly sees in the figure of the Mayor an expression of prefectural power (or that of the Allied Military Governor) and not of the will of the citizens of Umbria. A conflict that ends up determining the resignation of Migliorati, despite the Allied Military Governor try in every way to avoid them. In his place is appointed the lawyer Renato Ramaccioni of the Liberal Party, first president of the CNL and former member of the Executive headed by Dr. Mariano Migliorati. On 29 December a new council is appointed, made up of 6 members: 2 communists (Dante Baldelli and Giuseppe Rondoni), 2 socialists (Tramaglino Cerrini and Virgilio Occhirossi) and 2 who declare themselves "belonging to no party" (Francesco Martinelli and Lodovico Conte Ranieri). Count Ludovico Ranieri will attend only at this first meeting, then he will always be absent. It is therefore to be assumed that his represents an appointment "of convenience", perhaps to satisfy the upper middle class of Umberto and to balance, at least in part, the total absence of the Christian Democrats. Reproduction of the original document Dr. Mariano Migliorati Giuseppe Migliorati 1945 - The Municipal Administration ... between hopes and disappointments On January 18, 1945 the administrative activity resumed; but it seems to be proceeding a little slowly or, at least, no longer in spirit with that boost of enthusiasm that characterized the previous Council led by Migliorati. Identifying the exact reasons for this slowdown is not easy, because the documentation is really scarce. Based on the correspondence that the Municipality has with the CLN and with the various local committees, we can first of all deduce that it is in enormous financial difficulties, which do not allow it to intervene effectively on the disastrous social economic reality. Add to this that the work of the Municipal Administration, with the passing of days, falls more and more under the control of the higher bodies (of the Prefecture in particular). In fact, they give precise directives and perhaps impose specific expenditure items, which not only leave the concrete and daily needs of a large part of the population unsatisfied, but also exacerbate the already ill-concealed contrasts between the new council and the CNL. The Municipal Administration thus finds itself acting in an atmosphere that is anything but serene. On the one hand, the directives of a state that is gradually reorganizing its bureaucratic apparatus: on the other, the pressure of local committees, determined to resolve certain situations in a more radical way. Despite these difficulties of the path, the council still manages to take some commendable initiatives. For example, the Bursar Office is created, which is part of the Accounting section, which is assigned, among other tasks, those of providing for the transport of destitute citizens due to war and the payment of subsidies to the poor. A new commission is appointed for the first degree decision of appeals against municipal taxes, with Dr. Mariano Migliorati as president: it is hoped that the head physician of the hospital, whom everyone esteems for his professionalism and honesty, can somehow avoid the avalanche of protests that reach the municipal offices. However, it has just solved this "problem", and already the Ramaccioni council is still called upon to deal with the serious housing problem. Unfortunately, the number of homeless people is still significant, as renovations are proceeding slowly. On the other hand, property owners are in no hurry to speed up the restoration work on housing, which may then be forced to rent to ridiculous hormones ... A Committee for Building Repairs was then formed, chaired by the engineer Dante Pannacci, with the surveyor Giuseppe Migliorati representing the homeless and the engineer Giovita Scagnetti as the representative of the homeowners. Even the welfare and social security conditions of agricultural workers (who have resumed work in the countryside) leave much to be desired, so a Commission is appointed to carry out investigations on the matter. However, despite not standing idle, the Municipal Administration is unable to mend a peaceful relationship with the CLN. And this must create a lot of difficulties for them in action, because at the beginning of April the Mayor communicates to CLN. of having resigned in the hands of the Prefect, who however rejected them. It seems evident that this is a shrewd move by Ramaccioni, to mean that he does not want to remain in office ... in spite of the saints. On the other hand, it can also be a precise signal of willingness to re-establish good relations with the CLN Astorre Bellarosa is appointed Mayor of Umbertide The situation remains, however, what it is. And then on April 26, citing work reasons, Ramaccioni goes to Rome, after having delegated the senior councilor Giuseppe Rondoni to replace him. But Rondoni is a representative of the PCI and the delegation is not approved by the Prefect, who the following day sends one of his Commissioners to Umbertide to take over the management of the Municipality. It is clear that we do not want to leave the administration in the hands of a council chaired by a communist, moreover very close (due to ideological and friendly ties), to some men of the CLN In truth G. Rondoni is a man of great moral depth, which he has always put before the interests of the community to those of the party and, above all, to yours. But how always happens, these qualities will be recognized only after death ... Meanwhile, from Rome, the lawyer Ramaccioni insists that his own be accepted resignation and the Prefect can only acknowledge it, granting the authorization for a new appointment. Perhaps the CLN would like to re-propose the Rondoni, but the opportunity suggests not to ... force your hand. We then try to find a person who results appreciated by all: CLN, population, Governor and Prefect. The choice falls on communist Astorre Bellarosa , a self-taught craftsman, a man of vast experience human and, above all, of great balance. His appointment bears the date of May 6, 1945. The new council takes office on May 24 instead. It is largely formed by communists and socialists: Astorre Bellarosa, Giuseppe Rondoni, Vincenzo Rondoni, Renato Martinelli and Pasquale Ceccarelli of the PCI; Dino Bernacchi ed Arnaldo Zurli of the PSI, Guido Guidi of the DC Despite good intentions, it too can certainly not work miracles in coping and solve the problems that always remain the same; but on the other hand, you can ask sacrifices to the population because they have a broad consensus and great trust. The financial crisis forces, in fact, to take painful measures: the most rigorous parsimonies are required in the disbursement of expenses and the revision of all services so that they can function with the minimum staff. Here the Technical Office is forced to fire an employee and all permanent workers (carpenters, blacksmiths, bricklayers ...), in addition to reducing the number of roadmen. A reconstruction plan is underway In the meantime, the council activates a rational and concrete reconstruction plan, entrusting its realization to the same Technical Office, assisted by a new Building Commission and by all the engineers, surveyors, artists and professionals of the capital. The Reconstruction and Expansion Plan was approved in the session of 21 July. Furthermore, since the Prefecture has not yet done so, with a subscription from all citizens, forty thousand lire is collected to be used for the clearing of the rubble that obstruct the main square 1 and the adjacent streets. As the Migliorati had done, the Mayor Bellarosa also urges the Prefecture to take measures for the accommodation of the schools, which will absolutely have to start functioning again. In this regard, a resolution of the Executive which gives a favorable opinion to the establishment of a "balanced" high school assumes considerable significance. A few months earlier, the National Education Association “A. Vespucci ”had proposed to open a first class of scientific high school in Umbertide. The proposal seemed tempting, but the Municipal Administration could not have committed itself financially. Therefore, some private individuals who had declared their willingness to give the necessary contribution had moved. And so, in the session of 30 August, the Mayor informs that this will not constitute a burden for the Municipality, since the population has offered to cover the commitment of twenty-four thousand lire per year. The Executive therefore gives a favorable opinion. The Lyceum, however, will only begin to operate in 1946. In September, discussions are held on the proposed tax relief for the construction of new buildings. Emphasis is placed on the urgent need to encourage by all means the initiatives aimed at building new residential homes, not only to meet the numerous families still affected, but also to deal, in some way, with the phenomenon of unemployment which, in given the winter, it risks aggravating Umbertide's already precarious economic situation. It is therefore decided to grant total exemption from the consumption tax of all building materials to all those who will start the works by 1945, in order to complete them as soon as possible. Only objectively demonstrable delays will be allowed. The buildings completed promptly will enjoy, for a period of five years, exemption from the municipal tax. This is a resolution that will prove to be of fundamental importance for the rebirth of Umbertide. Also in September, the Mayor - applying a legislative decree Lieutenancy of 8.3.1945 - initiates the constitution of a Tax Council, an elected body, which has the task of supporting the work of the financial offices for a wide and equalized tax action. At the end of 1945, when we go to make the final balances, we realize that the deficit increases. And then the municipal administration is forced to take another rather "unpopular" decision, but inevitably dictated by the need to give breath to an increasingly asphyxiated budget: it restores the sale of the popular buildings located in via XX Settembre, whose auction it had been interrupted in 1925. These houses are, in this period, inhabited by disastrous families who pay, when they can ..., a purely symbolic rent. This constitutes a huge loss for the municipal administration. Yet, despite the year ending with the further request for sacrifices, and above all for the most destitute population, we must affirm that the Bellarosa administration has marked a decidedly positive step in the difficult path of reconstruction. And it did so, in particular, on the level of "moral" reconstruction, always working with great honesty and transparency, involving citizens as much as possible who, made responsible for a participation that has been forgotten for years, show themselves willing, at least to a large extent, to face sacrifices with the awareness of making them for a better tomorrow. 1 . On 5 July, on the proposal of the CNL, the square was named after Giacomo Matteotti, martyr for democracy. 1945 - L'amministrazione comunale ...tra speranze e delusioni Astorre Bellarosa 1946 - Le prime consultazioni elettorali 1946 - We return to democratic participation. The first electoral consultations In the first months of the new year the activity of the Municipal Administration is almost totally dedicated to the preparation of the upcoming electoral deadlines (1), which fall into a scenario made dramatic by the serious economic and social difficulties in which the Municipality of Umbertide is struggling, and for whose resolution it always continues to operate. We cite, for example, its effective contribution in favor of the unemployed, with the creation of a Committee for Winter Assistance; the establishment of a Board of Directors of the Civic Hospital ; the establishment of a Public Transport Service between Umbertide and Perugia; the formation of a new committee for the reconstruction of Umbertide (the post-war Committee ). But the desire to successfully carry out that revolution for freedom, which was born with the partisan struggles, and which was about to be sanctioned by a free democratic choice in front of the polls, gives such great enthusiasm that, often even the serious contingent problems take a back seat. The administrative elections The administrative electoral consultation, which will take place on April 7, finds only three parties well organized in the Umbrian territory: the Communist Party, the Socialist Party and the Christian Democrats. The dispute, however, will not be three; in fact, in November 1945 the local sections of the PCI and the PSI stipulated a pact of union, which leads them to appear under a single list (2) It is therefore a direct confrontation which, implying unequivocally bringing to light the inevitable political and ideological diversifications, certainly upsets the image of loyal collaboration offered up to now by the parties. Obviously, this does not mean that until that moment there had been a total absence of contrasts. But the common anti-fascist and republican impulse managed, at least in most of the occasions of dispute, not to unleash bitter ideological diatribes, both within the Giunta and in the ranks of the CNL The election campaign is largely left to improvisation and volunteering. More passionate, but also more concrete and incisive appears that of the Social Communists, conducted extensively by various activists who beat the entire municipal territory inch by inch, sometimes even going even further (3). We have significant testimony of one of these electoral interventions in two articles which appeared respectively in the socialist weekly "La Rivenditazione" (distributed in the Upper Tiber area) and in "Il Socialista", a periodical of the PSI of Perugia. There is news of a propaganda trip by the Umbertidesi social-communists in the hamlet of Preggio, still considered very linked to fascism. In turn, Communists and Socialists speak. The intervention of a comrade from the section of the PCI of Montecastelli is also mentioned. Apparently more cautious and less striking, but no less intense, appears the activity of the Christian Democracies, which for the most part entrusts its electoral campaign to the collaboration of parish priests, who try to persuade especially women, easier to fall into feelings of guilt, when they are faced with the risk of not being able to enter church anymore or, even, that of excommunication (4). It is the text of a Pastoral that, under the direction of the Bishop, parish priests will have to read during a Sunday Mass at the end of January and which, almost certainly, contains accusations against communism and socialism. I have not been able to find the text of the Pastoral, but we have found an article in "The Vindication" of 2.2.46, in which a severe criticism is made not so much of its content (which the writer admits he does not know), as of the the way it was read and explained to the faithful. Even if the article is reproduced in its entirety at the foot of this chapter, it is worth highlighting some passages: "... we cannot fail to note the sectarian spirit ... of some canonical commentator, who ... felt entitled to also promulgate otherworldly penalties for who has not followed the dictates of the pastoral care in question ... ", and again" ... The scandal aroused ... demonstrates how inappropriate is the propaganda, clearly political, made in church in favor of a single party ... "and continues" ... the clergy is clearly conservative and carries out this intimidating campaign on souls to be able to continue to be the main pillar of reaction and capitalism “. For the sake of truth, however, there is an obligation to point out that not all priests are so diligent in propaganda. For example, Mancini and Palazzetti remember very well that some parish priests of the Umbertidese countryside disregard the directives of the Curia and do not read the letter in question on that Sunday. The two social-communist-inspired newspapers published and distributed in the Upper Tiber Valley (the aforementioned "The Claim" and the communist weekly "Voce Proletaria"), give ample space to the chronicle of the Città di Castello district, but only very rarely do they speak of what happens in Umbertide. On the contrary, the religious fortnightly "Voce Cattolica", and the Christian Democrat fortnightly "Libertà", they are felt on more than one occasion. In the issue of February 23, 1946, "Libertà" addresses for the first time the issue of administrative elections in the Municipality of Umbertide, speaking of great electoral expectations within the Christian Democrats, which responded to the Social-Communist alliance by expanding the list of own candidates to some independents. In truth, rather than real "independents" they are representatives of those parties (such as the PLI) that do not show up for the elections: this, obviously, in an attempt to collect the vote of the sympathizers of the aforementioned parties. It is also specified that the Christian Democratic party will present itself with its own distinct character, which however does not mean renouncing to collaborate for the interest of the people. This, expressed, declaration to "collaboration" (even if it cannot be excluded that it is dictated by true availability), appears perhaps more realistically to be interpreted as "putting your hands forward". The Umbertidesi Christian Democrats, in fact, are well aware that they are leaving at a disadvantage compared to the "left"; and then they do not want to ensnare themselves in sterile as well as irritating positions of clear split with the direct competitors. The same article ends by expressing doubts about the merger between PCI and PSI which, apparently dictated by unity of purpose and concord, actually constitutes a sort of forcing that has left several candidates unhappy who, in addition to being opposed to some points of the program, ... aimed at individual affirmation. Another workhorse of Christian Democratic propaganda is represented by the letter with which Dr. Stefano Codovini (who was, albeit for a very short period, in the Board of the CNL), justifies his resignation from the Communist Party, within which he performed the functions of orator and propagandist. The religious fortnightly "Voce Cattolica", published on March 30, 1946, gives great prominence to this story, in an article entitled "PCI in crisis?" , which begins by announcing, very subtly, that Codivini resigned because he became a Catholic. In truth, Codivini's training and education were already clearly Catholic and his adherence to the ranks of the PCI, probably due to a certain influence of his uncle Riego, had never been too convinced. But the opportunity is too tempting to pass up, and so the article ends by quoting the words of the "former communist" verbatim. Scrolling through a few passages, we note that it is a real "j'accuse" against Marxist ideology: "Since Communism is a materialist philosophy, it does not recognize God or religion ... The leaders of Communism have always contested religion, thus resulting in atheists and materialists ... Today the PCI also includes Catholics in its ranks but it is all temporary and utilitarian tactics ... Therefore the Catholic who resides in this party is a Catholic who does his utmost to create a society from which he will be repudiated. " The story of the parish priest of nearby Montone also becomes a reason for electoral controversy. "Voce Proletaria" of 23 March 1946, publishes the news of the arrest of the priest, accused of having stolen eleven quintals of wheat, not giving them to the people's granaries. But on March 31, "Voce Cattolica" takes care to announce that the Court has amply demonstrated that this is a misunderstanding, and does not miss the opportunity to stigmatize the behavior of those who exploited the episode to widely defame the parish priest in propaganda speeches. . Quite interesting, to savor the atmosphere in which the electoral campaign takes place, is also the elzeviro that "Libertà" publishes just one day before the elections (ie April 6, 1946), entitled "... Under the heading ... to these cheerful comrades … ”And formed under the pseudonym of“ the one who laughs ”. Surely reference is made to the fact that during the electoral campaign often the speakers of the DC were so disputed and disturbed that they could not carry out the rally. I think it is worth reporting the article, written with a very particular irony and, in the last line, even a little ... hermetic: “In a low voice because otherwise they would go down with the shotgun. You are (you of the areas where our representatives have spoken) of the jokers: keep your friends happy, when it is the turn of the DC exponent, you retreat neatly on the trees or on the walls and start screaming and whistling. Then "authoritative" voices tell us that they are only irresponsible elements and that the necessary measures will be taken (many of these irresponsible ...). But we did not want to reproach you, dear comrades who are so happy: we just wanted to ask you, after having made the image of the haystack dog barking from afar flash before your eyes, if Mrs. Democracy is always prosperous and fat as we wish ". The programs of the two electoral sides In short, the debate involving the two sides is quite lively and, at times, even bitter. But we must also recognize that the administrative nature of these first elections ultimately also favored a constructive exchange of views and proposals on the issues of urban reconstruction, the reorganization of social and, indeed, administrative life. To confirm this, it is sufficient to make a comparison of the electoral program of the Social Communists and that of the Christian Democrats. The program of the PCI and PSI (which consists of 10 points), is reported by "Voce Proletaria" on 13.3.1946. That of the DC (summarized in 11 points), is instead published by "Libertà" on 30.3.1946. Well, 8 points are almost identical: Immediate and energetic arrangement of the finances and technical-administrative offices of the municipality; Drafting of a new master plan and construction of public housing; Scrupulous observance of the law that obliges landowners to renovate farmhouses in need of interventions, Rapid reactivation of the railway and of communications with neighboring areas; Improvement of Health, with particular regard to the accommodation and strengthening of the Civic Hospital; Industrial expansion and development, involving public and private companies, to give "bread and work"; Arrangement of the aqueduct, in the capital and in the hamlets; Interventions in favor of the school: fight illiteracy; give impetus to kindergartens; build school buildings in the hamlets; establish recreation centers; start the teaching activity of the Scientific High School. Of the remaining three points of the DC program, two refer respectively to the strengthening of agriculture and the necessary accommodation of veterans. The first point, on the other hand, is of a more purely political nature. Freedom and autonomy of the Municipality are hoped for within the national framework, together with a direct participation of citizens in the life of Umbertide, perhaps resorting to a referendum, if the case so requires. How to interpret? It can be assumed that the Umbertidesi Christian Democrats truly fear, on the national level, an overwhelming victory of the left, with consequent repercussions on the local administrations which would be totally in the hands of the Social Communists. Or it is a question of a preliminary ruling, to instill fear and doubts in the voters. As if to say: be careful who you vote for, because you could find yourself, even in Umbertide, under the Communist "dictatorship" ... The two points of the social-communist program speak in turn of greater tax justice (through income assessment) and heliotherapy colonies for children. Therefore, the basic theme on which the analyzes of the parties converge (that of budgetary consolidation, the efficiency of the administrative machinery, essential socio-structural interventions), finds numerous points of contact. Furthermore, both sides share the need to take new paths, which guarantee the effective functioning and the democratic nature of primary public services. We must also say that the fact that for the first time in Italy women are called to the polls has considerable political significance in this electoral contest. It is about the achievement of a “truly” universal suffrage, a source of great satisfaction for the democratic parties, which see in this enlargement of the right to vote a new and decisive step towards those goals of equality and justice advocated in every electoral rally. We said before that in this period the Municipal Administration of Umbertide is almost totally occupied in handling the bureaucratic process of preparation for the elections iter already begun in November 1945, with the drafting of a report concerning the compilation of the male electoral list (5) . The five reports on the state of electoral work that it must gradually send to the Prefecture make it up. Among them, significant is that of 31.3.1946 in which it refers to having drawn up and approved the electoral list for women, including those born in 1924. Another aspect that the Mayor Bellarosa intends to take care of with particular attention is that public order. In a letter sent to the local CNL on 26.2.1946, he expressed the need to convene the Party Heads, so that they undertake to guarantee order and tranquility. In this way, in fact, not only will political maturity be shown, but a clear response to the cliques will also be given reactionary and fascist who still try to have their say in the Italian political context. In this context, there is no shortage of curious notes. Like when the prefect orders, with a circular of 22.2.1946, to also mobilize the Municipal and Country Guards, in uniform and armed, and the Mayor replies that they do not have both the uniform (they go with the armband) and guns (removed by the fleeing Germans). In the month of March the Municipal Commission for the cancellation of the electoral lists of people who have held certain fascist positions. This Commission was appointed by the Prefect with decree n. 478 of 1.3.1946 and is made up of a representative of each party: A. Scannavini (DC), C. Palazzetti (PCI), V. Occhirossi (PSI). After careful examination, it proposes the cancellation of a dozen people, in addition to the 16 employees already suspended. But C. Palazzetti, President of the aforementioned Commission, reports that “… almost none of the proposed cancellations will then become enforceable. In fact, an appeal to the Prefect for obtain suspension and thus have the right to vote. And this will also happen for the referendum elections on June". On March 17, the Mayor informs the Prefecture about the regularity of the presentation of the two lists of candidates, one of which bearing the "hammer and sickle" mark and the other the "Crusader shield" mark with the word "libertas", each including 24 candidates. For the record, we will say that the two lists are presented to the District Commission of Città di Castello at the same time and on the same day: 4.00 pm on 7.3.1946 On April 7, therefore, we go to the polls, and the turnout is really high: out of 9,689 registered on the electoral lists, voters are 8,258, equal to 85.21%! The counting of the ballots takes place in an atmosphere of anxious expectation. "Voce Proletaria" of April 13 reports: “The whole country was gathered in the main square, awaiting the results of the elections. When the speaker made known the outcome of the ballot, which sanctioned the overwhelming victory of the Social-Communist coalition (it obtained 6,283 votes against the 1,507 of the DC), an imposing procession with red flags in the front row and the fanfare to sing popular anthems walked the main streets of the town amid popular enthusiasm. Once back in the square, first the Mayor and then comrade Puletti thanked Umbertide on behalf of the party ”. The same article speaks of a double victory for the Social Communists, who dispelled the legend of Preggio (the populous fraction with a high percentage of fascists), obtaining a clear affirmation there too. The reaction of the Christian Democrats is not one of bitter disappointment: even if a few more votes were expected, the defeat was widely expected. We are consoled, then, with some inferences about the methods used by the Social-Communists during the electoral campaign or by trying to attribute their success to fortunate contingent facts. For example, "Libertà" of April 20 writes "Thinking back to the propaganda systems used to grab the vote, we believe that opponents should worry about any legitimate reactions". And, moreover: "... Social-communist victory also seconded by 3 currents, of which victory we must keep in mind the various elements that determined it" (6). In a more general way, "Catholic voice" limits itself to acknowledging a defeat of the Catholic sense, without going into political and ideological quibbles or excuses. Finally, it is interesting to note how Don Torquato Sergenti, many years later (in 1980) defines the victory of the left in Umbertide as "subversive", and signals it as a shock of political involution. The results of the electoral elections determine, in the municipality of Umbertide, the election of 30 councilors: 15 communists, 9 socialists and 6 Christian Democrats. It should be noted that in the PCI - PSI community list the difference between who has obtained the highest number of consents (the communist Bellarosa, 6,340) and who has had the least (the communist Corbucci, 6,256) is only 84 votes ... of the DC it was Vincenzo Goti who obtained the greatest number of preferences: 1595. The City Council, freely elected for the first time by a universal plebiscite, met on 28 April 1946. The outgoing Mayor Bellarosa took the floor to thank the CNL, his party, the Chamber of Labor, the Association of Farmers and Industrial. He underlines, therefore, how it is now difficult for Umbertide to resume life as always, after the war has tried the country so hard. Finally, he does not fail to underline the difficult economic and financial situation of the Municipality "... a situation that must be immediately taken into consideration by the new administration". At the end of the speech, the councilors are invited to vote to elect the new Mayor: out of 30 present, well 29 votes (there is only one blank ballot) confirm Bellarosa in office, who then returns to warmly thank all the councilors "remembering they who will have to administer and act in the most just way possible, now that the people themselves have placed their trust in them ". On behalf of the representatives of the DC (which the drafter of the report cites as "Popular Party ..."), the lawyer Vincenzo Gotti then asks to speak, to signify that the minority agrees to offer its collaboration to the majority, in the tough path that awaits you. However, he is keen to underline that “… such support will often take on the role of criticism, which in any case will always be an open and constructive criticism, aimed only at giving advantages and benefits to the Administration itself. The program that our party has in mind and wants to carry out ", continues Gotti," concerns the economic improvement and the moral elevation of the working classes to ensure that capitalism and workers peacefully reach out their hand ", in a spirit of true "social justice". Perhaps Gotti, in expressing this last thought, wanted to pull some water on his mill. Let us not forget, in fact, that he is the Sole Administrator of the Autonomous Tobacco Farm, within which trade unionism is quite active ... Some councilors from the majority also intervene who, in summary, all repeat the same concepts: they speak of the exultation of the Umbertidese people, they hope that the future will be better, they hope that peace is truly the only sovereign of our times, that social justice will never fail in everyone's life. Once the various interventions are closed, the vote for the formation of the municipal council takes place, which sees elected: Giuseppe Rondoni and Candido Palazzetti for the PCI, Alessandro Renzini and Virgilio Occhirossi for the PSI alternate members are Vincenzo Rondoni of the PCI and Luigi Giulianelli of the PSI The minority excluded itself, warning in advance - again through Gotti - that it will vote blank not out of opposition, but as acts of respect towards the majority. Note: The government established in May 1945 by Ferruccio Pari was succeeded, in December of the same year, by a new government formation headed by Alcide De Gasperi. The nascent Italian democracy must now equip itself as soon as possible with its own freely elected local administrations, express itself on the institutional form of the state - whether monarchy or republic - and elaborate the new Constitution. Obviously, this does not mean that until that moment there had been no total absence of contrasts. But the common anti-fascist and republican impulse managed, at least in most of the occasions of dispute, not to trigger bitter ideological diatribes, both within the Giunta and in the CNL It is interesting to note how the most active propagandists of the PCI and the PSI are almost all elementary teachers: R. Mancini, U. Alunni, M. Belardinelli, A. Bernacchi, D. Bernacchi, C. Caprini, E. Maestri, C. Palazzetti, R. Puletti, F. Rometti and V. Rondoni. Here, about that what "The Vindication" writes on 5.1.1946: "... the women of the countryside, on which Voce Cattolica is very important so that they do not give us the vote, will be able to obey or not, but even if they obeyed they would be at the side of their men and at our side for the establishment of the socialist society; the women of the city ... smile at Bianco Spino and his anathemas and stay with us even if we wear the red carnation in our buttonhole ... ". From these minutes it appears that those entitled to vote are 4,733. but after examining the position of various people with a positive criminal record or accused of fascist offenses or deceased, 104 are removed. So 4,629 male voters remain. I refer verbatim, without having any possibility of giving an explanation about the current "3" and about the "elements various ". The letter from the Mayor to the local CLN April 28, 1946. The first democratically elected municipal council takes office The elections of June 2, 1946 The Referendum The electoral consultation on the institutional form of the state (whether monarchy or republic), is undoubtedly more heartfelt than the administrative one, in consideration of the fact that the structures and foundations of the future Italian state would have been designed by the Constituent Assembly, also elected from the vote of June 2, 1946. Already after the administrative elections, and precisely on April 28, 1946, "Voce Cattolica" warns: "No one can escape the immense significance of this act, in comparison with which administrative elections represent a an event of rather modest importance ". Therefore it is inevitable that the tones of the electoral debate will be characterized more and more in an ideological sense and that the controversy will become more intense. Again the fortnightly "Voce Cattolica", in an article of May 26, tries to explain what unites or divides Communists, Socialists and Catholics. It recognizes that the three great Italian popular parties are equally motivated by the desire to implement the idea of human brotherhood and to improve the conditions of the poor and the workers, fighting the common battle against the capitalist system, defined as individualistic, immoral, exploiting the workers. But on these unitary elements - the article still warns - the legitimate concern prevails that power may fall into the hands of Marxist parties that deny God, do not admit religion, do not believe in the indissolubility of the family, want to abolish private property, advocate a totalitarian state and wage a struggle that often borders on class hatred. These, in short, are the issues on which the DC forces the socialists and the communists to confront each other who, while pressing on those of economic and social reforms, reject the accusation of being the enemies of religion. Above all, they try to highlight how contradictory the attitude of the Christian Democrats is, as we read in an article in "Voce Proletaria": "... It is not possible today to be at the same time a party that claims to want a profound social reform ... and at the same time being the party that unleashes the struggle against the Communist Party ... if the Christian Democrats really want a social transformation, it must not fight as our party is doing because ... it would only do the interests of the enemies of the people ... ". In short, the ideological clash takes precedence over the confrontation on concrete problems, thus widening the rift between popular-based parties. On May 9, 1946, the Umbrian Episcopate issued a communiqué in which it recalls the grave obligation of voting and the absolute prohibition of adhering in any form to ideologies and parties condemned by the Holy See, such as those inspired by Marxism or state secularism, despite the much acclaimed respect for religion. On 2 June, therefore, the people of Umbria return en masse to the polls (the percentage of voters is very high: 92% !!), which give an unequivocal response about the institutional form of the State: 6,840 votes for the republic, against 1541 in favor of the monarchy. Political elections As for the election of the deputies of the Constituent Assembly, this time ten parties are competing, against the three that had presented themselves to the administrative session: PCI, PSI, DC, PRI, Action Party, Movimento Naz. Ric., Monarchist Party, Everyman, National Democratic Union, Social Christian Party. The results, compared to the elections of April 7, confirm another overwhelming victory of the left, and in particular that of the Communist Party: 4,975 votes out of the 8,898 available. The Christian Democracy undergoes a significant decline, almost certainly due to the dispersion of votes that flowed into the smaller parties: it obtained, in fact, 1,424 consents compared to 1,507 (out of 8,256 voters) obtained in the administrative. However, it remains the second party voted and, as our current politicians would say, “all things considered, it holds up”. The PSI, which ran alone this time, also achieved significant success with 1,225 votes. And it appears even more significant if we consider that in the nearby Città di Castello (as reported by the socialist weekly "La Vindication" of 8.6.1946), the Socialist Party obtained almost 2,000 votes. Of the other parties, only Giannini's Man Whoever saves a little face, with 238 votes ... The electoral results of the Municipality of Umbertide fully contradict the national ones, where the DC asserts itself as the central pivot of the Italian political system (with 32.5% of the votes), while the PCI 8 with 19%) is the third force, after the PSI (with 20.7%). And the echo of these results must have caused a sensation in some way, because the rumor is spreading that Umbertide intends to change his name to that of Palmiria, in honor of the leader of the PCI Palmiro Togliatti. This arouses the ire of the Mayor, who officially protests with the press, which has given credit to a news result of a sick and desperate mind ... This curious episode is reported by the socialist newspaper "L'Avanti" of 17.9.46, which informs that a few months earlier some national newspapers (such as Corriere della Sera) had published the news. Le elezioni del 2 giugno 1946 - il Referendum Le elezioni politiche The National Liberation Committee ... between politics and reconstruction The Constitution Act of the National Liberation Committee, municipal section of Umbertide, bears the date of 23 July 1944. At the meeting, held in the hearing room of the Magistrate 's Court in the Town Hall, 32 people were present. circular N.1 of the Provincial Committee of National Liberation of Perugia ... having felt the need to proceed with the constitution of a local Committee ... proceed to the conformation of this constitutive act from which the representative distinction is thus arranged ". Following are the names of: Carlo Pini of the PLI; Giovanni Bambini of the DC; Zurli Arnaldo and Rometti Aspromonte of the PSL; Renato Ramaccioni of the Action Party; Puletti Ruggero and Tonanni Remigio of the PCL; no name is indicated for the Labor Democracy (1). Apparently this meeting is characterized by an atmosphere of serenity and harmony. Yet we find it strange, for example, that the Constitution Act closes with these words: "This deed of constitution is definitive since the organization of the various parties has made it possible to elect their own representatives". This footnote (and above all that meaning of definitive) leaves room for some perplexity: definitive because the parties collaborated and proved to be in agreement? It really seems a somewhat forced and perhaps even belated clarification, almost certainly conceived later and, that is, at the time of typing the report. In our opinion, however, that final could represent a failed attempt to silence certain discontent and disagreements that may have arisen following that meeting. And this thesis of ours finds concrete comfort in the examination of the minutes of the first session of August 18, 1944, from which it appears that the representatives of the political parties are the following: Liberal Party: Pini Carlo and Ramaccioni Renato Action Party: Ramaccioni Giuseppe Socialist Party: Zurli Arnaldo and Tonanni Remigio Christian Democracy: Children Giovanni and Raffaele Zampa Communist Party: Puletti Ruggero and Codovini Riego Labor Democracy .: Bottaccioli Giuseppe and Bettoni Raffaele. As can be seen, with respect to the names that appear in the minutes of the Constitutive Act, we have corrections and additions, which immediately question the validity of that definitive character at the bottom of the Act itself. It should be noted, first of all, that there are two representatives for each party, with the exception of the Action Party which has only one. So Ramaccioni Giuseppe and Ramaccioni Renato found their definitive position (2); Remigio Tonanni passes from PCI to PSL; Labor Democracy is no longer an orphan of representatives; Aspromonte Rometti no longer appears (3). Almost certainly this has happened: most of the 32 men present have no experience of those subtle "games" that characterize politics. Of course, everyone has an ideal of reference and perhaps recognizes themselves in a group, but it is realistically to assume that many of them showed up at the meeting without knowing exactly what they should have done and, above all, far from imagining. that it would be necessary to agree on a certain party or group strategy. And here we are comforted by R. Mancini, who reports: "When those present were invited to declare which party they belonged to, some proved rather uncertain, before replying; others, on the other hand, completely confused, pointed to one, only to correct themselves at a later time. " And so, in the course of the session, very probably few people really realize the political importance of the representative distinction within a body such as the CLN. And it is this minority that directs the "game", without encountering any opposition at the moment. It may also be that someone, in his heart, does not agree with what is being decided; but who feels like disturbing this first democratic meeting? Only in the following days, when there is more time to reflect, to meet with greater tranquility and thoughtfulness, do second thoughts emerge that can even lead to some controversy. Hence, the opportunity for a comparison to reach that definitive composition of the CLN that satisfies everyone a little. In the session of 18 August the President is also appointed (we do not know if by election or by acclamation): he is the young lawyer Renato Ramaccioni, of the Liberal Party (4). Secretary and Cashier are appointed, respectively, Ruggero Puletti of the PCI and Giovanni Bambini of the DC The activity of the Umbertide CLN has a rather troubled start. The difficulty of finding, within, a precise political structure, the lack of clear ideas about one's duties and, above all, the immediate establishment of a climate of conflict with other bodies (City Council, Allied Military Governor, Prefecture) , ensure that its first steps are characterized by uncertainty and contradiction. And in fact, since the first meeting (precisely that of 18 August 1944), it is clear that the main concern of the Board is to determine a precise hierarchy of competences between the Executive and the Committee itself. The topics on the Agenda are different (5) but the discussion is animated almost exclusively on points 2) and 3) which concern the activity of the municipal council, namely: 2) Decentralization of offices; 3) Invitation to the members of the Executive to make a report twice a week to their parties on the problems raised for consultation by the Executive. It begins with the proposal of the PCI and the PSI regarding the need for the resolutions of the Executive to be submitted to the control of the CLN, before being disclosed. According to the President, the proposal arises following a Circular issued by the Provincial CLN, with which the Committee is entrusted with administrative control tasks in the State as well as political administrations. It is therefore unanimously resolved to invite the municipal council to present a weekly report on its activities, so that the local CLN Board can check and approve. But it certainly must not be the aforementioned Circular that determines this position. The deeper reasons are instead sought in two very specific facts: in the discontent that aroused, within the CLN, the appointment as Mayor of Giuseppe Migliorati (considered too moderate and too close to the city bourgeoisie) and, above all, in the accumulation of offices administrative documents attributed to the socialist Aspromonte Rometti, in which the Mayor places unlimited trust. In truth, the fact that Rometti holds so many public offices may not be a novelty and at other times no one would have contested it. In fact, the man, of proven socialist faith, possesses high moral and intellectual qualities, supported by a remarkable spirit of initiative and a great capacity for organization, which involves a bit everyone. In the village he is respected and enjoys a wide charisma. He is among the animators of the Public Health Committee, is councilor in the first council led by Dr. Mariano Migliorati and actively works to the constitution of the local National Liberation Committee, which relies heavily on his contribution. But Rometti is linked by close friendship and party faith with the surveyor Giuseppe Migliorati, who on 15 August 1944 was appointed Mayor. And almost certainly, before accepting the post from the Allied Governor, Migliorati must have snatched a promise of close collaboration from his friend. Realizing that misunderstandings would inevitably arise between the new Mayor and the CLN, Rometti does not want to take a compromise position (ie to be part of the Giunta and the CLN at the same time), and decides to collaborate with Migliorati. He therefore deserted the constitutive meeting of the CLN, during which a last attempt is made to make him desist from this decision: as we have seen, he is elected as a member of the Board, as if to put him in front of the fait accompli and in front of precise moral responsibilities. But he remains firm in his position and unleashes the resentment of the Social-Communist component, which in the course of this first official meeting accuses him of accumulating offices. However, Rometti is never explicitly mentioned. The socialist Zurli, in fact, in making a long speech about point 2) to the agenda and in stating verbatim that "there can be no sound administration when a single individual centralizes offices and prebends in himself ...", has the common sense and the foresight not to mention names (6). But we will find out whether it is Rometti later, when the subject will be treated again, and this time with a lot of name, during the fourth meeting on September 1st. Although nothing particular emerges from the minutes, even this first session of the CLN must have generated a bit of a storm. This is testified by the fact that the Committee, when it meets again on 26 August (7), is extended to include five other members: they are Dr. Sante Pannacci (PLI), accountant Alvaro Alberti (Democrazia del Lavoro), by Angelo Martinelli (Action Party), Reale Cecchetti (Independent) and Stefano Codovini (PCI). And at the beginning of the aforementioned report it is said that the need was felt to have to extend the number of representatives within said governing body, provided they are of proven anti-fascist faith, seriousness and rectitude, in order to reach the formation of a more broad views and knowledge. So why this need for expansion? A plausible answer can be offered by the extremely conciliatory tenor of the letter that must be sent to the mayor, to delimit and define the tasks of the CLN towards the Municipal Administration, as the first point on the agenda states. And it is also significant both that the letter is transcribed in the minutes as to avoid that, once the text is approved, there may be late second thoughts ..., and that it is precisely one of the new nominees who dictate its content: Alvaro Alberti , of Labor Democracy. There is no doubt then that the first meeting (characterized by too much intransigence and excessive censorship towards the Giunta), not only must have aroused strong concerns in the Allied Governor's entourage, but certainly must have also caused some perplexity to the Allied Governor. inside the CLN. This could also be confirmed by the fact that the second meeting of the Board, called on 22 August, was almost deserted. In fact, in the minutes, also without the o.d g., Only five present are indicated, who discussed the positions of some former fascists. Here then, in order to avoid the consequences of a harsh conflict with the established authorities, it was decided to expand the Board to more ... conciliatory and politically not too rigorous elements, perhaps suggested by the Military Governor or by the mayor Migliorati himself. An attempt is made to better define the role and tasks of the CLN We were therefore talking about the proposal presented by Alberti about the need to write a letter to the council, to delimit and define the tasks of the CLN and to ensure that the Mayor becomes a trait of union between the Liberation Committee and the Allied Governor. It is worth quoting some passages, because - as we said earlier - its content is quite significant to understand that it is an act ... remedial towards the Executive. It is said that the CLN intends to enter into close collaboration with the Mayor, who is invited not to consider this participatory will as a form of dictatorship that the Committee would like to have over the other management bodies. Above all, the Mayor is asked to indicate where the CLN sphere of activity begins and ends. The letter ends with these words: "The CLN aware of the serious problems that beset those who have to manage the Municipal Administration and those who have to solve the problems of unemployment and nutrition, wants to have the opportunity to submit the best solutions to the SV such problems arise ". Accepted unanimously, the text is therefore transcribed in the minutes. But the President of the Committee, the lawyer R. Ramaccioni, perhaps believes that there has been an exaggeration, in terms of "reparation": towards the Executive, this appears to be a beautiful and good submission ... In particular, he is not convinced that it is the Mayor who has to establish where the influence of the Committee can reach, and so he proposes that the Board should in any case contact the Allied Governor of the nearby city of Gubbio, to have him issue a declaration that define the tasks and limits of action of the Committee itself (8). The proposal is accepted. During this session, strangely, no mention is made of the position of Aspromonte Rometti, who, moreover, must have been the casus belli for the deterioration of relations with the Mayor. However, the question returns to the first point of the agenda of the following meeting (1 September 1944), but in a somewhat calm, albeit decisive tone. After a long discussion, it was approved to send a letter to the Mayor, drafted in the following terms: "The Committee found that Mr. Rometti Aspromonte focuses on his person the following activities: 1. President of the Hospital 2. Organizer of the Bottegone. 3. Municipal Councilor. 4. Organizer of Trade Unions. In order for the above-mentioned activities to be effectively carried out with absolute dedication and effective performance, the Committee deems it useful to decentralize them to more than one person "(9). This is a precise request, but formulated without polemical tones and taking care not to exert any pressure ("... the Committee considers it useful ..."). A sign of renewed harmony and trust? ... Perhaps it would be better to talk about an unsuccessful attempt. In fact, the extreme conciseness of the letter should not be overlooked, in stark contrast to the redundancy of the previous one; not even the absence (controversy? ...) of President Ramaccioni escapes; and finally do not escape what is resolved in point five of the agenda of the same meeting ("Lists of people to be arrested or stopped"): no decision will be taken on the matter, until it is known what measures the Mayor has taken against Rometti (10). But, clearly, Migliorati must not take into consideration the CLN proposal, because on September 14 the Board meets again to decree, controversially, its dissolution. It is the President who takes the floor and declares that the CLN of Umbertide "due to the futility of the work done so far, in the face of the vanity of its attempts to collaborate with the Mayor, decides to dissolve in protest towards the Provincial CLN which does not he took care of neither its emergence nor its development ". In summary, this must have happened: once it realized that the Mayor wants to take autonomous decisions, the Umbertidese Committee turned to the provincial CLN, sure of finding concrete moral support. But when he realized that no one was moving from Perugia, he tried to do it alone, both by using conciliatory tones towards Migliorati, and by turning to the Allied Governor of Gubbio. These attempts are also in vain, and the Committee's anger explodes, which, in our opinion rightly, takes it first and foremost with the provincial CLN. The President therefore proposes to write a letter of protest to the CPLN of Perugia announcing the dissolution of the local Committee. This proposal is put to the vote and unanimously accepted. The letter has an immediate effect. Bonuccio Bonucci, former animator of the Public Health Committee, belongs to the Provincial CLN, who understands that the dissolution of the local Committee would leave the "political" control of Umbertide in the hands of the Allied Governor and representatives of the most "moderates", with the consequent marginalization of those, such as the PCI, closest to the proletariat. He then convinces the President of the provincial CLN, Dr. Abbatini, to go with him to the town of the Upper Tiber Valley, to make immediate contacts with the most representative exponents of that Committee. Even if we do not know the date or the place where this meeting takes place, it is clear that it still gives positive results. Bonucci and Abbatini must undoubtedly carry out an excellent mediating action, both by calling the men of the Umbertidese Committee to a behavior of greater availability towards the Municipal Administration, and by obtaining, from the Mayor, assurance to a greater openness towards the advice given by the CLN and, in particular, towards a rapid solution of the Rometti case (11). But the mediation of the CPLN, while effective, is not painless. The Board of the CLN yes renews and enters into force the Statute Giuseppe Ramaccioni (Action Party), notary Raffaele Zampa (DC), Riego and Stefano Codovini (PCI) and Giuseppe Bottaccioli (Labor Democrats) leave the Board. Enter, instead, Astorre Bellarosa and Rondoni Giuseppe of the PCI, Benvenuto Mastriforti and Valerio Gennari of the PSI In short, the Action Party disappears, while the DC and Labor Democracy reduce representativeness to a single member; for its part, the PLI increases it to three, as does the representativeness of PCI and PSL A reshuffle, therefore, all in favor of the left and the PLI, which is the party of the President. And so the subsequent meeting on 25 September opens with a speech by the lawyer Ramaccioni who welcomes the new members, who have come to give their contribution to the renewed Committee, which proposes to collaborate with the Mayor and to put the better solutions that will be proposed to solve the problems that weigh on those who have to manage the Municipal Administration in a spirit of absolute harmony. Hearing Ramaccioni speaking in these terms is somewhat surprising ... A truly participatory speech? We harbor our doubts and we lean towards a speech of convenience, dictated by the need for compromise. In fact, we said that the Mayor must have given his assent to the renewal of the party representatives in the Committee and must have "settled" the Rometti case. However, he asked, in return, for an officer promised not to contest the decisions of the Executive. However, there must be good intentions, because the Statute that will regulate the life of Umbertide's CNL is transcribed from good memory and for the good of everyone. Almost certainly it was the President of the Provincial Committee, on the occasion of his visit to Umbertide, who brought a standard statute into view, to clarify the ideas to the men of the CLN club. Let us mention the most significant passages (12). For example, in points a) and b) of article 1 concerning the Attributions and Functions of the Local Committee for National Liberation we read: a) "The Committee has the purpose of coordinating and unifying the action of the various political parties represented in it, in order to ensure a union of all the active forces of the Municipality, for the destruction of Nazi-Fascism, and for the national reconstruction ". b) "The Committee must get in touch with the Allied authorities of the Municipality, ensuring them the most complete collaboration ...". There is therefore no question of control to be exercised over local administrations, but of coordination and collaboration. Point a) of article 2, concerning the composition of the Committee, also seems to be of considerable importance: "The Committee must be composed of the representatives of traditionally anti-fascist parties, which are represented in the current national democratic government, namely: Liberal Party, Democracy del Lavoro, Christian Democracy, Action Party, Communist Party, Socialist Party ". We conclude by recalling point a) of article 6, which states about the rights and duties of the members: "In all cases in which a vote is required, each representative has the right to cast his or her vote, regardless of how much possible from Party interests and conforming to the needs of the present moment, which require serenity of conscience and objective cooperation ". Despite some inevitable contrasts (13), concord and collaboration between the Executive and the Committee seem to hold, at least for some time. This is borne out, for example, by the fact that the Mayor willingly accepts to participate, on October 27, 1944, in a session of the CLN in which the appointment of the Judge Conciliator and his deputy is discussed. This appointment is the responsibility of the Mayor, but the Committee intends to propose names of his choice, among which the Migliorati should choose. And the Mayor entrusts the task to the accountant Francesco Martinelli, who is one of the men proposed by the CLN But then, almost suddenly, the situation precipitates with a series of events that it is rather difficult for us to mend in their exactness, but which we will try to analyze anyway. The CLN protests with the Prefect for the interventions promised and never carried out On November 4, 1944, the CLN wrote a letter of vibrant protest to the Prefect of Perugia (and PC to the Mayor of Umbertide) to try to hasten at least some of those interventions that were always promised and never kept (14). After a brief presentation of the situation, the letter immediately takes on highly polemical tones. There is talk of the population that with the arrival of the Allies hoped to have something, but that instead, disappointed, protest both against the city authorities and against the superior provincial authorities. He is also bitterly ironized on the fact that, while the various posters and circulars concerning the blocking of foodstuffs or the payment of taxes arrive regularly (indeed, sometimes well in advance ...), aid instead always struggles to find the way to Umbertide, where it has not yet been found a room that can serve as a warehouse for the storage of foodstuffs. It is also requested that electricity be restored and the example of Norcia is cited, whose public streets are illuminated. In fact, it seems almost a joke that the electricity has been reactivated in a village closed in the mountains, difficult to reach even in normal situations, while a town still remains in the dark just thirty kilometers from Perugia ... And yet - the letter warns - all these inconveniences are well known, because various commissions and authoritative people often come to Umbertide. "On the contrary, last Sunday, Mr. Bonucci, in a meeting of the COS on the discussion of city problems, listened to the requests and protests in the hands of the population and promised to be the spokesperson for your Excellency. The days have passed and already a certain skepticism hangs ". So, after having just mentioned the flood of the Tiber, the writing ends with these words: "How is it possible not to understand? And if it has been understood, why not take the necessary measures? of the population, hopes and demands a prompt and energetic intervention (15) ". Reading between the lines, it is clear that the criticisms are also directed at the municipal administration, accused, in particular, of not having been able to obtain even the most immediate measures, while for example Gubbio and Città di Castello have already enjoyed many help, although their situation is, in some ways, less disastrous than that of Umbertide. But it will be precisely this pointing the finger at the Giunta del Migliorati that causes a sort of fracture within the Committee. It can be deduced from the fact that, strangely, it is not Ramaccioni who signs the letter as president of the CLN, but the socialist Valerio Gennari, whose name, in the minutes of the sessions, appears for the first time in a meeting on November 5. In short, the letter bears the date of November 4, but it is certainly ratified the following day, during a meeting whose process gives rise to some perplexity. In fact, the minutes begin by warning that, since there is no majority, the agenda cannot be discussed (which in any case is not specified). Then these words are deleted and the session proceeds, but only to examine some trade licenses. Ramaccioni, mind you, is present. The Committee meets again three days later, that is on 8 November; but the minutes are not drawn up: only the names of the very few present are transcribed, including both Ramaccioni and Gennari. From this moment, and until the middle of December, the few resolutions that we have managed to trace all bear the signature of Gennari; only once does that of Ramaccioni reappear and, coincidentally, at the bottom of an act that cancels a previous purge measure signed by Gennari ... Meanwhile, the Mayor Migliorati suddenly resigns in the hands of the Allied Governor. And everything would lead us to suppose that this decision too must be linked to the Committee's moment of crisis. But what happened? The not conspicuous documents in our possession (little comforted by the oral testimonies, rather confused and contradictory), do not allow us to give precise outlines to this story, also forcing us to formulate only one probable hypothesis, which in truth could also prove to be risky, but which it is necessary to "marry". Let us propose it, therefore, with the help of documented events. After the misunderstandings of the first moments, we have seen that a good relationship of collaboration has been created between CLN and the Mayor, with a consequent rediscovered personal understanding between Migliorati and Ramaccioni: an understanding that is certainly not frowned upon by the Communist component of the Committee which he believes he can identify, in the good relationship between the two bourgeois-moderates, a sort of compromise to keep the progressive forces on the sidelines of Umbertide's administrative life. After all, Mancini and Palazzetti themselves report that even if every attempt at protest had been silenced for reasons of expediency, it must mean that the men of the PCI and the most extremist wing of the PSI had never shared, in their hearts , nor the appointment of G. Migliorati as Mayor, nor that of R. Ramaccioni as President of the CLN. Therefore, within the CLN the balance is rather precarious and it is sufficient that the decision to send the aforementioned letter of protest to the Prefecture (whose context reveals explicit criticisms of the municipal administration), to cause disagreements between the President (who sees in this resolution a will to "overlap" the Municipal Administration) and some of the members. The Mayor understands that Ramaccioni is about to lose the consent and control of the Committee and that, consequently, the Executive will now find itself more exposed to the attacks and requests of the CLN He then tries a maneuver of force, giving his resignation and causing an administrative crisis, from which he believes he can only get out by giving more power to the council itself. Obviously everything depends on the Allied Military Governor who, in the design of the Migliorati, should reject his resignation. However, the Committee senses this strategy and sends a letter to the Military Governor, in which it means that according to Italian democratic traditions it would be incompatible to reconfirm the Mayor who requests his will to be resigned. The letter, signed by Gennari, is dated November 9, 1944 and is also sent to the Mayor for information. And in another letter (also dated 9 November 1944 and also signed by Gennari), the CLN presents to the Governor a list of seven names of people who reflect the popular will, as they are chosen by a Committee composed of 6 parties democratic politicians who collaborate in the Italian reconstruction. If they are approved, the same in the first meeting will elect the person of the Mayor by majority vote. In drawing up the list, the Committee, very shrewdly, proposes only two members of the PCI, moreover recognized by all as rather moderate elements: Giuseppe Rondoni and Astorre Bellarosa. He therefore indicates four people who are not members of any party: Antonio Beatini (of the Mazzinian faith, as he used to say), the engineer Giorgio Rappini (close to the DC), the Marquis Ugo Patrizi (of liberal extraction) and the accountant Francesco Martinelli, formerly appointed Conciliator Judge (who declares himself, simply, of no party). The only name that is somewhat perplexing is the one at the head of the list: it is Aspromonte Rometti, the former municipal councilor, already a casus belli of strong contrasts between CLN and the Mayor. Why now does the Committee "candid" him even to the Mayor, while just a month before he was bitterly opposed? There is only one plausible explanation: his name represents a sort of guarantee towards the Military Governor, who knows and esteems him. And it is also to be believed that Rometti was not even consulted, but that CLN made his name "motu proprio". But the Governor totally disregards the indications of the Committee and proposes the engineer Giovita Scagnetti, a professional who has always shown himself willing to collaborate with the Municipal Administration. Scagnetti, however, cannot be liked by the CLN, because, although he is not a member of any party, he has never shown sympathy for the movements of the left; indeed, in the disputes between tenants and owners, it has in fact always sponsored the latter. Then, with a letter dated November 22, Gennari informs the Governor that he is against the appointment of Scagnetti and invites him to read the list of candidates already proposed with the letter of November 9, which are the true expression of the will of the Committee. This communication convinces the Governor to give up the Scagnetti, but not to please the CLN So, pending a better solution, he invites the Migliorati to remain in office. It is to be assumed that at this point a whole series of informal discussions and meetings begin to find, in fact, a solution to the stalemate that has arisen. And towards the middle of December the twist occurs: Migliorati definitively resigns and in his place the Military Governor appoints the lawyer Renato Ramaccioni. Yes, it is the former President of CLN But, seen in the light of the hypotheses we had formulated, his appointment should not surprise too much ... On 29 December 1944 the new council officially took office, in which only two names appear (G. Rondoni and F. Martinelli), among those indicated by the CLN Defeated on the political level, the Committee suddenly finds itself even without a guide. And in fact, even though Ramaccioni did not enjoy unanimous approval within the Board of Directors, it is however undeniable that his presence as a man of culture and law was of fundamental importance, especially as regards the organization and especially if we consider that the The committee was made up of many self-taught people. An attempt is therefore made to deal with this situation by appointing Professor Dante Baldelli to the office of president; but after a few days he is forced, due to a serious illness, to be admitted to a clinic in Rome. Now it is truly a crisis, for the Committee, which almost risks being dissolved. Suffice it to say that for five months (from November 1944 to April 1945), the minutes of the meetings do not bear any annotation of any session, but only many blank pages: a clear sign that the activity of the Umbertidese CLN, in this period takes place in a rather precarious way, disorganized and perhaps even with some controversy between the parties. For example, a letter that the PSI writes to the Committee itself (it is dated January 24, 1945 and perhaps it is not the first ...), in which it is again requested to send in advance, to the Socialist Section, the orders on the day of each meeting. This, in order to be sure that the point of view expressed by our delegates on each issue corresponds perfectly to that of the ... Section. Therefore, the letter not only testifies that the Committee, even if it has lost its President and without putting anything in the minutes, still carries out some activity; but it also confirms that not everything goes smoothly on the political level. We can say, at this point, that for Umbertide's CLN a period characterized by a strong and disordered will to affect the moral, material and socio-political reconstruction of Umbertide comes to an end. The enthusiasm is in fact very great, but it is almost never organized in a precise and concrete programming of interventions. Being able to finally discuss, debate and propose one's ideas in full freedom gives that certain sense of euphoria that is badly combined with concrete and hasty work. Even the desire to "do justice", which animates the vast majority of its members, soon finds itself entangled in the labyrinth of various skills; and we will see this more fully when we talk about purification. The lack of precise directives by the Provincial CLN of Perugia also plays a decidedly unfavorable role, which forces the Umbertidese Committee to act, at least in these first months, completely autonomously and almost in a situation of isolation. Agreement in the CLN between PCI, PSI and DC The situation returned to normalization, as we said, in the spring of 1945, with a meeting that saw only the representatives of PCI, PSI and DC The fact that in the minutes of the session these representatives are defined as delegates, seems to mean that the new CLN Board stems from a precise will to agree between the aforementioned three parties, while no mention is made of Labor Democracy, Party of 'Action and PLI What happened then? To formulate at least one hypothesis for an answer, it is necessary to pause in a brief digression about the reorganization of the parties in the Umbertidese territory (16). Immediately after the liberation, only Communists, Socialists and, in part, the Christian Democrats took action to give themselves at least a minimum of organization and structure. The PCI was already quite organized since the mid-1930s, when the clandestine cell headed by Antonio Taticchi and made up largely of men from the Republican Party operated in Umbertide. Therefore, with the fall of fascism, it was not difficult for him to pass from clandestinity to officialdom. We do not know the exact date on which this passage takes place, but it is assumed that already before August 1944 an Umbertidese Section of the PCL had to operate, because in that period R. Mancini and other companions constitute, in the rural hamlet of S. Benedetto , the first cell of the Communist Party, which on September 15, 1944 obtained recognition as a subsection, precisely by the Section of Umbertide (17). The PSI (which defines itself as the Italian Socialist Party of Proletarian Unity), constitutes its first Section on November 19, 1944, directed by an Executive Provisional Committee (and named after Giuseppe Guardabassi), which includes G. Migliorati, M. Migliorati, V. Occhirossi, G. Bartolini, A. Silvestrelli, A. Zurli and A. Renzini (18). As for the DC, we know (especially from oral testimonies), that immediately after the Liberation G. Bambini and E. Pazzi are the animators of the Christian Democratic group, which will be constituted in Section only in the first months of 1945. The other parties, on the other hand, seem to live only ... in the hearts and minds of their representatives, who generally participate in the political life of the city in the guise of "mavericks", that is, through completely individual interventions and initiatives, far from any strategy party. The ideological differences between the three main camps begin to emerge At the end of '44, while the ideological differentiations between the three main camps are taking shape more and more, the Christian Democrats begin to fear that they will soon have to compete with a compact front of the left, which for some time have been making agreements (19) . Fear reinforced by being ousted from the new Municipal Council of Mayor Ramaccioni and by being, even within the CLN, in a clear minority (they have only one representative). At this point all that remains is to try to coagulate, around the DC, the men of the "minor" parties, in order to rearrange, at least in part, the strong imbalance between the opposing sides. Surely this adjustment does not take place painlessly; on the contrary, it must cause a certain confusion in the Umbertidese political context, already made rather precarious by the conflict between CLN and the Municipal Administration and not even extremely secure in the social-communist alliance; it is certain, in fact, that, despite the apparent agreement, PCI and PSI live and operate in a climate of ill-concealed mistrust, above all because of a certain psychological subjection of the socialists towards the communists, judged - sometimes rightly and sometimes misinterpreting their strong will to action - a little too "overbearing." When the situation becomes really difficult, one realizes that only a "balancing" action by the Liberation Committee can remedy it (20). But, of course, a Committee that, like the one from Umberto I, is almost in shambles cannot do it. First of all, it is necessary to put it back into its ranks and make it really efficient. Meetings are then organized, agreements are made and in the end it is decided that the Board will be restricted to only the representatives of PCI, PSI and DC (two per party). And it is established that the President and Secretary by mutual agreement will have to choose from among the six delegates themselves. The PSI delegates its representativeness to a young man (Mario Belardinelli) and to the now "tested" doctor Mariano Migliorati, first Mayor of Umbertide. Giovanni Bambini and Eugenio Pazzi represent the DC, while the PCI delegates Astorre Bellarosa and Aspromonte Rometti (21). Mariano Migliorati new President of the renewed CLN Mariano Migliorati is elected President of the renewed CLN. And here it is to be assumed that his election was "piloted" by the parties, (if not also by the leaders of the Provincial CLN of Perugia), with the aim of putting a man who had always held himself above the head of the Committee. outside the political fray: the figure of a "pure" is fundamental to regain credibility, especially towards the Governor and the Prefect (22). At first, this does not really appear to be a move with rapid effects, because the diffidence on the part of the Prefecture is still quite evident. Suffice it to say that on April 26 it is precisely the Prefect who rejected the suggestion of the Umbertidese Committee about the man to be designated as a temporary substitute for the Mayor Ramaccioni, and to send his Commissioner to direct the Executive. But only a few days are enough (perhaps those necessary to obtain the necessary information from the Prefecture), to see this attitude totally changed and to ensure that the renewed Committee savors its first political success: it will be a member of the CLN, the communist Astorre Bellarosa, to be appointed successor of Ramaccioni, now firmly determined to resign definitively. To take up the new office, the 23 May 1945 Bellarosa leaves the Committee and is replaced by Riego Maccarelli. But beyond this moral victory, which still remains of great significance, what counts is the fact that from this moment on, any ideological reason for conflict between the Municipal Administration and CLN is eliminated. And this, comforted by the rediscovered internal equilibrium and by the good relations with the other bodies in charge, determines a radical renewal of the Committee's activity, which will truly adhere to the tasks established by its Statute: to collaborate, to suggest, to link up. And the commitment to meet at least once a week, taken at the end of the first session, is also substantially respected: from 12 April to the end of December 1945, 31 meetings were in fact recorded. But the frequency of the sessions is certainly not a sign of frenzy. Indeed, the examination of the Register of the aforementioned minutes (unfortunately only rarely supported by other documentation), allows us to affirm that the work of the CLN, in this period, is characterized more on a qualitative level than on a quantitative one, whether it is traits of purge, whether it be reconstruction or socio-moral initiatives. The CLN tries to report the most pressing problems of the city By this we mean that the Committee is no longer pervaded - as happened in the first moments - by the urge to remedy everything immediately. Now he is concerned above all with identifying and selecting the most urgent problems to submit them to the attention of the Executive or the parties or other organizations, which are responsible for any intervention in this regard. And if his operational contribution is also necessary, he certainly does not hold back, especially when it comes to "making himself heard at the top". By way of example, we offer a brief summary of the most important initiatives (with the exception of those relating to purge), taken by CLN in the period from April 1945 to June 1946. Since the first meeting, the "renewed" Committee feels the need to reorganize the COS (Center for Social Orientation) in Umbertide. With a clear Marxist matrix, COS is an organism which, in its general programmatic lines, aims to promote the study of the problems that social transformation presents in the various economic, political, juridical, scientific, moral, religious and cultural aspects (23) . And this study of general and local problems must be carried out on the basis of a concrete, independent sociality, criticized by prejudices and privileges, convinced that the transformation to be made brings with it not only economic, political, administrative, but also moral and cultural problems ( 24). In small towns such as Umbertide, COS does not only play a role of social promotion; in particular, it takes on the task of re-aggregating citizens and making them participate in local political and administrative problems. The population is in fact invited to periodic meetings, during which free conversations are stimulated: everyone can express their criticisms and their own proposals regarding the political and administrative organization, purification, food, market, transport, the viability, etc. The organization of the COS is strongly supported by the Provincial CLN and by the left-wing parties, because they see in them an effective tool for the "re-education" of citizens to democratic participation: which ends up transforming - albeit indirectly - into a sort of control and stimulus, with regard to Local Administrations forced to submit to the directives of the Allied Governors. Although the documents are really scarce, it can be assumed that the COS is starting to work in Umbertide, above all thanks to the commitment of its President Riego Maccarelli. But over time, the meetings must expire in chaotic assemblyism, because in December the CLN is still grappling with the Center which, it is said, must absolutely be reorganized. To this end, the Secretaries of the three parties are invited to participate in a session, during which it is established that the COS meetings are directed by people who know how to keep the environment calm and correct, also inhibiting the participation of those who cannot discuss. the problems in a concrete way. The problem of financing the COS is also examined and in the end the Secretaries of PCI, PSI and DC take on the burden. On January 5, 1946, the COS will meet on the following Sunday, with the following agenda: a) Communications from the CLN President b) Appointment of President c) Various. From this date we have no more news about the COS It is therefore to be assumed that, as the interest gradually waned, it ended up melting by force of inertia. CLN also tackles with great commitment the question of the destroyed Umbrian Central Railway, whose reactivation would not only obviate the serious problems of traffic and transport, but would also make a major contribution to solving the equally serious problem of unemployment. In fact, the Committee, in perfect harmony with the municipal administration, realized that it is useless to carry out reconstruction projects if Umbertide is not removed from the almost total isolation with the main roads. Here he then takes on a whole series of initiatives aimed at stimulating the competent authorities, starting with the creation of a city commission for the reactivation of the Umbrian Central Railway, on behalf of which Rometti goes to Rome for a meeting with the Minister of Transport, in order to raise awareness about the reconstruction of the railway bridge over the Tiber. On his return, Rometti reports that, although there are great difficulties, the authorities have made a clear commitment to send technicians for a rough estimate. And actually the technicians come and evaluate. But the bureaucracy proceeds slowly and so in April 1946 the CLN still has to urge the Mayor and the party representatives to a meeting that will lay the foundations for the work to be done for the reconstruction of the railway in particular and for that of Umbertide in general. The meeting takes place on May 4th at the CLN headquarters. In addition to the six members of the Board, the Mayor, the Secretary of the Chamber of Labor and the secretaries of PCI, PSI and DC are present The program for the reconstruction of Umbertide "The President exposes and illustrates the program for the reconstruction of Umbertide and says that in order to implement it as soon as possible it is necessary to start the practices with great energy, and there is also a need, on the part of everyone, of that activity that will gradually come withholding of the case ". It is therefore decided to meet tomorrow evening, May 5, to appoint a committee, which is given the name of the Committee for the reconstruction of Umbertide. It is made up of the president of the CLN, the Mayor, the Secretary of the Chamber of Labor and professionals from the country (25). We have not found any documents that refer specifically to this activity, but certainly we have worked in a concrete way, because in July 1946 the Minister Leone Cattani communicates to the President of the Committee - the lawyer F. Andreani - that the five expert reports of the Umbertide interesting works were approved by decree of 25 June of the Provveditorato alle OO.PP. for Lazio and Umbria. Another focus of interest is the problem of unemployment. In the session of 23 September 1945, following indications in a circular from the provincial section of the CLN, the Umbertidese Committee, in agreement with the Chamber of Labor and the Municipal Council, decided to convene a session to solve this problem and to draw up a program which will later be implemented. But the implementation of this program must encounter considerable difficulties, because on December 9 we return to the subject again and the need emerges to clarify the malfunctioning of the local section of the Chamber of Labor, whose secretary is currently the socialist Agostino Bernacchi. The problem of unemployment is also tackled with a different strategy, that is, starting from the assumption that nothing can be done without a minimum of planning, the formulation of which all the organizations and associations of the Municipality will have to contribute. And it is essential that this program stems from a precise analysis of the actual potential of the territory which, at the present moment, unfortunately is almost exclusively reduced to the agricultural sector and, to a limited extent, to the construction sector. In this sense, a fundamental role could be played by the local Chamber of Labor, which however (at least in the opinion of the Committee) does not seem to work as it should. At the end of the discussion, we are convinced that everything depends on the scarce collaboration of the representatives of the three parties and certainly not on the work of Bernacchi, who is busy with commendable spirit of dedication. It was then decided to invite the Secretaries of PCI, PSI and DC to meet to establish the measures to be taken so that the local section of the Chamber of Labor can function regularly. The issue is resumed in a subsequent session of 23 December, during which the outcome of the meeting of the three party secretaries is assessed, which took place in the presence of the Committee itself: from the discussion it emerged that the malfunctioning of the Chamber of Work is not due to the absenteeism of the political forces, but to the lack of a representative of the farmers. The Committee immediately undertakes to write to the Agricultural Union of Città di Castello, so that it can appoint a representative. But while waiting for the Chamber of Labor to organize itself, the CLN - at the suggestion of the Communist Party - promotes the constitution of a Winter Assistance Committee to help destitute families, who risk spending the winter in the cold, to the inability to get firewood. Not only the parties and the municipal administration are involved in this project, but also the other local socio-political organizations: the Italian Women's Union (26), the Combatants 'Association, the Veterans' Committee and the Youth Front. (27). A Commission made up of four representatives of the aforementioned organizations and operating under the direct control of CLN is appointed to make this Committee work. , which the municipal administration would be forced to suspend due to lack of funds, and which instead it is essential to continue, both to avoid the risk of infectious diseases (28), and for the need to provide work for those heads of families whose children already endure the cold and hunger of this harsh winter. Therefore, appealing to the sense of human and civil solidarity of those who have been better treated by fate, the wealthiest are asked to pay a contribution (29). The initiative must have a truly satisfying answer. Suffice it to say that the landowners not only contribute their share, but also make available to unemployed workers an adequate number of days to be carried out on their property for the entire two-month period January 15 / March 15, 1946, and this in order to meet for as much as possible to those who truly suffer (30). But, alongside these interventions that we could define as "priorities", the CLN takes on many other initiatives, equally significant and commendable. There is an obligation to report at least some of them, proceeding in a quick chronological excursus of the Register of Minutes: MINUTES No. 18, dated May 29, 1945 Since the President Migliorati will have to participate in the congress of all the CLNs of the province of Perugia, it is necessary to draw up a report illustrating the political and economic situation of Umbertide. It was decided to make contact with the Mayor, so that he could indicate which interventions should be privileged. MINUTES N.24, of 29.7.1945 The CLN turns to the Finance Office to ask for an extension of war damage reports, because the population of Umbertide and nearby Montone have not received the appropriate forms. MINUTES N.26, of 12.8.1945 It is decided to write a letter to the Mayor so that the permission of the dancing parties that have been taking place for some time and continue almost uninterruptedly be at least limited. To push the CLN to formulate this proposal, it is a highly moral reason (not only because the ruins, the agony and the mourning of our Umbertide require a very different behavior on the part of everyone, but also to educate the youth to love country and to human respect), combined with reasons of a social nature (the inevitable economic and social effects that can derive from the state of affairs that are complained of have also been considered). MINUTES No. 39, of 2.XII. 1945 The PCI has submitted a manifesto for approval, which the CLN authorizes to print and disseminate. The manifesto is aimed at the citizens of Umbertide, who are invited to denounce every maneuver and every manifestation of neo-fascism, to fight alongside the mass organizations to fight ... every liberticidal attempt, from whatever side it comes and to associate with the democratic parties to overcome this very critical moment and to be able to proclaim the Italian Socialist Republic tomorrow (31). There is also a premise, which partly explains the reasons for this appeal: ".. the neo-fascist forces organized in self-styled democratic movements and parties, try to exploit the difficult internal situation ...". Surely the Italian Communists, in this period, had the feeling that they were trying, in the plots of national politics, to create moments of tension to prevent the affirmation of the left forces. MINUTES N.49, dated 2.3.1946 The Committee considers it appropriate to invite the secretaries of the PCL, PSI and DC in order to agree on the forthcoming electoral campaign for the local elections. MINUTES No. 51, of 9.3.1946 President Maccarelli exposes the behavior that every citizen should keep in view of the elections and reads a manifesto he has compiled, submitting it for approval. The manifesto is not only approved, but the representatives of the three parties invited to the meeting decide to bear the printing costs. We point out that in the course of all these months there are various replacements among the members of the Board, decided from time to time by the respective parties to which they belong (31). There is also a rotation among the Presidents. In replacement of M. Migliorati, on 7 July 1945 the communist Riego Maccarelli (32) was elected, who on 9 December of the same year had to resign for health reasons. He is succeeded by prof. Giulio Briziarelli, of the PSI Although of different cultural backgrounds (one self-taught worker, the other didactic director), both are distinguished by moral rigor and a profound sense of justice, always combined with a high respect for the individual. And it is under the presidency of Briziarelli that, on July 17, 1946, the National Liberation Committee, section of Umbertide, will decree its dissolution. Il Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale The deed of constitution of the CLN of Umbertide Manifesto of the PCI aimed at citizens Letters from the parties to the CLN Resolution to dissolve the CLN L'attività di epurazione The purge activity Although there are not many Umbertidesi fascists who have shown extreme bias or who are guilty of serious episodes of intolerance, there is still the risk of summary vendettas, especially in the climate that has been established on the emotional wave of barbaric episodes of Penetola and Serra Partucci. So immediately after the liberation, the Allied Military Governor arrested 25 members of the Fascist Republican Party, who were held for a few days in the local prisons of the Rocca (35). This provision certainly appears appropriate, because it avoids the triggering of an indiscriminate "manhunt", as unfortunately easily happens in certain situations. Similar facts had already occurred in Umbertide, immediately after the declaration of armistice of 8 September 1943. We have news of it from a report sent by the CLN to the High Commissioner for the Purge in which, among other things, there is talk of the beating of a fascist during the September movement (36). Even the Public Health Committee ensures that stupid vendettas are not perpetrated; but surely this is not enough to - prevent some unconscious acts of violence carried out against fascists by some reckless; luckily they are all resolved with a beating, without the dead man escaping. The first official act concerning the purge is of 9 August 1944, when the newly established Municipal Council, according to the orders received by the Governor of the Allied Military Command, proceeds to purge those personnel who, due to political precedents, cannot remain in service. There are 16 employees suspended from service and salary, all "accused" of being squadrists and / or members of the former Republican Fascist Party. The "purged" employees present an immediate appeal to the Prefecture, which will be partially accepted. On 9 February 1945, in fact, the Mayor Ramaccioni invites the Accounting Office to immediately arrange for the issuance of the checks due to the staff suspended for purge as per the provision issued by the Allied Military Government, following an official act of the Prefecture. Therefore, while remaining suspended, the municipal employees will still have to receive the salary. And the matter will drag on for several months, as we will see later. Since August 1944 it is the local National Liberation Committee that has taken every decision regarding the investigations and sanctions to be imposed on the collaborators of Nazi-fascism, because the dead under the rubble of our country who sleep unattended, the families deprived of what they they loved more and more holy, the young people who were shot, entire families burned alive, the endless griefs of the nation want severe justice. Let's say immediately that it will certainly not be easy to ascertain facts or misdeeds, and it will be equally difficult to dictate and keep faith with uniform criteria of judgment in the evaluation of very particular cases, also because not all those who have found compromises with the Social Republic have joined them voluntarily. The Sforza Law on purge also contributes to increasing the difficulties which, drafted in a rather hasty manner and made known on 29 July 1944, does not always offer clear directives either as regards the methods of applying the sanctions or, above all, regarding the determination of areas of expertise. Basically, the various peripheral National Liberation Committees should know that all the practices concerning the purge must be subjected to the careful examination of the Provincial CLN which, in turn, will forward them to the Provincial Delegation of the Adjunct High Commissioner for the purge. which is responsible for the last control act. Instead, the Provincial Delegation of the High Commissioner for the sanctions against Fascism issued the final sentence (37). But the actual absence of effective links between the peripheral CLNs and the provincial section means that initially this process is mostly disregarded. In truth, this situation can also constitute a reason ... of convenience for the local Committees, which thus have the possibility of taking more immediate and direct initiatives. Even the Umbertidese Committee, in the absence of precise indications on the matter, often interprets the Sforza law in its own way and arrogates itself the right to decide on the matter and to "demand" that the Municipal Administration execute (or that private citizens put in place deed), as resolved by it. And here, for example, after having expressed a negative opinion on some trade licenses, the CLN sends a letter to the Mayor (on 23.X.44), which ends with: "So that the above is made executive" . Equally significant, in this sense, is the letter sent to the tenant of an office that the Committee judges to be of secondary importance. Well, he is peremptorily invited to leave the aforementioned room free for no later than 25 pv, which on 1 December will be delivered to Mrs. Gnagnetti Matilde ved. Tosti, which was left without a shop following the bombing of 25.4. 44 (38). Even when the tone of the communication is formally more conciliatory, the intention to "force the hand" still shines through. For example, in a letter sent to the Mayor on 9.XII.44 to request the dismissal of the municipal veterinarian, even if using expressions that are anything but mandatory ("... this Committee feels the need to express to the SV the opinion that he is dismissed .... It is hoped that the SV will welcome the expression of this Committee ... "), but it is important to underline that the veterinarian does not enjoy the sympathy and trust of the majority of the population. It is therefore not surprising that this way of operating not only risks determining, every time, a situation of conflict between CLN and the Municipal Administration (39), but also causes diatribes within the Committee itself, where most likely the line hard is opposed to soft. And this is confirmed, for example, by what happens during the first meeting (18.8.44), when we examine point 4) of the agenda: "Examination of the sales licenses and revocation of the same for fascists or philotedeschi ": it is reported that the topic provokes an animated discussion at the end of which there is a position of total disagreement, so much so that it is decided to ask the Mayor for the immediate convocation of a Commission made up of people who have an honest past and knowledge of the public ". However, it must be said that the purification activity carried out by CLN from August 1944 to April 1945, although characterized by a decisive and sometimes ... eager desire to do justice (40), never goes beyond the law , even at the cost of swallowing bitter morsels (41). Above all, the men of the Committee must be given credit for not giving too much credit to the "voices" in the streets or to confidential outbursts about abuses perpetrated by this or that "fascist". Citizens are invited not to limit themselves to sterile moral lynchings, but to denounce facts and people on the basis of irrefutable testimony. A poster that appeared on the walls of Umbertide in October 1944 testifies to this desire for objectivity: in urging the population to report fascist and black market crimes, it is recommended that the reports be made with honesty and seriousness, specifying the facts (42). Objectivity, honesty and seriousness are also confirmed by the fact that sometimes the Committee returns to its decisions, following more detailed investigations. In November 1944, for example, it expressed an unfavorable opinion with regard to a request for "discrimination" (43) presented by a lady; but on 12 December the CLN re-examines the file and declares that it has ascertained that the registration of the same to the Fascist Republican Party was actually due not to factious fascist spirit, but to coercion of the authorities of the republican period and to the concern to maintain the office of typist, the only source of income for a living. When, in April 1945, the total renewal of the Umbertide CLN took place, the purification activity slowed down. This is most likely to be connected to the presidency of Dr. M. Migliorati, who perhaps tries in every way to avoid investigations and measures that could seriously embarrass him, above all because of his professional position as primary hospital. In this regard, we have the testimony of C. Palazzetti: "Partly because of his willingness to help everyone, partly because some of his patients could also happen to be investigated, Dr. Migliorati really reluctantly accepted to make decisions regarding purge ". And most likely it will be the thankless task of purge that will determine the abandonment of the Presidency by Migliorati. The fact that in the minutes of 7 July 1945 no explanation is given for the change to the Presidency (44), and the fact that Riego Maccarelli signs in place of the President one day before being officially elected (45), lead realistically to assume that Migliorati has left due to some internal conflict, however not explicit in any of the minutes. But let's examine the minutes of the previous session (that of 2.7.1945): well, of all the minutes drawn up starting from April 12, 1945, strangely this is the only one not to mention the names of those present and it never appears that the President took the floor. Which suggests that the Migliorati was not present. And, coincidentally, in the course of that session the determined will to carry out a prompt and clear purge of those state and parastatal employees compromised with the past regime is manifested. It can then be assumed that Migliorati, already not very enthusiastic about the role of President (let's not forget that he was almost certainly ... "convinced", for the already indicated reasons of credibility, to assume the Presidency of the renewed Committee) and not feeling at all at ease in that of "purifier", faced with the impossibility of avoiding certain acts which, even if suffered, are still due, put aside. Or it is possible that he is advised or ... invited to step aside (perhaps by the provincial committee), precisely because of his lack of decision-making in terms of purge. Some might argue, much less suggestively, that Migliorati may have resigned because he is too busy in his profession as a doctor. Surely this is also a hypothesis to be taken into consideration, even if it seems strange that such a normal decision is not recorded ... The fact is that, under the Presidency of the communist Riego Maccarelli, the purification activity is characterized, compared to the previous ones. Committees, of greater scrupulousness and, above all, of more incisive rigor. In a meeting held in July 1945, Maccarelli bluntly criticized the work of those who preceded him. Textually it states that, from a whole series of facts, "... one can deduce the lack of activity of the previous Committees, their disinterest, their little initiative, which allowed themselves to be carried away by sentimentality, thus not fulfilling the task that the population had entrusted him. But currently the CLN carries out its increasingly growing activities with justice and truth following the best democratic tradition ". A severe criticism therefore and, at the same time, an announcement of a more serious commitment, especially as regards the purge activity, to which that "justice and truth" certainly refers. Purpose that is maintained. From this moment, in fact, in almost every meeting, the names of people on which to obtain information are mentioned; reports that have already been completed are approved; various applications for discrimination are evaluated or discrimination occurring without the opinion of the Committee is contested; they urge themselves to take action; attempts are made to regulate the issue of hunting licenses (46); requests for certificates of good moral and civil conduct and declarations of refusal to call to arms after 8 September 1943 are examined: all made by people who are suspected of collaborating or of common crimes. However, every act is undertaken with care and responsibility. In fact, Maccarelli is immediately concerned to suspend the release of documents or declarations ad personam, until the provincial CLN has given clarification on the matter. A few days later, the vice-president C. Palazzetti (who went to Perugia, to have a meeting with the lawyer Monteneri, President of the CPLN), reports that the local committees can issue certificates and personal declarations to the interested parties and finally clarifies that complaints must be forwarded to the CPLNP. which will then forward them to the competent offices. But President Maccarelli must not be satisfied with this oral answer, because on August 17 he asks in writing, to the High Commissioner for the Purge, to be authorized to issue certificates and declarations. And he is right not to trust the unwritten words: on the 29th of the same month he receives a negative response: "In general, the National Liberation Committees have no hierarchical dependence with this Delegation ... Therefore it cannot authorize .. . to issue ... special certificates ". The purge activity continues intensively even under the presidency of prof. Giulio Briziarelli. But as you progress through it, you realize that the results do not correspond to expectations. Although the Provincial Delegation for the Purge calls the peripheral Committees to a greater zeal, because the pending purge judgments against the various employees must be completed which, often suspended, constitute a serious burden on the administrative budgets (47), in truth a definitive sentence never appears among the various papers. For a certain period the Committee does not give up and continues regularly to carry out investigations and to propose names of people to be purged; then, faced with the almost total lack of results (and perhaps also because it is absorbed by the problems of reconstruction and by those of the electoral consultation), it gives less and less space, during its meetings, to purging. Only in the spring of 1946 did they try to take the situation back in hand. In the session of 19.V.46, in fact, it is said: "After a laborious discussion, this Committee establishes the following: a) to invite the Marshal of the RR: CC for the day 22 cm in order to make arrangements to be able to carefully monitor the operated by local fascist elements. b) to invite the Mayor to the same session ". The meeting of May 22 takes place regularly, but it seems that, when it comes to the conclusions, very little is said again: it is only decided to collect, through trusted people, all the information regarding the conduct of the fascist elements of the place and of refer them to the local RRCC station which will think to act in the best possible way. But, despite the propositions of a new commitment, only in one meeting is there still talk of purge, indicating the names of some former fascists on which to ask for information. The law on amnesty closes the purge processes At the beginning of July, Palmiro Togliatti, Minister of Grace and Justice of the new coalition government (set up by A. De Gasperi in those days), promulgates the law on amnesty, which determines the definitive closure of the purge processes. The provision, even if perhaps considered appropriate in parliament, certainly cannot satisfy those who have worked so hard to try to do justice to the abuses and crimes perpetrated during the "twenty years". In Umbertide it is above all the PSI to be indignant. This is demonstrated by the declaration that appears in "La Venda" of 28.8.46: "After the publication of the law for the purge of Togliatti, the section of the PSI of Umbertide, during the assembly held on 27.07, voted on the following order of day: "Noting the sense of bewilderment and mistrust caused by the aforementioned unjust law ... deploring the proponent of such an absurd political attitude, which could also have serious national consequences, makes a vow that firm and clear action is taken as soon as possible restorative ". It is clear that the indignation of the Umbertian socialists is not only against the law itself, but is also directed against Togliatti, defined as the proponent of such an absurd political attitude ... But even the men of the PCI do not agree with this provision, even if it originated from the will of their charismatic leader Togliatti. The burning disappointment provokes (as reported by C. Palazzetti), a reaction of disappointment and mistrust especially within the CLN: "In those days there was discussion, criticism, confrontation. Although perplexed, I was among those who positively interpreted the law on amnesty. But I also understood those who, due to tragedies experienced personally, could not see so many years of suffering erased with a swipe of the sponge ... ". And so, on July 14, 1946, the CLN of Umbertide unanimously decrees its dissolution, voting on the following agenda: "The National Liberation Committee of Umbertide, which in its work inspired by principles of human justice already felt the mockery of the purge, joins the protest of the people against the provision of the absurd amnesty recently promulgated and, remembering the sacrifices, the tears, the infinite sufferings, the victims and the immense ruins of the Nation caused by fascism and the Nazi-fascist war, resigns his resignation '”. Note: 1. See, in the Appendix, p. XX the minutes of the Constitution Act. Those present are: Mancini Raffaele, Boldrini Nello, Polpettini Vittorio, Puletti Ruggero, Renzini Alessandro, Ramaccioni Mario, Taticchi Antonio, Nanni Ramiro, Loschi Luciano, Rondoni Vincenzo, Gennari Addo, Beatini Lamberto, Migliorati Natale, Alunni Umberto, Gennari Aspromonte, Caprini Claudio, Caprini Nazzareno, Ramaccioni Giuseppe, Rinaldi Antonio, Pini Carlo, Sonaglia Gino, Codovini Stefano, Becchetti Giuseppe, Migliorati Giuseppe, Bottaccioli Giuseppe, Silvioni Guerriero, Simonucci Raffaele, Villarini Mario, Destroyed Amedeo, Chiodini Giuseppe, Children Giovanni, Ramaccioni Renato. 2. And in fact it was the correction and the superimposition carried out between the two homonymous Ramaccioni that made us suspicious. Renato is initially typed, as a representative of the PLI, under the name of Pini, while Giuseppe is noted alongside the Action Party; then someone deleted Renato's name from the PLL, to write it, in pen, alongside the Action Party, to replace Giuseppe. 3. We will see a little later the reason for Rometti's self-exclusion. 4. We have already seen that Ramaccioni will subsequently be appointed Mayor of Umbertide. 5. To be precise, the following seven points are indicated to be addressed: 1.Replacement of fascist or pro-German personnel from state and para-state administrations. 2.Decentralization of offices. 3. Invitation to the members of the Executive to make a report twice a week to their parties. 4. Examination of sales licenses and revocation of the same for fascists or pro-Germans. 5. Establish definitively the premises for the CLN 6. To call further meetings for the global organization of the parties. 7. The need for the Committee to come into close contact with the Provincial Committee of LN and with elements of the FSS and, if this is impossible, with the R. Questura. 6. As regards the positions "accumulated" by Rometti, see below. 7. This meeting is held in the former convent of San Francesco, in the music room, which from now on will be the permanent seat of the CLN. 8. The fact that a Military Governor is used unrelated to the Umbertide events, while it would have been more obvious to consult the Provincial CLN, testifies that there is an almost total lack of connections between the latter and the local Committee. 9. See, in the Appendix, p. XXI. 10. In truth, we find it quite difficult to establish a relationship between people to be arrested and the "Rometti case". Perhaps it can be assumed that the Mayor, in order not to assume the inconvenient role of the purifier, tries to "download" this responsibility onto the CLN, inviting him to compile or perhaps give his approval regarding the aforementioned lists, and that the Committee, sensing this move, resort to a sort of moral blackmail by conditioning their collaboration to the decentralization of the positions accumulated by Rometti. 11. And in fact on the 19th of September Rometti resigned as a member of the Executive, while retaining the other offices. An explicit gesture of protest towards his friend Migliorati, who has cornered him, offering him the opportunity to give up some job? Or, more subtly, an official resignation from the position of greater political weight, but with the tacit understanding of remaining a friend-adviser to the Mayor anyway? ... 12. See, in the Appendix, pp. XXII, XXIII, XXIV, XXV. 13. As when, for example, in the meeting of 16 October, the CLN disputes i rents established by the Municipal Commission, finding them unfair with wages and salaries, and therefore resolves to ask the Mayor to enlarge the aforementioned Commission, appointing, from among its members, representatives of employees and employees. 14. It is worth dwelling on this letter for a moment, if only to compare it with the one sent just a month and a half earlier, to the same Prefect, by the Mayor Migliorati. Both written with the same intent to obtain help, however, they are characterized by a totally different spirit and tone. Rather formal, almost "cold" the letter from the Mayor, which is limited to a list of the interventions to be carried out, supported by meager data and figures. Warm, controversial, but no less concretely essential, in the descriptions, that of the CLN, which almost certainly decided to contact the Prefect after the overflowing of the Tiber (3 November 1944) who, adding further inconveniences to a reality that was too tried by destruction warfare, ended up exasperating the citizens of Umbertide. 15. See, in the Appendix, pp. XXVI and XXVII, copy of the original. 16. We must warn that party archives are certainly not a source of information: no one has a single document that can refer to this period. Even the newspapers of the time did not give any news. Therefore, what little we are given to know, we have obtained from the rare personal papers of some militant or from oral testimonies, which are very vague and fragmentary. 17. See, in the Appendix, p. XXVIII, the report drawn up that day by R. Mancini. 18. In the Appendix, p. XXIX, we report the letter with which the Provisional Committee announces the constitution of the section to CLN, indicating the names of the comrades delegated to represent the PSLU.P. within the CLN itself. We also report, on the same page, a photocopy of a PSLU.P.card, taken from the cards of A. Renzini. 19. Among the documents of A. Renzini we found an invitation to take part, on Thursday 23 November at the Communist headquarters located in the premises of the Teatro dei Riuniti, in the meeting called between the leaders of the two proletarian sections. 20. It is no coincidence that the first session of the new CLN opens with the resolution that the renewed CLN in the ranks is in fact the balancing body of the political life of the country. 21. How is it possible that a "historical" socialist like Rometti has passed into the ranks of the Communists? Oral testimonies tell us of disagreements with the comrades of the local section of the PSLU.P .: nothing more precise is known to us. 22. R. Mancini and C. Palazzetti comfort us, in this hypothesis of ours, reporting that perhaps the most suitable person (for spirit of initiative and capacity for organization), to hold the office of President is undoubtedly Rometti. But his centralizing character and his momentary ... uncomfortable political position (he had passed from the PSI to the PCL), make him prefer the Migliorati. However, it must be said that most of the activities carried out by the "renewed" CL N. will be the result of Rometti's initiative. 23. So it is said in a pamphlet printed and disclosed in August 1944 in Perugia, where the Center began its activity on July 17 of the same year. See, in the Appendix p. XXX, copy of the booklet 24. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXI. 25. See, in the Appendix, pp. XXXII and XXXIII. 26. The invitation is signed by the new Secretary, Egino Villarini. The last three lines, almost incomprehensible, should indicate the day of the meeting (a Sunday), already agreed by the other Secretaries. 27. It was Mrs. Anita Zanottì Giacchi (director for many years of the Municipal Childhood Nursery), who gave life to Umbertide, the UDL, a women's movement of communist inspiration. The aforementioned was part of the Board of the CLN, which deemed necessary a female representation. But, when in September 1945 Zanotti proposes to the Mayor to appoint a representative of the UDL within the council, he receives a negative response, due to the fact that the council has deliberative power, while women have only consultative power. 28. We know very little about this "movement" which, by the admission of the founders themselves, is made up of independent young people, Communists, Socialists, Christian Democrats, the Cremona Club (veterans of the "Cremona" Partisan Division), the Student Union Italians. It was formed on August 16, 1945. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXIV, photocopy of a card of the Youth Front, kindly granted by R. Codovini 29. We speak of "limbs of human bodies" still lying under the rubble. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXV. 30. It should be noted that the amount of this contribution, although voluntary, has already been established on the basis of the actual size of the capital of the various owners. 31. So writes (20.1.1946) the secretary of the Provincial Farmers' Association of the Umbertide area. 32. See, in the Appendix, p. XXXVI, the typewritten text of the manifesto. 33. In the Appendix, pp. XXXVII and XXXVIII, by way of example, we report a copy of three letters with which PCL, PSI and DC inform CLN that they have decided to alternate their representatives. It should be noted that none of them ever explain the reason for the replacement. 34. We will see, in the following Chapter, the reasons for this rotation. 35. A curiosity: for the administration of food to these people (233 meals in total), the Municipality supports the expense of L. 1,631. 36. Indeed, the "beating" did not happen as it is crudely written. In fact, it refers to an episode that occurs inside the public telephone post. Suddenly, among the people, the rumor begins to spread that a well-known fascist trade unionist has entered the premises of the TIMO. Instead he is a bank manager of the same name. But now the crowd is crowding and a true fascist, who is there, tries to block the access. Then everything subsides and the "fascist" himself can be medicated by the pharmacist. 37. In truth, in the various papers we have found different terms of these organs: "Office of sanctions against Fascism", "Provincial purge commission". 38. The letter, dated 19.X1. 1944, has the subject "Provisions". 39. While perhaps considering them to be correct, the Mayor could not enforce certain resolutions; in fact, he had to carry out only the measures taken by the High Commissioner for the Purge or by the Allied Military Governor. 40. The letter referred to in note 66 ends with these words: "This deliberate is the solution of a high sense of justice that acts with serenity, punishing the guilty to facilitate those who unjustly were the object of the disastrous consequences that ensued ". 41. We would like to point out that among the members of the Committee there are those who have suffered (or believe they have suffered), harassment and injustices by the fascists. 42. The manifesto is shown in the Appendix, p. XXXIX. 43. When a person is accused of a political crime (almost always it is a question of belonging to the PER or of "fascist intemperance" or of collaboration with CSR and with the Germans), he can contact the local CLN to certify that these accusations are unfounded or that the offense was committed in particular situations. If the application is successful, the applicant obtains the so-called "discrimination": the fact loses the character of a crime, precisely due to the presence of a discriminant, that is, a cause of justification. 44. It is simply said that "the President and the Vice President have been elected. The following are elected: President R. Maccarelli ...". 45. The letter sent to the Mayor on 5.7.1945 bears his signature, in which he warns that "the CLN has expressed the opinion that the main square is dedicated to G. Matteotti". 46. In more than one meeting, it is insisted that for the issue of such licenses any doubts must be clarified by the Committee, because "... it is within its competence to resolve and conduct in the right light those cases that are compromised with the past regime ". We shouldn't be too surprised that CLN. gives such great importance to the control of hunting licenses: obtaining it means, in practice, having one or more rifles at hand, complete with regular firearms. And in moments of such great tension it is obvious that the Committee avoids keeping armed (albeit improperly), any fascist-hunters. And when it is realized that very little can be done about it, the Carabinieri Marshal is also invited to a meeting, who is asked to intervene to regulate these concessions. Unfortunately, the marshal is also involved in the general disorientation; he replied, in fact, that this was not within his competence and "limited himself to expressing an opinion". 47. This is a circular dated 13.9.1945., Which is of particular interest to Umbertide, whose Municipal Administration, as we have seen, has a long dispute with the Prefecture, due to employees suspended for a year now. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

Il massacro di Penetola 28 GIUGNO 1944 LE VITTIME / THE VICTIMS Avorio Antonio, anni 11; Avorio Carlo, anni 8; Avorio Renato, anni 14; Forni Canzio, anni 58; Forni Ezio, anni 21; Forni Edoardo, anni 16; Luchetti Guido, anni 18; Nencioni Conforto, anni 36; Nencioni Eufemia, anni 44; Nencioni Ferruccio, anni 36; Nencioni Renzini Erminia, anni 68. Il massacro di Penetola - voce di Paola Avorio 00:00 / 02:02 The massacre of Penetola - voice by Paola Avorio 00:00 / 02:24 28 GIUGNO 1944 Nella notte tra il 27 e il 28 giugno 1944, nel casolare denominato Penetola di Niccone, i cui ruderi potete scorgere davanti a voi, dodici persone sono state barbaramente uccise dai soldati appartenenti al 305° battaglione genieri dell’esercito tedesco, di stanza poco lontano da qui, in località La Mita, nota anche come La Dogana. Il casolare di Penetola era abitato dalle famiglie Avorio e Luchetti che nel giugno del 1944 ospitarono le famiglie Forni e Nencioni, sfollate dalle proprie case dell’abitato di Niccone, interamente occupato dalle truppe tedesche. Il comando tedesco era invece stanziato a Montalto, il castello che si trova in alto sulla collina di fronte a voi. Da li, il 26 giugno gli ufficiali tedeschi scesero a La Mita a dare ai propri soldati indicazioni su come raggiungere Penetola e il 28 giugno, dopo mezzanotte, 18 militari tedeschi armati bussarono alla porta del casolare e svegliarono tutti. Gli sfollati che dormivano nell’annesso, vennero derubati dei propri averi e.condotti dentro la casa con gli altri. Tutti vennero rinchiusi nella stanza rivolta verso il bosco. Gli animali furono fatti uscire dalle stalle. I soldati presero il fieno del pagliaio e il legname trovato sul posto, li accatastarono alle pareti della stanza dove erano state rinchiuse le 24 persone e alle mura della casa e, utilizzando della benzina, appiccarono un fuoco devastante. Solo dodici delle ventiquattro persone rinchiuse nel casolare sono sopravvissute: 11 superstiti appartengono alle famiglie dei mezzadri Avorio e Luchetti, nessun superstite tra le due famiglie degli sfollati Nencioni e Forni tranne la piccola Giovanna di 6 anni. 28 June 1944 On the night between 27 and 28 June 1944, in the farmhouse called Penetola di Niccone, whose ruins you can see before you, twelve people were killed by soldiers belonging to the 305th engineer battalion of the German army, stationed not far away from here, in La Mita, also known as La Dogana. The Penetola farmhouse was inhabited by the Avorio and Luchetti families who in June 1944 hosted the Forni and Nencioni families, displaced from their homes in the town of Niccone, entirely occupied by German troops. The German command was instead stationed in Montalto, the castle located high up on the hill in front of you. From there, on 26th June the German officers went down to La Mita to give their soldiers directions on how to reach Penetola and on 28th June, after midnight, 18 armed German soldiers knocked on the door of the farmhouse and woke everyone up. They robbed the evacuees who slept in the annex of their belongings and took them into the house with the others. Everyone was locked in the room facing the woods. The cattle was let out of the stables. The soldiers took the hay from the haystack and the wood found on the spot, piled them on the walls of the room where the 24 people had been locked up and on the walls of the house and, using petrol, set a devastating fire. Only twelve of the twenty-four people locked up in the farmhouse survived: 11 survivors belong to the families of the sharecroppers Avorio and Luchetti, no survivors from the two families of the Nencioni and Forni except little 6-year-old Giovanna. Testo tratto da: Paola Avorio, "Tre noci ," Petruzzi Editore, 2011 Immagine di sfondo: disegno di Antonio Renzini "Penetola" Un progetto a cura di Mario Tosti, Unitre di Umbertide, il Centro Culturale San Francesco, Umbertidestoria, con il Patrocinio del Comune di Umbertide; con la collaborazione di Pietro Taverniti, Massimo Pascolini, Sergio Bargelli, Corrado Baldoni, Francesco Deplanu, Sergio Magrini Alunno, Antonio Renzini, Luca Silvioni, Romano Vibi. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com EH Carr "Change is certain. Progress is not "

Penetola. Not all the dead die. by Giovanni Bottaccioli Here we present the entire small research book that Giovanni Bottaccioli, recently passed away, several years ago, he realized about the massacre of Penetola. Put in writing the voices and memories of the unfortunate protagonists of the story, giving everyone the opportunity to know them. Thanks to the availability of her daughters, Elvira and Giovanna, we present her entire work, which can also be downloaded or browsed in .pdf below, recommended for smartphones or for those who want to keep it (click from smartphone on the image below, scroll it on tablet and pc). Photo by Fabio Mariotti. PENETULA NOT ALL DEAD DIE by Giovanni Bottaccioli LE ALTRE VITTIME QUELLA PRIMAVERA DEL 1944 IL RACCONTO DI BRUNO IL RACCONTO DI DINA IL RICORDO DI ANNA QUEL 28 GIUGNO ALL'ALBA LE VITTIME DA ORMINDO UN ALTRO GIORNO GRIDA DISPERATE DI UNA DONNA COME PREMESSA COME PREMESSA AS FOREWORD If on 27 April 1997 I had not gone, together with some companions and friends, to the ceremony for the deposition of a crown at the monument to the martyrs of "Penetola", I believe that I would never have written these few pages on that distant and tragic episode that occurred on June 28, 1944, a few days after the liberation of our municipal territory. One of the many that took place in Italy in that period which, even if distant in time, should have remained well engraved in the memory of all, and especially in that of those who were direct or indirect witnesses. The delegation, despite the public posters and the invitations made to the population by the Anti-Fascist Committee and the Municipal Administration, included the Mayor Celestino Sonaglia, the maestro Raffaele Mancini representing the Anti-Fascist Committee, Alberto Mancini, partisan and silver medalist of the Resistance, Alfredo Ciarabelli of the PCI, Ferdinando Bruschi, President of the young volunteers from Umberto I joined the "Cremona" division, with some veterans of the Liberation War, I who write representing the Giunta Municipal and very few other citizens, no more than fifteen people in all, including Giuseppe Ivorio, one of the survivors of the massacre. You will wonder why a crown was placed in memory of the martyrs of "Penetola" on 21 April and not on 28 June, the anniversary of the massacre carried out by the Nazi-Fascists. The explanation is simple: a few days ago the Nazi war criminal Gen. Kappler, sentenced to life imprisonment, had escaped from the infirmary of the Regina Coeli prison in Rome, where he was hospitalized because of an incurable disease. massacre of the Fosse Ardeatine: where 335 "political prisoners" were brutally slaughtered, taken from the Roman prisons in retaliation for a partisan action against the Nazi occupation troops. That sensational escape, incredible for its daring aspects, had a great repercussion in the country, especially in the conscience of the citizens most sensitive to the defense of the democratic institutions born of the Resistance; with that "flight" was seriously offended, not only the memory of the fallen of the Resistance, but the conscience of all those who, with their tribute of struggles and blood, had contributed to the redemption of the Nation from the abyss of war, from the abyss of the barbarism into which Fascism had led it. This was the motivation that had led me together with the other citizens, representatives of the democratic and anti-fascist forces to lay the crowns at the memorial stone placed in memory of the martyrs of "Penetola". Cippo which is located about one kilometer from the hamlet of Niccone, on the left side of the road that leads to Lake Trasimeno and a few hundred meters from the house where the horrendous Nazi massacre was consummated; and erected a few years ago by the municipal administration on the proposal of the Anti-Fascist Committee of Umbertide. While I was witnessing the deposition of the crown, I wondered how it was possible that atrocious events like this and how those that occurred in so many other parts of Italy with thousands of innocent deaths could be forgotten in such a short time, when still many survivors carry them on. The tremendous signs are flesh and memory. From this bitter observation for those who believe that only from the knowledge and memory of our past can the awareness of the defense and development of the values of freedom and democracy arise, the decision to write to remind the forgetful , but above all to young people who do not know what the years of fascism were, and especially that them of the war and the Nazi occupation of our country. I will say, as far as it is possible to reconstruct what happened in those sad days of June 1944, in that small part of the territory that goes from Niccone in Spedalicchio, with particular attention to the “Penetola” massacre in which twelve of our fellow citizens found the horrible death, guilty only of having been there. I will tell, albeit summarily, of other sad episodes that occurred a few days before that terrible 28 June. Episodes that I consider useful and necessary to tell to highlight a broader picture and highlight the climate of fear that we lived in that period, when for some days the shots of the cannons of the now nearby allied troops reached our ears. For the drafting of these few pages I also used the testimonies of some protagonists; they are: Anna Nanni, Bruno Montanucci, Lenin Sonaglia known as Luigi or Nino and finally Mrs. Dina Orsini ved. Ivory, escaped the massacre. THAT SPRING OF 1944 The Nazis, called after the armistice of 8 September 1943 by the fascists of the Italian Social Republic to keep up the shaky regime of terror they established in the country, occupy the national territory. war, the bombing actions by the allied aviation begin. Umbertide was bombed on April 25, 1944 and 74 fellow citizens died under the rubble. Many victims could have been spared if the "republican" authorities of the time had given the air alarm signal through the sound of the sirens that had been set up and that that day did not I was living at that time in the hamlet of Niccone and I was able to see, so I can tell with certainty, that the allied planes, before dropping the deadly bombs, flew for a few minutes over the town and over the targets, which were the two bridges over the Tiber river, that of the road and that of the railway, which then connected Arezzo with Fossato di Vico. Numerous turns over the inhabited area were made by airplanes, perhaps precisely to give the inhabitants the opportunity to get away from the area. The alarm was not sounded, no one moved, so the massacre took place. In this regard, I remember, because we have always talked about it in the family, that that morning, despite my father's insistence, I refused to go to Umbertide by bicycle. Only when the planes that had dropped their death bombs left, did I get on my bike and went to Umbertide. The sight that presented itself to the eyes was tremendous. At the end of via Cibo, the course, mountains of rubble, among these I recognized some willing people who lent help, Antonio Taticchi, a well-known anti-fascist who had a barber's workshop right on the corner of the Vibi palace and Romitelli, the tinsmith, and others who were looking for to extract the bodies of those who were trapped and begging for help. Other mountains of rubble were on via Petrogalli and even there the survivors were desperately looking for their loved ones. Through via Cibo I reached Piazza Matteotti and the spectacle seemed even more terrifying. Some unrecognizable bodies had been composed on the ground, others seriously injured were complaining. Frightened, I went in search of the families of my two aunts who lived there and when I knew for sure that they had not been aged, I took the road and returned to Niccone. In the afternoon there was a new bombardment again by allied aircraft, but this time it caused few victims, perhaps because, contrary to what happened previously, the planes dropped the bombs starting the dive from the Romeggio area and not from Civitella Ranieri as it had happened in the morning. Even the hamlet of Niccone, being at the crossroads between the state road and the road that, along the valley of the Niccone stream, leads towards Lake Trasimeno and from this into the Valdichiana, in Tuscany, could be included among the military objectives. for the two bridges over the river and therefore be subject to bombing actions that the Allies systematically operated, trying to hinder the retreat of the German troops. retreat that had begun after the allied landing in Anzio. The possibility of undergoing aerial bombardments and the fact that large groups of German soldiers had already taken possession of some houses in Niccone and the surrounding areas, advised most of the families of the small hamlet looking for a temporary and safer accommodation in the open countryside near the houses inhabited by the numerous sharecroppers scattered throughout the territory There were thousands, perhaps millions of families in Italy who at that time found accommodation and food with our "peasants", even if this term was and still is used by many people in a derogatory sense. But I believe that their great willingness, costing great sacrifices, to host all those who from the centers, even minor ones, tried to escape the fury of the war, was the greatest demonstration of their generosity, their altruism and their goodness. And this negative attitude towards land workers has been persistent for a long time and perhaps still is. Their great availability was demonstrated, in fact, not only by housing entire families but also by giving them more than enough to feed themselves. who gave us concrete help. I want to thank once again, sure to interpret the desire of many other "citizens", all the farmers in the area and especially the family of Pio Fornaci, known as the "Fornacino", for the great and disinterested hospitality granted to my family. Sometimes I wonder how many of us would be available, should it become necessary for unfortunate necessity, to give to the few remaining farmers or to others in need, part of our houses, our beds, our tables. As I have already said, also my father, a craftsman, who practiced as a barber. he had started looking for an accommodation and found it just beyond the hamlet of Molino Vitelli, at the home of “Fornacino”. The farm was owned of the Boncompagni family, owner of large agricultural estates. My father, my mother and my younger sister had moved into this new “home”, a single room of about twenty square meters which at the time represented a “palace”; I joined them later. At that time I was a soldier assigned to the infantry battalion at the "Biordo Michelotti" barracks in Perugia. I deserted by escaping from the military hospital of Santa Giuliana in Perugia, where I was hospitalized for tests after a 15-day convalescence leave; I did not intend for any reason to serve the Nazi-fascists of the RSI .. I was denounced for desertion. By bicycle I returned to Niccone, found the house empty and learned that my parents were displaced. I got back on my bicycle and looking from one side and the other of the road that crossed the whole hamlet, I noticed many German soldiers who had occupied some houses. Pedaling at a good pace, be careful not to run into some roadblock. I came near the house of the "Fornacino". I am not describing the joy of my parents in seeing me appear at the end of the road that leads from the main road to the farmhouse. This joy was partly mitigated by concern for what might have happened due to my desertion. It was known of the frequent roundups that fascists and Nazis undertook in search of those who either had not presented themselves to the call of the RSI or had deserted the weapons. And it was precisely the constant concern for the roundups that had made me take the decision to build, in the middle of a forest, not far from home, a "den", a refuge that could hardly be discovered, so much had been on my part, the care in camouflaging it with the surrounding environment. Fortunately, only once did I successfully use it to escape a roundup by the Republican National Guard. According to what I later learned, that roundup concerned precisely the search for deserters or reluctant to the continuous calls to arms that Nazis and Fascists posted on the walls and which now also concerned sixteen-year-olds! QUELLA PRIMAVERA DEL 1944 DESPERATE CRYING OF A WOMAN I remember perfectly that Sunday morning of June 26, 1944, when around ten I heard in the distance the cries of a woman coming from the fields that lead from the "Fornacino" house towards the Dogana, a place where she lived with other families, that of Trinari, on the right side of the large curve near Spedalicchio. They were the excruciating screams of a woman who, running through the fields of wheat already ripe enough and close to harvest, urged the men to immediately move away to the houses and flee to the woods to hide, because German soldiers in war gear were shooting all those who found. in the fields and in their homes. It was Ersilia Epi resident in Montecastelli, who had gone to visit her daughter displaced by the Trinari family or in the vicinity and who claimed to have witnessed the capture, by German soldiers, of the men of the area then locked up in a tobacco dryer; he feared they might be shot. f The woman, no longer young, always ran past the house and, without stopping for a moment, repeated, as a kind of begging, that terrible warning: "'Flee men, flee men !!" I was speechless, looked my mother in the face, also terrified by those screams, and without a moment's hesitation walked away across the fields; I tried to take shelter behind the vegetation of the rows of vines already thick enough with the leaves of the new shoots. I had a goal in mind: to reach the home of the Sonaglia family, a sharecropper who lived above the hamlet of Niccone. Owner of the farm, voc. "S. Maria ”, was the IFI company of Montecorona. The two brothers Sonaglia, Eusebio and Dante, with their respective wives and children lived there together with their father Benedetto. It was one of the largest farms on the whole Montecorona farm. I remember that in threshing time, which lasted a few days, the siren, as well as sounding at the beginning and end of the threshing or when the meal was announced, also sounded when 100 quintals of wheat had been reached. For many years I remember that this siren sounded even three times, to the great joy of those who, after their efforts, saw their sweats partially rewarded. In fact, at the Sonaglia home, my father had for the convenience of displaced customers, moved the barber shop, or rather, he was a "walking" barber, so as to be able to maintain relationships with people now scattered a little everywhere and at the same time send on with his earnings, the "wheelbarrow" that was very hard to push. As I ran along the rows of fields in the shelter of the vegetation and quickly moved away from the area, I mulled over what could have happened to my mother and my sister, then 11, who I had left alone at home. With this thought fixed in my mind, every now and then I slowed down and thought if perhaps it was not the case to go back; but the warning of the woman "run away men" sounded insistently in the ears. Accompanied by these thoughts, I continued with an ever faster pace, to go towards the Sonaglia house; I wanted to reach my father as soon as possible. The journey that I knew well and that in other circumstances had seemed short to me, seemed to never end at this juncture. As soon as I reached the Sonaglia house I looked for my father and I immediately told him with my heart in my mouth what had happened, the reason why I had left my mother and my sister at home. He was very shaken and worried and told me to stay around because he would find out as soon as possible what was really happening. We parted with the promise that in a few hours we would meet again to decide if and how to return to the “Fornacino's house”. As I walked away, I noticed my father's strong concern for what I had told him. He was also worried about my brother Attilio, who had fled from the barracks in Orvieto where he was in the military, who just that morning went to Romeggio to visit some friends. Being a deserter himself, he had to be warned of the imminent danger and not to return home. My father, during the great war of 1915/18, had been a prisoner of the Germans and knew, from direct experience, what degree of aberrant treatment the Germans were capable of inflicting on all those who tried to thwart their plans. I thought to myself of how much pain war brings and I was disgusted that I too was the cause, albeit involuntary, of the pains that tormented my parents in those days. My father's prudence was worth nothing: now we were all, and not just us, at the mercy of an enemy who had no scruples or pity. Speaking of my father, I like to remember that it was he, thanks to his experience as a prisoner of the Germans, who advised the Sonaglia family, since the winter of 1943, to dig a hole under the floor of the hut, a pit of about two meters of depth, adequately large, to hide, before the passage of the front, some food supplies and the little linen of the wedding trousseau, kept in the famous "trunk" which, at that time, almost all women, married or about to marry they had. I and my cousins Sonaglia did the excavation of that underground compartment: Elvio, Pietro and Luigi, known as Nino, whose real and first name is Lenin, a name that today, but above all then, in 1922, had an irresistible charm. When Eusebius, Lenin's father, went to the Civil State to "mark" him, register him, no one objected and in the birth register of the year 1922 the child was registered with the name of Lenin. On the other hand, those who objected and did not accept that the newborn was given this name, was the parish priest of the parish of Montemigiano, Don Pericle, despite the insistence and grievances of his father, refused to mark him with that name and entered him in the parish register with Luigi's name. The child thus had two names for several years, that of Lenin for the State and that of Louis for the Church. Later, when Eusebio went to the Civil Status of the Municipality to have the birth certificate of his son to enroll him in the vocational training school, the clerk, reading that "name" on the card, was stunned, but could not fail to issue the certificate. The headmaster of the school did not behave in this way, refusing to register him with that name. For this reason Lenin risked not being able to attend school. The father, who did not intend to have his son interrupt his studies, went to the Court of Perugia and asked to change his son's name. The Court issued a sentence, duly transcribed in the birth book of the Municipality of Umbertide, in which it is declared that from that day the name Lenin was "written and must be understood" as Luigi. Evidently the fascist power also considered an 11-year-old boy with the name Lenin, as an enemy, a "subversive". From the Sonaglia home I reached the one of the Pinzaglia family in a few minutes. It is the farmhouse that was then owned by the Boncompagni estate (Fontesegale) and which is located upstream of the Niccone school. In this farmhouse many young people who resisted the calls to arms of the Nazis and Fascists found hiding places. Being eighteen or twenty at the time and living with what little membership guaranteed was difficult. For what was given to us we thanked with the only coin we could dispose of: every now and then we lent a hand in the work in the fields. Another heartfelt thanks. In that house, also in consideration of the good relations existing for a long time, I had always found an excellent welcome. Since the winter of 1943/44, many of us young people from Niccone who had not responded to the enrollment ordered by the German and Fascist tenders, found great help and understanding with this family. often in the company of rats, in order to escape “possible roundups by the Nazi-fascists. Among those young people I remember with emotion Ezio Forni, a giant about two meters high, whom he will later find together with his brother Edoardo, called Piri, aged sixteen, and his father Canzio, one of the many and good stonecutters of Niccone, horrible death in the massacre of "Penetola". Those who know the peasant world, especially of that time, know that when there are certain jobs to be carried out such as harvesting, sowing, forage, tobacco, grapes, they cannot be postponed to the next day, risking, for a hailstorm or otherwise, of losing the harvest and that, Sunday or a holiday, it is necessary to work on time. For this reason, that Sunday in the fields they worked, where it was possible, to harvest the wheat; now near the end of June it was tradition that for the feast of St. Peter it had to be the harvest completed. The Pinzaglia family had also started this work and I contributed by tying the "grigne" of wheat. When the sun went down I returned to the Sonaglia family, where my father was waiting for me, who in the meantime had inquired: according to what was said, it seemed that everything had returned to "normalcy". Together we resumed, very carefully, the way back from the “Fornacino”. Although my father had a bicycle at his disposal, we retraced together the same path that I had taken in the morning, through the farm roads, leaving the "main road" which could have reserved for us the meeting with some patrol of German soldiers or with the sentries who they had been placed to guard the various bridges and bridges that had been mined for some time by German soldiers close to retreat. Passing through the Arcaleni and Pinzagli houses, always part of the Boncompagni property, we came to the Sassetti family and here we found several people, especially young people, who like me had moved away from the "Trinari" area, and were afraid to make the decision whether to return or less with their families or maybe stay for just one night "out of the area threatened by German soldiers. My father decided to go home, also because my mother would have been alarmed if at nightfall she hadn't seen any of us return. A he told me to stay around and the next morning we would meet again to bring me new news. We were about to leave when two people arrived whose names I do not remember, who informed us about what had happened in the morning at the "Trinari" house. German soldiers, encamped in the area, began, under the threat of weapons, to kidnap all the men found nearby and, after having locked them up in the drying room of the abacco, kidnapped two young women who, always under the threat of weapons, were raped in turns. When Epi saw that the German soldiers were closing the men in the drying room, she thought that they wanted to take these men to Germany, or pass them by arms, and for this reason she immediately took care to go from house to house to warn of the danger. The story filled us with anguish and terror, I thought of my mother and my sister who were left alone at home; those soldiers could have used the same violence against them as well. I left my father telling him that if necessary, he would find me at the house of the Ormindo family, a dear and very good man who was a "cellarman" at the Boncompagni estate, in the large "farm" of Fontesegale, where I too had worked for some time as aide to the Mistruzzi factor. The farm is located between the hamlets of Cioccolanti and that of Montecastelli. GRIDA DISPERATE DI UNA DONNA FROM NOW ANOTHER DAY Rather short in stature, red hair and a friendly face full of freckles. He worked as a "cellarman" together with Lucchetti, and I must say with excellent results if the wine from that farm was considered one of the best in the area. I challenge many of the wines of today in comparison with that wine from Fontesegale. I also had the opportunity to appreciate Ormindo for his high sense of attachment to work: in any weather, even in the coldest months, he never lacked despite the fact that he lived about three kilometers from the farm, a distance that he always covered astride the "pants'" . I spent the night sleeping in the hut near Ormindo's house and the house inhabited by the Biagini family, known as “Beppetto”, in the company of other young people whose names I don't remember all of. Among these certainly the Alboni brothers, Gianni and Vittorio. Bruno Montanucci and others. The following morning, Monday 27 June, the harvest was resumed from Pinzaglia and. I remember perfectly, it was harvested in the fields near the house inhabited by the Morelli family, known as “Bichio” owned by the parish of Montemigiano. Around 11 we noticed two armed German soldiers, one of them with a wicker basket; they walked towards Ormindo's house. The soldier with the basket also wore a cook's "zinarola". I remember his teeth that I could see between his lips and that about half was made of steel teeth. Certain details are never forgotten. The harvest continued and I helped to tie the "grigne" of wheat. Suddenly Vittorio, the brother of Giovanni Alboni, a brave fighter of the “Cremona” division, who lost a leg in a fight in the Alfonsine area (Ravenna), arrived running out of breath and bleached in the face. Vittorio at that time must have been fifteen, he begged us to immediately find a pump to inflate the tire of a bicycle taken by the two Germans we had seen shortly before. If I don't take the pump to the Germans immediately, he told us, Bruno runs the risk of being killed. He did not even finish uttering the sentence that a gunshot was heard, coming from the very area from which Vittorio had arrived. Immediately the thought went to Bruno and we all assumed that the Germans had killed him. In no time at all, some on one side, some on the other, we all ran off to hide. The fright and fear were so great that I entered the first door I found; led to the stable of "Beppetto", I lay down in the "crib" in the midst of the snouts of some oxen. trying to cover myself with straw and hay so that, in the event of a check by the two Germans, everything would be normal. After a few minutes, I heard in the distance voices of men and women interrupted every now and then by a few words of incomprehensible German. When these people got close, I plucked up my courage and went out of hiding. joining the group. The two Germans, who were talking to each other, gave me the impression that they were half-smiling and this attitude made the situation less dramatic. What exactly happened? Why and by whom had the shot been fired? The two soldiers, arrived at Ormindo's house, asked his wife for a little fresh vegetables; the woman replied that she did not have any, neither in the house nor in the garden and to make sure she invited the two soldiers to follow her to the nearby garden. Once on the spot the two soldiers saw leaning against the hedge that delimited the perimeter of the garden, a bicycle and took possession of it. One of them got on the bike, but got off immediately as the tires were completely flat. For this reason they asked Bruno, who was nearby, for a pump to inflate, threatening him, if he did not immediately proceed, to shoot him. This was the background that led Vittorio to look for a pump from us. When the two Germans returned to the garden, with the bike next to them, together with Ormindo's wife, the latter, to lower the tension that had been created, went into the house and went out with a flask of wine to offer it to the Germans. They, perhaps fearing a trap, before drinking it made everyone present taste a little and then gulped down all the contents. DA ORMINDO UN ALTRO GIORNO BRUNO'S STORY “I too, like many young people of 1925, was a“ deserter ”as I fled from the“ Biordo Michelotti ”barracks in Perugia, which at that time was in Corso Cavour. To "escape" I had jumped an outer wall of the barracks that overlooked a small ring road and which had a height of five to six meters, but at that moment it seemed much lower. After an infinity of adventures and fears from Perugia to Umbertide, I managed to get to my house which was located above the town of Niccone, owned by the Gnomi family. Since the house, not far from the national road, was easy prey for the retreating German troops, protagonists of real cattle raids and anything else that happened to them, we decided in the family to remove the animals, in particular the oxen, in open countryside, as far as possible from the communication route. I moved with the cows near the Pinzaglia, Morelli and Biagini families, to the word "Simoncelli". I was guarding my livestock, or rather mine and that of the owner, who grazed near the houses, when two German soldiers, I learned later, who were staying in my house in Niccone, suddenly emerged from the vegetation, forced me, under the threat of weapons, to follow them. One of the soldiers had with him a bicycle that he leaned against a plant and, having removed the rifle from his shoulder, bullet in the barrel, with a very scrambled Italian, he asked me if I had a pump to inflate the tires that were on the ground. The other soldier had continued to walk and was no more than twenty meters ahead of us. To the strange request of the soldier I replied hoping to make him understand that I did not know anything, neither about the bicycle nor the pump. To my negative answer, the German raised his rifle and fired. The bullet passed within inches of my head. The other soldier, unaware of what had happened behind him, when he heard the blow he gave his legs up, stopping only when the "comrade" ', with words incomprehensible to me, managed to make him understand that the blow had started from his He went back and as soon as he reached us, he engaged the bayonet, put the bullet in the barrel, pointed the rifle at my body, telling me to keep my arms raised, and began to shout that there were partisans. "Be partisans" he kept saying , without the other soldier, the one who had shot, saying anything. I thought I was being killed. I was in that situation close to death, when Ida di Pinzaglia passed by, unseen by the Germans. glance, he accelerated his passing until he disappeared in the middle of the vegetation. I later learned that Ida, meeting some people, had already narrated my death and great was the surprise she felt when, a short time later, she saw me wandering around safe and sound in the vicinity of guard de "my" cattle. In fact, the two Germans, perhaps tired of threatening me, had let me go and headed towards the house of Biagini and “Ormindo”. I would like to add another detail to Bruno's story. When the soldiers, even after Ormindo's wife had offered wine, kept repeating that the partisans had fired, I looked for the shell of the bullet near the area where the shot was fired; I found it and showed it to the soldier; he laughed and kept repeating "here partisans, we will return", "here partisans, we will return". All this happened around eleven in the morning. The two soldiers left, taking their bicycles with them, albeit with flat tires: they were always ready to raid anything, even of little value. So much so that a few days earlier, on a Sunday afternoon, always in pairs and armed to the teeth, they came to my house from the “Fornacino” and opened all drawers and small drawers in search of some valuable object. This time they were satisfied with a few bars of soap and a few handkerchiefs. Convinced that the threats pronounced in the morning would not be followed up, we remained to discuss for a few minutes and then, tired of the work of the harvest and still gripped by fear, some on one side, some on another we went to eat, making an appointment for the afternoon in a hut near the home of the Biagini family. I had lunch with the Pinzaglia family. Around two in the afternoon we found ourselves in the hut. There were many of us, all from seventeen to twenty-four, young men and women, who instead of taking a nap to rest preferred to spend a few hours together talking a bit of everything; the main topic was always war. We talked for some time and then some, overcome by fatigue, forgetting what had happened in the morning, fell soundly asleep. Two or three others and I stayed awake continuing to talk about our problems, in a low tone of voice, so as not to disturb the rest. About twenty minutes passed. our conversation and the sleep of the others were abruptly interrupted by the din of the door suddenly opened and slammed against the parapet. Not seeing anyone, we thought of a sudden gust of wind. Not even the time to assess whether it was really the wind that opened the door with such violence that we saw the barrels of two rifles held by the two Germans in the morning emerge. Suddenly the threats uttered by the two came to mind; fear and fright made us utterly mute. One of the soldiers, shouting like a maniac "raus-raus", with the barrel of his gun forced us to leave the hut. When we were all outside, still with their guns pointed at, they grouped us together. While one checked the group, the other put the rifle back on his shoulder and began questioning us one at a time. The first to be called and brought a few meters from the others was me. The German, with words pronounced in a crippled Italian, with the help of gestures, asked if I was the owner of the bicycle they had taken away in the morning; he called her "mascine"; she also asked why she had not been provided with the pump to inflate the tires. I was desperately trying to make him understand that I didn't know anything about what had happened in the morning, that I wasn't the owner of the "mascine" and didn't even know who he was. As I tried to make myself understood, I pointed out my dirty and scratched arms and said that I was at the harvesting work and that I didn't know anything about that damned bicycle. I kept repeating over and over, “io arbait, io arbait”. But he didn't want to understand and angrily repeated that I was the master of the “mascine”; suddenly he took the rifle off his shoulder, and put the bullet in the barrel, pointed it in my stomach, continuing to scream. I believe that no pen can describe the terror that pervades a person threatened in that way. Feeling the gun barrel loaded and ready to shoot at you is hallucinating; it is no longer even possible to speak; incomprehensible words are pronounced, without any meaning, only stammering. I don't remember how many minutes, or maybe seconds, I remained in that situation, when the other soldier, with a slightly hinted smile of pity, turned towards the ward and shouted "kaput, kaput". Terrible word that millions of men, women and children, ordinary people and without guilt, millions of innocent people had heard before they died: "kaput - kaput". This horrible word had the effect that can give a resounding slap to the unconscious: that is, I bring myself back to the harsh reality. I regained my courage and went back to explaining to the "inquisitor" that, not being the owner of the bicycle, I could not have the pump and that they would let me go. The German insisted "kaput-kaput". I cannot say how long that strange and incomprehensible "interview" lasted. Finally the soldier, having removed the rifle from my belly, took a few steps towards his dormitory and approached the group of my companions who remained waiting for "their turn" who had followed the whole scene with fear. As soon as the soldier who had threatened me turned his back to go towards the others, with a sudden jerk I rolled down a steep "crag" and managed to disappear from his sight. For a few minutes I hid among the bushes at the bottom of the slope, my heart wanting to come out of my throat, straining my ear to try to hear a few words. After another few minutes, not hearing any noise, I went out of the hedge and in small steps, trying not to get noticed, I went away for the fields, hidden behind the rows of vines in the direction of the Sonaglia house. When I reached her, I told those who had seen me arrive overwhelmed by fear, what had happened. I was recounting the facts when we heard in the distance, again from the direction of the Biagini family, the terrible screams of a woman calling for help. From the tone of our voice we immediately realized that something serious was happening. A few minutes passed and everything seemed to calm down. Slowly I recovered from the fright at what had happened to me and walked back towards the Biagini house. I asked the people present what had happened. They told me that the two German soldiers, always the same, continued the interrogation of my other comrades. Then they moved away in the direction of Montemigiano which is a couple of kilometers from the house. The two soldiers passed in front of a little hut. far from the farmhouse of "Beppetto". A family of Niccone, also displaced, had found hospitality in the hut. A girl who was fifteen at the time was part of this family. When the Germans saw her, perhaps believing her to be alone, they rushed on her trying to rape her. Of this disgusting episode, which fortunately ended without serious consequences, I bear the direct testimony of one of the women who lived the hallucinating experience and who still today, almost forty years after the event, finds in talking to me the same dismay, the same emotions. and the same terror. It is Mrs. Anna, who remembers as follows: IL RACCONTO DI BRUNO THE MEMORY OF ANNA ......... "I had been married for about four years and my husband had been brought by the Germans to Germany as a prisoner of war after the events of September 8. I lived in Montecastelli but, due to the war, I was displaced together with my family who lived in Niccone, in a farmhouse in the parish of Bastia Creti and precisely in the place called “Mansala” not far from the hamlet of Spedalicchio, in the valley of the Niccone stream. That morning of Monday 27 June I returned to the Montecastelli house to take some objects and also to realize how the situation was in that area. Through the paths of the fields and woods, trying to avoid running into German or fascist troops. I came near a group of houses called “Simoncelli”, where the Biagini, called “Beppetto” and Ormindo families lived, not far from the parish house of Montemigiano. I knew that there were displaced families of Niccone with whom I was a friend; I decided to pay a little visit to feel how they were doing. One of these two families with whom I was on excellent terms had found refuge in a hut attached to the house of the colonist Biagini. A girl who at that time was fifteen years old was part of this family and, finding her at home, she stopped me talking. She told me she was alone because her parents were working in the fields helping the farmers. We sat down and started to tell about our life as displaced people. After a few minutes we heard noises around the hut. We got up to realize what was happening. We did not even get to the door when we saw the rifles held by the two German soldiers. Immediately one of them, pressing the rifle to my ribs. he threw me out of the hut and the other pounced on the girl, trying to throw her to the ground. The girl began to scream with all her breath in her throat, trying to defend herself with all her might from the German. Hearing cries for help coming from inside the hut, I too began to scream to get the attention of those who were in the neighboring houses; several came out and rushed towards me who was still screaming. When the soldiers realized that the situation was not turning, despite the weapons. in their favor, they fled in the direction of Montemigiano. thus leaving the girl free who, for the narrow escape, began to cry with joy. After some time, while we were still commenting on what had happened, we heard shots coming from Montemigiano. These shots alarmed us a lot because we feared that something serious might have happened. Then we learned that the shots were aimed at animals that the Germans wanted to kill to eat. I stayed for a few hours in the company of that girl and those who had helped us. I could not say exactly how much time passed, I only remember that someone again pointed out to us the two German soldiers who had passed a few hours earlier. At this sight I had a premonition: “just see what time he is going they take with me that I called for help. As I ruminated these words in my mind, I saw the two soldiers approaching. Then with small steps, walking backwards so as to always look them in the face, in order to understand their intentions, I tried to reach the colonist's house in order to enter and then close the door. One of the soldiers stopped and, loading his rifle, suddenly turned to the others who in the meantime were watching the scene, threatening them to stay still otherwise he would have fired. I remember well the one who had a "zinarola" over his trousers, perhaps he was a kitchen attendant, accelerated his pace and came even closer. When he was near he invited me to go with him into the garden. At my clear refusal he began to push me towards the cellar of the settler which was under the kitchen, in a basement. This too was used as a dormitory so as soon as the German saw a "net" he pushed me back badly and I could not help but fall on it. I started screaming for help, trying to free myself. Seeing my resistance and always holding my wrists, he began to violently stamp my feet with his boots, causing excruciating pain and small wounds that began to bleed. Nevertheless, I tried to resist with all my strength. Suddenly a woman appeared, no longer young, whom I immediately recognized as Angela Pinzaglia, the milkmaid who every day, morning and evening, brought milk to the inhabitants of the hamlet of Niccone. He was holding it in his hand a large falcinello and, bringing it close to the German's throat, forced him to leave me. The German, taken aback by the threat of Angela, took the rifle off his shoulder, with a quick gesture put the bullet in the barrel and facing the woman threatened her with the terrible word "kaput". Hearing this word. now sadly known to all, I hugged Angela and shouted “mom, mom. save me, ”I fainted. Later when I came to my senses I learned that one of the two soldiers had fired a rifle shot in the direction of the people present and that the bullet had passed so close to Bruno Pacieri that it had taken his cap off his head. Then the two soldiers, given the situation that had arisen, in the meantime other people had gathered who under threat of making them pay dearly, they had not gone without first pronouncing threats in German against everyone. Every now and then I, upset, would start screaming and fainting again. They laid me down on the bed for a while and when the sun began to set some willing. Bruno Pacieri, Renato Romeggini, Luigi and Nino Sonaglia with others accompanied me to Montemigiano. When I arrived and passed in front of the parish church that was open, I went into crisis again and, with desperate tears, I entered, thanking Our Lady for the narrow escape. I was terribly frightened that the parish priest, Don Pericle Tirimagni, realizing my situation, did not allow me to take the road back to the house where I was displaced, five or six kilometers away from Montemigiano. and hosted me in the house until the following morning parish church. "All these events took place on Monday 27 June 1944. In the evening, tired and exhausted from what had happened during the day, I went to sleep with many other friends and peers in the hut from which the German soldiers had forced us in the early afternoon, under the threat of weapons, to get out. IL RICORDO DI ANNA THAT JUNE 28 AT DAWN It was not yet dawn when suddenly some of us were awakened by sharp shots from firearms, occasionally bursts and even louder detonations. The exhaustion was so great that not everyone who slept with us heard these shots. Instead Bruno Montanucci, probably more accustomed than others to fatigue and the loss of a few hours of sleep, got up immediately, went out of the hut to realize what on earth was happening trying to see where the shots were coming from. Almost immediately he went back into the hut and woke up those who slept; he said that the house of "Bendino" in the word "Penetola", where the Ivorio and Luchetti families lived, was in flames. We all got up and went to see. The scene that was not completely visible at the first light of dawn had a terrifying aspect. In the meantime we continued to hear the fire of the weapons incessantly and we, terrified, wondered what on earth was happening; we tried not to think about the worst. From time to time we seemed to glimpse, through the smoke and the glare of the flames that flared up more and more, shadows walking around the house. As the daylight increased, the picture that appeared to our eyes took ever more precise contours, making the scene even more terrible. The fire was inside and outside the house. What happened? And why all those shots? Of partisan and guerrilla actions, not even talking about it. No training, neither organized nor in embryo, was operating in that area. The closest partisan formations operated in the Pietralunga area and in the Trasimeno area, which is also very far from us. We noticed that the cattle were in the fields around the house. The sight of cows, sheep, pigs grazing freely in the fields, instead of reassuring me increased our worries. If those shots weren't aimed at cattle, who had the Germans fired? And why had they set the house on fire? The idea that those shots, those volleys, could be aimed at men, did not even cross my mind. Not only mine, but not even that of those who were with me. We all refused to think that this level of barbarism could be reached for no reason. Then there appeared on the path that from the colonist's house leads, over a small bridge over the Niccone stream, towards the road to Mercatale and Cortona, eighteen armed German soldiers with backpacks on their shoulders that appeared swollen. They walked in single file and sang. Suddenly an isolated allied aircraft appeared in the sky, coming from the south. It was one of those small reconnaissance planes called "storks" for their resemblance to the well-wishing birds. The soldiers crouched down the slope that skirted the path, resuming the march as soon as the plane got lost behind the hills that looked towards Lake Trasimeno. We began to move away from the area, always looking at the German soldiers that we will lose sight of when they entered the middle of the vegetation that is along the banks of the Niccone stream. We went up the hill slowly, before returning to our houses, looking back to try to know the truth about what happened. Speaking of free cattle we all made a consideration, which unfortunately proved to be wrong. If the cattle were. free, even the people could only be free! Proceeding with caution, we passed near some peasant houses and Some of my friends separated from the group. Four or five of us remained to reach the Mazzoli house, a farmhouse also owned by the Boncompagni family, where other Niccone families had found hospitality. From time to time we met someone who asked us for news. When we arrived not far from the Mazzoli house, someone, perhaps Mario Tacconi, I don't remember well, briefly informed us about what had really happened. Terrible news. The shooting had caused several deaths. They were certainly all members of the Forni and Nencioni families. The fate of the other members of the colonial families was unknown. I didn't stay even a second longer to get other details that, taken by fright, I started running towards the Fornacino house where my family were. It was a breathless race, with my heart in my throat, with tears in my eyes. To the fright, to the pain, to the effort, there was added the thought for the fate of my parents. I wondered if the German soldiers, who had certainly passed on the way back near the house where we were displaced, had repeated the monstrous crime. What would I find of my family? Would I have found them alive? This thought, with the passage of time, became a nightmare and caused me more harm than physical effort; I kept running home; when I got close and my father, who in the distance had noticed me running in an unusual way, came to meet me. Only when he saw me did he have the feeling that something terrible had happened. I hugged him and asked him how the others were doing. What I felt knowing everyone was fine, I can't describe. I burst into tears of joy at knowing them all alive, and of pain for what had happened to Penetola. I told in a few words, stammering and crying what had happened. They too, although further away, had seen columns of smoke coming from that direction. They had not been able to explain why. They were thinking of a fire in the forest or other brushwood. Now he knew. He tried to cheer me up, but could hardly find words. Knowing the brutality of war and knowing what the Germans were made of, it was now necessary to be constantly on the alert and with eyes wide open to prevent, if possible, other episodes. Now another reason anguished us. In the house where we were displaced, Nello Migliorati's family had also found hospitality; whose wife Annetta was the sister of Erminia, one of the women murdered together with their daughters. How were we going to do it, where were we going to get the courage to tell her what had happened? I was certainly not in a position to tell him. It was my father's turn; with a half lie he said that there had been a shooting and that there had been very serious injuries. Nello had to immediately reach the locality "Penetola" where his relatives were displaced. I later learned that the sight that appeared in the eyes of the first who came was terrible. Women, men and children, even at an early age, lay on the ground, scattered all over the place. Some were even burned in different parts of the body so much so that the willing rescuers, to take them to the cemetery, had problems loading them into the farm cart. In truth of what I affirm, I say that Guido Medici, a fighter in the great war. several times sent to the assault with the bayonet and accustomed to the brutality of war, he kept a handkerchief over his eyes for several days. Like an automaton he wandered around the house where he was evacuated, with his head in his hands trying to forget the terrifying scene that had impressed itself in his eyes and mind. Also on this episode I have collected the testimony of Bruno who, contrary to what I had done, had always remained in the area to guard "his" cattle. .......... "A few hours after the shooting - so Bruno says - when the Germans had resumed their way back to Spedalicchio for a few minutes, from where the soldiers responsible for the massacre had arrived, continuously following looking at the surrounding area, I saw a man, who I later learned was Domenico, known as Menco, a relative of many murdered, running away from the house holding his hands on his face and shouting in despair. With the other locals, I Marcucci. the Sassofrasso, known as the "Mosconi". and the Angeloni, called the "Bistoni", went to meet him. In the midst of the cries of pain he told us what he had seen and begged us to take a chariot to take the dead to the cemetery. Some went to Penetola's house, I with the others went back to take the cart. I did not go to load the dead and awaited the return of the sad load together with the custodian of the cemetery who was the “Vecchio del Moro”, Giorgi. They arrived with the tragic load which consisted of six bodies. They were those of Forni Canzio with their sons Ezio and Edoardo and of Nenciohi, Ferruccio with his wife Milena, and Eugenia, Ferruccio's sister. Describing the scene is difficult. Even today, after almost forty years, it is not "possible" for me to speak without a magone who takes me by the throat. Eugenia and Milena's mother-in-law, Conforto, known as "Sostegno", another son of Erminia and brother of Ferruccio and Eugenia and the four teenagers of the Ivorio and Luchetti families. relatives and acquaintances ..... With my memories and testimonies told, could I consider the chapter of the "Penetola" massacre closed? Or was it necessary to also have the testimony of some survivor of the massacre? eyewitnesses what happened in that distant 1944? What right did I have to ask for the umpteenth time to tell that tragedy? Was it right to renew the pain and despair of the victims' families? or reflected on these questions. If these pages were to be the testimony of those tragic events, it was also not only right but essential that they be described and told by those who had been direct witnesses and victims of them. So I asked the person who suffered more than the others if he was willing to recall the terrible story. This person is Mrs. Dina Avorio, one of the few survivors still alive, who lost three children in the tragedy and who still bears the irreversible signs of that terrible tragedy in her flesh and spirit. QUEL 28 GIUGNO ALL'ALBA THE STORY OF DINA “At that time we were sharecroppers of the Montalto estate owned by the Gnoni family and we lived in the farmhouse called the word“ Penetola ”. We too, like thousands of other peasant families, did not shirk the moral duty of giving help to their fellow man and therefore, despite being a fairly large family, twelve people, we agreed to give a roof to those who asked for it: war and the front began to be felt very close. The families that we welcomed and to which we willingly gave a "accommodation" were that of my brother-in-law Capecci with his wife and a six-year-old son, that of Nencioni, made up of Ferruccio, his wife Milena, his daughter Giovanna, his mother Erminia; that of Fomi Canzio with his wife Rosa and children Ugo, Ezio, Edoardo known as “Piri”. Our family was made up of twelve people and precisely: me, my husband Mario and the children Renato of 14, Antonio of 11, Carlo of 8, Maria of 6 and Giuseppe of 4, my brother-in-law Luchetti Avellino with his wife Rosalinda and children Remo, Guido and Vittorio; another brother-in-law, Fernando, was in the military and therefore did not have our terrible experience. We had settled down like this: we, the Capecci family and Ferruccio with their wife and one of their daughters, Giovanna, were settled in the house as best they could. The Forni family and the remaining members of the Nencioni family, Erminia, Eufemia and Conforto were housed in the tobacco drying room, about thirty meters from home. Life went by in a "normal" way and we were all waiting for the allied troops, whose artillery shots we could distinctly hear over the hill towards Perugia, would arrive to take us away from the nightmare of Nazi-Fascist domination and war on the front line. A few days before that terrible 28th June 1944, Canzio's wife, Rosa and his son Ugo, left “Penetola” and found accommodation with the Domenichini family (known as Giancamillo), towards the locality of S. Anna. This was because Rosa had been seized by a strong fright due to the bombing actions of the allied aviation which gave no respite to the German troops now retreating towards the north. Our house was located about three hundred meters from the "Niccone road" which leads to Lake Trasimeno. At the point where you leave the road to reach our house, there is a small bridge that had been mined by the German troops. A few soldiers were employed as sentry on the bridge to whom one of my sons, Antonio, brought fresh milk from our cows every morning. The relations of all of us with the soldiers on guard at the bridge had always been very good, if not downright cordial to the point that one of these soldiers used to deal with me. when he called me and when I met him, the nickname "mami". In short, not a disagreement, never a gesture of intolerance, nothing that could arouse suspicion or anything else. At one o'clock on June 28th we were immersed in sleep, when we heard loud knocks on the door of the house on an external balcony which was accessed by a flight of steps. Not even the time to go and open it when a violent push opened it all wide with great noise. My husband Mario, who in the meantime had got out of bed, found himself in front of four soldiers in "German uniform" and with the insignia of the "SS" units. To my husband's question about what they wanted and the reason for that sudden visit, one of the four, "in perfect Italian", told him that outside the house there were other soldiers who wanted fresh water to drink. My husband went down the stairs, accompanied the soldiers who were out to the well not far from the house and after a while he returned. In the meantime, almost all those who slept in the house had gathered around the four soldiers, who were talking among themselves, without deigning us to look or to say a sentence. We asked the reason for that "visit" late at night, but no one answered. After some time one of them, not the one who had asked for water, told us that we were "partisans". It said: “banditen. banditen ". Then he added that they had been ordered to shoot us. Shoot us! For what reason? What had we done? To our protests of innocence they responded with mockery and kept repeating "all die, all die," banditen, banditen. "In the meantime, accompanied by the German soldiers who had remained outside, all the other people who slept in the tobacco drying that, under the threat of weapons, they had been forced to follow them. Terror was painted on everyone's faces. We kept asking for explanations, asking why we were sentenced to death, begging us not to do it because we were all innocent. Nothing we had committed. not a gesture, not a word that could have "offended the Germanic honor", but they continued with the usual phrase "all die, banditen." We again begged for our salvation or at least that of the children. charge small creatures because they deserved death? Nothing to do: not even the children were to be spared. We ALL had to die !!! we could no longer communicate even with each other! A "German" soldier arrived, one of those who had remained outside and forced us all to enter a single environment. Occasionally some other family members who had remained in other rooms would arrive. In the end we counted: we were 24 people. Before locking ourselves in this unique environment, we were literally stripped of all our possessions, even the most insignificant. Those who slept outside had suffered the same fate. They had been plundered of all their belongings before being led into the house. Once again, before all the soldiers left, we begged for safety. at least for children. Nothing, they didn't even answer. where some soldiers were on guard, we saw other soldiers accumulating hay in the adjoining rooms. The soldiers were constantly going outside and returning with large armfuls of hay which they systematically deposited in the rooms. Why did the soldiers pile up all that hay? Did they intend to use it as bedding to spend the night and maybe shoot them in the morning? We pondered this fact when acrid smoke and dense began to invade our room. The smoky air was unbreathable. We tried to escape in other environments, but the fire had already flared up and we were pushed back by the flames and the smoke.No one will ever understand what we felt in those moments, not even I would know exactly what happened.In that atmosphere of terror, I remember that one of the first to find death was my son Renato, who, wanting to understand what was happening outside, cautiously approached the window and, always staying behind the glass, looked out. A flash, an immense flame and a tremendous roar hit us. When I recovered from my daze, I looked towards the window and saw my son lying on the ground with a horribly mutilated arm and other wounds to his face. I approached to bring him help but he, perhaps aware of his imminent death, said to me “Mom, it's over, don't think about me anymore, think about my brothers. Try to escape from this hell ”. These were his last words. Death had come through a bomb that one of the soldiers stationed outside the house, had thrown against the window after having glimpsed the face of my poor boy. Those who had saved themselves from the explosion of the first bomb, left the room trying to take shelter in other rooms not yet reached by the flames. My husband and I were petrified by pain, close to our Renato, when another flash and another detonation tore through the room still saturated with the acrid smoke of the previous explosion. The "beast" had thrown another deadly device through the window, now torn up by the first bomb. I felt terrible wounds all over my body. I began to bleed in several parts, but I always remained conscious. I approached my husband looking for help, but he too was injured by the shrapnel of the deadly device, in the side and in the leg. Despite the injuries and the pain that was beginning to be felt, I tried desperately to be useful to my children. I had one, the youngest, 4-year-old Giuseppe who with his 6-year-old sister had escaped the massacre. Because of the smoke that impregnated the environment, Giuseppe fainted from time to time and I had to shake him so that he could resume "living". Always in the grip of terror we continued desperately to seek refuge in the environments still spared by the fire. I remember that in order to remove the flames we used vinegar that was in a "keg". We soaked the clothes in vinegar and then threw it against the door and the walls of the room that had overheated. We were thus able to extinguish some tongues of fire that licked the doors, opening a passage for us. The shots and volleys of automatic weapons continued to come from outside. I still have before my eyes the figure of Conforto who, with a knife in his hand, wandered from one environment to another trying to do something to get out of that pit of hell. In fact, with the strength of desperation, he had managed to break some tiles on the floor of a room that was above the sheep shed. Little by little he had managed to make a hole in the floor such as to allow, always with difficulty, the passage of a person. From this hole he had his sister Eufemia descend first, then his niece Giovanna. He then returned to our room and begged his mother, who was close to me, to go downstairs too. Erminia was reluctant to go down, but when Conforto told her that Eufemia and Giovanna had already got out, she followed her son and went down to the stable too. Comfort came down last. Later, when the tragedy was over; Erminia, Conforto and her mother, all three were found murdered by bursts of machine guns. Giovanna, on the other hand, was found with a slight wound in the shoulder, at the height of the neck, hidden under a cart in the farmyard. At one point I realized that three of my children, the older ones, were no longer in the room with us. I immediately went in search of them in those environments where it was possible to go. Nothing. Had they tried to escape the tragedy? But where had they gone from to go outside, if the main door that led to the stairs leading out was still burning? They had alighted from some window "? No one had seen them! Outside, there were still shots at times, albeit with less intensity. It was becoming more and more day and from the window we could see the surrounding hills and woods. Where were my three children? What were they? Had it happened? For some minutes we had not heard the gunshots anymore. I remained in the room for a few more minutes: the silence had become total. The soldiers had gone away? Not hearing any noise, I took myself to the window that faced the house of "Bendinello", a neighboring settler, who lived with the Bendini and Bioli families. Slowly I opened the window, but without looking around. a hill, four people looking towards our house. In one of these I recognized the owner of the farm, Gnoni Gio Batta. Always hidden inside, I tried with desperate feats of the hand to recall their and let him know we needed help. But they didn't see me, also because of the smoke still rising from the house. A few more minutes passed; we stayed in the house, we didn't risk going out. Besides, where could we get out if the front door was still burning? After a while my sister-in-law's husband, Capecci, managed to enter our room and took us to another room facing south. From the window of this room, with some sheets tied like a rope, he had made his wife, son and other people come out into the open. But of my children, nothing. Slowly I, my husband and others were lowered too. As soon as we hit the ground, without even standing up, we rolled up the slope like so many "empty cans". The terror, the pain of the wounds were nothing compared to the anguish of not knowing where my children had gone. Slowly, still on all fours, we entered the surrounding vegetation. The Ovens tried to escape from a window that was to the east of the house. Under the window was the enclosure attached to the pig barn. And it is precisely inside the “bregno” of the pigs that the lifeless body of Edoardo (known as Piri) was found, almost as if he were sitting on the ground. Those of the father Canzio and of the other son Ezio were a few meters away from the pig stall, slaughtered with machine gun shots. Ferruccio and his wife Milena were found near the main door of the house, almost on the balcony overlooking the outside. They had tried to escape the tragedy on that side but, seen, they too had been prey to the "beasts" lurking and shot down with machine guns. I don't know how long we spent in this situation. After a while we saw some German soldiers, accompanied by people in civilian clothes, coming towards us. What to do? Run away again? To go where? From their gestures it seemed to us that they wanted to tell us not to fear. But despite this, my brother-in-law Avellino didn't want to wait and in no time at all, he started running and disappearing into the thicket of the nearby wood. As the soldiers approached, they tried to make us understand that they had come to help the wounded and, if necessary, take us to the hospital. In fact, my husband and I, who had more need and urgency to be treated, were loaded onto a military van. They would take us to the Città di Castello hospital. During the journey, about 20 kilometers, we heard the soldiers talking among themselves and every now and then they uttered the words "partisans" "banditen". When we arrived near Città di Castello, through the provincial road of Trestina and we were over the bridge over the Tiber, we seemed to understand that the soldiers were willing to throw us down. In fact they stopped. Then they left again and they crossed the bridge. After crossing the bridge, finding no indications from the hospital, they took us back with the vehicle that was moving at a walking pace. And they always repeating “partisans, banditen”. An old woman appeared to whom the soldiers asked for information from the hospital, which because of the war had been transferred to the seminary in the center of the city. The old woman understood the word hospital and perhaps thinking she could not sufficiently explain the path and also given our condition, the wounds were bleeding profusely, she got on the vehicle and accompanied us to the hospital. The soldiers unloaded us badly by handing us over to the first service person they encountered. In handing over to us they repeated the usual words "partisans, banditen". Hearing these words, even the stretcher bearers who had arrived in the meantime remained undecided on what to do and almost did not intend to hospitalize us. After some explanations they understood the situation and gave us the first attention. On the other hand, the attitude of the hospital staff was also understandable as there was the death penalty for those who had assisted the partisans. During this whole ordeal my mind was always turned to my children. What happened to them? Had they managed to escape the tragedy? So why was no one giving me news? It was a constant torture. The next day or after “a few days, I don't remember, we received a visit from some German soldiers, including some officers. They wanted information and clarification on what had happened and if there had been any serious actions by any of us unleash violent retaliation. They listened to us and before leaving they said that the transport of the bodies to the cemetery had been authorized. I looked at my husband and we immediately understood that the tragedy had not spared our creatures. In fact, Renato, Antonio and Carlo had not escaped. A few days passed and the German soldiers returned to question us again, and again they made us tell the facts of that terrible night. We understood that there was no trace of those who had somehow received "offense" or of those who had authorized the retaliation in the German area command. Mystery. Our hospital stay lasted for about a month and when the wounds "of the flesh" began to heal, we were discharged and brought back to our remaining loved ones who, in the meantime, had moved to a farmhouse further upstream than ours, which had been destroyed. from the fire and the wickedness of "men". IL RACCONTO DI DINA THE OTHER VICTIMS For many years I lived with those poor victims in the same hamlet; I lived in the same building with the Forni family and therefore, knowing them well enough, I would like ... for what emerges from distant memories, to talk about them recalling some facts. Of the Forni family, who was closest to me, Canzio was the head of the family, Rosa his second wife and their children Ugo. Ezio and Edoardo (called Piri). As I have already mentioned, Canzio was part of that large group of Niccone stonecutters, for whom it is necessary to say a few words as their work was required and very important. In fact, most of the stonecutters of the municipality and neighboring municipalities were concentrated in the hamlet of Niccone. I list them according to my memories: Giuseppe Medici and his son Orlando (Guido), Menotti Nencioni, the Testerini brothers (Dante, Primo, Secondo), Canzio Fomi and Ferruccio Nencioni (victims of Penetola), Magino Faloci, Antonio Nanni, Carlo Mattioni , According to Magrini and, the only living ones, Marino Baccellini and Duilio Truffelli; the latter is the rebuilder of the Rocca fountain, which was rebuilt in 1978 by the municipal administration. Their specialty was the processing of “sandstone” or serena stone which they extracted mainly from the “Giappichini” quarries near Molino Vitelli, “Fariale”, near Mita and from Monte Acuto. This type of stone was used for pavement of sidewalks, for gutters, fireplaces, columns and doorposts, stairs, window sills. Some important works of these stonecutters are the facade of the parish church of Niccone, the external columns of the Collegiate church, the door of the town hall and some chapels of the various cemeteries scattered throughout the territory. The martyrdom of Canzio and his sons Ezio and Edoardo, according to reliable rumors of those who were in the house of "Penetola", can thus be reconstructed. Despite the guard that some soldiers kept at the windows, it seems that Ezio found a way to throw himself outdoors, followed by his father Canzio and his brother Edoardo. From the way the corpses of Ezio and his father were found, it seems that Ezio had managed to throw himself out of that hell and take a few steps in the direction of "life". Knowing that his father had jumped out shortly after, not seeing him, he turned back. Instead his father, seen by the Germans, had been mowed down by a burst of machine guns. Ezio saw him and stooped to help him; at that moment the Germans came out and he too was killed and fell face down on his father's body. From Ezio's position, the conviction arises that the facts have had this development. Edoardo was found by the rescuers, sitting on the ground with his back leaning against the wall surrounding the pig barn, as if he were sleeping. Perhaps he too had managed to climb out of the window, but not to escape the lurking "criminals". Ferruccio was also a stone worker and a passionate hunter; who does not remember his hunting tales? They were so precise in all the smallest details that when he told them he made us relive the scenes, the sensations, as if we had been present on the hunt. Ferruccio's mother, Erminia », his wife Milena, his sister Eufemia and his brother Conforto (called Sostegno), all met a horrible death in the tragic night. I have a vivid memory of Conforto (known as Sostegno), as together, he as a private owner, I as an intern, we met at the middle school license exam (Avviamento) and together we prepared for the exams. He worked in Milan at the tram company of the Lombard metropolis and since he wanted to progress in his career, he had returned to his native country to take his secondary school diploma. In Milan he would then undertake evening courses for working students and would have liked to graduate from high school. He was thirty-six at the time of his death, not married not because he lacked opportunities, but he said that before getting married he wanted to secure a better position. Eufemia, she too was not married, had always dedicated herself together with her mother Erminia and her sister Virginia (the only survivor of the tragedy because she was displaced elsewhere with her family) to manage Niccone's grocery store. Milena, Ferruccio's wife, was a talented and sought-after dressmaker for women. The two daughters, Gaetana and Giovanna, who were 13 and 5 years old respectively, were saved from the tragedy that struck the Nencioni family. Gaetana was displaced elsewhere with her maternal grandmother Settimia; Giovanna, finding herself in the place of the massacre, luckily managed to take refuge under a farm cart. The soldiers raged against her too, firing a few rifle shots that luckily failed. All this happened on June 28, 1944. After a few days, while I was walking through the surrounding countryside and precisely near the house of the colonist Ciubini, a sharecropper of the Boncompagni, I saw a black soldier approaching, holding a can, which looked like a mess tin; with a crippled Italian, with the help of his hand, he asked for fresh milk to drink. It was the clear sign that the nightmare was about to end and, now free from the fear of being "taken" by the fascists and the Germans, I ran like a colt not yet tamed, towards the house of "Fornacino" bringing the news to everyone. The next morning the bulk of the allied troops had already established, a few hundred meters south of the “Fornacino” house, a line of fire, which for a few days shelled northwards where the German troops had withdrawn. LE ALTRE VITTIME THE VICTIMS Penetola di Niccone (Umbertide), June 28, 1944 IVORY Antonio - 11 years IVORY Carlo - 8 years IVORY Renato - 14 years FERRINI Milena in Nencioni - 41 years OVENS Canzio - 58 years FORNI Ezio - 21 years OVENS Edoardo - 16 years LUCHETTI Guido - 18 years NENCIONI Conforto - 36 years NENCIONI Eufemia - 44 years NENCIONI Ferruccio - 46 years RENZINI Erminia in Nencioni - 68 years LE VITTIME Photo: Giovanni, known as Gianni Bottaccioli. Photos, like the whole work, granted by the daughters Elvira and Giovanna. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

History by themes In this section, with its subsections, you will find the contributions of history buffs, the actual documents and specific topics attributable to a longer time, determined by the economic system that rather than the city has shaped the countryside, the landscape . Our intent is to present all the different "perspectives" with which we can reconstruct the "history" of our country. The "short time" in fact, guideline of the research reported in the subsections described above, gives us back a story focused on the birth and history of the main agglomeration of Fratta / Umbertide, but there allows you to see only institutional-political events, however much they can be added together in a millenary diachronic sequence. While the development and consequences of economic structures need to be recognized an investigation you seek with a "long time. So it appears to us it is essential to reflect on the lining, the basic economic cell of the agricultural world for centuries, together with the territory that becomes a "landscape", slowly modified for centuries by generations of men and women. The sections of the " Gregorian Cadastre " and " Territory and Mezzadria " have the claim to analyze the "long times" with complex processes that have transformed our territory. This historical cut inevitably extends the object of study to the entire Tiber Valley and Central Italy, from which we have to "cut out" our specific space of interest. Space that has followed the typical historical processes, always of central Italy, also for what concerns the "sociolinguistic" perspective ... and here is the section that tries to investigate our " Dialect ". Section that he will not have to deal with reporting idioms or the language of common use, but will have to show how the "dialect" is a historical stratification. Finally we want to return to our country by analyzing what has distinguished it the most: water and road networks. " The Tiber and the water mills of the territory ", because rising on the banks of the great river has characterized the layout of the urban agglomeration with its strategic value, ways of life and use of agricultural land; The great dam on the Tiber , the work of Mario, Marco and Matteo Tosti, brings back to "life" an impressive hydraulic work of medieval Fratta; " Railway " that passing through Umbertide, as for other places in the Umbrian plain, changed the fate of the city. Some profiles of historical figures have been included in the subsection " Biographies Historical ", alongside it is a page of historical biographies of the twentieth century . To complete the claim to have an overall historical look, the section on " Castle and rural lordships " and that relating to " Monuments and Museums " which will have to highlight the works of art of our residential nucleus and its territory, "symbols" of identity for all of us. among the works of art could not miss an in-depth analysis and rich in archive materials on the Deposition of Signorelli, granted by professor Valentina Ricci Vitiani. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

L'Abbazia di San Salvatore di Monteacuto e poi Montecorona Il Ciborio di Montecorona Monuments, Museums and Sacred Places L'Abbazia di San Salvatore di Monteacuto e poi Montecorona I ruderi della chiesa della Madonna della Costa Il Ciborio di Montecorona The abbey of S. Salvatore of Monte Acuto, then Montecorona The abbey of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto, then Montecorona, 4 km from Umbertide, was a powerful monastic institution, not a de facto hermit, but well rooted in the territory and an economic and jurisdictional interlocutor of both civil and ecclesiastical power . Despite the traditional attributions of its foundation to San Romualdo, this foundation does not seem to be a historical truth; although in a short time its "management" was entrusted to the Benedictine current which was based on San Romualdo. The "management" was then assigned to the Cistercians in the 13th century; substantially returned to the Camaldolese in the sixteenth century. Since then, its history has been linked to that of the hermitage above. In this article we will focus above all on the possible history relating to the origin of the Abbey in the eleventh century. and up to the sixteenth century. Above all we will dwell on its foundation which, despite the erudite "assignments" of the seventeenth century, is neither certain nor known. In the continuation we will dwell on the description of the beautiful 8th century ciborium brought back to the Abbey by San Giuliano delle Pignatte, because this is considered to be its original place. Its existence opens up scenarios, still not investigated archaeologically, of the early medieval presence of one pre-existing religious structure on the same site as the abbey. We will conclude with an in-depth study on the reuse materials present in the crypt of the Abbey. By whom was the Abbey of San Salvatore di Monteacuto really founded? In a historical conference in 2009 on the Abbey, its history and its characteristics, ("THE ABBEY OF SAN SALVATORE DI MONTE ACUTO - MONTECORONA IN THE XI-XVIII CENTURIES"), the problem of the foundation was retraced, presenting the few traces available, and highlighting the fixed points traceable after the destruction of the Abbey archive in the war between the Oddi and the Baglioni in the mid-1400s. The professor. D'Acunto, during the study days of June 2009 dedicated to the Abbey, argued the possibility that the original building was even older than the indications of early millennium. Perhaps a pre-existing structure, a hypothesis to be investigated with archaeological methods, could have arisen from the role of local early medieval aristocratic elites. Hypothesis that could explain the presence in the area of the "Carolingian" ciborium of the eighth century of San Giuliano delle Pignatte. Tradition, on the other hand, has reported 1008 as the date of the foundation and the person of Romualdo as the founder. Felice Ciatti in the "Of the annal and historical memories of the things of Perugia, Part Four, that is, Pontifical Perugia", of 1638, supported the foundation by San Romualdo. This foundation is not confirmed, however, by all the sources that refer directly to San Romualdo. Ludovico Iacobilli, on the other hand, in his Lives of the saints and blessed of Umbria, published between 1647 and 1661, was the first to affirm that the abbey of S. Salvatore was founded in 1008, ascribing it to the Cistercian Order ... probable date of existence but we do not know from which sources it took this indication. In the following centuries, however, it was the Camaldolese who managed the institution. Certainly, even if we are not sure that the reference is to the current building, since it was consecrated only in 1056, we have news of the role of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto in the territory as early as 1036. In fact on this date the papacy granted the exemption in S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto from the jurisdiction of the diocesan ordinary, or rather from the power of the Dioceses that surrounded it (Perugia, Città di Castello and Gubbio). This is a sign of the institution's rising importance. This information is provided to us by Stefania Zucchini who dealt with the question in “Umbrian monastic foundations between the 10th and 12th centuries and S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto”. Giovanna Casagrande in "The Abbey of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto in the Cistercian period through the Protocol of the notary Achille of Bernardino di Montone (XIII century)", underlines, however, how under the Emperor Henry VI, in 1186, we to indirectly identify the indication of the importance already acquired by the monastery, that its probable pro-imperial position in the clash between the Empire and the Papacy. In fact, Henry VI recognizes the jurisdiction over the countryside to the municipality of Perugia, but excludes some lay lords from this jurisdiction… and our monastery of S. Salvatore. This would find further confirmation in the diplomas of Otto IV (1210) and of Frederick II (1220). As regards the uncomfortable pro-imperial position of the institution, Prof. Casagrande points out that Gregory IX found a "solution" after the peace of San Germano in 1230, in the stasis clash between the papacy and the Empire. In fact, an abbey of the imperial part in the Perugian territory, but close to the border with Città di Castello, it could well be a nuisance. "So 1234 actually marks a turning point ... On June 26, 1234 Gregory IX wrote to the abbot and the convent of Cîteaux so that the monastery of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto does not remain "in spiritualibus et temporalibus desolatum" and intends to "ibidem Cistercensem fundare sistema" and orders that "immediate subiaceat reverentia filiali »To the abbey of Cîteaux.". In this way the monastery passed to the Cistercians. Subsequently, with Pope Eugene IV, in 1434, the management of the institution changed again and returned to the Camaldolese, but the "handover" was anything but immediate. This was a troubled period, think of the noble conflicts in Perugia which involved the destruction of the documents in the Abbey's archive when the Oddi, based in Umbertide, were attacked by the Baglioni. In fact, the forces of the Baglioni also poured into the Abbey causing the destruction of goods and documents, only some brought by the Oddi to safety in the Rocca di Spoleto. Finally, the canon Galeazzo Gabrielli da Fano, commendatory of the abbey, donated it in 1524 with all its appurtenances to the company of San Romualdo, including a small church dedicated to San Savino, not far from the Abbey. The company, in the general chapter of 1525 and more explicitly in that of 1530, which was held right in the abbey of San Salvatore, approved the construction of a hermitage that was to serve as the mother house, following the design of the Hermitage of Camaldoli, and at the same time it was decided to erect it near the abbey on the mountain called "Montecorona". From this moment the word "coronesi" is also used to indicate the monks of the abbey of San Salvatore and the hermitage above. The hermitage and the Abbey were thus connected by a long path called "brick", even two meters wide, built with blocks of dry-laid sandstone that can still be traveled today. After the foundation of the Hermitage, it is remembered as the Hermitage of Monte Corona, a name later extended to the abbey as well, which became San Salvatore di Monte Corona. The abbey, in addition to the appurtenances not for religious use, is structured in an upper church, with a large nave at the entrance and the raised presbytery above the crypt, divided into three naves with an apse. Basement insists a crypt which can itself be considered a lower church with 5 naves and 3 apses. A bell tower that probably in some periods, given some slits, had different purposes from the current one and different construction moments that see it pass from a circular to an octagonal base. The crypt: The basement crypt is of the “ad oratorium” type, a vast and unique room with 5 naves although it ends with 3 apses, divided into 30 cross-vaulted bays with Byzantine-style decorations from Ravenna. The cross vaults are supported by columns of various styles, reused material from the first century. BC to the fourth century. AD, except one which is later. Along the walls of the area the arches of the cruises fall on semi-columns leaning against pilasters, creating an articulation of the walls accentuated by the presence of arched recesses, in turn pierced by double niches. The bare material, of the columns e it could come from a pre-existing pagan or early Christian temple. For this reason, there would be a need for archaeological investigations on the site of the present abbey. Externally to it are visible vertical pilasters. The upper church and the presbytery The part of the church that stands above the crypt was built first and consecrated by San Giovanni da Lodi, bishop of Gubbio; the central nave was added to it in the 13th and 14th centuries; so the oldest part served as a presbytery with 3 naves marked by 4 round arches. Each nave ends with an apse. An arch divides the oldest part from the most recent one. At the center of the great nave of the present Presbytery, there was an altar, whose table is now leaning against the wall of the left aisle. In 1959, in the execution of the renovation and restoration works, an 8th century Ciborium was placed in place of the great altar, present in the nearby Church of San Giuliano delle Pignatte. Later we will describe the Ciborium and the techniques of descriptions that were investigated in the 2009 conference on the Abbey. A 16th century wooden choir is located in the apse which has an ogival arch. Here we have paintings by unknown authors, right above the wooden choir: the TRANSFIGURATION - CHRIST IN GLORY AMONG THE PROPHETS AND APOSTLES, sec. XVII, an oil on canvas measuring 340 x 190 cm; the MADONNA DELLE GRAZIE, from 1549, oil on canvas, 174 x 167 cm; the ASCENSION, from 1602, oil on canvas, 168 x 104 cm; the FLAGELLATION, sec. XVI, oil on canvas cm. 102 x 75 (which does not appear in the video images because it is covered by the Ciborium); S. Andrea XVIII century, tempera canvas measuring 160 x 76 cm; the MADONNA DEL ROSARIO AND SAN DOMENICO, sec. XVII, oil on canvas, 236 x 100 cm. The most recent part of the upper church has a single large nave with two ribbed vaults and two chapels on the sides adorned with Baroque altars. The bell tower The bell tower which probably had different uses over the centuries has a particular structure diversified in three moments: the base is circular in shape, perhaps from the Lombard period, then it has 11 sides in the 14th century, endecagonal with battlements that were integrated, finally, in the octagonal continuation which now shows the large clock and bells. Sources: Proceedings of the Conference (Abbey of San Salvatore di Montecorona, June 18-19, 2009) edited by Nicolangelo D'Acunto and Mirko Santanicchia in Bulletin of the National History Deputation for Umbria, CVIII (2011), fasc. I-II (pp. 165- 183). Monographic section: "THE ABBEY OF SAN SALVATORE DI MONTE ACUTO - MONTECORONA IN THE XI-XVIII CENTURIES" - History and art - - Nicolangelo D'Acunto: "The origins of the monastery of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto and its monastic network" Maria Teresa Gigliozzi: "From the Benedictines to the Cistercians: the architecture of the abbey of San Salvatore in Montecorona in Romanesque Umbria" Giovanna Casagrande: "The abbey of S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto in the Cistercian period through the Protocol of the notary Achille of Bernardino di Montone (13th century)" - Stefania Zucchini: "Umbrian monastic foundations between the 10th and 12th centuries and S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto" -The indications on the paintings in the apse of the upper church come from the “Alto Tiber” Archaeological Group with the patronage of the Municipality of Umbertide: “Initiative“ adopt a work of art from your territory ”with the contribution of local companies. http://turismo.comune.perugia.it/poi/abbazia-di-san-salvatore-di-montecorona https://www.iluoghidelsilenzio.it/abbazia-di-san-salvatore-di-montecorona/nggallery/page/1 For the images of the 2009 Conference see: https://www.comune.umbertide.pg.it/it/page/l-abbazia-di-san-salvatore-di-montecorona Abbey of San Salvatore - interior of the crypt The Abbey of Montecorona during the flood of the Tiber in 2005. By clicking here you can to download the photo in original resolution. For a study of the extent of the flood in Umbria you can see the IRPI report here ( Tiber River Basin Authority). The Monastery, the Montecorona Hermitage seen from Montacuto at the "Croce". THE CIBORIO OF THE ABBEY OF MONTECORONA formerly of San Giuliano delle Pignatte (By Francesco Deplanu, from the 2009 study days dedicated to the Abbey and indicated at the bottom) This artifact is one of the very few early medieval cibori that have come down to us intact. Its canopy has a square plan, and is made up of four slabs of equal size, two and two, placed on four supports with a monobloc capital and a crowning with an octagonal pyramid ending with a pinnacle. Where does the Ciborium come from The Ciborium was moved (or moved again) in the 1950s from "San Giuliano delle Pignatte" inside the Presbytery of the upper church of the Abbey of S. Salvatore of Montecorona. This choice is based on the certain inadequacy of the position of the Ciborium in the small church of San Giuliano delle pignatte, a photo from the 1950s shows it positioned with one side against the wall in a clear position that does not respect its function. The prevailing hypothesis is that it is a "dismantling", perhaps precisely from the place where the Abbey stands today. it underwent a period of near abandonment. It is probable at this point that the artefact was moved in that period, also taking into account the decorations on the wall of the small church. Let's start with a "conclusion" before describing in detail this treasure of the Abbey of S. Salvatore, that of Donatella Scortecci in "THE CIBORIO DELL'ABBAZIA DI MONTECORONA" in the study days of 2009: "the stimulating reflections proposed by Nicolangelo D 'Acunto on a possible lay foundation of the monastery by noble elites would well explain the presence of a luxury artifact, such as the ciborium, a liturgical object for display, to be flaunted. Perhaps a donation from the founder, a treasure exhibited as was widespread practice in the early Middle Ages by the hegemonic classes who, through what have been defined earthly and heavenly treasures, represented themselves, reaffirming their status to the religious and secular community, earning, if anything, also a place in paradise ". The Ciborium is an artifact of the "Carolingian" period, built in the eighth century. d. C .. With this identification, Prof. Scortecci recalls how it is not possible for the sculptural creations of the period to catalog them as "Lombard" or "Byzantine", or "barbaric", because there is "evidence of a variety of languages that contribute to the definition of a unitary context ". Furthermore, it must also be considered that the difference between the client and the workers who then create the artifacts must be considered, with their more complex ethnic, social and economic origin. We can therefore, in summary, indicate the sculpture as "early medieval". It is clearly a liturgical furniture that we can define as "luxury", and which is the testimony of a religious commission of high prestige, probably also economic. By indicating the front plate that looks at the faithful as plate "A", it can be seen that it is of a different material than the rest of the artifact. Also with regard to the Ciborium of San Prospero in Perugia, always “early medieval”, the tendency to standardize production is clear, reserving only the front plate, the more complex and full of symbolism decoration. In fact, the two side faces "B" and "D" and the back, indicated with "C", are also similar in the decorative motifs, with the body of the slabs having the same three-ply braid with buttons that accompanies the archivolt, and the same palm with long fringed leaves that fields the resulting spaces. However, only the frames of the upper margin have three variants of the usual spiral motif. In the front plate you can see a “cantharos” where two large peacocks cool off. The peacock, an immortal bird, which drinks from the cantharos is an iconography that goes from antiquity to the whole of the early Middle Ages. However, its extensive use does not make it possible to trace back to specific customers or workers. Harmonic forms are certainly not found here in the arrangement of the drawing of that of the aforementioned Perugian Ciborium; the birds in our ciborium are more cumbersome and a kind of "horrori vacui" with S-shaped "volutine", small circles with quatrefoil flowers and a short intertwining of mesh, this above the "braid" that runs through the arch, seems to prevail. How the Ciborium was built The structure of the Ciborium rests on four columns that form a quadrilateral with monolithic capitals in sandstone. Columns and capitals that support four variously sculpted stone slabs. Indicating the front plate that looks at the faithful as plate "A", it can be seen that it is of a different material, pietra serena, of a blue-blue color, like the columns, compared to the side ones, all instead of different materials, always sedimentary, or compact micritic limestones, which we can indicate as tending to a white color. Above the front slabs rises a pyramid made up of 11 slabs: eight major stone slabs, triangular in shape, as well as three smaller ones used to close the gaps left by the placement of the first eight. This can only be seen from the inside due to the “dull”, grayish plaster applied in previous restoration interventions. On the top there is a pinnacle that may look like a bell even if, again due to the "dull" present, it is difficult to see well. These indications come to us from Laura Zamperoni in "Stone materials, executive technique and state of conservation" presented again during the days of 2009 indicated in the notes. This distinction is important because in addition to the different color that can be immediately identified, the different stone nature has led to a different destiny of conservation: the pietra serena of the front facade has been damaged more than the "white" parts of the three "secondary" facades "(" B "," C "and" D ") in limestone. In particular, plate "A" has a fairly thin grain size and free from large colored impurities; the other three, on the other hand, are characterized by extremely small and homogeneous alveoli. What is worrying, as mentioned before, is the durability of the sandstone of the columns and related capitals. Sandstone (and pietra serena) which is exposed to an important erosion phenomenon that "pulverizes" it. Erosion also present in the front plate visible to the faithful but fortunately to a lesser extent than the capitals. Erosion that does not affect the "white" parts in limestone. These considerations lead Zamperoni (... and all of us) to say that "given the exceptionality of the artefact, a conservative restoration intervention would be desirable both to improve the state of alteration and to block its deterioration, and to enhance its historical-artistic importance. … ". Furthermore Zamperoni writes, after having studied the artefact in detail that “interesting considerations can be drawn on the working technique of stonemasons. The tools and the work of the artisans are characterized by a strong conservatism that has contributed to maintaining almost unchanged, until the 19th century, working methods and tools, with a certain reluctance to introduce innovative elements. As is well known, the tools for working stone essentially belong to two large classes: percussive and abrasive. In the first group are inserted the various hammers and cutting tools (chisels and the like), in the second the saws, drills, files and all the powders used for polishing. The percussive instruments shape the stone by striking and crushing it, the abrasive ones by rubbing it. Most of the early medieval and medieval stone sculptures were made with the direct cutting process, without making use of models in ductile material: the design was traced directly on the planes of the block (front and side) to then be engraved. ". This allows her to argue that flat and sharp edge chisels were used for the construction. Specifically, a chisel called "little nail" seems to have been used: thin but sturdy which allowed to reach fine but deep carvings; but also a "group of flat and sharp edge chisels (from 3 mm up to 8 mm) capable of smoothing the surface producing shading effects that essentially depend on the angle at which the instrument was held on the stone and on the intensity with he was hit. "In addition, the flat chisel was also used for the low-relief creations; finally he identifies a series of" bush hammering "in the intrados of the arches but also on the shafts of the columns and the capitals in the non-decorated parts, the latter probably not contemporary. Front plate of the Ciborium of the eighth century AD I ruderi della chiesa della Madonna della Costa Stone carving in the 19th and 20th centuries. Having placed the attention on the methods of construction of the Ciborium, the use of the tools used, has highlighted the strong conservatism of the masons' workers over the centuries. This allows us to indicate a hypothesis of "continuity", clearly only spatial to the state of knowledge, on the methods of sculpting stone in the areas under the influence of the Abbey of San Salvatore and the Hermitage of Montecorona. That is to remember, without clearly claiming to establish a real connection, how even the workers of the 19th-20th centuries of Niccone's stonemasons used tools that were partly similar: think of the “bocciarda” who had become the “liar” in our dialect. We also add, more to meet some curiosity, news of much later on the stones that could still be found in the nineteenth century in the area of the discovery of the Ciborium and the Abbey of San Salvatore. In the text of Bernardino Sperandio, "Of the Umbrian construction and ornamental stones" a document is reported among the "Inventories" entitled "State of Mines, Mineral Sources, Quarries, Workshops existing in the Municipality of Fratta, province of Perugia, district of Perugia", ASCU year 1861. This inventory indicates the "Quarries and Torbiere" of Fratta (cited in the text "Umbertide" also if in fact his name hadn't been changed yet). The document reports various types of stones, among these the "Strong sandstone or stone are used for use [...]" (the "pietraforte" in Tuscany is a very solid sandstone) and their presence is indicated as well as in the Parish di Romeggio, also a site in the “parish of M. Migiano owned by the suppressed Eremo di Montecorona”. As far as quarries and peat bogs are concerned, the "substances" indicated in 1861 were "white marble", "dark red or white marble", "cenerino marble", "red veined white marble", "white veined marble", "black marble" , "Sand quarry", "Clay quarry", "Pozzolana quarry", "Quarry for Macine" as well as "Strong sandstone stones". The "quarry for millstones" was located at the Parish of San Giuliano, or in the area of San Giuliano delle Pignatte. Precisely the Montecorona area, along the Nese stream, was characterized by the presence of "calcarenites", or "marbles". Sources: -Donatella Scortecci, “The ciborium of the Montecorona abbey”, with a contribution by Laura Zamperoni, “The ciborium and early medieval sculptural material. In "THE ABBEY OF SAN SALVATORE DI MONTE ACUTO - MONTECORONA IN THE XI-XVIII CENTURIES" - Bulletin of the National History Deputation for Umbria, CVIII (2011), fasc. I-II (pp. 165- 183). Proceedings of the Conference (Abbey of San Salvatore di Montecorona, June 18-19, 2009) curated by Nicolangelo D'Acunto and Mirko Santanicchia - Bernardino Sperandio, Of the Umbrian construction and ornamental stones., Perugia, Quattroemme, 2004 (p. 265, pp 288-289). https://www.umbertidestoria.net/gli-scalpellini-di-niccone Photo: -Image of the Ciborium located in San Giuliano delle Pignatte by Mons. Renzo Piccioni Tignai published in the “Bulletin of the National History Deputation for Umbria, CVIII (2011), fasc. I-II (pp. 165- 183). " - Other images and videos: Francesco Deplanu. The Church of the Madonna della Costa and the wooden statue (Curated by Francesco Deplanu) The Church of the Madonna della Costa of Monte Acuto This little one church on the slopes of Monte Acuto, known among other names over time as “S. Giovanni della Costa ”,“ Santa Maria della Costa ”and later known as“ Madonna della Costa ”, is located on the southwest coast of Monte Acuto. This church today is dilapidated but until 70 years ago it was a popular place of worship that is still lived and deeply felt. Anciently it was employed by the Abbey of San Salvatore di Montecorona, then passed under that of the Perugia dioceses. The church has a rectangular plan, with an entrance door under the bell tower and, opposite to it, a small door to the right of the altar connected to a small sacristy is still visible. The building shows its different construction phases with a lower part in well-worked stone masonry ceasing on a floor highlighted by a frame above the entrance door. Above this frame, on the main gabled façade, the bell gable was built. On the entrance a small niche above the architrave bore a dedicatory inscription which is now illegible. The left facade of the church is partially embedded towards Monteacuto. The opposite facade, on the right, it bears the trace of a loophole and “looks” at a panorama that opens up between valleys and high hills. The added walls are in unworked stone and everything had been plastered both inside and outside. The roofs appear to have been trussed and on the back wall a niche is still visible where the statue of the Madonna with the child was housed. Several photos from the recent past show signs that look like those of frescoes in the part near the altar area. Immagine 1: Chiesa della Madonna della Costa. Campanile a vela visibile tra la boscaglia; facciata principale (foto di Fabio Mariotti, scattata circa nel 2000). La Storia Una struttura per il culto è presente fin dal 1145: è documentata la sua presenza nella Bolla di Eugenio III del 1145 vche ede tra i beni confermati all’Abbazia di San Salvatore la “Cellam Sancti Joannis in Monte Acuto, cum Ecclesiis, & pertinenti suiis”. Nel primo elenco delle comunità perugine del 1258 è indicata come “Villa S. Iohannis de Costa”. Dal 1361 la parrocchia “eccelse S. Iohannis de Costa Montis Acuti” possiede un catasto di beni propri e nel 1367 si ha notizia della dotazione di una campana. Nel 1564, sotto il Vescovo Della Corgna, alla parrocchia di San Giovanni, denomina in questo periodo sembra anche Santa Maria, fu unita la chiesa diroccata di Santa Lucia, che sorgeva presso il castello della Fratticiola di Montacuto. Altre notizie più recenti ci attestano della diminuita importanza del luogo, perlomeno dal punto di vista dell’organizzazione parrocchiale, tanto che nel 1821 la parrocchia di San Giovanni/Santa Maria fu unita provvisoriamente alle parrocchie di San Simone in Monestevole, San Bartolomeo in San Bartolomeo dei Fossi e San Michele Arcangelo in Racchiusole. La chiesa, in tempi più recenti, venne chiamata della “Madonna della Costa” di Monte Acuto, per via della statua lignea medievale della Madonna con il bambino che lì si trovava. L’insediamento in età alto medievale attorno a questa zona vide una quasi costante presenza di una quarantina di “fuochi” (come media gli storici riferiscono che un fuoco era composto da 4 persone. n.d.r.): nel 278 sono riportati 42 “fuochi”, nel 1882 sono 32, nel 1410 supponiamo circa 38 (perché si contarono 152 “bocche”, cioè persone); ma già tra il 1438 ed il 1501 si contavano un numero minore di popolazione dimorante, tra i 20 e i 29 fuochi. Sicuramente l’insediamento sparso dei secoli a venire mantenne parte della popolazione nelle zone nelle vicinanze della chiesa, vista la necessitata di un popolamento connesso al sistema produttivo. Quasi in concomitanza con la fine della mezzadria, che possiamo datare ad inizio anni’60, nel 1954, crollò il tetto della chiesetta che fu dichiarata inagibile. Fino a quel momento, la domenica dopo l’Ascensione, veniva festeggiata in loco la festa della “Madonna della Costa”, che vedeva anche la presenza della Banda di Preggio; notizia attestata almeno fino al 1947 a causa di uno scontro politico che in quell’anno ebbe un certo risalto. La statua della Madonna con il bambino Che sappiamo al momento della storia della “madonna con il bambino” nella chiesetta della Costa di Monte Acuto ? E’ una statua lignea di un autore ignoto del romanico umbro del secolo XII (datata 1150 - 1199), alta cm 132 e dipinta in maniera policroma. E’ difficile pensare che nel corso di 8 secoli dalla sua realizzazione datata già dalla seconda metà del 1100, cambiando la tipologia di popolamento e di conseguenza il valore e la funzione dei luoghi di culto, la locazione della statua sia stata la stessa. Anche le indicazioni delle fonti storiche indicano un “peregrinare” della statua, “peregrinare” influenzato anche dalla dottrina della Chiesa dopo il Concilio di Trento. A questo proposito si può affermare che la statua lignea della madonna con bambino non fosse posizionata fin dalla sua realizzazione nell’attuale chiesa, ridotta quasi in cumuli, o nelle strutture originarie dedicate al culto in quel luogo. Seguendo le indicazioni di Elvio Lunghi, professore di Storia dell’arte medievale a Perugia, lo spostamento sulla “costa” di Monte Acuto della scultura lignea dovrebbe essere avvenuto successivamente alla seconda metà del XVI sec.: da San Giuliano delle Pignatte dell’Abbazia di Montecorona dove venne descritta come una “madonnam rilievi” nelle fonti delle visite pastorali del Vescovo Fulvio Della Corgna . Infatti nei decenni seguenti la conclusione del concilio tridentino i vescovi furono particolarmente rigidi verso le immagini obsolete o semplicemente mal conservate oltre che all’uso di statue lignee utilizzate in maniera lontana dalla liturgia, in questo periodo è anche possibile che le immagini sacre meno adeguate fossero destinate a una sede meno prestigiosa. Questo potrebbe essere stato il destino della nostra statua ritenuta comunque di “valore” e, piuttosto che eliminata, venne spostata in un luogo meno importante. Spostamento funzionale a salvarne il valore popolare di devozione; devozione molto sentita nella zona tra Romeggio e Preggio e proseguita fino al dopoguerra. Immagine 8: Statua della Madonna della Costa da: https://www.beweb.chiesacattolica.it/benistorici/bene/5504739/Bottega+umbra+sec.+XII,+Statua+della+Madonna+della+Costa Immagine 9: Statua della Madonna della Costa pubblicata in: Elvio Lunghi, “Considerazioni e ipotesi sulle sculture lignee nelle chiese dell’Umbria tra XII e XIII secolo” in “Umbria e Marche in età romanica. Arti e tecniche a confronto tra XI e XIII secolo”, a cura di E. Neri Lusanna, Todi, Ediart, 2013, pp. 203-212 Il destino delle opere lignee delle nostre zone sotto il potere temporale della Chiesa, risentì notevolmente del Concilio post-tridentino. Basti pensare al bellissimo gruppo della “Deposizione” di Montone, originario della Pieve di San Gregorio, che fu trasformato per secoli in “Crocifissione” con braccia e piedi non coevi e con la sparizione certa, perché poi ritrovata, della statua di Giuseppe d’Arimatea. Questa statua fu “ricomposta” con la testa ritrovata sempre nella Pieve di San Gregorio nel 1956, mentre il resto del corpo venne ritrovato sempre qui, nel 1977, tra le macerie di una volta crollata, e poi individuato come parte del San Giuseppe dal prof. Toscano nella Galleria Nazionale dell’Umbria. Solo da allora si prese consapevolezza dell’originaria disposizione e funzione che si può godere oggi nel Museo di San Francesco a Montone. Immagine 9: Deposizione della Croce di Montone (particolare) (foto di Francesco Deplanu). Immagine 10: Deposizione della Croce di Montone (particolare). Statua lignea di San Giovanni d’Arimatea ricomposta (foto di Francesco Deplanu). Per capire la portata del cambiamento che avvenne nel periodo post-tridentino basta leggere, riportate nelle pagine di Lunghi riprese dall’Archivio Vescovile di Perugia che riporta le visite pastorali sempre sotto il Vescovo Fulvio Della Corgna. Ad esempio nella chiesa di San Giustino alle porte di Perugia una statua della Madonna fu direttamente data alle fiamme: “Visitavit figuras virginis in quadam nicchio cum filio in brachio vetustate consumptas / quas igni comburi iussit». Ovvero: “In una nicchia ispezionò una statua della Vergine col figlio in braccio consumata dal tempo che ordinò fosse bruciata dal fuoco.”. Ma vediamo cosa scrive a proposito della statua lignea della madonna Elvio Lunghi, in “CONSIDERAZIONI E IPOTESI SULLE SCULTURE LIGNEE NELLE CHIESE DELL'UMBRIA TRA XII E XIII SECOLO”: “Nel Museo del Duomo di Perugia è conservata una scultura romanica in legno policromo di una Madonna in trono con il Bambino benedicente in grembo, che vi è stata depositata per esigenze conservative dall’abbazia di San Salvatore di Montecorona. È agevole riconoscervi una statua della Madonna che il vicario del vescovo Fulvio Della Corgna vide il 24 novembre 1564 sopra l’altare maggiore della chiesa di San Clemente nel villaggio di San Giuliano delle Pignatte, nelle immediate vicinanze di quell’abbazia cistercense. La Madonna era in rilievo e era posta tra due tavole dipinte con le storie del Santissimo.” Riportiamo per intero, vista la brevità, il passo che nelle note il Lunghi ripropone della visita pastorale, testo sempre conservato nell’Archivio Diocesiano di Perugia: “«Visitavit madonnam rilievi cum tabulis pictis Santissime inde / quas reaptari si potest santissimi aut retineri quanto decentius». Ovvero “Ispezionò una madonna in rilievo con tavole dipinte della storia del Santissimo, poi le quali se è possibile siano restaurate o conservate nel modo più decente”. Il passo è brevissimo ma accerta la presenza certa di una statua della madonna nella zona, difficile pensare che non fosse quella poi finita sulla Costa di Monte Acuto. Gli sportelli laterali sono andati perduti ma la madonna in legno con il bambino ha “proseguito” il suo cammino. In una data imprecisata, ma successiva chiaramente a questa visita pastorale del Della Corgna, arrivò alla chiesa di San Giovanni della Costa .”. Lo scopo di queste visite pastorali post tridentine era anche di “correggere la dottrina cattolica, espellere le eresie, promuovere i buoni costumi, e per quanto riguarda l’aspetto degli edifici religiosi era accertare l'idoneità degli edifici di culto e la celebrazione degli uffici liturgici secondo le nuove regole stabilite a Trento. Fonti: Elvio Lunghi, “Considerazioni e ipotesi sulle sculture lignee nelle chiese dell’Umbria tra XII e XIII secolo”, in Umbria e Marche in età romanica. Arti e tecniche a confronto tra XI e XIII secolo”, a cura di E. Neri Lusanna, Todi, Ediart, 2013, pp. 203-212. Luca Mor : “Esposte a Montone le sculture lignee medievali della deposito Christi, Bollettino d’arte” del Ministero per i beni e le Attività Culturali”, n. 108 - Aprile Giugno 1999. Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, Libreria dello Stato Giovanna Sapori, “Il Gruppo Ligneo di Montone”, in Museo Comunale di San Francesco a Montone - Regione dell’Umbria - Electa Editori Umbri Associati, Perugia 1997. - https://www.iluoghidelsilenzio.it/chiesa-della-madonna-della-costa-monte-acuto-di-umbertide-pg/ - https://www.beweb.chiesacattolica.it/benistorici/bene/5504739/Bottega+umbra+sec.+XII,+Statua+della+Madonna+della+Costa - http://www.chieseitaliane.chiesacattolica.it/chieseitaliane/AccessoEsterno.do?mode=guest&type=auto&code=32565 - http://www.umbrialeft.it/node/33429 - https://www.stradeeposti.it/stradeeposti/Italy/Umbria/Umbertide/Monte-Acuto/Umbertide_Monte-Acuto_Chiesetta-della-Madonna-della-Costa.html - https://www.umbertidestoria.net/cenni-storici-della-banda Under construction... The "Croce" of Montacuto and the Apennine chain behind it. Photos before the restoration. The Collegiate Church in 1918 Piazza XII Settembre in 1912 Piazza San Francesco and the Deposition by Signorelli SOURCES: - Photo by Francesco Deplanu, Giulio Foiani and Anna Boldrini. - Photo: historical photos of Umbertide from the web and from various private archives to which we applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark in this way we try to avoid that further disclosure on our part favors purposes that are not consonant with our intentions exclusively social and cultural. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

WRECKERS FIRST REACTIONS IN THE CRATER The storm of explosions, flames and roars has ceased. Darkness and silence loom over the crater. Life seems over. Whoever has not fainted is silent; immovable; until he regains the consciousness of being alive. Who can, begins to move; groping. Shadows (1); into the dark; mute. The complaints of the injured manage to insinuate themselves into the deafness of the stunned ears: they are the first sign of residues of life. We realize that we are not left alone. There is a need to help, to know: life must go on! A whispered moan is ventured - help! - bouncing off the dust in front of the mouth, confirming the existence of oneself. One takes courage; help is asked louder and louder; the supplications are mutually reinforcing with the others, which come from the dark, all around. They become cries: a chaotic chorus of cries. The dust settles slowly, giving way to the light that descends from the sky and gives increasingly harrowing contours to the catastrophe: the heart of San Giovanni has collapsed into a couple of meters of debris. Only a few spiers of the wall have managed to oppose the force of gravity and hint at the houses where, just a few minutes ago, life flowed. Too huge the horror / that closed the air around / Too greedy the fire / Atrocious the torture / High the flames / in the blocked pupils. / And slow / for one meal / unlimited. / The blood dripped / like moaning sap / Acre the smoke / to devour / the screams. / We wish we had / so much blood / to put out the fire. / ... / The arms are too sweet / from which we were torn / Fate is too bitter / the tears froze / The veil is dark / above the clear eyes. / It is burning / of pain / unlimited. / He tortured the mind / a whirlwind of images / Infinite the moment / before the / fiery gash. / We would have liked to have / so many tears / to drown death (2). Immediate relief Like rats, from the burrows, the survivors emerge from hell: life, incredibly, managed to resist. Unharmed men bring help to those close, hurt, buried, or just in distress. To the moans and cries for help, the voices of the rescuers are added (3). In Via Cibo Gigetto (Luigi Gambucci) emerges from the door of the Post Office, where he had remained a prisoner, thinking it was over! His mouth is full of dirt. He caught a glimpse of some light. .. a blush: he was refreshed. It leads home, a few tens of meters, at the beginning of the bridge. But there, at the end of the street, at the corner of Via Spunta towards the Tiber, the hill of rubble into which the house of Concetta (Villarini) was reduced spilled onto the row facing, up to the architraves of the doors, obstructing the passage to the bridge. Muffled cries for help are heard from under the rubble. They begin to dig with their hands. "Take it easy ... that everything falls ..." recommends the buried woman, who has heard them and tries to guide them. It is the Gigina (Mischianti). She is almost on top of the pile of rubble, saved by a beam that has made a hut, protecting her head; in the rest of his body he has severe injuries (4). With his hands, Gigetto manages to dig a small hole, freeing the woman's head, unrecognizable but alive: he breathes. Tonino (Grilli) (5) and Remigio (Tonanni) (6) help him. The latter, skimpy, has just managed to sneak, through a hole, from the door in which he was imprisoned, with two other companions in misfortune (7). Running from Santa Maria comes Guerriero de Schiupitìno (Gagliardini), the child with the telescope, after having almost bypassed Pazzi's wife, who died in Via Grilli. He climbs into the rubble thinking that the living head belongs to his mother, who owns a shop nearby. Crying he tries to help free her; when he realizes that he has a bun (8) - it is not his mother - instinct leads him to flee, to look for her elsewhere (9). The Gigina becomes the destination of a pilgrimage of many who - in turn, in a chain of solidarity - try to free it: it is the first symbol of reaction, of hope. Tonino (Taticchi) (10) is added; arrives Lellino (Raffaello Agea) (11). Fernando de Bargiacca removes the stones from around her, from the waist down (12). Mario (Destroyed), a boy, helped for a moment to free the trapped woman; then he runs away, looking for his father and brother, looking only at the people standing, because he does not want to see any dead (13). This conflict - between solidarity and selfishness - involves everyone, even adults: the bare essentials are helped to wait for the generous neighbor, in a courageous and selfishly cruel relay race at the same time. Everyone - in the face of the most inhuman horror - above all has his family members in mind, he wants to find them again (14). The instinct is to go away to look for them. Then, coldly, remorse (15) emerges for having helped only that much that could not be done without. First of all, you think about saving your own skin. La Stella (Bottaccioli) was left alone in the house. Swallowed by darkness and dust, her son Lazarus felt as if he had gone mad and fled, remembering her only when hell was over (16). On the mound where Gigina's body emerges, Egino (Villarini) arrives, escaped from his hiding place in Via Roma; that pile of debris, up to the height of the first floors, is what remains of his house. It climbs on the rubble, when the dust has not yet completely cleared up. He finds some objects belonging to Bruno, his brother: the keys to the Celio office, a bayonet, rolls of cotton and tailoring accessories. Shortly after, her mother Concetta arrives from Piazza San Francesco, who throws herself (17) to scrape on the rubble with her hands, screaming in an almost inhuman way (18). They can't take it away. On the same stone hill, another mother, Annita de Baldrighèlla (Boldrini), who had remained unharmed in the nearby saddler's shop of Carlo (Ciarabelli), on her knees invokes her daughter Cecilia (19). The dust is clearing. An elderly man can be glimpsed, as if dazed, on the bed in the room on the top floor, without the wall facing west (20). Two friends of Bruno and his schoolgirls arrive upset: Amelia (Lozzi) and Gigina (Vestrelli). They hug (21). Lowering their eyes, they see Bruno's scissors: "Oh my God ... they're all dead!". For heaven's sake ... for heaven's sake ... what a tragedy (22)! Gigina is barefoot and struggles to walk among the stones; only now does he realize that his shoulders are all dead. When she heard the increasingly deafening noise, she ran to the attics; then instinct had made her run down the stairs to the exit. At the bottom of the door she was paralyzed, while outside it seemed that the world was coming down: her apartment had come down, unloading itself on the barn of Fiordo, and only one room remained standing. Then, when silence returned, he opened the door: it was all dust and nothing could be seen ... rubble everywhere, dangling light cables, beams .... (23). Nello (Phlegm) and the Armida de Caldàro saw some light through a small crack opened by the explosions following the one that had demolished the wing of the Vibi Palace, where they had taken shelter. Then they climbed on the debris and managed to break through to salvation (24). From a nearby hole appears Silvano (Bernacchi), slightly wounded; he tries to get away from the crumbling walls, descending from the rubble hill where his house has been reduced. He is rescued by Doctor Porrozzi, who takes him with him to his temporary home, near the iron bridge of the Rio. Silvano's grandfather, buried to the waist, died shortly after; the grandmother is seriously injured (25). It was only by chance that La Palma, in charge of cleaning the railway cars, and the children who lived on the first floor escaped: Don Anfilza, a long bladder; Giovanna, with her blond braids, thick woolen socks and flat shoes; and Bìa, so renamed for the refrain with which he never missed an opportunity to recommend to everyone: "Bìa [you have to] stay low when the bombs fall". None of them were home. In Lisetti's shoe shop, Antonio Mischianti sees a glimmer of light opening up. Whispers: "If pole runs away ... [you can get out]". The others close to him do not have to repeat it twice: they jump towards the door, from where more and more light is coming, and go out among some debris. Not far away, the rubble is so high that the Adriana and the Menchina del Sellaro (Cecchetti) were trapped inside the father's shop. The shoemakers try to escape towards Piazza San Francesco, as they had advised if a bombing had come, but there is a great deal of dust; they then turn towards the bridge over the Regghia, turn at the corner of Palazzo Reggiani, towards the Collegiata. Everyone finds himself where his legs have taken him (26). In Via Mariotti Alfredo (Ciarabelli) comes out of his hiding place as a reluctant, in the Grilli house. He hears Uncle Brutus upstairs; he climbs gropingly and finds him standing at the top of the stairs with his nephew Giovannino (Grilli) a few months old in his arms, crying. Brutus tries to make him breathe by putting him outside the window, in the illusion that there is less dust (27). Alfredo helps them get out of the door, in Via Cibo. He realizes he is in pajamas and goes up to put on something; he no longer worries about the risk of being arrested as a dodger. From the window on the first landing he can see - the dust continues to thin out - that the houses of San Giovanni have all fallen. He sees people, alive, on a pile of rubble: they are the relatives of Simonucci's wife, displaced from Manfredonia. Jump from the window onto the debris, which almost reaches the windowsill; leads those people, dumb and dazed, on the Corso passing through the same window. Together with `l Bove (Antonio Taticchi), he frees Maria (Brunori) who is buried to the waist; they place it in the dark of a window to transport it to the Corso; others take her to the hospital. While they are digging, Maria's sister - the Bruna - screams from under the debris that imprison her, recommending not to let everything collapse (28). La Pompilia (Locchi), sitting on the rubble, all dusty, is beside herself: she sings "Bandiera rossa", like a crank turntable with an unloaded spring (29). In the alley of San Giovanni In the house opposite that of the Brunoris, Elda (Bartocci), without knowing how, found herself on a higher floor than the entrance hall where she had taken refuge, in the dark, among the smoky dust of the bombs. It's a terrible time, because she thinks she is buried alive. She finds it hard to breathe, she no longer believes she can save herself, until - thanks to the wind - the dust clears and she sees the sky: a beautiful sky, also because it makes her think she is safe. Trying to move among those rubble, he realizes that he is on the opposite side of the building, on the side of the railway. When she reaches a crack in the wall, she starts screaming to get someone's attention; after a while he sees Osvaldo (Baroni) in front of the saddler's stables along the Regghia. He asks for help; he brings her a ladder, leans it against the wall; the Elda, from a crumbling window, dangles down ... down ... until it touches the first rung with the tip of its toes: it is safe (30)! In Via Alberti The gardeners who were selling vegetables in Via Alberti - Annetta, Annina de Caprone and Suntina de Saltafinestre (Assunta Fortuna) - took refuge inside the fruit shop of Pierina del Pilide. They came out alive, thanks to Cència (Valdambrini) - employed on the telephones - who had suggested to lift their clothes and breathe through the fabric in order to block the dust: "Breathe calmly ... You can see a little light. .. we are saved! ". They climb, up ... up, through the rubble. A companion in misfortune, hunchbacked and lame, cannot climb; among all, they bring her to safety (31). In Piazza delle Erbe At the first glimmer of light towards the Piazzetta delle Erbe - it seems an eternity has passed - Nino (Egidio Grassini) runs away, running wildly: "Better he died in the open than under the stones", he thinks. He crosses like a bolt of lightning the small tunnel that leads to Via Grilli, used by everyone as a urinal, without in the slightest noticing the wife of Quinto (Pazzi), the butcher, who was hit by a splinter at that point (32). Those who enter the town from Piaggiola see her but do not stop, believing her to be dead. In Via Guidalotti From a cloud of dust and rubble, the Franchi family comes out of the Venanzia inn. They come down from a pile of rubble which, on the road, reaches the middle of the door. The mother, slightly wounded in the forehead, helps herself by clinging to the grating of the rear window above the door. With the other arm he holds the bundle of his daughter of a few months - Giuliana - all white from dust. They enter the fortress. The girl is choking; the father suggests to the mother to clean her mouth with saliva (33). Parents are unsure what to do. Franco of the head guard (Anastasi) takes care of cleaning her mouth, removing the earth (34). Then she goes upstairs to get a glass of water from Olimpia's mother (Pieroni), who helps her clean and quench her thirst (35). The Commissioner arrives shouting: "Calm down, calm down!". Dina (Tosti) rails against him: "Go and died killed!". And he: "Who did it ?! How dare you!" But Mr. Locchi manages to smooth out the question: it is not time to think about respecting the authorities (36). Olimpia (Pieroni) tries to get closer to Flora's house, passing through the alley of the Balille; but it is completely blocked by the rubble of the Marzani house and from the corner of the one in front, towards Piazza delle Erbe. It then goes down along the stretch of road that goes towards the bell tower of San Giovanni; try to switch between the Venanzia house (left) and Marzani house (right). While also being this street blocked by rubble, can see, between the smoke and the dust, Flora, Bice and their niece Bettina, just outside the door of their house. He tries to call them, but they don't hear it, because they are completely stunned; manages to reach them, passing over the rubble. The three women, together with some other inhabitants of the house (Duranti and Natali), they had repaired themselves, at the request of the owner of the stationery, in very small back room of the same, communicating with the stairs of the building and considered by him to be safer. They spent those tragic moments among the ink bottles and other stationery items falling off the shelves (37). Now they go up in the house to see in what state it is reduced and to close it. In front of the door, Piazza delle Erbe is strewn with stones. They realize the gravity of the disaster when they see that the external wall of the house, towards the square, is detached from the internal walls by almost half a meter (38). Among the debris of the Tommasi house, the stump of a leg, with the boot, of Sora Rosa appears (39). In the Collegiate Church While the other fellow refugees weep and continue to recommend themselves to God and to Our Lady, the Archpriest has the impression of having been buried in the rubble. Take a few steps in the dark to find the nearest exit, heading towards the outer door of the sacristy; but, falling several times, he realizes that he cannot stand up. When he comes to light again, he notices that he is wounded in the left leg; blood gushes everywhere. Meanwhile his comrades have fled. Except one, who is wounded: he lies in a pool of blood and strongly complains. Don Luigi can't really walk; he drags himself on all fours over the rubble and looks out from the only door left open towards the square to try and escape. From there he sees people fleeing scared. The houses opposite, including the parish one, are mutilated or dismantled; a huge chasm created by the bomb was created on the square; the rest of the ground is all upset (40). From Via Roma comes Natalino (Lisetti) running in his underwear. He had returned to Umbertide on military leave, after having witnessed the terrible bombings in Rome with 7,000 dead: "I go to die 'at my house", he said to himself. This morning he did not wake up at the usual time, but only when he heard the explosion of the bombs; now he runs towards the barbershop where he should have been working. From the center there is a stampede of upset people. Meet the teacher Rondoni who wants to go back to class to see what happened to his pupils (41). The escape after the storm Those who are not in a position to help others, because they are wounded or out of their mind, try to get as far away as possible from the hell of the crater. ... And then outside / in the alley / the hot air / heavy with dust and sulfur ... (42). From the historic center there are two possible escape routes, the Piazza bridge and the Piaggiola, because the exit towards Piazza San Francesco is almost prevented by the heaps of rubble that obstruct both the Corso and the alley of San Giovanni. From the square bridge From Via Mancini, through the "Arches of the Priest", a flood of people fleeing, across the bridge in the square, pours towards the Collegiate Church. All the plaster on the ceiling between the arches has fallen to the ground. From the door of the teacher Lina peep out those who had gathered there, covered with dust. They face a body, supine, with one leg slightly reclined, dressed in dark gray, with a bodice. Simonello's (Simonelli) legs are not long enough to climb over him; raise the child; in front of Codovini they cover his eyes so as not to make him look towards that slaughter. In front of the shoe shop they see Selleri, standing, gesturing for a few steps, limping. Blood is dripping from his head. He cries out: "Lord, Our Lady, help me!" (43). It drags itself up to the Regghia wall; he leans on it, spindled towards the stream (44). Then he goes back into his shop. Mariolina (Rapo) and Lea came out from under the bed, which saved everyone, because the roof landed on top of the mattresses. "They tried to escape through the arch that connects Via Mancini with the alley of San Giovanni, but it is obstructed by rubble. They found a free way in the arches of the square, where a terrible scene was presented, full of bodies (46); they had to climb over that of Baldo (Gambucci) (42). body also Dina (Batazzi), who fled from the same alley with the two younger brothers she found just outside the door (48). Elsa (Caprini) and mamma come out of the bottoms of the same alley. An all-white-faced German signaled that they can go. Behind them Vincenzo (Rinaldi) escapes, just out of the public toilets. He stumbles upon Virginia, his teacher. Grab the hand of the blond (Umberto Bellarosa) who had run against the tide towards hell. Only under the tower does it begin to revise a bit of sulùstro (49). On the bridge of the Regghia the head of the Registry, Porrini, all dusty and distraught, tries to run; it also looks bloody (50). From the basement under the tavern where he had taken refuge, Vittorio (Giornelli) looks out from the arch of the tobacconist's that leads to the square, just when a verge falls in front of him. In the square, the grave silence after the din was replaced by moans, screams, calls of people running from all over (51). Nothing can be seen: everything is submerged in smoke (52). Lorenzo's mother descends, walking on the rubble of the Corso, convinced that her son has remained underneath. Hope pushes her to join the river of people pouring towards the Tiber, to travel backwards along the road along which her son might be. She screams her name, until a friend reopens the world to her: "Giuditta, she's from here" she shouts, showing her Lorenzo. He goes back to the Collegiate Church with his son; she pulls him by the hand in the midst of the fog and the people, all white, running like crazy. The child, in the other hand, is still holding the celery that he had gone to fetch from Aunt Lucia's garden (53). From Piaggiola In a rush, down the Piaggiola, people run away. A distraught man screams that he has landed everything, while from the center of the town he is running towards Santa Maria (54). Doctor Trotta drags his dazed wife by the hand, drier than ever, her hair matted white with dust; they seem to be headed for the hospital (55). Giorgio de Bellazzùcca (Toraci) runs, in the middle of the thick smoke. At the bottom of the railing of the stairs in Misquicqueri (Nello Migliorati), there is a woman standing, clinging with her hands to something behind her head: her belly is torn and her guts out (56). At the bottom of the slope, near the "pompina", Evans (Leonardi) passes by the house of his grandfather Pasquale, who is going down to the street; with him he continues running towards the Roccolo (57). His friend Stefanino (Marsigliotti) takes refuge in the crypt of the church of Sant'Erasmo, which is full of people (58). Franco (Mischianti) at the Lazzaro ditch finds his aunt Marianna (59). Marisa, the girl who had made the salt, joined the many others who flee towards Lazzaro's ditch; but the more she runs, the more she feels like she is going back. After a while the Steak arrives, holding Gabriella (Pazzi) in her arms. Everyone cums in order not to be understood by the children, showing great dismay. They speak of Gabriella's mother: perhaps she is dead (60). "Many dozens of people screaming for the pain of their wounds and for terror, made unrecognizable by the blood, dust and rags they found on them, cry out for help along the road that passes near the Lazarus ditch: they are looking for children, mothers, family members... One of these, with a screaming and tormented voice, accuses: "Ramiro, everyone is crying and why don't you cry?". It means: "You knew that, you are in contact with the British! The fault is yours." Ramiro, in a loud voice, yells at her: "I have been crying for three months ... I have run out of tears." Then it becomes silent in the midst of so much pain and so much torment that it cannot be described "(61). He heads towards the center of the town to bring help. From outside the walls In the neck of the mother who runs away from Piazza San Francesco, the fiolìna of the Jone de Caino yells, because he is looking for the shoe he has lost. Elsa de Sciuscino (Bartoccini) pulls the heavy mother who cannot run. They are desperate for the fate of Rina, the sister, because she went shopping at Quadrio's; instead they see her return all ancenderàta (62). People come from the center smeared with blood. They take Tomassino away, paralyzed by the birth, in his three-wheeled pram: it's all bloody. The Eva (Rondoni) has come down for the funds of Gaetano (Severi); the plate with the meat, which he had placed in a cool place in the window, fell below. He cannot go towards the square, because all the stones are falling down. It goes from part below, towards the nuns, saying: "Will the fioli be found this morning?" (63). Commissioner Ramaccioni passes through the Tiberina and returns home seated on his seat rear of a motorcycle driven by a military man. At the end of the Corso, Ramiro gets up for a moment his head from the rubble he has begun to dig and shouts at him: "You saw he disaster have you made? (64). The Giovanna del torroncino goes up the Reggia stream, with sandals in hand to run more expeditiously; he climbs it for a long stretch upwards, until he reaches a field a Civitella; exhausted, she lets herself fall on the lawn. A farmer approaches her; says that Umbertide there is no more. In fact, looking downstream, you only see a white cloud: nothing else ... not even the bell tower ... nothing (66)! The whole class of Maestro Santini headed towards the Pinewood; at the intersection of the road to Civitella, Peppino da Milano (Giuseppe Feligioni) he reunites with the teacher Santini and his schoolmates. Among them is Polenzano, which leads all in the house of the farm under the Castle, led by his family (67), where they are welcomed and refreshed (68). From school many teachers, surrounded like hens by schoolchildren, they continue to move away from the country, still feeling in danger (69). A janitor runs along Via Roma with a small group of elementary school children (70). Of aprons whites swarm the banks of the stream (71). The janitor's sister runs away from the school lunch to check the conditions of the house grandmother paralyzed in a chair; he finds her weeping for the worry of fate it fell to the family '(72). Emilio (Baldassarri), escaped from the rear stairs of the Goodwill, he ran across the Tiber to get as far away from hell as possible; is revised a school to take the bicycle to return home towards Montalto (73). Giuseppe (Golini) also rides a bicycle along the same road. Shortly before the Corvatto, towards Camillo, he improvises a slalom between the traces left on the road by the bullets of the machine guns: holes of a palm, at a distance of about ten meters from each other (74). An unexpected game! Rolando (Tognellini), once hell finished, resumed the road to Pierantonio; he joins two friends - Marisa (Fanelli) and one of her companions - who come out of a chiavicotto under the railway, where they had sheltered (75). A girl tries to cross the Tiber at Salcetta, to return home without going through the center; at one point the water reaches her neck and she is about to drown. Francesco Marignoli saves her. She arrives home all spring and cold (77). More judiciously Rori (Astorre Ramaccioni) fords the Tiber where the water is low, at the radius of Trivilino: in terror he ran away from school without ever raising his eyes from the ground (77). Menco de Trivilino retraced his steps after fleeing to San Benedetto; to return to home, in his underwear he crosses the river at the Corvatto radius (78). 1) Silvano Bernacchi. 2) Maria Letizia Giontella, "Poetry for three voices and three choirs", Municipality of Umbertide, National Competition 25th April, S. Francesco socio-cultural center, 1983. 3) Silvano Bernacchi. 4) Franco Mischianti. 5) Luigi Gambucci. 6) Fabrizio Boldrini, Luigi Gambucci. 7) Warrior Boldrini. 8) Emma Gagliardini. 9) Warrior Gagliardini. 10) Fabrizio Boldrini, Mario Destroyed. 11) Mario Destroyed. 12) Orlando Bucaioni. 13) Mario Destroyed. 14) Domenico Mariotti. 15) Warrior Gagliardini. 16) Class III A, Mavarelli-Pascoli State Middle School, Grandfather, tell me about the war, 2004. Testimony of Giovanna Bottaccioli. 17) Egino Villarini. 18) Ines Guasticchi. 19) Fabrizio Boldrini. 20) Egino Villarini. 21) Gigina Vestrelli. 22 Amelia Lozzi, Gigina Vestrelli. 23) Gigina Vestrelli. 24) Anna Caldari. 25) Silvano Bernacchi. 26) Giuseppe Lisetti. 27) Fabrizio Boldrini. 28) Alfredo Ciarabelli. 29) Marino Giulietti. 30) Elda Bartocci. 31) Giovanna Nanni. 32) Egidio Grassini. 33) Franco Anastasi, Fausta Olimpia Pieroni. 34) Maria Chiasserini. 35 Fausta Olimpia Pieroni. 36 Franco Anastasi. 37) Ornella Duranti. 38) Fausta Olimpia Pieroni. 39) Mario Alpini. 40) Don Luigi Cozzari, letter for the 1st anniversary. 41) Christmas Lisetti. 42) Mario Tosti, The day of the bombing, poem taken from "National Competition XXV Aprile", Municipality of Umbertide, S. Francesco socio-cultural center, 1984. 43) Simonello Simonelli. 44) Luisa Cecchetti. 45) Lea Rapo. 46) Elsa Caprini, Maria Luisa Rapo. 47) Maria Luisa Rapo. 48) Dina Batazzi. 49) Vincenzo Rinaldi. 50) Francesco Martinelli. 51) Vittorio Giornelli. 52) Romano Baldi. 53) Class III A, Mavarelli-Pascoli State Middle School, Grandfather, tell me about the war, unpublished 2004. Testimony by Lorenzo Andreani and Giovanna Bottaccioli. 54) Warrior Gagliardini. 55) Maria Pia Viglino. 56) Giorgio Toraci. 57) Evans Leonardi. 58) Renato Silvestrelli. 59) Franco Mischianti. 60) Marisa Pazzi. 61) Ramiro Nanni, How I, Ramiro, lived the bombing ..., 1979 manuscript. 62) Elsa Bartoccini. 63) Eva Burocchi, interview collected by his nephew Leonardo Tosti on April 25, 1994. 64) Luigi Gambucci. 65) Mario Tosti (curator), Beautiful works !, Municipality of Umbertide, 1995, p. 132; detail of a photograph from the CGIL Alta Valle del Tevere Archive. 66) Giovanna Mancini. 67) Giuseppe Feligioni, Bruno Tarragoni Alunni. 68) Bruno Tarragoni. 69) Giovanna Mancini. 70) Isotta Baldelli. 71) Pia Gagliardini. 72) Cesira Baldelli. 73) Emilio Baldassarri. 74) Giuseppe Golini. 75) Rolando Tognellini. 76) Giuseppa Ceccarelli. 77) Astorre Ramaccioni. 78) Domenico Baldoni. Prime reazioni nel cratere ALL IN THE CRATER The ebb A residual of life sobs, convulsed, in the crater: ghosts, white with dust and terror, flee in search of themselves and their affections; they intersect with those who, for the same reason, arrive running into the cloud that has swallowed up his house. The reciprocal, obsessive request for news is matched by silences or vague, confused, often elusive responses; pitiful lies that prolong hope for a while. The screams fade more and more into soft, whispered words. With the passage of time, the ebb towards the crater becomes a tide, to see, know, help, in any way. Balducci, the medical officer, interrupted his escape. Astonished, he retraces his steps, occasionally photographing the profile of the tormented town that the wind, dissipating the cloud, slowly brings back to the light. The immense cloud of dust, blown by the wind, spread over the people who fled to the Tiber downstream of the bridge: we do not recognize each other, due to the dust and terror. Reassured by the silence of the engines and machine guns, with their hearts in their throats, they all leave the patóllo and venture towards the country, after hell. They find a tremendous silence that hangs over the frantic work of the rescuers. Reason has taken over from terror. In a few minutes they realize how many have passed away who, until recently, lived next to them. From the hills above the town - towards Roccolo, San Benedetto, Civitella - a ghostly scene appeared: a thick smoke covered all the houses. Then, slowly, we begin to glimpse the turret of the Municipality (1). "The tower is on ... and the Collegiate Church too" - thinks Spinelli (Renato Silvestrelli), who is returning to town - "So ... they didn't do anything ... it didn't go so badly". The dead are revealed The hope - opened by the sight of the tallest, intact buildings - that the damage will be limited, soon leaves the people who go back down to the town. Under the tower there are people crying, dirty with dust; someone is with blood on their face. Near the tub with the fountain, poor women and men - foreigners from the Roman dialect - console each other; perhaps they are guests of the Venanzia hotel, who have come to Umbertide as usual to get some flour and other things to eat; someone is full of blood. He almost stumbles upon the corpse of the shoemaker Pierucci. She has a horribly torn thigh, as if dogs have eaten it (2). At that sight, Spinelli (Renato Silvestrelli) whining in the square, towards home, where he meets his older brother, Stanislao (3). Another little boy at first impresses himself; but he gets addicted almost immediately: luckily at fourteen he doesn't realize it (4). But for adults it's different. There are dead! So many deaths! It was a slaughterhouse (5), a huge disaster. Anguish is rampant (6). In the square Arriving in the square, still shrouded in smoke, the dimension of the disaster is evident: it is a massacre. At the corner towards the Regghia, many white bodies, stripped (7). A terrible sight. Those who arrive remain petrified in front of the tragedy (8). It is the whole country mortally wounded. The San Giovanni district is torn apart. It is traumatizing to see from the square, towards Montaguto, the facade of the Capponi hotel: a large part of the post office building and the whole row of houses in the vicolo di San Giovanni, towards the north, have collapsed (14). In front of the Codovini hat shop, the women of the Ceccarelli family who lie face down have been mowed down (15). The mother is on the ground at the entrance to Via Alberti (16), all covered by a gray dust, next to a basket of grass left in the balance (17). A daughter is near the window; one even more inside the shop (18). The Marianella, the youngest, still gives some signs of life (19). A school friend of hers recognizes her, annihilated (20). On the side wall, towards the Town Hall, stands the poster "The two orphans". The live rerun, unscheduled, of the previous evening's film has a very bad ending: it's over for the two orphans. Pouring on the threshold, Giulia (Bartoccioli), the maid, stammers as if to say something to Rolando del Buffè (Fiorucci), who has just arrived by bicycle (21). He breathes, but he no longer has a leg (22); one piece is a few meters away, with a clog still inserted with the little strap (23); is dying. The accountant Martinelli for a moment has the instinct to give her absolution "in articulo mortis"; but he realizes that, not being a priest, he cannot do it (24). It is a chilling situation. Under the billboard of the cinema, some banknotes for salaries are scattered on the ground, around the counter abandoned by Elda (Bebi Ceccarelli) (25). Nobody cares to waste time collecting all those belleróni who have suddenly regained their natural paper value (26). A few minutes ago, Rosanna (Ceccarelli) was with her aunt Dina (Bebi), at home, above the post office. From the window they had greeted Giuseppe (Chicchioni), the latter's boyfriend, who was leaving in Annibale Trentini's car to return from a license to his place in the Navy. When they heard the planes above the square and saw the two long bombs they dropped, they started shouting to the other women of the Ceccarelli family: "Let's run away, let's run away!". Reunited, they ran up the stairs. They were fleeing towards the Regghia bridge, when Virginia, from the window of her uncle Archpriest, advised herself: "Wait, I'll come too!" (27). At the first roar, Elio (Renzini) - who was at her math class - had immediately fled like a bolt of lightning towards the "case nóve", abandoning the books and the teacher with his mother Geltrude (28). La Dina (Bebi) had continued to run towards the Collegiate; Riego, the hat seller, who had difficulty walking, had clung to his hand (29). Instead, the friends had stopped to wait for Virginia, who had come down to the ground but had stopped standing in front of the door of the house under the arches of the priest: she was still uncertain what to do, because she had left her mother at home, who did not he could run like her. The friends tried in vain to insist: "Come away ... let's run away! (30). They are all dead now. The Virginia lies at the corner of the square (31), between Via Stella and the arches of the priest (32); has swollen lips (33). She was the twenty-year-old niece of Don Luigi, graduating in mathematics at the University of Rome (34). Poor daughter! What a sad end has been reserved for her! ... (35). Mother Geltrude has come down from the house; asks those present if they have seen where the daughter has gone; he does not notice that she is at his feet, dead; with a pretext they try to remove it (36). "She is the daughter of Giovanni (Cozzari)", whispers a neighbor from Virginia (37). They cover it as best they can with a bandone (38), from which a leg protrudes askew. Close to her, on the corner towards the Regghia bridge, is Baldo's body, with zuava trousers; he is all curled up, folded in two, with his legs under his torso facing upwards, one hand on his chest. He is barefoot (39); near the leggings (40); one leg resting on the wall (41). Nearby, a tall man, without a hair, is kneeling over the head of a lifeless young man (Licinius Leonessa). He lit a candle near his face, which he tries to clean up from the very thick dust that covers the whole body, making it unrecognizable: you cannot even see if it is a boy or a young girl (42). They were guests of the Capponi hotel: a tall boy with a distinguished father (43). Gianna (Nanni) was with the other schoolgirls of the Terni seamstress who had been displaced on the third floor of Marcello Pucci's house; they had all fled for Piaggiola, towards the Holy Fountain. But she retraced her steps when she heard them say: "Those pore gardeners ... all dead in the square!". His mom is one of them! On Via Alberti, turning after the Bucitino bakery, you cannot reach the end of the alley towards the square, where the herbivores arrange their baskets of vegetables, because it is blocked by rubble. With yes and one shoe, Gianna passes through the tower, along Via Guidalotti and arrives in the square. Baskets of grass are overturned at the beginning of Via Alberti (44). Where Mom should be there are many dead women, one on top of the other. He recognizes Virginia, close to the charities of the grass. She remains paralyzed, frightened: no one understands anything anymore. Fortunately, his father arrives, trying to verify if among those poor mangled, unrecognizable bodies, there is his Annetta. Raise the skirts of the women to see if they have varicose veins, which the mother has very evident from the knee down: "Shut up ... - he whispers after the pitiful check - ... because your mother is there "(45). Hamlet, the radiotelegraphist husband of Tecla, died behind the house, near the Maurino staircase under the vault to the left of the Post Office. He had escaped many battles; instead, now, after having rescued others, he found death to return to the house, where his wife and daughter had remained. Nino de Capucino (Domenico Mariotti) touches him, trying to stick his head in that alley, to see the back of his house, through the arch They yell at him: "Watch out! Far away! Everything falls! ". The house where his parents lived is no longer there. Where the Quadrio oven was, muffled screams can be heard rising from the rubble (46). Next to the arch, groups of men try to free the people who have been imprisoned at the bottom of the stairs of the building above Galen's barbershop. Someone places the cinema billboard over Hamlet's body. Mario Donnini, head of the Cassa di Risparmio office - a tall dark-haired man - screams, his hands and eyes turned to the sky: "Help! ... Are you there?" (47). Look for his wife and children who lived in the post office building, reduced to a pile of stones. With his hands he scrapes among the stones inside the door and throws them into the square (48). Don Giovanni helps her dig. He brings to light a woman with a child in her arms from the debris: she is Donnini's wife and one of the children. The priest lifts the little body to hand it to Guerriero de Schiupitino (Gagliardini), the Oratorian with the telescope, with the precaution that is reserved for those who are still alive; the boy in turn passes it to another person (49). No one has yet realized that the baby is dead. Another corpse is extracted shortly after. Almost immediately the mother Lodina is freed, still unaware of the tragedy that destroyed her offspring. As soon as she sees the light, she worries about the fifteen-year-old who was helping her to look after her children: they heard each other from under the rubble. "Hurry to save Mary, who is still alive", he recommends. The buried girl can hear her, but she no longer has the strength to answer: she is wounded and fainting (50). Other people, nearby, extract the body of Lina (Violins) who expired under a beam, on the door of her house; they take her away lying on a makeshift stretcher, followed by her father Severino completely beside himself (51). Her feet are broken, at the ankles, like Virginia (52). Maria, the girl who helped Lodina, was right under the body of Lina, who shielded her, saving her. Pacieri, del Niccone, tries to get it out, but the more he digs, the more stones come down, instead of those removed. While he does his best, he holds her hand tightly to give her courage and to feel if she is still alive, because she no longer responds to any call. He manages to free her from the rubble after almost half an hour, around 11. She is unconscious. It comes to its senses by the rebounds, on the curbs of Piaggiola, of the cart on which it rests. It is serious and they take her directly to the hospital in Città di Castello, because in Umbertide there is no longer room for anyone (53). Donnini, the head of the Cassa di Risparmio office, has meanwhile realized the terrible tragedy that overwhelmed him: that father comes down from the dilapidated house with his two dead creatures on his arms; and screams and cries (55). A little later a sound of bells is heard: people think it is the signal that all is over; instead it is he who is ringing the big bell, perhaps to ask for help or perhaps because he is out of his mind for the death of his two little children. Madonna (56)! At the base of the same mountain, Natalino (Lisetti) helps to remove the debris, in search of the friends of Galen's barbershop (57). Someone begins to take care of the corpses freed from the rubble, unrecognizable for their wounds, dust and burns. They drag the bodies of the Ceccarelli and Giulia, the maid, who is expiring at this moment into the post office (58). She chose to die right in front of the blowjob in the square, where she used to fill jugs with water for those who asked her in exchange for a few coins or a "thank you" (59). Don Giuseppe della Serra bends the black cassock over the corpses to bless them; he gives holy oil and absolution to the dying (60). The Salesian Don Giacomo (61) also does his utmost. As they carry the dead to the Collegiate Church, lying on makeshift stretchers with doors and shutters (62). A wooden ladder is also used. While waiting to be taken away, they cover them as best they can, with what is there (64). On the Regghia bridge Pompeo (Selleri), having escaped from school, enters the shop of his father cobbler. She finds him sitting behind his work desk. Wounded and bleeding, he looks at his son, recognizes him and asks him: "Go and see 'de la tu' mamma and your 'brothers ...` n du enno [where they are]. "The son would like to help him, seeing him in those conditions (65). "I'm fine ... my leg hurts ... go and see your mother and your brothers" insists father. Pompeo obeys reluctantly. He doesn't want to leave him alone. of the rescuers who drag the poor man out by the feet, crawling him on the ground; a man passes by, with the yellow band of the rescue workers on his arm, covering the eyes of his granddaughter to spare her the horror (66). on the road, in front of his shop (67), towards the wall of the Regghia where he remains lying motionless: they leave him there, believing that he is dead (68), near the pit of an unexploded bomb (69). signs of life (70), but leaves little to hope; they lay him on a frame and take him to the hospital. Shortly afterwards his son Pompeo returns, c he just saw his house destroyed. He no longer finds his father. Then she starts to cry, desperately. "I am armed alone! My house has fallen", he explains to the Meoni - the family of Doctor Vitaliano - who approached him to ask him what he does when he is so young - he is seven years old - all alone (71). They keep him with them, who already have ten children, until they manage to track down his cousins: Giulio (Guardabassi), Wanda, Linda (72). In Via Grilli Quinto (Pazzi), beside himself (73), has laid his already dead wife on a cart, which he desperately pushes towards the hospital. The body - a big woman, all full of blood (74) - jolts inert on the stone curbs of the Piaggiola descent, lying on the same platform that the butcher uses to bring the animals back from the slaughterhouse. It is the terrifying symbol of humanity's degradation in warfare, condemning innocent victims even to the humiliation of animality. Pass through Piazza Marconi, invoking the name of his wife; due to the jolts, Maria's arm slips over the edge of the platform, dangles towards the wheel, where her fingers get caught, mangling. Ines brings Maria Pia (Viglino) back into the door so that she does not witness that torment (75). At the hospital they make the poor husband understand that there is nothing more to be done. Then Quintus goes towards the nearby ditch of Lazarus. It's all bloody; he washes himself with water from the stream (76). He turns upset. He has a bag with butcher's tools, from which a cleaver comes out. He is beside himself. He shouts: "The amazon everyone !!! ... Thugs !! Murderers !!" (77). In Via Mancini On the other side of the ditch, the butcher is echoed by Lina (Silvia Cambiotti), who shouts with her hands in the air, as if she were alone: "... these criminals ... who have played the alarm! So much the madman all ... I as I will do! ... "(78). When she heard the deafening noise of the airplanes, Lina had been the first to escape from the Tobacconists, without asking for permission as it must be done strictly. Seeing them fly very, very low, she ran towards the fields; to try to hide, she had taken refuge in a ditch. Then, having seen them fly higher, he had thought that by now they had finished bombing and that they were probably moving away; then she ran towards the town, imagining that she would find the bridge over the Tiber destroyed. She was dazed; she thanked God for being saved and thought of taking Amalia and her mother-in-law to escape out of the country. Arriving in the square, she saw a dead woman in front of Codovini's shop: "Uh, Sora Maria is dead!" he thought, believing she was the owner of the hat shop. Then, turning his head in the direction of home, he saw that it had become a mountain of rubble on the front towards the alley of San Giovanni! For the Arches of the Priest she went towards the entrance, located at the back, in Via Mancini; she ran up the stairs. Having made the first row, he saw everything open in front: towards the alley of San Giovanni the house had been gutted! She was shocked. From that moment on he didn't understand anything. Marshal Onnis, having seen that she was beside himself, decided to take her over. He took her to drink in the Roscia box office, at the bottom of the Piaggiola. He did not abandon it until he handed it over to his mother, who had left San Cassiano on foot when she learned of the bombing. In Montecastelli he had obtained a lift from Prince Boncompagni of Fontesegale who was headed to Umbertide with the carriage, to look for Maria Renzini and her family, at the request of her parents (79). In the alley of San Giovanni Nina (Concetta Ciammarughi), her daughter Pierina taken to safety, ran towards the town to check the fate of the other family members. She didn't realize she was barefoot; it passed over stones, glass, debris, without feeling any pain or getting hurt. Arriving at the house of her brother (Luigi Mariotti), who lives in the same house as the Cambiotti, she sees that the external wall towards the Vicolo di San Giovanni has collapsed. But the bed, intact, gives hope that it has been saved (80). Lying on another bed, Sergio, the young son of Busabò, glided over the rubble unharmed (81). He tries to go back to his house, in the alley of San Giovanni - Via Petrogalli 20 - Paolino, the railway worker: the door is blocked by the rubble of the row of houses in front. He doesn't know how to get back into the house. It goes to the other side, the one that overlooks the Via Tiberina. He runs along the railway, towards the station, to take a long ladder. He comes back, puts it on the wall of the house, goes up to the window, manages to look inside: he sees the bloody mother. "Oh my God, what do I do!" he thinks, shocked by the emotion and the urge to help her. He makes her put her feet on the first rung, supporting her from below, pointing to the rung below; he descends it, slowly, and takes it to the Tiber to wash it. "'N du' enno [where are they] Argentina and Graziella?" he asks. 'It's ita a pià' `` l salt; pu 'is arvinuta; he took my daughter and flee away! [She went to get the salt; then she came back, took her daughter and they ran away] "(82). In the alley of San Giovanni a girl cries in silence. The Nunziatina is also dead. The Nunziatina! The classmate, the classmate! It is not possible that it is no more (83). In Via Cibo Raffaele Pambuffetti arrived in the village from Colle with his wife (84), Sora Maria, who has no breath left to run, barefoot, and to invoke the name of her daughter Giovannina, asking everyone if they have seen her. Giovanna del torroncino and Carla, the same age as their daughter, reply - lying - that perhaps she is higher up, together with others. The two parents are divided in the search. She goes to call a friend, Ines (Guasticchi), to accompany her. In the square they find everything in the air: curtains, threads of light, shutters, rubble ... Sora Maria begs everyone, continuously: "Have you seen my Giovannina?". She climbs the stairs of the house in Via Cibo, where she knows that her daughter has gone to class. He claps his palms on the door at the top of the first flight of stairs, untouched. Keep calling her: "Giovannina! Giovannina!". Only the dull thud of the rubble pressing on the wood from the inside responds: together with the arch that spanned Via Mancini, the other dark staircase (88) collapsed with access from Via Mariotti, where Remigio (Tonanni) kept the trestles and pails soiled with dye (89). There the teacher and pupil remained buried (90). At the same time Giovannina's father looks for his daughter towards the Regghia (91). "Pora Cici!" Whispers Lidia (Tonanni) looking at the mountain of rubble, at the end of the Corso, who buried her friend (Cecilia Boldrini) (92). The first care A new chaos has taken over the agonizing silence of the instinctive first aid: orders from those who organize, pleas from those waiting for help, harrowing calls from those who are desperate. The rubble is swarming with rescuers, hiding other dead and buried alive. He still digs with his hands, looking for someone alive. Doctor Balducci put down his camera and ran to the scene of the disaster. Aided by Memmina (Boni) (93), the pharmacist gives the first treatments among the debris of the square. Both appear desperate and upset in white coats, soiled with dust and stained with blood (94). A wounded man - that Ricci who sells at the market on Wednesdays - staggers supported in the armpits by two rescuers; one eye dangles on his cheek (95). «The Armida de Caldaro was brought down by the Carbonari, the peasants under the nuns. She is pregnant: the time runs out in a few weeks. Just think ... she was trapped under the bombing: a bomb covered her and a bomb discovered her "(96), opening a way out for her from under the rubble near the stairs of Bruno's tailor's shop, from where he heard muffled screams coming. It is unrecognizable: the black dress has turned white; seven holes on her head trickle down as many streaks of blood onto the dust. Doctor Lupattelli, who cries: he has just separated from his fiancée, Rosanna (Ceccarelli), lifeless under the dust in front of Codovini's shop (97). Don Luigi complains, sitting outside the door of the Collegiate Church: "Help me, I have a broken leg". Everyone is deaf. They flee: white, dusty, weeping (98). "I can't escape ... I have a broken leg!" (99), he pleads. Giuseppe Rondini, the father of the guard, and Valerio (Valeriano Valeri) help him. The archpriest leans behind them; a German soldier kindly helps him. Hopping on his right leg, he reaches a carriage; with that he is transported to the Civic Hospital, where he receives the first treatments for his bleeding face and a tetanus injection. Numerous injured and dying arrive, without the Archpriest, nailed to his bed, being able to do anything for them. All the priests, after having brought first aid and administered the SS. Sacraments, reach Don Luigi, exempting him from his part of responsibility in the management of the parish (100). German soldiers are the most efficient points of support; they help transport the wounded (101) to the hospital, where the doctors - Migliorati and Valdinoci - do the impossible. There are a multitude of wounded bloody, dusty, who complain, carried on the shoulders' (102), on carts (103), on reclining chairs held on either side by two people (104). The mother of the warehouse manager, about eighty years old, Neapolitan, dragged herself there alone with one arm in tatters (105). With the caretèlla and the horse, Giangio Ramaccioni carries the wounded Gigina, which they managed to extract from the rubble (106). Silvana (Bartoccioli) arrives out of breath, so upset that she could not find the hospital. He asks about his sister. Doctor Sandrino Burelli signals to her that she is on the first bed of the ward, covered by a bloody sheet: she is dead, all ruined, almost unrecognizable. One leg will carry it next to the rest of the body only after a few hours (107). Erminia also died "(108), the widow who, having come down to town from the Preggio countryside, was hit by a vehicle when the planes arrived (109). The buried alive Peppino (Francesco Martinelli), the accountant of Ceramics, in front of those great heaps of rubble does not know what to do. He sees one who climbs on the rubble and he too goes up. At a certain moment he hears Quadrio's voice, almost at the edge of the rubble: "I'm Quadrio, help me!". They take the dust off his face; they try to get him out, but a rod on the railing of the stairs is imprisoning him. Peppino manages, with an unrepeatable effort, to raise the railing just enough to get him out and take him to the hospital. More deeply he hears the lamentations of aunt Fernanda (110). From other points of the crater pleadings for help rise. Rigo and Poldo (Coletti) have stopped hoeing the cìcio in the garden; from the Palazzone farm they rushed to Fratta. They are among the first to arrive in the middle of this bedlam, in search of Mimma (Coletti), wife of uncle Astorre, who is in Pietralunga making the crossings. The situation they find is terrible: Rigo has not even seen her at the front. They spot the Mimma, who asks for help from under the rubble where she was imprisoned. They also hear the lamentations of Augusta (Orlandi), the mother of Peppabionda. They reassure those voices and begin to dig with their hands "(111). Other signs of life emerge from the rubble nearby. Bronzone (112) recommends: "I know Feligioni ... with me there is a woman and a fiolina ...... (113). I am Cesira (Ceccagnoli) and Adriana (Fileni), who were surprised by the bombing while they were going to the nuns "'. The little girl complains: "Don't make any noise, be quiet because I want to sleep ..." (115). Not far away, on the other side of the alley, also Peppe (Cambiotti), Lina's father-in-law, made himself heard. They identified it, buried between the third floor and the roof, on the side of Via Mancini; it remained in a niche, protected by some beams. Can't breathe; he is desperate; you want to choke (116). In the Collegiate Church The shouts, the screams and the chaotic shouting are once again fading into an ever more subdued buzz, until it becomes chilling silence as each one becomes aware of the dimension of his own misfortune. There is no strength to curse one's own pain or words to console that of others. They carry more corpses to the Collegiate on makeshift stretchers, lining them up around the polygonal base of the church (117). The master Marsigliotti, Peppìn de Tafàno (Giuseppe Angioletti), Franco (Caldari), Alfredo (Ciarabelli) and Giovanni (Ciangottini) (118) lay down those who were lying in the square on the ground, making them slip from the shutters used for transport. Thirteenth station Jesus is taken down from the Cross He is closed in the tomb: the light of day has become darkness. An attempt is made to make room inside the church by moving the benches (119). The remains they are placed on the floor (121) between the two doors (122). The church of the Madonna della Reggia, protector of the town, has become the destination of all'22: of the dead who, lined up next to each other on the floor, seem find mutual consolation in the common agony; of the living, who hope not discover the family member or friend among those bodies blackened by the fire, whitened by the dust, disfigured, motionless in the last gesture to reject the end. They struggle among the corpses especially those who have news or suspicion of the presence of the their loved ones in the places affected (123). Even the children come to peek, to rule out that there is in the row of corpses someone from family, friends, acquaintances; or just out of curiosity. But they tremble with fear! What a tragedy (124)! Someone points to the dead, all black and smoked, whispering names, nicknames. "She is our teacher of mathematics "tries to prove one pupil to another he cannot recognize Virginia (Cozzari) (125). ... On the stone belt that acts as a seat / around the Church / near the door of ponente / is seated. silent and collected the old Gaetanino ... / ... the floor without benches / is full of dead / lying and lying in bulk, 1 some with their faces covered with a cloth, / some girls still with wooden clogs on their feet, / on one side there is a mother with two daughters / whom I was running after last night / on the square, near the railway / while playing hide and seek; / and near old Esterina, with one elbow / leaning against the altar, / weeps without comfort. / ... Those people that I knew I are no longer there; / have already entered a world / outside mine, with other horizons / without sunrises and sunsets (126). David (Pambuffetti) meets Miss Giulia there, who lives with her family, and learns the news that her sister Giovannina cannot be found (127). People are shocked in the face of such a disaster: a woman does not even notice the chasm in front of the church (128). A child falls into it: because of the smoke he did not see the hole as he ran towards Via Roma. He's wearing shorts. With bare legs he feels that the earth is hot (129), like the mouth of hell. A group of barefoot kids came running from Buzzacchero to the village, but they had to go back because, when they got close to the Collegiate Church, everything is full of glass (130). Aid is organized The efforts made by the first rescuers bear the first fruits: around one o'clock the wounded still on the surface see the light again. They extracted Elvira (Biagioli) from the rubble, which was trapped on the second floor of the Venanzia inn. He could only breathe because a niche had formed around his head under a beam. They had to work hard to free her legs, crushed by stones (131). Her husband takes her with a handcart to the hospital (132). At the same time they manage to free Peppe (Cambiotti), the farrier: he is alive, but desperate. Between her legs, entwined, they found her lifeless granddaughter Amalia (133). Bruna (Brunori) who is next to Suntina (Selleri), the mare Lola and that of Fiordo (134), all dead, are about to take out of the rubble. He begins to breathe with difficulty because there is no air. She is injured in the head and legs; the right side of the body begins to blacken, because the blood no longer circulates. It has been under the rubble for five hours, always in the right senses and with the certainty of having to die for the mountain of rubble that overlooks it. At thirteen she is rescued by three men - one is Pretone (Bargelli) - who, helped more by their courage than by the means at their disposal, have managed to open a passage. Rescuers found her without clothing, indeed, completely naked. She is frightened, desperate, shocked by the feeling of the imminent end she has just experienced. She was left homeless and without money; in the place of Borgo San Giovanni, he sees a heap of rubble and the streets strewn with deaths and blood (135). Shortly after, nearby, they free Rina de Schiantino (Santini), who had found herself buried with Peppino (Rapo). He held her embraced, held tight, and did not let go. She - tripping ... tripping - managed to separate. She started digging with her hands, despite some broken ribs that hurt her; she climbed onto a cart parked in the room where she is locked up. At half past two he manages to escape outside (136). His hands are bruised and his half-head hair burned from the blast of a blast (137). A carabiniere (138) also extracts Peppino, who was not seriously injured in the head and leg; his shirt is all bloody from the wounds of his friends; they take it away from him and throw it away, so as not to impress him more than he already is (139). They take him to Ticchioni's house (140). The general dimensions of the disaster are becoming increasingly dramatic. Everyone learns the gravity of their burden. Lello (Raffaele Simonucci), desperate, wanders among the rubble showing everyone a flask of oil in his hand that he waves in front of him, as a sign of the bizarre fate: "It remained intact in the fall of the house that killed my wife!" . He adored her, Bengasina (141). Then, slowly, he becomes aware of acting: he begins to dig in search of his wife, helped by his brother Fernando, who came together with a friend on a bicycle from Pierantonio (142). They find their daughter's white Tyrolean sweater (143): it is a sign that they are on the right spot. Other family members organize to dig on their own rubble, hiring workers. Over time, the whole community gets organized. We need to focus on the points where the buried have been able to make themselves heard from the bowels of the mountains of debris. The volunteer fire brigade team (144) went into operation. The persons authorized to access the crater for rescue are selected, making them recognizable by a yellow armband (145). Engineer Pucci, Menchino (146) does his utmost. He has always been a very emotional type in the face of death, but this disaster gives him the courage to extricate himself in a situation of enormous drama. He is connected to Smucchia (Riego Rometti), with whom he is very close, despite the fact that they are of opposite political views. They decide what to do in a standing meeting, in the open, between the sacristy of the Collegiate and the bomb pit. They run down to Ceramica (147) to get shovels and picks to add to their hands; to the fingers; to the nails. With the precious help of Primo (Giovannoni), they organize teams of excavators, gathered in a cooperative, who take away the debris with a pick, shovel and cart (148). Paris, the stonecutter, is naturally among the first to be included in the excavation teams (149). The children are assigned the task of bringing fresh water, drawing it with two jugs from the well of Baglioni, at the bottom of the Piaggiola (150). They try to find wood to build rudimentary coffins (152). They clear some walkways in the middle of the rubble. With the tracks and trolleys of the furnace they improvise a runway on rails to transport the debris (153) from the square to the shore of the Regghia, knocking down the parapet (154). In the allied base In the Campo di Cutella the activity was frenetic: the move, which is in full swing, was added to the scheduled flight missions. At eight o'clock a very large convoy left for the Sinello. Except for the vehicle with the workshop, which broke down just outside the runway, all the trucks arrived at their destination independently at eleven o'clock. The auxiliary structures have also been arranged. In the new location everyone was busy raising the curtains. They set up the kitchens and trailers on worked land. Knee-high wheat sways all around under a gentle breeze. By the end of the afternoon, everything will be ready. The staff still to be transferred waited impatiently in the Campo di Cutella. He had to live, sleep and eat in a shack, as most of the officers' tents and equipment have already been taken away, along with the kitchen and canteen. Lunch was regularly provided for the pilots, who returned without damage to the base, landing at exactly eleven o'clock. As soon as digested they will have to leave for another raid against the same bridge over the Tiber in Upper Umbria, which escaped the bombs of the morning: it is good to take a nap on the cots, while the mechanics check the fighter-bombers. 1) Giuseppe Lisetti, Renato Silvestrelli. 2) Renato Silvestrelli. 3) Dora Silvestrelli. 4) Giuseppe Lisetti. 5) Eva Burocchi, interview collected by his nephew Leonardo Tosti on April 25, 1994. 6) Renato Silvestrelli. 7) Umberto Tommasi. 8) Francesco Martinelli. 9-10-11-12) Unpublished photos by Roberto Balducci, kindly made available by Bruno Porrozzi 13) Bruno Porrozzi, Umbertide in the images, Pro Loco Umbertide Association, 1977, p. ninety two. 14) Fausta Olimpia Pieroni. 15) Dina Conti. 16) Rolando Fiorucci. 17) Francesco Martinelli, Renato Silvestrelli. 18) Renato Silvestrelli. 19) Luigi Gambucci. 20) Pietro Corgnolini. 21) Rolando Fiorucci. 22) Giovanni Bottaccioli. 23) Piero Pierini. 24) Francesco Martinelli. 25) Renato Silvestrelli. 26) Clara Rapo. 27) Annunziata Caldari. 28) Elio Renzini. 29) Dina Bebi. 30) Annunziata Caldari, Clara Rapo. 31) Luigi Gambucci. 32) Assunta Baruffi, Annunziata Caldari. 33) Bruno Porrozzi. 34) Giuseppe Cozzari. 35) Don Luigi Cozzari, letter for the 1st anniversary. 36) Elisabetta Bartoccioni. 37) Domenico Mariotti. 38) Umberto Dominici. 39) Maria Luisa Rapo. 40) Elsa Caprini. 41) Elisabetta Bellarosa. 42) Franco Caldari. 43) Marinella Roselli. 44) Maria Luisa Rapo. 45) Giovanna Nanni. 46) Domenico Mariotti. 47) Emma Gagliardini. 48) Mario Barbagianni 49) Warrior Gagliardini. 50) Maria Giovannoni, manuscript of 2003. 51) Elisabetta Lisetti. 52) Franco Caldari. 53) Maria Giovannoni, manuscript of 2003. 54) Municipality of Umbertide, Report of the social-communist municipal administration on the activity carried out from 1946 to 1952, "Tiberina" Typography, Umbertide, 1952. 55) Francesco Martinelli. 56) Elvira Rossi. 57) Christmas Lisetti. 58) Franco Caldari. 59) Silvia Pitocchi and Anna Cambiotti, typescript December 16, 2003. 60) Francesco Martinelli. 61) Fausta Olimpia Pieroni. 62) Lidia Tonanni, Nella Gagliardini. 63) Bruno Porrozzi, Umbertide in the images, Pro Loco Umbertide Association, 1977, p. 94. 64) Franco Caldari. 65) Pompeo Selleri. 66) Ornella Duranti. 67) Franco Anastasi. 68) Dina Batazzi, Bruno Porrozzi. 69) Franco Anastasi. 70) Mario Migliorati. 71) Pompeo Selleri. 72) Linda Micucci. 73) Vittorio Giornelli, Franco Villarini. 74) Annunziata Caldari. 75) Maria Pia Viglino. 76) Velia Nanni. 77) Assunta Baruffi. 78) Gianna Feligioni. 79) Silvia Pitocchi and Anna Cambiotti, typescript December 16, 2003. 80) Concetta Mariotti. 81) Adriano Bottaccioli. 82) Paolo Mazzanti. 83) Marcella Casi. 84) Giovanna Mancini. 85) Bruno Porrozzi, Umbertide and its territory, Pro Loco Umbertide Association, 1983, p. 74. 86) Photo by Roberto Balducci, kindly made available by Bruno Porrozzi. The first is published in Umbertide and its territory, Associazione Pro Loco Umbertide, 1983, p. 75; the other two are unpublished. 87) Unpublished photo by Roberto Balducci, kindly made available by Bruno Porrozzi. 88) Ines Guasticchi. 89) Renato Silvestrelli. 90) Ines Guasticchi. 91) Ines Biti. 92) Lidia Tonanni. 93) Lidia Corradi. 94) Francesco Martinelli, Fausta Olimpia Pieroni. 95) Ornella Duranti. 96) Eva Burocchi, interview collected by his nephew Leonardo Tosti on April 5th, 1994. 97) Anna Caldari. 98) Annunziata Caldari. 99) Giovanna Nanni. 100) Don Luigi Cozzari, letter for the 1st anniversary. 101) Mario Barbagianni, Orlando Bucaioni, Renato Silvestrelli. 102) Sirio Lisetti. 103) Piera Bruni. 104) Domenico Mariotti. 105) Elvira Rossi. 106) Franco Mischianti. 107) Silvana Bartoccioli. 108) Victim: Letizia Santini. 109) Sergio Batazzi. 110) Francesco Martinelli. 111) Rina Alunno Violins. 112) Ines Guasticchi. 113) Warrior Boldrini. 114) Francesco Martinelli. 115) Ines Guasticchi. 116) Silvia Pitocchi and Anna Cambiotti, typescript December 16, 2003. 117) Fabrizio Boldrini. 118) Franco Caldari. 119) Elisabetta Bartoccioni. 120) Leonello Galina. 121) Fabrizio Boldrini. 122) Franco Mischianti. 123) Irma Mariotti, interview collected by Leonardo Tosti on April 25, 1994. 124) Renato Silvestrelli. 125) Sergio Ceccacci. 126) Olimpio Ciarapica, from a poem of 1952. 127) Bruno Tarragoni Alumni. 128) Assunta Baruffi. 129) Leonello Corbucci. 130) Fernando Zucchini. 131) Walter Biagioli. 132) Giorgio Pacciarini. 133) Silvia Pitocchi and Anna Cambiotti, typescript December 16, 2003. 134) Giancarlo Guasticchi. 135) Bruna Brunori, testimony collected by his nephew Matteo - 5th grade - 1985. 136) Rina Santini. 137) Renata Santini. 138) Giuseppe Rapo. 139) Clara Rapo. 140) Lea Rapo. 141) Betto Guardabassi. 142) Mario Simonucci. 143) Elisa Manarini. 144) Eva Burocchi, interview collected by his nephew Leonardo Tosti on April 25, 1994. 145) Ornella Duranti. 146) In Gagliardini. 147) Renato Silvestrelli. 148) Elisabetta Bartoccioni. 149) Raffaele Martini. 150) Mario Migliorati. 151) PRO, London, Operation Record Book, War diary, n ° 5 squadron SAAF, 1944. Taken from: Mario Tosti (curator), Belli Lavori !, Comune di Umbertide, 1995, p. 48. 152) Elisabetta Bartoccioni. 153) Raffaele Martini. 154) Betto Guardabassi. 155) Archive of the Foggia Modeling and Historical Research Group. Tutti nel cratere FROM THE SURROUNDINGS From the amphitheater of the hills that slope down towards the valley, people witnessed the tragedy in dismay. Paradoxically, the conscious terror of those who have seen from afar had the aggravating circumstance of rationality compared to the ancestral one of those who, directly involved, did not understand anything (1). The news of the disaster spread in a flash to nearby towns and cities. The shock of impotence is replaced by the instinct of solidarity with the wounded country. Aid is being organized from various parts. From Monte Acuto The deaf outbursts, which however made the earth tremble, surprised the kids who were running towards the top of the top of the Valcinella, to better see the show. They saw the planes persistently stubbornly, throwing their load of dark objects which, upon touching the ground, emitted tongues of fire and raised enormous columns of blackish smoke. After a few seconds, the burst. Now Umbertide is no longer seen: he drowns in a sea of smoke (2). Below them, in Polgeto, the Travaglini teacher had let all the pupils out of elementary school: they went down to the fields of Zeppulino, they saw the planes that began the dive and then dropped the bombs. "Oh my God, they are dropping falls'ji ovi!", Exclaimed one of the companions. They only heard the explosions, without seeing the houses where the bombs exploded (3). From the Arcelle A child was gathering strips of dark silver paper across the fields, which had rained down from the sky. He had made a bunch of them when the planes had appeared above the Arcelle, circling behind Montacuto and reappearing, in a circle, one behind the other (4). From Niccone Niccone had heard a bang followed by a rumble that never stopped. Mario (Tacconi), a little boy, ran towards the terrace and saw the devices that buzzed, glittering from time to time. After a few seconds, one of them lowered and disappeared behind Montalto; a few seconds ... and saw a silent mushroom rise from Umbertide, higher and higher; after a few moments, he heard a roar like the one just before. Meanwhile the plane was re-entering formation following the others, who had continued to turn in the carousel until they left, disappearing towards Montecorona (5). Here they are called Picchiatelli, with the same nickname given to Junker 87. A1 Niccone no distinctions are made: every killing machine is "hit on the head". Marcello (Milleri) didn't go to school either. From the hills above the Niccone, sheltered behind an old walnut tree, he witnessed the same scene: he continually turned around the trunk so as to remain covered with respect to the planes, which barely peeked with one eye for the sensation that they were pointing towards him. Pietro (Migliorati), having left the farm "Fondeo", (formerly called "Cavaliere Secondo"), was passing by bicycle, on his way to Fratta to have the sheet of a four-day license signed by the "Servizio del Lavoro" by the Carabinieri marshal. of Perugia. At the sound of the planes, he threw himself into a ditch. Terrified by the explosions, he remained in his hiding place for a couple of hours (6). From Trestina From Trestina they saw the planes lower behind Montalto and a cloud of smoke rising above Umbertide, amidst distant thunder (7). From Città di Castello Despite the confusion of the wards, even the hospitalized in the civil hospital of Città di Castello that the Germans have requisitioned, have heard the noise of nearby planes, in successive waves. The news ran quickly: "They bombed Umbertide". But they are inaccurate news; there are no communications. In the hospital we prepare to welcome the wounded, thinking, very naively, that they can be transported by some means. It is difficult to remember that there are none. The German medical officers, impassive, let it be done. They probably already know about the massacre (8). As the details are known, the dimensions of the disaster are perceived. The rumors spread in a flash. It made a particular impression that among the victims there is Amleto B Anelli, son of Ersilia, sister of Ciliberti, a brother-in-law of Venanzio Gabriotti. The firefighters immediately left for Umbertide to bring help (9). In their midst they loaded Sandra del Sellaro (Cecchetti) who had gone to talk to the teachers to hear how her granddaughter is doing at school (10). Aunt and nephew are desperate because people say they bombed the Tiber bridge. Their family lives in the immediate vicinity. "Suddenly a captain, the commander of the hospital, approaches the Inspector Sister Malwida Montemaggi, who had been forced into service together with other volunteer nurses of the Red Cross:" Two of you have to come with us for an external mission ". Mother Veronica has the service bags filled with dressing material, secretly. A German ambulance is expected. Not even a word about the destination, but it is obvious that it is Umbertide. Sitting on the body of the truck used as an ambulance, next to two German soldiers - another is driving - they never spoke during the journey, incredible for the situation of the roads and for the fear of other incursions. They are in sight of the country. Umbertide is wrapped as in a cloud of dust; the tragedy is legible even from a distance. Houses gutted, so as not to remember that they may have been homes. Umbertide is dead. The soldiers descend on the square of the Collegiata and signal the Red Cross women to enter; they stay out. The volunteers find, lined up within the beautiful church, the dead, who seem solemnly ready for a last appeal. Unreal that so many have reached the terrifying appointment together. Some bodies are torn apart; others seem to sleep; many still have terror in their eyes. A cold, great silence that remains inside. Everything happens in hints, without words; also the acknowledgments, the prayers. The people of Umbertide feel the weight of every word and that excruciating silence is pride, it is anger, it is a complete way of expressing oneself that establishes a kind of kinship with each one, an indelible affection. The two Red Cross nurses can do little: better recompose the dead, lower the eyelids of those who have seen death. They decide with a glance that it is right to leave them with their arms stretched out at their sides, in the pride of the "attentive", without placing their hands on the abdomen, in the resigned posture of someone who has expired by natural death. We embrace the survivors without speaking. Those lines of dead, that untranslatable silence is the only important thing "(11). A group of Black Shirts arrived on the train from Castello, including several people from Umbria. They have placed a small machine gun pointing it towards the straight, at the corner of Villa Zampa: perhaps they want to shoot the flies (12)! Private individuals also got organized: a team of volunteers led by Angelo Baldelli left to help Umbertide (13). From Montone Montone has stopped. In the fields they were hoeing maize, when the terrible scene of the planes in the distance, towards Montaguto, presented itself. At times you could see the glint reflected by the sun of the falling bombs; then the explosion and the rising smoke, dominated by the dull noise of the engines (14). “In elementary school they were all in the classroom. The teacher Gina (Gallicchi) had begun to correct the homework; they were practicing on the blackboard, when suddenly they heard people outside shouting in the streets: "Bombard Umbertide! ... Bombard Umbertide!". They all stood up; frightened, they left by heading along the road from where the martyred town could be seen. But looking down, Umbertide could no longer be seen: only rumblings could be heard. A thick cloud of dust had covered everything. At that sight the teacher and her family were desperate for the fate of their loved ones. Vilma, his niece, has begun to cry: she wants to go home, worried about her uncle Tomassino who, paralyzed from birth, will not be able to flee in the three-wheeled wheelchair and save himself. Some children have fled to their homes; the others, accompanied by their parents who came to pick them up, also left. There is no one left in the school "(15). The seminarians, who had been transferred from Città di Castello to Montone a few weeks after a bombing in the Tifernate, were carrying out the test in French class when the noise of the bombers was heard. Someone yelled: "Run away! ... Go outside! ... They bomb Umbertide!". The seminarians ran to the square of the nuns, under the trees. Leaning against the wall, they witnessed the terrible scene: the dive, the bombs, the blaze, the plane going up, the fumaràa that swelled. Now it seems that all of Umbertide is on fire (16)! «From the Capuchin convent, the marshal's son was going straight down to Poder Grande, down below, almost on the plain, passing through Treppiedi, then Valbonella, Capeccio. In one hand he was holding the small saucepan for milk that he fetches from a friendly family every morning; in the other an anthology of Italian: perhaps, even if schools have been closed everywhere, there should be an exam session for privatists, if not at the end of June, at the beginning of next October. He trotted happily towards his goal, behind the wooded hill of the convent; in front and below, a few kilometers away, the plain where the Tiber flows and Umbertide lies, both hidden by small hills. He was walking along a short plateau, almost a terrace overlooking the landscape, with a farmhouse. The Italian anthology was open to a poem he was reviewing: "La Caduta" by Giuseppe Parini. He was repeating the beginning from memory: "When Orion from the sky declining rages / and rain and snow and frost / over the darkened earth pours ...". He hadn't paid much attention to a buzz of planes hovering high up: these days it's an everyday thing. Lifting their heads from the book, the planes, as small as midges, continued to spin in the sky, intertwining with each other as if they were playing. He had kept going when ... when a terrible crash had hit him, and it had reverberated throughout the valley. The first thought was: two planes collided in their circle. But, a moment later, the truth: a dense column of black smoke had risen from behind those last ridges, right where Umbertide stands. At the same time one of those "gnats", suddenly enlarged, had descended to 45 degrees towards the point from which the column of black smoke had risen; a wheelie to get back up and left behind another terrible crash, with a second column of thick smoke. Even the farmer had gone out to see and the truth had imposed itself in all its tragedy: they were bombing Umbertide! The thought followed immediately, terrible: Dad was there. The boy had turned around, arriving breathless at the convent; Everyone was looking out of the window looking towards the town, Realino, Sora Assunta, the others and ... the mother, in tears: "Giulio, and dad?". He had grabbed a woman's bicycle and found them and off! Down to Umbertide with his heart in his throat and with nothing else in mind but his father. He went down the hairpin bends at speeds he will no longer reach on a velocipede; then the straight road, Santa Maria da Sette, after which there are the first houses of Umbertide, a suburb of Santa Maria. He ran into a schoolmate, Lucio Corbucci, who was hurrying in the opposite direction, moving away from the town: "What a mess!" she did, spreading her arms, with her usual smile on her blond face. With his heart in his throat he arrived at the square of the Collegiata, where a huge crater scattered around with debris appeared before him. Imperturbable, in the same posture as always, calm and peaceful as it was to see him every day and in the same spot, the elderly Mr. Reggiani, who immediately addressed him in a calm tone: "Your father is fine, go, he's there in the square". He has rushed: one side of the square, the left one coming from the Collegiate Church, is gone, horribly transformed into a mountain of debris that has "replaced" it. Her father and a municipal guard are bent over a female body that lies prone, or rather, on half of that body, skirts raised, thighs dusty; the other half, from the waist up, is under the debris mountain. He recognizes her by her features: she is Virginia, the math student. "Go up, go to your mother" - the father tells him, raising his head slightly - tell her that I'm fine and that I will arrive as soon as I can »(17). From Faldo Gino de Bufala (Cartucci) and Guido (Caseti) were weeding the tobacco planter near the mouth of the Carpina, when they saw smoke and mattresses flying up from the historic center of Fratta (18). From Corlo When the planes arrived, they worked the corn with the animals. They saw that they were dropping something. Bruno's cousin, the tailor, shouted that they were bombs and started to cry, because he saw that they had fallen in the area near the bridge. Just in those moments Bruno was dying (19). From San Benedetto Maria (Capoccetti) was preparing the white flour cake for the breakfast of her parents who worked in the fields near Righino, above Bertanzi. When he heard the explosions he knew they were bombing. Then, barefoot, she rushed towards the valley to see the fate that had befallen her relatives (20). At the San Lorenzo farm, in the parish of the Collegiata, towards San Benedetto, they were baking bread when the noise of the bombs paralyzed everyone. Then, who fled here, who there: the bread was burned (21). From the Zeppolotto farm on the hills above San Benedetto, Nello - one of the youngest of the group of partisans of San Faustino - witnessed the bombing, immobile and powerless (22). From Civitella Bruno - he is 6 years old - was parrying the sheep on the hill below Civitella, in the Polenzano farm, when the red-faced fighter-bombers flew over him. He saw that they dropped something: to him too they looked like goose eggs which, however, when they fell on the village, raised a black smoke. When they finished, the fun stopped for him. After a while his parents came, crying in despair, to take him home. The little shepherd couldn't understand why they were so desperate. Nothing better could have happened to him: he had avoided spending a day alone with the sheep. For those animals, on the contrary, it really went wrong: they have to be satisfied with a little hay, inside the sheepfold (23). From Pietralunga The piercing scream of the engines pushed to the maximum and then the dark roar of the explosions repeated by the echo, down in the valleys, was a sign of death for the boys in the bush in Pietralunga: "They certainly bomb Umbertide", they thought (24). In Giglioni, in the Pietralunga area, they still don't know anything. The procession on the day of the rogations is parading behind Don Ivo (Andreani); the songs repeat the ancient invocations for the success of sowing and harvests, which on the occasion are above all pleas for a return to normality. In the morning the peasants placed crosses on the wheat fields: a reed stuck on the ground; on the top a split, with the flat leaf of the iris and a few ears of corn from the previous harvest stuck horizontally - to form a cross. Suddenly the news spreads with a buzz, along the double line of faithful, disturbing the monotony of the litanies: "Umbertide was fatally wounded ... It was a disaster ... the people at the Post Office are all dead ... ". The voice fades around Angelica, the teacher sister of Menco de Trivilino (Domenico Baldoni), a postal employee, on whom furtive glances of commiseration are concentrated (25). The sad singing of the litanies resumes with the usual rhythm and volume: "A plague, hunger and beautiful ... free nos, Domine! ... A sudden and sudden death, free nos, Domine! ...". Unfortunately, the opposite is happening: the Lord has not managed to free the world from disease, hunger, war, ... from sudden death. In Umbertide, dozens of people lost their lives in the blink of an eye, just a few hours ago, for no reason other than the absurd one of the war. Fortunately, the faithful in procession do not understand the meaning of their prayers, otherwise they could doubt the will of the Eternal Father. But He understands and shares the plea, so much so that He made the Son die on Calvary to change the foolish behavior of humanity. They are the final recipients of the prayer - the powerful of the world - who do not know Latin or pretend not to understand it. From the mountains of Pietralunga, where they had seen the planes turn over Umbertide and heard the blows of the bombs, a group of partisans of the Cairocchi battalion, near the San Faustino Brigade, immediately went down to the valley. Led by Deputy Commander Rossi, 26, they help collect the dead to take them to the Collegiate Church and the wounded to the hospital (26). They did not risk little, as the republican carabinieri of Umbertide and Castello were around. Still from Pietralunga, just over an hour after the bombing, another truck of rescuers arrived: seven or eight men with shovels and picks, led by Gildo Melgradi, began to dig in the rubble (27). From Gubbio The Bishop, Beniamino Ubaldi, hearing the news, immediately applied the Holy Mass for the victims of the bombing (28). In the seminary in Gubbio, in the interval between one lesson and another, they had noticed planes in the direction of Monte Acuto, which were circling threateningly in the sky area presumably above Umbertide, hidden from their view by the hills to the right of the Assino. Shortly after, the succession of the dark thunder of the bombs announced the tragedy that was sweeping the country. Now it is confirmed on the streets of Gubbio, where the population has poured in dismay. Two seminarians, Pietrino (Pietro Bottaccioli) and Romano (Children) joined the other Umbertide students who attend the Gubbio schools, to return home by train (29). Peppino del Sellaro (Cecchetti) was also in master's classes. Vincenzo (Fiorucci) had taken him for lunch at his house, in Madonna del Ponte, with an excuse: "Let's have a birthday". After lunch, returning to Gubbio, he slowly revealed to him that they had bombed the bridge at Umbertide. In Corso Garibaldi they found a huge crowd talking about the disaster. Peppino's companions arrived with great excitement: he learned that the most affected part of the town was near the bridge and began to cry, because his parents live in that area. His friends console him, including Gastone (Romanelli). They organize a collection, for the eventuality that, returning home, they do not find anyone; the proceeds are given to him by Franco (Belardi), of the Colonni family, owner of the Cementificio Marna (30). From the Assino Valley For the jolt at the first roar, the Iliad had fallen from the hands of Dina (Conti), a girl who, in Pian d'Assino, was preparing for the afternoon school shift (31). The teacher Checca (Fornaci) had sent all the pupils out, sending them under the bridge of the "Apennines". The most curious - Sirio and Japan - had gone to the top of the little patch. Seeing these black dicks fall, they thought it was a joke; they knew nothing that bombings exist (32). Maria (Ines Montanucci) was mowing the grass along a small road. Realizing the danger, she picked up her little son who was playing nearby and threw herself into the nearest shelter (33). Then, all the people went up to the hill, from where Umbertide was discovered: the smoke, which had risen like a cloud from many parts, spread everywhere, hiding the town from view (34). Peppe (Cardinali) watched from behind the oak trunk of the mill beyond the Assino (35). From Montelovesco they heard the thunder of the bombs coming from Umbertide and they saw the smoke dome getting bigger and bigger (36). The mass for the blessing of the crosses had just ended in Camporeggiano. The people in the churchyard saw the planes, the turns, the smoke, but did not hear any noise, shielded by the row of hills towards the Fratta. The cloak of silence made the vision of the apocalypse even more unreal (37). From Pierantonio Maestro Federico Giappichelli was returning from Civitella d'Arno. As soon as the train left Pierantonio, there was an alarm because planes threatened to bomb Umbertide. They all got out and scattered across the fields. They heard the roars: a hell of a lot. The train left around noon. The teacher got off at the station; he went to take the bicycle he had left at the Pambuffettis, where he goes every Wednesday to buy goods for the shop in Lisciano Niccone. He arrived home at three in the afternoon, exhausted and frightened (39). From Collestrada Renato (Codovini), with all the people from Umberto who joined the "Labor Service", was able to distinctly hear the thunder of bombs exploding from there (40). From Perugia The news has arrived in Perugia: the city is full of tension and emotion. Several people are in tears (41). 1) Dina Bebi. 2) Mario Bartocci, manuscript from 1986. 3) Elio Baldacci. 4) Giovanni Maria Bico. 5) Mario Tacconi. 6) Class III A, Mavarelli-Pascoli State Middle School, Grandfather, tell me about the war, 2004. Testimony of Pietro Migliorati. 7) Alda Pieroni. 8) Eliana Pirazzoli, manuscript from 1986. 9) Alvaro Tacchini (curator), Venanzio Gabriotti - Diary, Institute of History and Social Policy Venanzio Gabriotti, Petruzzi Editore, Città di Castello, 1998, pp. 192, 193. 10) Sandra Cecchetti. 11) Eliana Pirazzoli, manuscript from 1986. 12) Renato Silvestrelli. 13) Francesco Martinelli. 14) Giuliano Cappanna. 15) Gina Gallicchi, manuscript of 1995. 16) Luigi Braconi. 17) Giulio Onnis, typescript December 16, 2002. 18) Guido Caseti. 19) Lina Pippolini. 20) Maria Capoccetti. 21) Dina Lucchetti. 22) Leonello Galina. 23) Bruno Mastriforti. 24) Raffaele Mancini, ... At midnight we bet on the rising of the sun ..., Nuova Prhomos Editions, Città di Castello, 1993, p. 67. 25) Angelica Baldoni. 26) Mario Rossi. 27) Luigi Carlini. 28) Beniamino Ubaldi, bishop of Gubbio, letter of 6 May 1944 to the Salesians. 29) Pietro Bottaccioli. 30) Giuseppe Cecchetti. Gastone Romanelli, after a few weeks, will find death among the 40 Martyrs. Cementificio Marna will become Barbetti. 31) Dina Conti. 32) Sirio Lisetti. 33) Class III A, Mavarelli-Pascoli State Middle School, Grandfather, tell me about the war, 2004. Testimony of Maria Montanucci. 34) Dina Conti. 35) Giuseppe Cardinali. 36) Amelia Picciolli. 37) Francesco Silvestri. 38) Frames taken from: From Rome to Trasimeno: the liberation of '44, Uguccione Ranieri di Sorbello Foundation. The images are owned by the Imperial War Museum. 39) Federico Giappichelli. 40) Renato Codovini. 41) Betto Guardabassi. Dai dintorni THE TRAGEDY WAS WORN Solidarity and selfishness Solidarity, reinvigorated by despair or by the narrow escape, pervades the wounded community: we help each other, we are consoled, we are encouraged. The houses, the pantries are opened; beds are made up under every roof. Outraged humanity responds compactly to the inhumanity of violence. Aldo Burelli had been surprised by the bombs while he was delivering a preparation for the slaves. His son Sandrino, a pharmacist like his father, went to the house of the Gonfiacani, in Via Roma, where his parents are; but when he realizes the disaster and the wounded who are being taken to the hospital, he immediately goes there to bring help (2). Anyone who has ascertained the fate of his parents helps to dig, to bring the wounded to the hospital and the corpses to church. There are also those who are thinking of taking advantage of the misfortune of others: the jackals have already set in motion, filling bales of stuff (3). The dismay at such impudence has created a kind of collective psychosis that favors the spread of rumors that seem unlikely or, at least, exaggerated. Someone even claims to have seen the faiths parade from the corpses in the Collegiate Church. We don't want to believe it. The rumor has spread that "black shirts", coming from outside, have grabbed the destroyed houses. A soldier would have taken several gold jewels: from the discussion with another to divide them, one of the two would have been killed (4). It is only to be hoped that they are all rumors without foundation. Family groups try to get together From the stables of Andrea del Sellaro (Cecchetti) along the Regghia, Guerriero de l'Elena (Boldrini) had escaped turning towards San Francesco, because the Corso was immersed in a tide of dust. At the Arco di Piandana he met Giorgio (Bruni), a friend, close to a group of Neapolitan evacuees who were reciting the Ave Maria. He continued towards the Tiber where he saw his mother, who had gone to wash. Passing through the house, they find grandfather Nìcole in front of its rubble, all white with dust: he had been trapped in the entrance of the house in front of Ferruccio, together with others, including Remigio (5). The latter, being very slender, had managed to find a passage through the hole opened by another bomb, widening it just enough to allow the old de Paris (Miccioni) and Nìcole to pass too (6). After a while Brizio (Boldrini) arrives, Guerriero's brother. Crossing the mountain of stones, with his heart in his throat, he turns towards his house: it is no longer there. Sitting on a stone, all white with dust, grandfather Nìcole is waiting for him: he cries, tears run down his face. She helps him up, hugs him. His grandfather whispered to him: "Mother and Warrior are fine, they are waiting for us at their uncle's house (7). Orlando (Bucaioni), Brizio's neighbor, ran towards the town, after having abandoned cane and frogs. After crossing the same hill, he runs towards Piazza San Francesco without even looking back to check the state of his house: he is told that his mother has gone towards the Caminella. From her, when he finds her, he knows that the house is destroyed and that his father is certainly dead, because he has left him in the kitchen to have breakfast (8). Commissioner Ramaccioni wanders around the heap of rubble, who immediately went back down to the village, after having reassured himself of the conditions of his family in his villa on the slopes of Romeggio. He took his wife with him, known in the village as "the young lady" to distinguish her from her mother, "the lady". He wants to realize the disaster and bring help; the dismay and concern are magnified by the thought of the cursed siren that he failed to sound. People, when they see them, rant. Elena de Bartulino swears (9). Her husband, on top of the mound with his arms raised to the sky, yells: "Cowards ... cowards !!" (10). But immediately the urge to dig prevails. Pia (Gagliardini) arrives to ascertain the fate of her mother and sister who were in the shop on the Corso; Gino (Sonaglia) tries to block her and take her away, because it is dangerous, but to no avail (11). The smoke above the place where loved ones presumably were is a dramatic clue for those who are worried about resolving the most dramatic doubt: the death or the life of a family member. For everything else, the strength will be found. Nino (Egidio Grassini) had gone with his father to the tobacco factory, where his mother worked. It looked as if the building had been hit, for it was overhung by a huge cloud of dust; instead it was the cloud that had risen above the historic center, moved over there by a slime from the north wind. They find their mother unharmed; all together they make bundles and evacuate to San Benedetto (12). From Caldarelli, the farmer in front of Peppoletta, Franco (Villarini) embraces his father who is crying, because he has seen columns of smoke rising from Schiupitìno, near his house; Zerullo (Luigi Ceccarelli) consoles him who still does not know that he has lost his wife and two daughters: his whole family (13). The same black mushroom is near the house of Sor Guidi who immediately ran towards the Regghia to track down his sister-in-law; his son Walter also came to pick up his aunt Checchina (14). Margherita (Tosti), putting her head out of Secondo's stable, believed that the thick smoke towards the village was right above her house. She ran in that direction. Fortunately, immediately after, at the beginning of the Fornacino embankment, he met his father with his almost two-year-old brother riding over his shoulder (15). ... To flee clinging to / from a desperate head / to wander in search of survivors, / of a useless survival ... (16). As soon as the Margherita sees them - they are alive! - throws the satchel into a ditch, announcing that he will no longer go to school (17). He continues with them towards the patollo, together with his uncles. Someone calls and looks for relatives, while the first news of deaths arrives. The father, already desperate on his own because he lost his wife two months earlier, repeats to everyone he meets, horrified and anguished: "Beautiful works! Beautiful works!" (18). Gigino (Vestrelli), in search of his wife Giuditta, is upset because he is convinced that it is the poor woman who died in the square, which is actually Virginia (Cozzari). Instead he finds it on the Tiber, among a group of people who ask if they have seen it; she does not realize that she is among them, but completely unrecognizable, so much is she upset and dusty (19). Eva (Rondoni) ran down to the Tiber to see if the nuns' house had gone down. He takes his daughters and Anna de Caldari, the daughter of Armida, who stands door to door. Her husband Peppino went up to the workshop, but he couldn't find the children. Alberto was in the square, where he saw Virginia de Cozzari die, the Bebi ...; thanks be to God he saved himself from Bertanzi. The other smaller male, Pompeo, is hiding near the workshop. Peppino returned to his wife on the Tiber. He whistles in the usual way to track her down. When Eva hears him and sees that he is alone, she removes the desperation by intimating: 'I fioli du enno? [the children where are they?] He didn't win '[don't come] down without threads! You go as you please [take] the threads and bring them down "(20). The Nunziatina de Saltafinestre (Bucatelli) is still trying to track down her mother vegetable garden; Marshal Onnis - who knows her well - asks her what she is doing there, in the midst of that disaster. She replies that she is looking for her mother. The Commissioner, who is with the marshal, tells her - without any caution - that if she is dead he will find her in church. At which, the marshal is very worried (21). Another gardener, Annetta, reappears to her husband and daughter, in despair: she is unrecognizable, although she is shocked and covered with dust. They really recognize her from varicose veins. They go towards the Collegiate Church, where Senta Reggiani tries to alarm everyone by shouting: "Go ... go! Go away, because they come back!" (22). «Many people continue to go up the course of the Regghia; who screams, who cries, who curses; but no one says anything to little Luciana de Zúmbola, who tries to clean her knees, hands and nose, injured by a fall; she cannot understand what happened; it stops on the escarpment of the stream and waits for an infinity of time. At one point he sees his father Gino advancing on the small road, riding his black "Legnano". When he sees her, he jumps off the bicycle, picks her up and holds her tightly; a hug that Luciana will never forget! She doesn't look at him, but hears him crying. They sit on the edge of the field and remain embraced for a long time: she feels she is safe! After recovering a little, the father begins to ask people he knows if they have seen his wife and mother; having no news, he decides to go home. Leave the daughter to acquaintances. After a while he comes back with something to eat, which he has taken from the house. But he found neither his wife nor his mother, nor his youngest son: he is distraught, because he knew where the bombs fell. Try to get your daughter to eat something; then he decides to go even further. When I am under Viuliuo - the farmhouse on the hill - on the field that descends towards the Regghia, Luciana sees the figure of her grandmother with Enzo, her little brother in her arms: she calls her loudly, but her father has already gone off like a rocket. He crossed the stream and in a moment he is on the other side. Zùmbola takes her mother in her arms who, in turn, has her little grandson in her arms: a human bunch "(23). Elisa (Pucci), with her inseparable white towel over her shoulders, stopped on the cypress road: she must retrace her steps, as her first instinctive desire would have been, to return home to the "tree-lined" where 'is Franco, the son of a few months (24). He finds him with Giuditta (Alunni), who has brought him to safety. In Via Spoletini, at the nuns' school, the nuns hand over their children to their parents who gradually present themselves with an excited and weeping voice. Guerriero Corradi, who found it difficult to get out of the photographer's shop in Via Cibo, passes in front of the school on his way to the next door, where he lives. "It's all a ruin," he keeps repeating as in a chant. It proceeds in the middle of a river of weeping and lost people (25). In the house opposite, Giovannino (Migliorati) found his desperate people, because they do not know where his sister Maria is, who went to the Quadrio oven (26). Sora Maria (Pambuffetti), a neighbor, with the vain hope that her daughter Giovannina has already returned from class, arrives in a hurry - bare feet returning to the dust (27). She is exhausted. He continued to wander all the streets, begging for news. Everyone replied in a vague way, without the courage to take away her hope: "I seem to have seen you run away with Gina..." (28). She sits outside, desperate, under the window sill on the ground floor, with her fingers clinging to the fly protection net: she cries silently (29). At that moment the daughter of the Migliorati appears, Maria; she is so contracted that she cannot release her hand on the handle of the leather bag with which she had gone to buy the preserve two hours earlier (30). Giovannino (Duranti) was taken by the hand by Baldo (Ubaldo Morelli), a work colleague of his father, who returns him to his parents on the Tiber near Taschino, where a flood of people has gathered (31). Count Ranieri took over Fausto (Fagioli), with red hair, who lost his mother and sister. He takes him to the Castle of Civitella, seat of the German command (32), where a cousin of the child's mother, recently orphaned, helps in the kitchen (33). Long-term kinship with a maid is sufficient for solidarity. Under the hill of Civitella, Mariolina and Lea (Rapo), after escaping from under the bed, reunited with their grandmother, who had been surprised by the bombing under the Tiber bridge and had brought the clothes with the cart to the cellar of Camillo, hiding them under the barrels (34). Peppino (Lisetti), the shoemaker, returned home to Pian d'Assino and found everyone in great agitation, because the rumor had spread that "Peppino de Montecorona" had remained under the bombing; but they did not know if it was he or Giuseppe Pierini della Badia, the barber's boy Galeno, who really died. Someone notices that the little shoemaker is bleeding from his left leg: he hasn't even noticed that a seed, one of the longest ones, has stuck between the two bones of the leg, letting out only the head (35). Dina (Bebi) had taken refuge in the Lazzaro ditch. When her father found her, he confessed that her cousins, from whom she had recently separated, were dead. Together they went to the Marro, as agreed in the event of a bombing. The hosts welcomed everyone with great hospitality, making Sora Teresa, mother of Dina lie down on the bed. After a while, Peppe (Chicchioni) arrives, the boyfriend, who had gone back to Pierantonio, having heard the rumors about Umbertide. They hug: it is an opportunity to overcome the small disagreements that had shaken their bond (36). Oddly enough, bombs can also have pleasant side effects, for once: they strengthen love! Silvano (Bernacchi), who miraculously escaped the collapse that devastated his grandparents, is rescued by Doctor Porrozzi, who leads him to his home near the iron bridge of the Rio. The little boy is slightly injured. They meet the teacher Dino (Bernacchi), the father, who, having seen the planes and the smoke on Umbertide, had delivered the children and headed home by bicycle. But he does not recognize Silvano, until the doctor tells him: "Your son is here!" (37). Unfortunately, not all of them manage to reunite. Peppino (Baiocco), who had escaped to Piaggiola, set out to look for his mother and sister. She finds her mother with her cousin Franco (Mischianti); no trace of his sister and a tragic presentiment (38). Gigetto de la Posta (Luigi Gambucci) had tracked down his mother and sister to the nuns. Father Baldo was neither at home, where someone had seen him pass, nor with them; then he made them wait, assuring her that he would go looking for him. It goes towards the square from the Collegiata. He glimpses Virginia on the ground at the corner of Via Stella. Aldo Zurli stops him as he senses the reason for his wandering. He points to his father, after having accompanied him for a few steps: he is on the ground in the square, dead, just around the corner, towards the arches of the priest (39). Even Tittina (Fiorucci), around two o'clock, learned that her mother was dead: they found her on the step of the shop, with a cross beam that suffocated her. They take her to the cemetery with a cart (40). Lina (Silvia Cambiotti), with her mother, had gone to the Collegiate to see if her daughter and in-laws were there. No trace of the daughter among those poor bodies. Suddenly, the tremendous confirmation that Amalia is dead. They tell her that they took her away: she would have found her in the cemetery. In fact, the corpses from the Collegiate Church carry them away as they arrive, because they no longer have anything to do with it: carts full of bodies, one on top of the other, tied with ropes. Torn by desperation, Lina drags herself with her mother to the cemetery. In the church he throws himself on his Amalia, who he immediately recognizes in the midst of so many bodies lying on the floor: it is the end. All the unbearable cold, suffered in the glassless house in San Cassiano to keep her daughter safe, did nothing. He led her to die in the house in Via Mancini, after making her struggle unnecessarily. All in vain: so many sacrifices for nothing! She seems to recognize the mother-in-law in one of the other corpses. When in doubt he has to open her mouth to see if she is toothless like Marianna. She has all her teeth: it's not her. She picks up her daughter, with the head resting on her neck. On foot, she heads to Montecastelli, accompanied by her mother. He wants to bury her in the cemetery near his parents 'house: "So much as a mo' Moor [now I'm dying] too!", He thinks. They continually switch over to each other to bring that lifeless little body. They cross the Tiber with Carosciolo's boat in an unreal silence: no words, only the drops of the oars dripping on the river, like tears. Moored on the other bank, they proceed across the fields towards Montecastelli (41). The instinct for normality resurfaces The cloud of dust has not completely dissolved, which resurfaces in people who have not been affected in the closest affections the instinct to continue, despite everything. Life goes on. At the bottom of the Piaggiola, as soon as you begin to see something again, a woman sweeps in front of the house; Aldo (Fiorucci), her son, takes her by the arm and convinces her to flee towards Roccolo, which her father had established as a meeting point in the event of a bombing4 (42). Giovanna del torroncino (Mancini) and Carla have lost their orientation a little and are returning to the Tiberina, almost at Pian d 'Assino. They head towards the town and meet, in front of the Tobacco factory, an acquaintance who reproaches them, as if they had skipped school: "Ma` ndu séte state [where have you been], until now! v'arcercono [they seek]! Sintiréte le bòtte !! ". Never has the threat of a reprimand been so welcome: it is a sign that mothers are alive. Giovanna had feared the worst, because her family lives just behind the station, considered one of the most likely targets of the bombing. At the station he finds his mother and grandfather, who wants to take everyone to his home, to Niccone. But first we need to find the younger brother who is in kindergarten with the nuns. There are many looking for their children: but there is no trace of Luigino. Fortunately, Sister Adele happens to let him out from under the zinale where he had taken refuge, having considered it the most welcoming place: "Here he is, uncle Luigi!", She reassures us. He calls it that, affectionately, because it is the smallest of all4 (43). Sister Adele's petticoat [cassock] has really become the feathery cradle of a hen. As soon as the bombing had ceased, Nino (Grassini), at the bottom of the Piaggiola, had met Bruno again, from whom he had just separated. "Nino! Nino!", "Bruno!", They called each other. Together they had jumped the network that separates Via Vittorio Veneto from the field of the old church of Sant'Erasmo. Along the Regghia, Nino had met his father who had come down from San Benedetto, where he worked. Only then did he realize that he had never separated from the book of philosophy - 1-Emilio ", by Rousseau - which he should have brought to class; he had thrown it away with a kick. But immediately afterwards he had picked it up, thinking that otherwise he would have He had to buy it back: the school, like life, will continue. (44) Maria di Gesuè goes around the Collegiate Church to look for the satchel that his nephew Vittorino (Tognaccini) lost while fleeing from the sacristy to their tavern (45). Gigolétta (Mario Loschi), who has a small smelter's shop near Renzo's workshop, goes to check if the bronze statue of the Unknown Soldier has fallen in order to eventually melt the debris (46). From the Orlando Caldari workshop, recovering from the fright, they try to take the agricultural machinery to shelter in Civitella (47). The relatives of the owner of the shoe factory at the end of the Corso, abundantly scrambled their son Sirio (Lisetti) because he had run away, without notifying anyone. Then they went to retrieve the shoes thrown by the bombs on the banks of the Tiber: but most of them have already been taken by the people (48). Lorenzo (Andreani) and his family went back to the house to get the most necessary things. All loaded, they head towards the countryside. As they go down the Piaggiola, the basket with plates and cups slides from their mother's head to the ground. They collect all the pieces that, with glue and patience, will regain their original function: in the future there will be even less to throw away (49)! La Rosa (Baruffi), with her daughter Sunta, returns to the Tiber to pick up the cart, abandoned with the clothes she was washing (50). The money, which a few minutes ago fluttered around the square from the post office bag undisturbed, has already regained its value. A man looks for the bag he had kept ready near the door of the house with all the essentials, including that little bit of gold and the 100 lire postal vouchers that he paid every month for his daughter. He finds it under the arch of Via Mancini, about twenty meters from home: only the lining remains, but the contents are intact (51). Vera has returned to the Vibi house to get the gold and the money, but the soldiers prevent her from getting on. Tonino (Taticchi) - `l Bove - convinces them to let her pass, assuring them that she is the owner. He accompanies her and takes the opportunity to retrieve a revolver that he had hidden in a safe closet in that house (52). Even in Via Alberti the owners found, in the midst of the rubble, the purse with money - intact - and half a pat of lard, which will be a great company these days (53). The stomach, in fact, does not hear any laws; it knows no bombs, no deaths; when it is time, he arrogantly claims his share. Peppino (Rondoni), around eleven, went home. He found on the ground all the bread dough that had to be brought to the oven: leavened, it was overflowed by the mattra. He made up for it by making pancakes. He cooked and burned them. But when he distributed them to his own and to the people down the Tiber, no one made the griccia (54). At lunchtime, in the Sciabone farmyard - the farmer behind the Commenda, towards Civitella - there is bread and ham for everyone in the shade of the haystack; the effort of Anna (Bartocci) to bring him to safety was not in vain (55). Manco had been `nduvina [not even had been a fortune teller]! Guido (Lamponi) went to get seven rows of bread, which he had collected in the morning from the station oven, and a shoulder of pork. Everything is available to those present (56). Lazarus has brought some vinsanto, what he has prepared for when his son Pietro will sing mass. From the bottles that had become cloudy on the bottom due to the crash of the bombs, by pouring the clear part, he managed to fill a flask (57). Linda, having recovered from kindergarten, arrived along the Tiber from Palazzone, where she found a lot of other tobacconists and potters: someone is at home, others behind the haystack, others still behind the hedge. There are too many to have the courage to ask for hospitality. But there is no need: at half past two the hosts, Poldo and Rigo, distribute a cauldron of soup with chickpeas to everyone (58). Someone, relieved to have escaped, even has the strength to joke. "They did not recognize each other", comments - once the tragedy is over - the collaboration between Alfredo (Ciarabelli) and Giovanni (Ciangottini), who went back and forth from the rubble to the Collegiate Church, at the ends of the same stretcher with the dead person to take to the church: everyone knows that they are of opposite ideas - communist and fascist - with only myopia in common. Gamba de Balùllo manages to be witty. They ask him, "That man, have you [have] seen Trotta?" And he replies: "'n lu know [I don't know] ... trótton all!". In reality he had seen him, Dr. Trotta with his family, and had not hesitated to throw himself on the doctor's daughter, Lycia, obeying the splendid girl who begged: "Cover me, cover me!" (59). Animals also need consolation. Domenico (Duranti) crosses the bridge over the Regghia carrying with him the cage with the greenfinch Picchiottino, who is silent; he is vented by what he chirped for help, from under the table, where the cage from the window had been thrown (60). The eggs that had been laid to hatch in the house of the Boriosi hatched in fact due to the great noise: the chicks could not resist coming into the world to see what had happened. Now they console themselves in the breast of the mistress who has adapted to brood for the emergency, at Santa Maria da Sette (61). For the hierarchies nothing seems to have happened. An SS officer, accompanied by one of the militia, went to Marro to check the fate of the bag of money that disappeared from the post office. They ask Peppe della Fascina (Giuseppe Venti) who had brought the package from the station for an explanation: luckily he can show the receipt signed by an employee. Alongside the military, Gigino Ceccarelli - from the Post Office - must attend the bureaucratic task, despite being overwhelmed by grief for his exterminated family (63). Displacement As soon as you have found your relatives, you need to look for accommodation outside the country, to spend the night and to survive in the next few days, until when - who knows when? - life will not be reborn - will it be reborn? - in the destroyed country. A desperate multitude pours into the countryside: it is a biblical exodus. The family of Guerriero (Corradi), the photographer, is headed for the house in Preggio. He and father Antaeus in front; on bicycles; behind his wife, his daughters with the nanny (Emilia Matteucci) and the essentials on the cart pulled by a white-tailed horse, which Checco de Camillo was able to make available. They had to wait for the return of his wife Maria, who had gone to look for Umberto, the boy in charge of taking medicines: she had reappeared, white with dust, after being reassured by the pharmacist that the apprentice photographer was safe and that he had fled in the direction of San Benedetto. Other people have joined, taking advantage of the means to upload something. When the cart, after the level crossing, is just beyond the bridge over the Regghia, the father goes back to warn: "Stop, ... the dead are passing". The gig stops. The standing men take off their hats: on the first stretcher a woman with purple feet. More stretchers pass and someone asks whose miserable remains are. The transporters, on their way to the Collegiate Church, respond like automatons to what little they know (64). The teacher Gina (Gallicchi) was left alone with her daughter Luciana; he does not return to the temporary home in Montone, but sets out along the road that leads to the cemetery. Arrived at the curve of the cemetery she sits down on the grass, scrutinizing the faces of the people who come up from Umbertide, anxious to have some certain news. Everyone looks at her and no one speaks; fear can be read on their faces. They walk slowly, because they have bags, parcels and clothes in their hands that are used for temporary accommodation with friends or relatives. Look at those people who pass in silence as in a procession; he does not have the courage to ask anything, because he fears bad news. After a few hours of agonizing waiting, she sees Peppe, her husband, appear among the many people. Then exult with joy; goes to meet him; they hug. He picks up his daughter and fills her with kisses. It ensures that all their loved ones are safe (65). Around noon, grandfather Mancini leaves for Niccone with Giovanna del torroncino, her granddaughter, on the barrel of the bicycle and the rest of the family. When I am at the beginning of the bridge, the spectacle is terrible: mountains of rubble ... people screaming ... praying ... calling for help ...; the air is red-dust. Grandpa recommends: "Don't look ... don't look !! (66). Pistulino (Quintilio Tosti) with his family - his son riding a horse and his daughter by the hand - crosses the Tiber under the Gamboni lock: the water bubbling under his feet calms, after so much noise. They are directed to the farmhouse of their sister Ida, towards Niccone, whose family had replaced Milli, the farmer who had been sent away from the farm because of socialist ideas (67). Next to his parents' house destroyed by bombs, Nino de Capucino (Domenico Mariotti) saw Virgilio's (Bovari) bicycle perfectly efficient: it would be very useful for the transfer to Preggio which he is about to tackle, on foot, with the whole family; even if there is little to take away, other than what they are wearing. He tries in vain to borrow it from his master, but cannot find it. He decides to take it anyway: it is not the time for ceremonies. The family leaves for Preggio, with the support of Virgil's bicycle (68). Brutus (Boldrini), informed by someone that his daughter Cecilia is from Caporalino, arrives all out of breath to the Petrelle, where he discovers that the report was wrong: he finds his niece Adriana and not his daughter, who is buried, together with her friends and Bruno , under a mountain of stones. The uncle, when he realizes the misunderstanding, is unable to hide his disappointment in his face (69). Peppino da Milano (Feligioni) looks for his relatives coming down from Civitella through the fields; at the Cornacchia farm he finds his mother, aunt Ines and grandparents, desperate for his fate and for his father, who is still under the rubble, alive (70). Olimpia (Pieroni) and his family tried to flee towards the Abbey. They force them to go through the Madonna del Moro, where they meet Dante Baldelli and Giselda Ciangottini, who suggest they resume the straight instead of the river bank, otherwise they will arrive with difficulty. Along the way they stop at the house of the Fornaci, distant relatives as well as family friends, who offer food; then they leave again in the direction of the Colle, with the children Bettina and Marcello (71). 1) Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli. 2) Maurizio Burelli. 3) Warrior Boldrini. 4 Mario Rossi, deputy commander of the Cairocchi battalion. 5) Warrior Boldrini. 6) Lidia Tonanni. 7) Fabrizio Boldrini. 8) Orlando Bucaioni. 9) Fabrizio Boldrini. 10) Mario Migliorati. 11) Pia Gagliardini. 12) Egidio Grassini. 13) Franco Villarini. 14) Ines Biti. 15) Margherita Tosti, manuscript of 1985. 16) Mario Tosti, The day of the bombing, poem taken from "National Competition XXV Aprile", Municipality of Umbertide, S. Francesco socio-cultural center, 1984. 17) Quintilio Tosti, oral testimony collected by his nephew Marco - 5th grade - 1985. 18) Margherita Tosti, manuscript of 1985. 19) Gigina Vestrelli. 20) Eva Burocchi, interview collected by his nephew Leonardo Tosti on April 25, 1994. 21) Annunziata Bucatelli. 22) Giovanna Nanni. 23) Luciana Sonaglia, 2001 manuscript. 24) Annunziata Caldari. 25) Lidia Corradi. 26) Giovanni Migliorati. 27) Lidia Corradi. 28) Ines Guasticchi. 29) Maria and Giovanni Migliorati. 30) Maria Migliorati. 31) Giovanni Duranti. 32) Saints Improved. 33) Fausto Fagioli. 34) Maria Luisa Rapo. 35) Giuseppe Lisetti. 36) Dina Bebi. 37) Silvano Bernacchi. 38) Giuseppe Baiocco. 39) Luigi Gambucci. 40) Annunziata Fiorucci. 41) Silvia Pitocchi and Anna Cambiotti, typescript December 16, 2003. 42) Aldo Fiorucci. 43) Giovanna Mancini. 44) Egidio Grassini. 45) Vittorio Tognaccini. 46) Renato Silvestrelli. 47) Amedeo Faloci. 48) Sirio Lisetti. 49) Lorenzo Andreani. 50) Assunta Baruffi. 51) Annunziata Fiorucci. 52) Vera Vibi. 53) Maria Chiasserini. 54) Eva Burocchi, interview collected by his nephew Leonardo Tosti on April 25, 1994. 55) Anna Bartocci. 56) Ines Biti. 57) Class III A, Mavarelli-Pascoli State Middle School, Grandfather, tell me about the war, 2004. Testimony of Giovanna Bottaccioli. 58) Linda Micucci. 59) Luigi Guiducci. 60) Maria Duranti. 61) Rina Boriosi. 62 Bruno Porrozzi, Umbertide in the pictures, Pro Loco Umbertide Association, 1977, p. 93. 63) Muzio Venti. 64) Lydia Corradi. 65) Gina Gallicchi, manuscript of 1995. 66) Giovanna Mancini. 67) Quintilio Tosti, oral testimony collected by his nephew Marco - 5th grade - 1985. 68) Domenico Mariotti. 69) Adriana Ciarabelli. 70) Giuseppe Feligioni. 71) Fausta Olimpia Pieroni. Prime reazioni nel cratere Tutti nel cratere Dai dintorni La tragedia si è consumata La seconda incursione - Catarsi La tragedia si è consumata THE SECOND RAID Word has spread that in the afternoon they will return to bomb, because in the morning they did not hit the bridge. Natalino (Lisetti) warned everyone he met. The Archpriest also has this presentiment (1). The few people left in the village, because they are engaged in excavations (2) or in taking away the indispensable (3) from the houses, are with ears pricked. It's just after four (4). Suddenly there is a stampede in the square: at the telephone point in the sentry box of the level crossing, the news of the arrival of another raid has arrived from Perugia (5). After a while, at 4:25 pm, the sirens sound in Città di Castello (6). The alarm spreads among the people, from person to person (7). Everyone flees like lightning towards the nearest safe place, in every direction: the Caminella (8), the slaughterhouse (9), the hospital, the furnace, the fields towards the Tiber (10). This time, after the morning disaster, no one underestimates the danger. Rescuers are also forced to flee. For the buried alive it is the coup de grace: when they realize it, they lose all hope. ronino de Bronzone (Antonio Feligioni), who in the late morning had managed to signal his presence and give instructions on how to be taken out, was about to be released; at this point he feels definitively lost (11) and screams in despair. Someone has the courage to stay to take advantage of the silence, which could make us perceive other traces of life. They hear the moans of a little girl. Perhaps it is Adriana, the niece of Quadrio Bebi (12) that Bronzone had reported near him, together with Cesira (Ceccagnoli). The planes from the direction of the Pantano approach Umbertide, strafing from time to time. At the height of the Canadà - the poplars that line the Tiber towards Montecorona - the fighter-bombers surprise the Pieroni, who are forced to hide; their children, now tired, fell asleep like dormice (13). La Loredana (Trentini) is returning to the Pantano, capecióna as before because Velia hadn't even started cutting her hair in the Corso hairdresser. At the Badia, right above her, she hears the machine gun crackle of an airplane. He has the impression that the little man who guides him is shooting at her. He throws himself on the ground in the middle of a field with stubble; blood comes out. Thinks you are hurt. Terrified she starts running. He climbs over a wall and falls behind, hitting his head on the ground. She feels doomed (14). The flock of red-tipped planes is the same as the one it bombed in the morning. The fighter-bombers proceed in formation from Montecorona; they pass Umbertide in the direction of Montone. Maybe it was a false alarm. A child, Benito, parries the pigs on the hill. To pass the time he had climbed to the top of a very thin cherry tree, as tall as an albaróne, playing swinging. Look, intrigued, at the German anti-aircraft battery that tries to counter the air attack from the position of Santa Maria da Sette: the bullets explode overhead, exploding like fireworks; some piece of metal falls around him. Not at all intimidated, he witnesses the show in ecstasy, blissfully continuing on his swing (15). Above Corlo, a plane suddenly veers left towards Sant'Anna (16), then dives into the bridge with the sun behind it (17). The others start to turn over the Faldo plain (18). It is a quarter past four (19). The multitude that had left the village since the morning, watches from the hills, dismayed and silent, aware of the new imminent havoc. The family of Guerriero (Corradi), the photographer, arrived in Montaguto on the cart pulled by the white-tailed breaker which, despite its size, can barely trudge along the uphill hairpin bends; they tried to make him rest, taking advantage of the stops to exchange news with all those passing by. Some people of the group remained in Romeggio, welcomed by Don Checco (Francesco Corradi), whom his grandfather Anteo wanted to greet together with the other brothers. They saw the planes appear on the horizon that suddenly fell downwards: "They dive!" someone says. "They drop the bombs", warns another (20). Gigetto (Luigi Gambucci) is halfway up the hill of Romeggio, together with his mother. He sees the first pair of bombs fall into the valley below, enveloping their home in a sea of smoke. "They took our house in full [they hit our house]", he whispers (21): the Vibi palace has been gutted. Within hours, his family was deprived of his father and his home. Among those rubble, on the first floor, also the relics of Garibaldi's passage disappear: the iron bed where he had slept, a saber and a painting with the General, who was the terror of children (22); the red enamel cup used by the hero of the two worlds, held like an oracle on the window sill above the rinsing machine (23). The symphony begins again (24): one at a time, the planes detach from the circle, strafe (25) and, in a dive, try to hit the bridge. The second pair of bombs falls near Trivilino; one remains unexploded (26). Another coppiola hits Camillo's house (27): the beams fly up, as in a firework (28). Nino de Capucino (Domenico Mariotti) sees her jump from Polgeto, where he arrived with the whole family and Virgil's bicycle (29). The ANAS warehouse near Maddoli is pulverized (30). Other bombs explode on the banks of the Tiber, throwing stones up to the slaughterhouse (31). One remains unexploded on the stone in front of Peppino Rondoni's house (32). Some boys who were coming down from the hill of Romeggio, where they had gone to look for the splinters, attend the show (34). Again, a great fuss arises over the town (35). Other young people hid in a small ditch on the edge of the same road. The aircraft that regain altitude pass very close to them, in the gully between Romeggio and Colle delle Vecchie. The boys distinguish the pilots very well and have the impression of being seen. They curl up even more in the ditch, for fear of being machine-gunned; the heart beats very strongly with fear, but above all with the thrill of seeing a bombing plane and its pilot up close (36). On the opposite side of the valley, towards the Marro, a terrified woman is unable to hold back the urine, which she spreads on the ground in front of everyone (37). The Fornaci ladies, always impeccable and refined, lie with their feet soaked in the Regghia, behind the crag that shelters them, too low to contain them (38). On the outskirts of the town, the rescuers who were busy in the excavations crouched in temporary shelters. At Caminella they threw themselves into the holes left by the roots of the uprooted poplars, where the carcasses of sick animals are usually buried (39). Settimio (Burberi) has his work cut out for his son Dolfo's head inside the hole, who stands up pointing to each plane when he dives: "Here he is ... here he is!" (40). Next to them Carlo (Polidori), another teenager, whimpers: "Oh my God, my casine!". At the same time the displacement of a bomb causes it to fall into the Tiber (41). The splinters hiss over the heads of people lying on the ground behind the river banks (42). Several people poured under the crag beyond the house in front of the hospital, towards the furnace. Here comes Emma (Roselletti) who was loading the last box of books on the cart with the horse and checking that it did not remain on the ground in favor of something he cares less about. She is terrified of having already suffered a bombing in Rome, in the area of the freight yard of the Prenestina station (43). From the market, many fled to the Piobbico garden and threw themselves into a ditch to collect rainwater, all getting dirty (44). Along the Reggiani orchard, at the Lazzaro ditch, Clementina says the rosary, while another old blasphemy because they machine guns, too (46). Mario (Destroyed) watched the scene paralyzed from the Gamboni lock, embracing a plant; to the unconsciousness of the morning, the experience just lived has made the terror take over (47). After this second undertaking, the pilots write down in their flight log the result that appeared to their eyes: they assert that the road was centered twice to the west of the bridge and once to the east; that three more shots fell just north of the bridge, on the stone; all the others did not hit the road bridge, but enveloped it in smoke and dust without inflicting damage. In reality, once again the bombs missed the target: only the first pair of bombs touched the target and another damaged the national road. The successive shots drifted further and further away, due to the cloud of smoke, like in the morning. This raid also failed. You return to the base without credits. When the planes fly over Ulderico's shop in Montecorona, at the level crossing at the end of the straight, in Pierini's house it is a pain. They have lost hope. Teresa, Peppino's new mother, is making the dress to bury her son who has not returned from Galen's barbershop (48). Up there, in the cockpits, they can't see or hear anything. During the return to the base camp, they console themselves by strafing a truck, which is destroyed by fire, and an electric locomotive: this is the sop given to the Pierantonio station (49). Visibility: bad. No AA over the target. Landing: 5.40 pm. Total flight time: 31.00 hours. 1) Don Luigi Cozzari, letter for the 1st anniversary (1945). 2) Christmas Lisetti. 3) Adolfo Burberi, Bruno Burberi. 4) PRO, London, Operation Record Book, Detail of work carried out, SAAF, 239th "Wing Desert Air Force", 5th air squadron. 5) Fabrizio Boldrini, Bruno Burberi. 6) Alvaro Tacchini (curator), Venanzio Gabriotti - Diary, Institute of Political and Social History Venanzio Gabriotti, Petruzzi Editore, Città di Castello, 1998, p. 192. 7) Franco Anastasi. 8) Fabrizio Boldrini, Bruno Burberi. 9) Betto Guardabassi. 10) Franco Anastasi. 11) Giuseppe Feligioni. 12) Mario Simonucci. 13) Fausta Olimpia Pieroni. 14) Loredana Trentini. 15) Benito Broncolo. 16) Angelo Santucci. 17) Franco Anastasi. 18) Willemo Ramaccioni, oral testimony collected by his son Carlo - 5th grade - 1985. 19) PRO, London, Operation Record Book, Detail of work carried out, SAAF, 239th "Wing Desert Air Force", 5th air squadron. 20) Lidia Corradi. 21) Luigi Gambucci. 22) Renato Silvestrelli. 23) Ruggero Polidori. 24) Bruno Burberi. 25) Velia Nanni. 26) Luigi Gambucci. 27) Franco Anastasi, Luigi Gambucci. 28) Margherita Tosti. 29) Domenico Mariotti. 30) Luigi Gambucci. 31) Betto Guardabassi. 32) Eva Burocchi, interview collected by his nephew Leonardo Tosti on April 25, 1994. 33) Bruno Porrozzi, Zlmbertide in the images, Pro Loco Umbertide Association, 1977, p. 94. 34) Giorgio Bruni. 35) Franco Anastasi, Fabrizio Boldrini. 36) Willemo Ramaccioni, oral testimony collected by his son Carlo - 5th grade - 1985. 37) Christmas Lisetti. 38) Warrior Gagliardini. 39) Fabrizio Boldrini. 40) Bruno Burberi. 41) Adolfo Burberi. 42) Giovanna Nanni. 43) Emma Roselletti. Taken from: Simona Bellucci and Edda Sonaglia (curators), "Group of women on March 8" by Umbertide; videotape. 44) Domenico Manuali. 45) PRO: Public Record Office, London, Operation Record Book, Detail of work carried out, SAAF, 239th "Wing Desert Air Force", 5th air squadron. Taken from: Mario Tosti (curator), Beautiful works !, Municipality of Umbertide, 1995, p. 50. 46) Assunta Baruffi. 47) Mario Destroyed. 48) Fausta Olimpia Pieroni. 49) Archive of the Umbrian Central Railway. Will to rise again Only a few weeks have passed since the disaster that nature - driven by the reproductive instinct of the species - has already begun to react. Perhaps she has no feelings: she has not noticed anything. Or he has already forgotten those strange thunders out of the blue. Or it has a soul: it wants to encourage men to raise their heads. The swallows screech again, in their beaten garrules hunting for insects among the ruins. New seeds have taken root, managing to pierce the carpet of dust: in the vegetable gardens the weed is spreading patches of green. Even among the debris of the apocalypse the stem of a few poppies spread bright red petals. Nature seems to herald the miracle of the country's resurrection, defying wickedness and encouraging hope. Fifteenth station Jesus rises from the tomb The will to react is also creeping into men's pain: collective tragedy tempers individual dramas; the pain of the neighbor contains and holds back one's own despair, soothing it. From the terraces of the hills all around the town, where we were welcomed, guarded, cared for, protected (2), we anxiously await the allied soldiers to bring peace and freedom. We do not have time to realize the paradox that the expected liberators will wear the same uniforms and wave the same banners of the twelve apostles, who sowed death along the Calvary of St. John. "We are forced to desire the arrival of an enemy to drive out another, more ferocious enemy ... Poor Italy! [Venanzio Gabriotti]" (3). The anxiety of going home, the hope of starting over makes us feel an extraordinary, inexplicable, incredible strength within us. Life after death touched upon is new life. We have the feeling that the martyrdom of our dead was not in vain: it was the tremendous passage towards a new redemption from the indolence of having passively witnessed the degradation of the founding values of civilization. All men have purified themselves - in a global catharsis - on a new Cross; on millions of crosses. Jesus died again with our dead, to save us and to rise again, together with humanity. A better world Life will be reborn: it will soothe pains, heal wounds. Paolino, the railway worker, will be able to bring flowers, together with new children, to the coffin that contains all his family; as well as Peppe de Moscióne (Bernacchi), his old neighbor in the alley of San Giovanni. Pompeo (Selleri) will have the strength to exhume his father shoemaker from the cemetery of Castello, where many times, from the Tifernate college, he had gone to visit him to honor his memory and draw courage. He will see the bones again, with the silver ring on his finger - the gold one he had given to the Fatherland - and with a broken leg (4). He will put the remains of his parents next to each other in Umbertide. He will resign himself to imagining close to them the bodies of the brothers that he will look for in vain in all the cemetery (5): no one will find any trace of them (6), as if they had sublimated themselves. Luciano's mother (Bebi) will find a sad serenity, in the eternally black dress of mourning. All together - we, the Germans, the Anglo-American allies - will have to have the courage to ask for forgiveness, for the acts of barbarism that each has on the conscience and the duty to forgive, as individuals and as States. A better world will be born from the tragedy. An imperfect world We know it will be an imperfect world. Heroes like Hamlet, Luciano, Linda, Maria, Fausto and all the others who died for the love of their loved ones will be forgotten. The marshal will risk being purged, despite his exemplary behavior, in a difficult balance between the obligations of the hierarchy and the duties of morality. The jackals will get rich with what they grabbed from the ruins while the others wept or helped the most unfortunate. The most acrobatic opportunists will acquire merit, to the detriment of those who have really raised their heads against evil. Even when it was clear that the wickedness of the individual has exceeded the limits of the rules of war, it will be easy to achieve impunity behind the alibi of the chain of command, of obedience to the superior, of the risk of life in case of disobedience: legitimate self-protection. . There will be enormous difficulties of investigation in tracing individual faults. In barbarism, with the end of reason, subjective responsibility fades into the spiral of hatred, revenge, terror, the survival instinct from which every individual is sucked. "In war everything is possible (7). But the war is not! There will be no more war! This will be the last! We are convinced that the sacrifice of the dead and the living will forever guarantee lasting, eternal peace: it is not possible that the tragedy experienced did not teach humanity everything! Forever! By now we are vaccinated: against dictatorship and against war. We have not learned the lesson from the history books that we are unable to read and could easily forget. We have lived this tragedy (8)! The martyrs of the Calvary of St. John live beyond life, inside our heads: the testimony of their sacrifice has been imprinted in the social chromosomes of our community, not only as a memory but as a teaching. We have witnessed that there is no Manichean separation between peoples of good and peoples of evil; but that there are good and perverse parts, according to the quality of the objectives they pursue. Within each part, the individual can maintain the autonomy of expressing his own nature, generous or evil, in his personal behavior, within the limits allowed by the environmental constraints that war magnifies. We have experienced that there are no collective faults. This time we have experienced firsthand that war is an abomination: not only because it tortures and kills, beyond all imaginable limits of perversion; but above all because, with the end of the rule of law, it empties man - every man, wherever he is on the side - of his faculty to judge and operate freely, according to his own will, nature, culture. War castrates man of the capacity for will that distinguishes him from animals. Man becomes an animal. Men become herds of animals. States become barbarians. The first gunshot generates a void in the categories of reason, law, ethics, in which men of good will lose the possibility of action and proposal: they cannot speak a language they do not know, use the tools that they do not know. they want to fight. It would be an unequal battle. They have to wait for the end of the war to restart the work of peacemakers with the restoration of the rule of law. These are the most disturbing effects of the state of war. The last useful war This, which still continues to sow tragedies along the path of blood to Berlin, will be the last war - adjectives can barely get out of our mouths - just and useful. It is really hard for us to admit that every day we approach the still fresh mounds of earth where our dead rest; yet, perhaps, this is the first time in human history that violence has served any good. This conflict defeated the abominable project of Nazism, with its diabolical atrocities. It has shown - and taught - that the terrifying destructive power of modern weapons has expanded the battlefields to the cities and the defenseless, hitherto essentially reserved for professionals, albeit unfortunate men. From today wars are no longer terrible competitions between soldiers, but tremendous instruments of destruction of peoples. Now half the world knows this, for having lived it on their own flesh and soul: common people will no longer have excuses to ignore themselves, nor will leaders have instruments of plagiarism towards unaware populations. This will be the last conflict: on the graves of our dead a new civilization will be founded, based on freedom, on democracy which, combined with awareness, will be a guarantee of indefinite peace. Plowshares and pruning spears will be built from the swords (9). Peace is not free It will not be free peace. We must avoid the risk that the other half of the world, unaware tomorrow as we yesterday, will repeat our same mistakes. We will have to help her to fight against ignorance and poverty, so that she can understand. Even before that, we must understand that our help does not respond only to the duty of solidarity but also to the selfishness of protecting our own peace: indifference towards distant outbreaks will be paid with greater virulence when these flare up on us. If cooperation does not replace exploitation, marginalized peoples - when they acquire awareness and discover secular abuses - will seek justice with the improper weapons to which they have been trained: ferocity, cruelty, hatred, fanaticism. The dangers The first, more subtle, danger to maintaining peace lies inside our heads. History teaches us that the memory of past mistakes is destined to fade with time and with generations. As the wounds - as is natural - heal and the pains ease, even in the survivors the memory of the single facts will fade. Even more the memory of the tragedy will fade in the minds of those who have only been able to imagine it from rare black and white images or from stories that will be perceived as unreal, impossible: sad fairy tales served up by old stoned. It is unthinkable that the generations of the third millennium are moved by past stories. just as we no longer shed tears for Cesare Battisti or the Bandiera brothers. Our duty It is up to us - only to us - to act immediately to prevent the recurrence of the evil. «At the origins of civilization, no one had questioned whether a war was just or legitimate: it was simply an instrument of the arrogance of the strong, who did not have to justify themselves to anyone. Then, with the Middle Ages, theories on just war arose, linking it to the pursuit of more or less noble aims. After the Spanish conquest of America, a new, modern legitimation of war was introduced, with the intention of justifying the dominion over the Indians and their world: war is the way in which the king, that is the sovereign state, does it justice. And since the sovereign state is such to the extent that it is sufficient in itself and cannot turn to a third authority for justice, if its own right is violated, justice is done with war, because it does not recognize any other authority above. self. War is the king's instrument of justice; it is a form of jurisdiction. War, as an expression of sovereignty and the figure of the modern state, is at the center of the system of international relations: it is a legitimate and, indeed, ordinary institution. It is up to us to undermine the concept of absolute sovereignty: no state can be considered self-sufficient. The task of prosecuting crimes between states, of claiming justice, of ensuring peace and security belongs to the international community, to a higher third which is the community of peoples "(10). Strengthened by freedom and democracy for the first time savored, we will immediately have to build supranational instruments capable of governing conflicts between peoples in the name of all humanity, avoiding confusing justice with revenge, law with force. We have the duty to enable our children to follow an obligatory, natural, definitive, obvious path. Apodittico: like the sun, the air, the universe. If we fail to leave this legacy, we will condemn them to relive other tragedies - on their own skin - to understand what we have undergone and learned. We will have betrayed our main duty as fathers by leaving them naked. The duty of the children The duty of the children will be to remember - without emotion - our history, which is the premise of their history; not to give in to the instinct to minimize the danger of new wars, attacks on freedom and democracy; defend and strengthen the tools - which we will have built - for the prevention and peaceful settlement of conflicts between peoples. Future generations will have to distill and cultivate the moral of our testimony: there was a terrible war in this valley too; the bombs, real, fell on their houses, they tore their relatives to pieces; the community to which they belong has no privileges of immunity to violence. The one just lived must be the last war; there can be no more useful wars, because they will have to be prevented in any case; any unfortunate future declaration of war will be the sign of the most tragic defeat of a world of forgetfulness. Our children will have to consider the problems of the rest of the world as their own, avoiding the risk that the well-being we have conquered becomes, for their consciences, an anesthetic to solidarity; while it will appear as an intolerable privilege in the eyes of the marginalized. To wake up from the torpor of opulence and addiction to violence, they will not have to wait for the unimaginable to happen: even the powerful and not just other humble shoemakers, sweepers, bricklayers, such as those of the Borgo di San Giovanni, become victims of barbarism; let the symbols of power collapse and not poor huts; that half the world is witnessing the atrocious spectacle, for some gimmick, and not just the diggers of Montone or the shepherds of Valcinella. If, even in this tragic eventuality, our children will jump indignantly in their armchairs, as if they discovered only in that moment the outrage of violence, without realizing that they are witnessing the last episode of a continuous series, in every corner of the world; if they will stubbornly respond to violence with blind violence instead of dialogue, feeling like the good sheriffs of the planet: then they will have the responsibility of having nullified the sacrifice of the dead of St. John and of those of all the other wars. The hope If that were the prospect, it wouldn't be worth it not even worth rolling up our sleeves to start over, in the hope that there is granted to see the birth of the new world (11). We are sure that man cannot be like this stupid not to have learned everything, forever! ... Now my heart is beating fast, I punch the pillow, then a nearby hand looks for my face and caresses me sweetly. Maybe I'll be able to sleep, now I feel the peace, peace is beautiful ... (12) 2) Raffaele Mancini, ... At midnight we bet on the rising of the sun ..., Edizioni Nuova Prhomos, Città di Castello, 1993. 3) Alvaro Tacchini (curator), Venanzio Gabriotti - Diary, Institute of Political and Social History Venanzio Gabriotti, Petruzzi Editore, Città di Castello, 1998, p. 94. 4) Pompeo Selleri. 5) Linda Micucci. 6) Umbertide Municipal Archive, 30 September 1944. 7) Albert Kesselring, Memories of war, Garzanti, 1954, p. 263. 8) Francesco Martinelli. 9) Prophet Isaac, Chap. II. 10) Raniero La Valle, "The end of modernity", The return of the war, Editions "1'altrapagina", Città di Castello, 2002. 11) Bruno Orsini, typescript from 1990. 12) Giuseppe Avorio, Peace is beautiful, "National Competition 25th April", Municipality of Umbertide, S. Francesco socio-cultural center, 1994. 13) Mario Tosti (curator), Beautiful works !, Municipality of Umbertide, 1995, p. 37. PHOTO GALLERY La seconda incursione - Catarsi

Piano del Nese Nella zona pianeggiante lungo il corso del Torrente Nese vi fu una larga diffusione degli abitati sparsi; le costruzioni si dispongono principalmente lungo il letto del Torrente Nese, anche se in nuclei ristretti e posti a breve distanza tra loro. Immagine 1: Abitati sparsi lungo la sponda sinistra del torrente Nese in aggetto rispetto alla pianura. Si hanno, però, scarsissime notizie che non favoriscono la ricostruzione delle vicende che hanno riguardato questi nuclei abitativi indicati come “Pian di Nese”, contrastando così con un territorio piuttosto singolare, sia dal punto di vista geografico, sia per le vicende storiche che hanno interessato tale settore del contado perugino, soggetto a invasioni e incursioni. La struttura visibile Oggi molte di queste strutture sono state abbandonate o trasformate in edifici rurali, ma in origine avevano una struttura disposta in modo tale da definire volontariamente una organizzazione difensiva: grandi basamenti a volte provvisti di contrafforti aggettanti; la parte abitata dal nucleo familiare saldamente eretta a pianta regolare quadrilatera; poche aperture o fessure in prossimità della base. Questi caratteri erano peculiari delle strutture rurali fortificate, largamente diffuse nella anche campagna umbertidese durante tutto il XII-XIII secolo. In effetti, nel tessuto insediativo castrense di cui faceva parte anche Piano del Nese si hanno molti esempi di abitati con un corpo a torre. Le vecchie case-torri medievali durante la diffusione della mezzadria diventarono il punto di riferimento, quando possibile della nuova tipologia di sfruttamento indiretto della proprietà agricola diventando il punto di riferimento fisico, di fianco o intorno al quale altre strutture venivano aggiunte. L’antica tipologia perde così, pian piano, la sua originale funzione di difesa a favore di quella economico-produttiva. Tra i centri abitati o singole case presenti, Piano del Nese si rivela come un tipico complesso di insediamenti con caratteri di abitato sparso, diffuso in una stessa area, molto simile agli impianti riconducibili a villae e delimitato nel versante a sud solo dallo scorrimento del Torrente Nese, che oggi coincide, in parte, con il confine territoriale del Comune di Perugia. L’abitato sparso indicato come Piano del Nese, si sviluppa in collina tra due corsi d’acqua minori e l’importante strada provinciale che conduce dall’antica Fratta verso i centri del Trasimeno o a Perugia. Immagine 2: Abitato sparso denominato oggi “Pian di Nese” con casa-torre medievale e piccola chiesa, non visibile nell’inquadratura, lungo la sponda sinistra del torrente Nese in aggetto rispetto alla pianura. Rispetto ad altri siti presenti nel territorio ha oggi assunto minore rilievo, ma la presenza di questo insediamento era certamente importante va connessa all’esistenza dell’antico Castrum Preitinum un tempo probabilmente vicino, ora non più individuabile ma punto di forza del settore estremo del contado verso Perugia. A presidio del tratto torrentizio che scorre in prossimità della località Piano del Nese si può individuare la presenza dell’edificio fortificato identificato come torre di Santa Giuliana, alla quale è unita la chiesa omonima, posizionato a metà strada da Pian di Nese e la confluenza del torrente nel Tevere, di poco a sud del Castello di Santa Giuliana. Il complesso è posto qui come struttura a dominio della zona ad ovest pianeggiante. Stime catastali danno notizie della presenza di una chiesa, non riportata però nelle Rationes Decimarum, proprio in località Piano del Nese: l’ente risulta allibrato nel XIV secolo tra quelli appartenenti al contado di porta Sant’Angelo ed è intitolato a San Pietro de Anese. Il Grohmann ricorda a tale proposito che la chiesa di S. Pietro era iscritta per 5 libre e dipendente dal monastero di S. Salvatore di Monte Acuto. La Storia Conosciuta Anche se abbiamo ben poche notizie riguardanti il territorio, è ipotizzabile che tale settore fosse coinvolto nelle vicende storiche e politiche che colpirono anche castra e villae circostanti, quali Bisciaro, Racchiusole, Valenzino, Santa Giuliana e Castrum Preitinum; in ogni caso, questi avvenimenti rappresentavano il riflesso di ciò che accadeva a Perugia, i cui esiti dimostravano un assorbimento positivo o negativo (ovvero il rifiuto) dei fenomeni che riguardavano questi centri. Immagine 3:nella carta si può notare il simbolo del ponte sul torrente e la presenza del simbolo di edifici; caseggiato che, suggestivamente, si “sovrappone” alla posizione dell’ex Osteria di Pian di Nese esistente. Particolare della "“DESCRITTIONE DEL TERRITORIO DI PERVGIA AVGVSTA ET DEI LUOGHI CIRCONVICINI DEL P M EGNATIO DANTI DA PERUGIA MATEMATICO DELLO STUDIO DI BOLOG.A”", 1577. da Source gallica.bnf.fr - Bibliothèque nationale de France (BNF) . I caratteri minimamente autonomi che interessarono Piano del Nese derivarono dalla volontà della comunità ivi residente di sostenere e mantenere i rapporti con il resto degli abitanti circostanti, dotandosi per questo di valide infrastrutture, ottenute grazie alle concessioni del Consiglio dei priori: la realizzazione di un ponte sul Torrente Nese, probabilmente nella zona che oggi nelle carte è indicata con il toponimo Ponte Nese o comunque in sua prossimità, tende a sottolineare il rilievo goduto dal luogo e, dunque, dalla sua comunità, nel corso del tempo e in epoca risalente, permettendo anche di rilevare il ruolo ben definito di questo settore comitatino come snodo commerciale e supporto economico per la zona: agevole era, infatti, il collegamento fluviale con il Torrente Càina che scorre poco più a sud, e la vicinanza dell’abitato con l’articolata viabilità stradale. Immagine 4: l’ex Osteria e stazione di posta di Pian di Nese. Fotografie: Francesco Deplanu Carta: Carta corografica di Perugia del 1577, di Ignazio Danti, incisa da Mario Cartaro a Roma nel 1580 da Source gallica.bnf.fr / Bibliothèque nationale de France.

The Gregorian Cadastre The Gregorian Cadastre is a general geometric particle land registry of the Papal State: started by Pius VII in 1816, after the Napoleonic experience, it is defined in this way because it was completed by Gregory XVI in 1835. In 1816 Pius VII established the Congregation of Land Registers: the central body that was to establish uniform rules and procedures for the estimation of rural and urban funds. In the Papal State there was no uniform measure and it was decided to use the metric system introduced by the French system rather than the more complex “Roman rubbio”, made up of 3703 square architectural pipes. On the site of the "Imago" project that carried out the digitization of the Gregorian Cadastre it is specified "The linear measure adopted was therefore the census barrel corresponding to the meter and divided into 10 palms (dm), equal to 100 ounces (cm) or 1000 minutes ( mm). For the surfaces, the square of 10 boards (corresponding to the hectare, i.e. 10,000 m2), the board of 1000 square pipes (equal to 1000 m2) and the square pipe (1 m2) were adopted, in turn divided into palms , square ounces and minutes. Compared to the French period, the names changed but not the substance. " In addition to the rural funds, the mapping ("Map") of urban centers usually built at a scale of 1: 2000 assumes considerable importance, together with these two further copies on a reduced scale at 1: 4000 or 1: 8000 (the " Mappette "), with the original scale reproduction of the "block" or inhabited centers, placed in the margin or attached. The cadastral parcels were depicted in the "Map" ed identified by a number assigned to it within a unique numerical progression for each map. This was then described in the land registry or brogliardo, which also indicated the name of the owner. These are the pages web del with the Gregorian Cadastre and the "brogliardo" with the territory of the city of Umbertide after the Napoleonic age. Clicking here opens the page of the Gregorian Cadastre of the State Archives of Rome, at this point choose the "box" Perugia ", highlighted in the image in red, and then click on" Fratta "... so you can do it in analogous way for Pietralunga, Montone etc; alternatively click directly on the image below in this way the "Fratta" viewer of the "imago" project will open immediately, which has digitized the parts with the main towns and cities of the Gregorian Cadastre. To see the "brogliardo" with the number of the parcel visible on the map of the Gregorian Cadastre with the names of the respective ones owners and some property description items just click here to see the relative "brogliardo " always of the Cadastre of the "Ecclesiastical State". The Gregorian cadastre arrived considerably late, almost a century, compared to the census experiences of a large part of Italy. The move to this new tool hides a political struggle between the forces they wanted control of wealth and property information. The land registry, says Renato Zangheri, in his " Cadastre and ownership of the land ", is " an irreplaceable tool for ascertaining the status of the" ownership "of the land, which for many centuries was the fundamental means of production, the source of wealth and the main basis of power .... It is a rich and treacherous tool that must be used with caution but can provide abundant results. In Italy it is usually more refined, expressive and complicated than elsewhere. "Its structuring hides heated struggles over how to own land and pay taxes. In the rest of Italy, one of the targets among the owners of the property was the related property. to ecclesiastical institutions. Here, in the Papal State, the problem was different and less urgent because the Church held power as well as property. Sources: - Renato Zangheri, Cadastre and land ownership. Small Einaudi Library. Turin 1980. - Imago II project, 1997-2000, of the State Archives of Rome: http://www.cflr.beniculturali.it/Gregoriano/mappe.php?fbclid=IwAR3SPsbhE0yDSOzPk5MrT3LVf77oKvYwwqFhUhZzDbdA4DHi4DWrz-9JHdA Renato Zangheri " (the Land Registry) ... it was very often a sign of contradiction, the terrain of political and class clashes " Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com

FRATTA-UMBERTIDE OF THE 19TH CENTURY curated by Fabio Mariotti ADMINISTRATION, SAFETY AND ROADS The Public Administration At the beginning of the century we do not know the administrators of Fratta. The last meeting of the municipal council took place on December 3, 1799 and the next only on April 16, 1800. There was the indictment of the municipal councilors Giuseppe Savelli and Giambattista Burelli, accused of Jacobinism, but later reinstated in their office. On December 9, 1800, four new priors were elected for the first semester of 1801. In Fratta the population was divided into three different groups. About ten families belonged to the former; they are always the same surnames, the richest owners of houses and farms. A1 second belonged to the artists (craftsmen) and traders. The third, called the "destitute" or the "miserable", belonged to the others, the poor, non-taxable who had no possibility of participation. The elect found themselves having to face serious economic problems. Some foodstuffs and especially wheat were missing. At the beginning of January the municipal oven was in deficit and the municipality, left without money, asked the owners for the grain, each of whom would have had to pay a proportionate share to the extension of the land. Other problems caused the supply of wine to the community of Fratta. This was a genus of primary importance, second only to wheat. Income for the municipality derived from the tax on the cereals that had to be ground and on the distribution of salt. Other incomes were those of the slaughterhouse (which taxed the slaughter and sale of meat), the grocery store (which included fish and salami), the oil shop, the collection of wood from the bridge, the collection of the market stall (there was one person who collected the pen that the animals left in the markets and paid a tax to the municipality), of fishing on the Tiber, of the large steelyard (on weights and measures for large quantities), of the apparatus (in the sense of setting the table), of the hosts and innkeepers (it struck the hosts' ability to serve lunch to customers). In 1803 there was a decrease in revenues which fell to 290 scudi despite the introduction of a new tax, "of the four feet", on each quadrupedal animal that entered the village at the rate of 5 baiocchi for large animals and 1 baiocchi for small. The annual expenses of the municipality were those for the secretariat: wood for the stoves, two flasks of ink, sealing wax torches to put the seal of the municipality on the letters, bunches of quills and Palomba brand writing paper (it had in the visible watermark against the light a small palomba - trademark), headed paper that was printed in Città di Castello since there was not yet a typography in Umbertide. Some salaries paid by the municipality. The postmaster, post office manager (and letter dealer), one shield a month. The lords of magistrate received ten scudi per semester as an honorary salary. The secretary, Giovambattista Burelli, ten scudi per four months, while the (police) commissioner dr. Paolucci receives three scudi per quarter. The chamberlain (cashier) receives 18 Scudi a year paid in quarters. The agent of Rome (that is, one who resides in Rome carries out the affairs of the community in that city) receives seven or eight scudi a year depending on the amount of work. Then there are two country guards, Giambattista Fuochi and Silvestro Catalani: they take four scudi a month. Another concern for the municipality was that of unemployment. A timid attempt to tackle the problem was made when the casengoli (non-owners) made a request to obtain the post of bailiff. It took two a month, in turn. In 1825, the income was 2,200 scudi and the expenditure of 2,250. In 1826 the municipal secretary Giovambattista Burelli, feeling old and tired, asked to be "jubilated", that is, to retire after 43 years of continuous work. He says he would also accept a reduced pension as long as his son Ruggero is appointed in his place. The passage from father to son took place on April 9, 1928. When the caretaker of the town hall, Gaetano Martinelli, asked to retire. the municipal administration does not agree on the fact that he also works as a carpenter and the pension is not granted to him even if "for 40 years he has had the honor of serving this municipality" and because "although ahead of the age keeps you in good health ". In December 1843 all the municipal employees were reconfirmed for another two years: the secretary Ruggero Burelli, the doctor Dr. Paolo Bertanzi, the surgeon dr. Michele Belforti, the moderator of the clock Gaetano Gigli, the postman Nicola Castori, the defender of the poor Costantino Magi Spinetti, a family member Pietro Caracchini, the other family Costantino Beatini, the letter distributor Costantino Magi Spinetti, the meat maker Gioacchino Pucci , the caretaker of the town hall Marino Romitelli, the gravedigger for men Pietro Paolo Vico, the gravedigger for women Camilla Bartolini, the urban police clerk Domenico Porrini. There was indecision whether to reconfirm Camilla Bartolini, the gravedigger of women, because the parish priest Cecchetti had indicated that she only went to rich people and when it came to poor people for whom she was rewarded by the municipality "she refuses to do her duty". September 12, 1860, the day of the transit of the Piedmontese troops. the Frattigiani formed a provisional committee of four citizens: Costantino Magi Spinetti, Raffaele Santini, Giuseppe Agostini (acting prior) and Luigi Igi. On 14 September the Royal Commissioner arrived in Fratta and appointed the definitive municipal commission with the task of preparing the election of the council. The plebiscite for or against Vittorio Emanuele II took place on 4 and 5 November. Fratta and his supporters went to the polls with 2,946 registered on the lists; the voters were 2,568, with 2,565 yes and 1 no. On 11 November the new and first municipal council of the time was elected. In the following meeting on November 22, four councilors and two alternates were appointed, who formed the council: Luigi Santini, Mauro Mavarelli, Quintilio Magnanini and Count Gianantonio Ranieri. Alternates, Giovambattista Ticchioni and Paolo Paolucci, landowners from Fratta. Mayor was Dr. Mauro Mavarelli, directly appointed by the king of Italy. The municipal council of Fratta was made up of twenty councilors who had been elected taking into account the "census". Fratta in 1860 had ten thousand inhabitants and only 71 of these were called to the polls. From the year 1869 the city council increased from twenty to thirty members. In this year the electors were 181 at the administrative offices, against 71 in 1860. Around 1870 the financial situation was quite difficult. A tax on carriages was instituted (there were many around) which was joined by a tax on waiters and maids. In 1891, May 1st was mentioned for the first time as a workers' day. It is discussed in the council meeting of 30 April as, on this day, the honorable Grilli wants to remember 30 April 1849 and the defense of Rome against the French. At the end of his speech he sends "an affectionate greeting to those who tomorrow will affirm the rights of the workers, a prelude to the political renewal of the world". Public Safety At the beginning of the century we find ourselves under the government of the Imperial Regency of Perugia and the Austrian army, since the second half of 1799, had brought the papal state back to power, after the parenthesis of the Roman republic. The Restoration had found a people whom the principles of the French Revolution had awakened and now, more attentive, made itself heard. Bad times then for the standard bearer, Lorenzo Vibi. At carnival the people feel the need to have dance parties, but the gonfalonier sees this as a danger and forbids them. On 27 February 1800 he wrote to Perugia communicating that at the foot of the cross placed where the "infamous" tree of liberty was, they found a tricolor flag. In early July, the pope returns to Rome and appoints Msgr. Rivarola who had a very heavy hand towards Fratta in regulating public life. On November 25, a papal edict approved the expulsion of all merchants, artisans and anyone who had not been domiciled in the territory since before 1797, excluding the ecclesiastics of the convents and parishes, the doctors and public employees. In December there is the problem of the bandit Luigi Rossi, from Sorbello, who had formed a group of brigands and often worked also in Fratta, with robberies and stabbings. At the end of February the commissioner, given the times, asked Perugia to be able to set up a city troop. Rivarola accepts willingly, given the crime around. Small gangs that weren't afraid of "crassing" (ie armed robbery) even in broad daylight. Other interventions in the field of public safety occurred on the occasion of serious scandals that arose in Fratta because prohibited games were organized in a café during the day and at night "to the grave detriment of families and good social order". Rivarola also establishes that the Jews in Fratta, sellers of majolica, cease this trade: "Make them precept to leave immediately". On January 4, 1804, Rivarola again abolished the sale of wine in the theater, where entry is also forbidden for those carrying weapons or sticks. Despite this, on 1 March, during a show Giovambattista Franchi seriously stabbed a certain Antimi: the surgeon reported "the wounds being life-threatening". In 1809 an order arrives from Perugia which bans masks and on the occasion of the carnival also races, parties and any other show. On 7 August a great party was organized in Fratta on the occasion of the raising of the new French coat of arms. The military band of Perugia was called, the heads of the families were invited to illuminate the houses; the same was done for the town hall and the fortress with torches and lanterns. The papal police were quite organized: they had paid informants and people like Friar Pietro Scagnetti who did their unsolicited work. From his letters emerge the names of the Fratigans who leaned towards the republic: Luigi Santini, Domenico Pecchioli, Francesco Paolucci, Innocenzo Lazzarini and Agostino Cambiotti. A difficult life begins for these patriots of Fratta, watched and hunted down. In 1817 the papal carabinieri were stationed in Fratta, carrying out public security activities: the brigade is made up of a brigadier and seven carabinieri, who work on horseback. The barracks do not yet exist and they are housed in the house of a private individual, Domenico Porrini, to whom the municipality pays the rent. In addition to the carabinieri there is a "provincial troop" department. Two financial police, on the other hand, go around the municipality to prevent and stop smuggling but do not act in a completely irreproachable way if in the council meeting of 2 August 1817 it is spoken of negatively and with regret because during the markets they look for tips from the various landowners, they go to the houses of the peasants where they have lunch served without paying. On February 14, 1831 the papal government of Perugia falls. The insurrectionary movement ends on March 25th, the papal edict relating to the delivery of edged and firearms comes out on the 31st. On November 24, 1848 Pius IX fled from Rome and took refuge in Gaeta. On 9 February the Roman republic was proclaimed. There were also great celebrations in Fratta, with the raising of the tree of freedom. In this short period it is a flourishing of "Popular Cìrcoli", associations aimed at completing the new dimension of life long sought and for which many people had carried out their noblest activity. Head of Magistrate of Fratta in that republican period of 1849 was Luigi Santini, landowner, who then held the same office also in the years from 1854 to 1856, after the restoration. There was the ability of the Fratta magistrates of the time to ride any mount: we always find the same surnames in power, look a bit, and they were always landowners. After the siege of Rome by the French troops, on July 31, 1849 the power of the pope returned. There were a thousand problems after 1860, which the civic administration had to provide. The main one was public order, both internal and linked to organized crime in the province. In Fratta the body of the national guard made up of about one hundred soldiers had been reconstituted, suppressed in 1874. The first commander of this renewed national guard was Raffaele Santini. The protection of public morality was also part of public order. On October 17, 1861, the mayor wrote to the public security delegate about the "debauchery to which young women abandon themselves, especially of low conditions, many of whom are already relieved, and many others pregnant. It is not to reiterate their impudence; not having redness of wandering through the public squares and streets at midday, although they have reached the ninth month of pregnancy ... ". The mayor blames the parents, perhaps not considering that the "low condition" of the young girls, that is the miserable life they were forced to lead, was the main cause of their degradation. During the war 1860/1861 there were 24 young people from Fratta who went to fight volunteers among the Garibaldini. In 1866 there was a large group (54) that gathered around the Italian flag, especially in the body of the Garibaldini. On May 22, 1866 there was the departure. The women of the town wanted to give them a very fine, tricolor, silk flag (which the local society of veterans preserves) already used in 1849 in the Republican period, to which on the white side they added the words "Umbertidesi women to their volunteers. 1866" . Among the criminal episodes of 1882 stand out rural thefts, injuries, trading of false coins, insult to public officials, arrests of prostitutes, physical violence and rape. So our district prison had many inmates: in the fourth quarter of 1882 there were 36, for a stay of 344 people. In 1894, the police officer warned the mayor that there were Spanish scammers around. They extort money from people on market days by telling a story of a hidden treasure: it is located in a place known to people who are in Spain but you need money to get it. "Give the Mayor order to the municipal guards to monitor foreigners, especially on market and fair days". At that time there was only one guard in the town, Tommaso Tognaccini, and the head guard, Adamo Simonucci. Viability and communications Looking at the topographical map of the castle of Fratta, drawn by Don Bartolomeo Borghi in 1805, it is easy to see two appendages: one, the Borgo di Sopra along the directrix of the road to Montone, towards the north; the other towards the south, Borgo di Sotto, on the old road to Perugia. With the opening, in 1807, of the new bridge over the Reggia stream, which opened the access to the old castle from the east side towards the Collegiata, a certain development began along the road that led to the territory of Civitella Ranieri and which will later be called via delle Case Nuove (via Bremizia, then via Roma). However, it will be an area of civilian dwellings that will never, over the course of the century, shift the economic importance of the original north-south axis. On the west side, however, the route of the road to Città di Castello stretched, which was of some importance in inter-municipal trade. But it was a source of constant concern because, especially in the stretch below Montalto, it passed very close to the Tiber: in January 1802 a big flood "tore up the provincial road from Montalto", as the gonfalonier said when writing to Perugia for help. In Niccone, the road to Città di Castello underwent a branch towards the marquisate of Sorbello, in Tuscany, and assumed a certain importance also from the economic side, if only for the trade of chestnuts. Immediately after the bridge over the Tiber, instead, the road that led to the Badia di Camaldoli (Montecorona) opened. From here began the mule track towards Perugia which, climbing up to the houses of Ferranti, turned south-east, skirting the north base of Montacuto to descend towards the Nese. In 1814, the first year of the restoration, the municipal administration, although "provisional", took care to rearrange the streets and draw up rules for their maintenance. A first decision was taken in the council meeting of November 30, 1814: the prohibition to let pigs stop in herds on the embankments and gravel roads of the recently arranged roads and especially on the pavement adjacent to the Mavarelli house which was adjacent to the church of S. Erasmo (now Gnoni ), on the road from today's Piazza Marconi to the Collegiata. In 1819 there was discussion on emergency repairs to be made to some municipal roads: - for Montone, identical to today's route except for the first three hundred meters. - delle Case Nuove, which leads to Gubbio. From the beginning, it followed the still existing route. From today's pine forest, through the valley, it went up directly to the castle of Civitella. - that of "Molinello, which leads to Città di Castello by the shortest route". The roads of great communication outside Fratta had a dirt base and in the winter they deteriorated a lot: hence the constant thought for the municipality of having to grab the upper layer. Simple stones from the Tiber were used which some workers broke, one by one. with the hammer, sitting astride the mound that was forming. The first news concerning the maintenance of these streets dates back to 1832, when the city council, on February 1st, decided to "cross the market road from the Porta to the Fonte dei Cavalli" (today's stretch from Piazza Marconi to the beginning of Piazza Caduti of Labor); ... to cross the road of the Case Nuove (via Roma) at the bottom starting from the Collegiate church, ... the Molinello road .... And then the market road, starting from the door to the cross of the Observant Fathers. From this point up to the Rio ditch (on the border with Montone), starting from stretch to stretch where there is more need. In 1860 the road situation in our municipality was not the best. The construction of the roads was vitiated by the economy, the gravel was only done near the town, there were no bridges. The English tourist Adolfo Trollope describes an extremely uncomfortable situation. He tells us that he was not concerned only with the road, but also with those "filthy papal border offices", with insolent and servile commanders who first made the smargiassi, then let themselves be bribed. Trollope, going to Gubbio, tells what he saw from the window of the diligence. When he arrived at Fratta he asked about the state of the road to Gubbio and at the café in the square they replied that at a certain point, swampy, it would be necessary to "trapelo", the "stroppa 'of another beast. To improve the viability of the southern area of the country and the service of his farm in Montecorona, the Marquis Filippo Marignoli applied in 1878 to be able to build a wooden bridge over the Tiber river. On 27 October the prefect sent the authorization decree. But the bridge at that time and in that place was no longer built. The project was resumed in the 1920s and was then built in 1927 opposite the abbey of Montecorona. In 1899 the road to Badia was built, the first part of the connection between Umbertide and Ponte Nese, based on the current route. Also in 1899 the construction of the public gardens behind the Collegiate was completed, with the installation of seats which cost 126 lire in total. In 1890 the piazza del foro boario was arranged to make it more functional for the Wednesday beast market. In 1861 the telegraph service was opened. In 1886 the Central Apennine Railway was inaugurated. Sources: - Renato Codovini - "History of Umbertide - Vol. VII - Sec. XIX". Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2000 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2000. Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli, Walter Rondoni, Amedeo Massetti and Fabio Mariotti. 1905. The horse-drawn coach Città di Castello - Perugia (Photo Luigi Codovini) From the book "Umbertide in images - from '500 to the present day", edited by B. Porrozzi Pàrise, one of the last "ciaccabreccie" Old image of the Montecorona farm (Photo by the Pacifici family) 1890. The staff of the depot put on the Couillet locomotive (Tacchini Photo Library - Città di Castello) Cover of the Umbertide 2000 Calendar Mauro Mavarelli Il dominio francese a Fratta - I Parte Le attività economiche e produttive Amministrazione, sicurezza e viabilità Il dominio francese a Fratta - II Parte Popolazione, sanità e servizio postale L'istruzione, le associazioni e il tempo libero l Capitolati dei Servizi di posta e luce Il gioco del pallone e la grande festa per i 200 anni dell'assedio di Fratta I fratelli Martinelli "Fabbricatori d'organi alla Fratta di Perugia" La grande piena del torrente Reggia e del Tevere Amministrazione, sicurezza e viabilità Tronchi appoggiati ad un pilone del ponte dopo le piene. Nell''800 esisteva ancora la tassa per la raccolta delle legne del ponte. I fratelli Martinelli "Fabbricatori d'organi alla Fratta di Perugia" Il gioco del pallone e la grande festa per i 200 anni dell'assedio di Fratta L'istruzione, le associazioni e il tempo libero ECONOMIC AND PRODUCTION ACTIVITIES Agriculture From the statistics of 1870 it can be seen that Umbrian agriculture was, around those years, completely primitive. The activity of the peasants was the same as three centuries earlier, scarcely productive. The ratio of sown grain to harvested grain was 1 to 3 and the farming was mainly sheep. Among the few documents of the period, two inventories of the largest company of the time, that of the Camaldolese friars of Montecorona. They are from 1805 and 1832. The reading makes it clear that something important happened in the first half of the century. In 1805 we find the existence of 197 cattle, which implies a certain cereal production. In 1832, on the other hand, cattle were reduced to a dozen, indicating a cereal production reduced to almost zero; instead we find the existence of hundreds and hundreds of sheep and pigs, witnesses of a total change in agricultural management. If we consider that most of the arable land was, in the early years of the century, in the hands of ecclesiastical bodies and that in 1810 the French abolished all religious communities and confiscated their assets, it remains to think that the disruption suffered by that large company, which can be extended to other similar ones, at least as a consequence of the suppression. It also tells us that the long period of the papal restoration was unable to remedy that state of affairs. leaving the peasants to fend for themselves. With the beginning of the century, according to our municipal archive, we begin to cultivate tobacco. The first news dates back to May 10, 1802. It is a provision of the apostolic delegate of Perugia: he announces that the grower of this plant must let people know "in which land he wants to work it" and pay a tax called the "tobacco leaf" . We find another hint in the year 1814: a letter that the Maire di Fratta, Domenico Reggiani, writes to the provisional pontifical administration of Perugia to ask for authorization to grow tobacco even if it has a smaller area than the forty ares requested, otherwise " tobacco plants cannot be cultivated there in any way ". The request lets us understand that, most likely, in previous years, this cultivation had not started. Another new crop, perhaps started at the time, is that of the "ford" (herbaceous plant, about one meter high, with yellow flowers, from whose leaves a blue substance used in the art of dyeing is obtained) and Perugia recommends to begin by writing to the Maire on April 25, 1812 and giving him accurate instructions on the matter. The lands, worked by a family, are divided into farms consisting of three or four "rubbia" up to fifteen and sixteen. Each farm has a couple or two of working "cattle", one or two cows, about twenty sheep and twenty or thirty goats on the mountain and also a portion of four, six, eight "rubbia" of bitter scrub or cerquata to feed the pigs. Some of these are also kept in the farms on the floor, raising them with the acorns of the oaks scattered on the working grounds. The value of each farm is between five hundred and three thousand scudi. The fruitiness is deduced from the income from wheat, wine, oil, cattle, hemp. The remainder, that is, maize and legumes, is neglected because it serves the expenses of administration, reclamation and maintenance of the plantations and houses of the farm, rented, lease or colony. The land is worked with the plow and the pole. In the plain, the pole is used more than the plow. The spade is also used, but only for hemp fields and to "clean up" the ditches. On the mountains, the hoe is used when the ground is too steep and is not accessible to oxen with the plow. Renters have the freedom to stay wherever they want. The settlers cannot leave the farm without a cancellation made at least ten months before. For wheat seeds, the land is worked three or four times; at the end of winter corn and legumes are planted in the fallow fields. In September, two more interventions are made, then the wheat is sown by covering it with earth with hoes or rakes. Fertilizers are the excrements of livestock mixed with straw and soaked mulches, previously used as bedding for animals. The best excrements are those of sheep, oxen and beasts of burden. From the 1818 census: - cow or pony cattle ......... heads 1,820 - pigs, sheep and goats ...... ... ......... heads 22,160 - cadastral value of the territory ......... 600,000 scudi The totals include the Preggio rates. Another very detailed statistic is found in the year 1826. It provides the quantities produced, consumed, prices, exports and, above all, gives a list of the most common kinds: wheat, maize, spelled, broad beans, beans , chickpeas and cicerchie, lentils, barley, fodder and oats, rice, lupins, potatoes, chestnuts, oil, hay, wool, linen, hemp, silk in cocoons, wine, raw honey, different fruit. Animals: oxen, cows, calves, mules and donkeys, black animals (pigs), sheep and lambs, goats and castrates. At the beginning of June 1837 there was a danger that there was no grain and the gonfalonier asked the "best landowners in the country" for their contribution. The richest owners were Giambattista Gnoni, Domenico Mavarelli, Giovanni Vibi. Giuseppe Rampagni, Giuseppe Ferranti, Giovanni Giovannoni. Francesco Crosti, Luigi Santini, Francesco Santini, Lorenzo Casilli, Domenico Giulianelli, Andrea Ticchioni, Agostino Bettoni, Sebastiano Bebi, Dionisio Squartini. The grape production (160 vines are planted every 100 meters) also had its weak point in the early harvest, against which so much was done in the century. Since 1860, however, grapes have enjoyed greater protection, thanks to the use of an anti-fungal powder to be given to the vines. The advertising of the time advertised it at a miracle level, it was sold by a company in Milan, it costs twenty lire per quintal, like a quintal of soft wheat. At the end of the Sixties, mulberry trees continued to be planted for the leaves, requested by the producers of silkworms. The industry At the beginning of the century, the activity aimed at the transformation of goods, which goes by the name of industry, has an artisan consistency. The work is carried out by hinging on the family unit, helped by a maximum of two or three servants or workers. We have documents of some factories only after 1820, concerning exclusively the milling art. The craftsmanship existing in Fratta in this period were also those of the potters, the kilnsmen, the blacksmiths. There were three different kinds: the blacksmith who had the shop and carried out large hardware works; the magnano, who has a workshop but carries out small jobs such as keys, locks, gàngheni - then called scàncani - catorci, skewers; the marshal wanders around the countryside with his tools, performs blacksmith work, like the magnan, and puts irons on the hooves of the beasts. Kilns and potters had their workshops in Borgo di Sopra; the blacksmiths in the Borgo di Sotto (piazza San Francesco). Of the nine existing mills in the municipality, only two were in the town: one almost close to the castle walls, in the Molinaccio area, along the banks of the Tiber; another about one kilometer away, in the locality of "il Molinello". They were both owned by Agostino Cambiotti. Another production of medium importance was that of the two or three brick kilns. In Santa Maria there was one until a few years ago and it carried out a fair amount of work. The kilns manufacture classic items such as bricks, roof tiles, bent tiles and tiles. Lime worked and, above all, many kinds of those "framed" bricks with which they used to make the finishing lines of the more modest houses. A various pottery factory was managed by Serafino Martinelli, who we find since 1802, but his is the oldest family of potters in Fratta, dating back to the 15th century. In the iron working sector the activity of the Gigli family continues, while we find for the first time the name of the Mazzanti that will continue until the 1930s. The first statistic on the industries of Fratta, commissioned by the government authority of Perugia, dates back to 1827. Manufacture of woolen drapes There is no regular manufacture of woolen drapes in this Commune; twill and mezzolane are worked only by various weavers; some of which are for their own use and some they sell to farmers, at fairs and markets. Factory of earthen vases by Girolamo Chimenti Three men and two boys work there. Each man takes 14 and a half baiocchi a day. Baiocchi boys 4 a day. They are paid per day and sometimes even per week. Quarry earth, river earth and burnt lead are used. Factory of earthen vases by Serafino Martinelli It employs 6 men who take fifteen baiocchi a day. It employs 3 guys who take baiocchi 4. Luigi Cerulli's bone comb factory They employ two men, one takes 30 baiocchi a day; the other baiocchi 10. They employ a boy who is given a shield a year. Production: combs to "clean" the head, 6.650 pieces; women's fashion combs, 70 pieces; hairdressing combs, 300 pieces. Total 7,050 combs. They are sold in nearby towns and "exported" to Romagna. Luigi Santini silk factory It takes two men who take 15 baiocchi a day; then there are 12 women paid the teachers baiocchi 22 a day and the other baiocchi 15 a day. They work 4,000 pounds of cocoons a year, all bought in the town of Fratta. They produce silk of excellent quality, which goes by the name of Fossombrone silk. Antonio Igi silk factory Only one man and eight women work there. It buys 2,000 pounds of cocoons and produces organzine silk for 166 pounds a year, for an amount of 415 scudi a year. Hat factory by Mattia Codovini It employs three men who take one baiocchi 25 the day, another two baiocchi 18 the day; the two women baiocchi 12 a day and two boys who take mediocre food shopping. We use local sheep's wool 1,500 pounds and n. 100 hare skins every year. 1,800 "ordinary" hats and 24 "fine" hats are produced. They "sell" in Perugia, Assisi and Città della Pieve. Starting from the 1940s there is news of the small family-run factory of the Martinelli brothers, which produced church organs, built in 1845. It was owned by Antonio and Francesco. In 1848 the papal government introduced the work book for young people, concerning all workers over fifteen years of age. Many families of Fratta, especially the Casenghi, were involved in the production of silk. The breeding of cocoons lasted until the 1930s, when artificial fibers did not make it uneconomical. In 1861 we find a list of the artisans as shown in the work books (established a few years earlier): potters 12, workers - potter boys 3, shoemakers 2, blacksmiths 7, carpenters 3, tailors 3, apprentices and young shop workers 8. The most important and consistent artisan category is always that of potters and kilnsmen. Statistics from 1871 tell us that in that year the workers in industry were ten per cent of the population throughout the province. In the Eighties (1800) we find a printing plant in Umbertide, owned by Agostini and Tommasi. A second statistic dates back to 1880: - Molino in Umbertide owned by Luigi Santini. It has three millstones, it is moved by water, it grinds grain, corn, olives eight months a year. - Molino known as "il Molinello" owned by Ciucci, in bankruptcy. It is one kilometer from Umbertide, it has three millstones, it is moved by water, it grinds grain eight months a year. corn and olives. - Molino known as "Vitelli" owned by the Marquis Rondinelli. four kilometers away from Umbertide. It has three millstones, it is moved by water, it mills seven months a year for lack of water. - Molino known as "di Casa Nuova" alla Badia, owned by Marignoli. It has five millstones and grinds cereals all year round. Molino inside the Badia owned by Marignoli. It has a single millstone and it grinds seven months a year due to lack of water. - Molino known as "dell'Assino" owned by Anacleto Natali. It is two kilometers from the town. It has three millstones and grinds all year round. - Molino di Pierantonio owned by Florenzi (the marquis, husband of Marianna Florenzi, from Ascagnano). It has two millstones. It grinds seven months a year. - Molino owned by Florenzi (other). It has two millstones. Seven months a year. - Molino di Paolo Sarti in Montecastelli. It is four kilometers from the town. It has two millstones, it grinds seven months a year, only cereals. - Molino della Serra. Property of the Ecclesiastical Fund. It is five kilometers from the town. It has three millstones. Grinds cereals all year round. All these mills grind 33,400 hectoliters of wheat flour, maize and a few cereals. The Commerce The main meeting point, on market and fair days, was the "cattle field" where the trading of working animals, cattle and others took place. The weekly Wednesday markets have started as early as the mid-16th century. The fairs, in Fratta, took place on 1 June, the eve of the feast of St. Erasmus, and on 6 and 7 September, the eve of the 8th anniversary, the feast of the Madonna. Fairs were held in Sorbello on June 20; in Reschio on 22 July (it was important for small animals); in Montalto on 11 July (renowned for its cattle). A place of trade was a place called since the fourteenth century, "the meadow of the municipality", the clearing at the end of the bridge over the Tiber (today the petrol station area) that reached the beginning of the road to Badia. This cattle market will still remain there until around 1818-1820, when, having enlarged the square, it moved under the Rocca, where it remained until about 1940. The change was made necessary to ensure the smoothness of traffic towards Tuscany and Città di Castello, which is in increasing development. The inland localities where the weekly market took place, for all other kinds, were the streets of the town and the square in front of the church of S. Erasmo called, since the 14th century, "il Mercatale". Other goods were sold in piazza S. Francesco, in the central square (piazza Matteotti) known as "the grain" and in some other street. However, they were places that were changed from time to time, depending on the contingent interests of the municipality and the demands of the population. In addition to cereals, it was possible to find products from the fields now no longer cultivated, such as flax and hemp which were used for linen; the canapone, used for large looms and ropes; ropes of all kinds, produced in the country; large quantities of earthenware pots and jugs (at that time there were no industries producing metal pans). At the beginning of the 1800s, the sale of edible oil varied in prices: eight baiocchi a pound for the poor and ten baiocchi for "the comfortable inhabitants". We do not know how this diversification was established, but it is certain that some control was implemented. It was established that there had to be two "oil shops", that this was "always clear, purged and that it did not smell", sold for two quattrini more than in Perugia. The outlets had to stay open for up to an hour at night. The trade in chestnuts was free since 1802, as well as in the grocery and slaughterhouses, but the provisions could vary from year to year. The sale of bread (the so-called "wheat spiano") was subject to a patent, that is, it was a sale controlled by the municipality, in its own oven, and concerned both the "pan venale", common, and the "white" one for a calming purpose , because it didn't cost too much, since it was the most popular kind. A certain regulation also concerned sheep meat, to be sold at the "slaughterhouse of low meat". Three pounds of baiocchi were sold, only from June to December, thus respecting the breeding period of the animal. The trade in rags and that fueled by the production of silkworms was widespread. These ate the leaf of the moors (mulberries) and therefore the relative traffic was developed in Fratta. Even the municipality, which owned several mulberry trees located under the castle walls, sold the leaves as a whole, with a public auction. The reception of foreigners was ensured by some inns which also had some rooms for the night. In 1810 one was held by Antonio Beacci, another by Carlo Tancredi. The best, however, seems to have been that of Pietro Romitelli who (when at the beginning of the century there was that great passage of soldiers) was able to give even fifteen people to sleep for whom even the restaurant service was open. From 1806 we find news of the postillion service, that is the bus service, for Perugia, which had to cross the Tiber at Ponte Pattoli. The postillion, also known as "the post office", was called Bernardino Lisi, made the trip twice a week with passengers, packages and correspondence. We find it in this work of his in 1809 and it is paid by the municipality with eight scudi a year, paid in quarters. In the pacts he is obliged to bring free the box with the money that the municipality paid to Perugia, as well as the letters and parcels of the community. In 1818, regulation of wholesale and retail trade was introduced. From 1824 the transport of goods was regulated with an accompanying document called the "circulation bill", issued by the customs of the city of departure and proving the payment of the duty. In 1834 we find the first news relating to the "dealer" of salts and tobaccos, then included among the "gifts" as a solid state monopoly. In Fratta the "drug dealer" was Giuseppe Perugini and his office depended on the administration of salts and tobaccos in Ancona. In this year another request is made for the opening of a second shop: from Ancona they ask for information from the prior of Fratta, Giovanbattista Gnoni, but he, who knows Perugini well, does not give the consent, because, he says in the answer, "you can not do a similar wrong to the drug dealer Mr. Perugini". During the weekly markets, street vendors put their stalls in the small central square and in the adjacent streets without respecting any order. This was the cause of continuous brawls over the precedence relative to the best position, for which, in the meeting of 21 August 1848, the municipal administration decided to remedy, establishing the places in the various squares of the country and making groupings according to the commodity nature of the products. in sale. Piazza S. Francesco for wheat, maize and legumes; piazza della Rocca for fresh and dried chestnuts and terracotta pots from abroad; shoes and hats in the most spacious points of the districts of Castel Nuovo (from Piaggiola to Piazza Marconi) and of Boccaiolo; vegetables, fruit, hemp, rope and ballottari stalls (roasted chestnuts sellers) in the clock square along the block, leaving the provincial road line free; the fresh and dry grass for the cattle in the square in front of the Giovannoni house (it was placed at the end of the descent that leads to Piazza S. Francesco; there is still a small part of it, but before the electric line railway it was larger) without stand in the way. Sea and lake fish in the old public slaughterhouse (at the beginning of the bridge over the Tiber and the bridge over the Reggia, to go to S. Francesco). The chickens and the eggs, as well as the haberdashery stalls in the usual places without innovation (internal road of the country). The ice, always sold during the century, was used in public places, but also in hospitals. Since there are still no refrigerators for its production (in Umbertide the first machine of this type arrives at the beginning of the 1900s), in winter they pressed the snow that fell into holes in the ground usually in the mountains. The ice was then brought to the village by carts, packed in small irregular blocks. In 1878 a vendor from Città di Castello offered to sell ice to Umbertide. There was no railroad yet, so he would have to travel all night to get there on time. He asked the municipality for a fee, but this was denied him. Sources: - Renato Codovini - "History of Umbertide - Vol. VII - Sec. XIX". Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2000 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2000. Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli, Walter Rondoni, Amedeo Massetti and Fabio Mariotti. Oxen on a farm (Photo Giulioni Alfiero) Heading 6 At work on tobacco (Photo Beppe Cecchetti) Agricultural workers with a spade (Photo Archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) 1894. Brand of the furnace located in the Santa Maria area (From the book "Umbertide in the images. From '500 to the present day - edited by Bruno Porrozzi). Aerial photo of the area where the Lido Tevere park is today. Until 1820 the cattle market was held in this area before it was moved under the Rocca 1872. Genesio Perugini. Project of the new covered cereal market in Piazza San Francesco (From the book "Umbertide in the images - from the 16th century to the present day" - edited by Bruno Porrozzi) Le attività economiche e produttive POPULATION, HEALTH AND POSTAL SERVICE The population At the beginning of the century Fratta was a small town which, between the central nucleus and the lower and upper villages, had about nine hundred inhabitants, divided into the parishes of S. Erasmo and S. Croce united (i.e. the two external villages) and that of S. Giovanni Battista, who was the Curator of the castle within the circle of the walls. At the turn of the century almost all people have a surname; probably only two or three out of a hundred did not and were called, as was the custom, with a nickname that usually referred to the patronymic, the place of origin, physical defects, qualities. Among the surnames that turn the seventeenth century and enter the 1800s we find Anticoli, Agostini, Bruni, Burelli, Bertanzi, Brischi, Ciceroni, Caneschi, Caracchini, Ciangottini, Cambiotti, Dell'Uomo, Franzi, Fornaci, Gigli, Igi, Manzini, Majoli , Mazzaforti, Martinelli, Mancini, Moriconi, Magnanini, Mavarelli, Mulinari, Magi Spinetti, Natali, Paolucci, Passalboni, Pucci, Perugini, Pasquali, Reggiani, Santini, Savelli, Scarpini, Scagnetti, Vespucci, Wagner. In the following decades it will go from nine hundred inhabitants to 1,100 / 1,200: these increases do not depend on a constant progression, but on random movements or on erroneous assessments linked to taxation or expense allocations. These are cases in which it sometimes happened that certain families of the center were not considered in the count, while families from the countryside could be included. In 1811 we find nine hundred inhabitants; in 1812 the Maire Magnanini says "about 1,000 inhabitants" and after a few days corrects to 790. In 1814 993 are registered, divided into 196 nuclei, with an average of five people per family. In 1833 we have a first "state of souls", a statistical survey wanted by the bishop, made by the parish priests house by house and therefore quite reliable. From this we learn that the inhabitants of the town are 825 gathered in 205 families, with an average of 4 people per family. Of these, 140 belong to the parish of S. Erasmo and S. Croce united and 65 families to that of S. Giovanni Battista. Another statistic relates to the confirmations that took place every three or four years, usually in the Collegiate Church. In the year 1848 the bishop of Gubbio, Msgr. Giuseppe dei conti Pecci, is to confirm 105 boys, 53 boys and 52 girls. Ten years later, in 1858, there will be 60 males and 62 females, the largest number of confirmations found in the middle of the century. As for the population, we must distinguish between the actual municipality and the augmented one of the appodiati. Finding the number of inhabitants is a bit complex. In fact, in the first years of the century we do not have Civitella Ranieri which belonged to Gubbio; then there is an exchange of villas (hamlets) with Città di Castello. In 1812, in the first months, we did not have Preggio, the subject of an exchange with Perugia, so these data refer to areas of our municipality that were different at various times and therefore impossible to compare. The data, however, tell us that in 1810 the municipality had 8,720 inhabitants; in 1812 there were 7,277 inhabitants in February, 8,630 in May and 7,480 in July. In 1818, 4,000 inhabitants were reported for the municipality and 9,000 for the Appodiati Preggio and Poggio Manente, thus bringing the total to 6,000 units. In the year 1833 we also have seventy farm units, in the two floors, above and below, while in the "state of souls" of 1860 we find that the farm units have risen to 95. Thus we arrive at the year 1860, when the period of the restoration ends and Fratta falls under the Piedmontese jurisdiction. It now has 1,300 inhabitants. Then there are the universities appodiate (hamlets), Preggio, Civitella Ranieri and Poggio Manente (the latter also included the villa of Pierantonio), where another 2,900 people lived, divided into 15 parishes. The total area of the municipality is 19,070 hectares, with a density of about one person for every two hectares. Of this population, the largest (eighty percent) is in the countryside, while twenty percent live in urban centers. This contrasts with the regional average which shows that the centralized population is 51 per cent, the scattered one (farmers) 49 per cent. From subsequent censuses, a slight increase in the population is noted. From 9,400 inhabitants in 1860 to 10,170 in 1861, gradually increasing until reaching 10,838 units in 1865 (with 1,615 families), 10,983 in 1871 and 11,537 in 1896. The average population per family is, around 1870, of 6.70. The numerical difference between the sexes is opposite to today: in 1861 there were 537 more males than females and the difference gradually diminishing until 1865, when men were 402 more than women. For the province, the 1871 census marks an increase in the population in urban centers and therefore, in parallel, a depopulation of the countryside, while in our municipality the growth in the first ten years (1861-1871) is proportionate, maintaining the ratio of one to four between town and countryside. As a consequence, the land / inhabitants ratio has now dropped, for Umbertide, to 1.73 hectares per inhabitant. It corresponds to an average of 57 inhabitants per square kilometer, slightly higher than the corresponding density of the region, which is 55 inhabitants, but lower than the density of the kingdom, 84 inhabitants per square kilometer. Further figures tell us that, in 1878, the inhabitants of the village alone were 2,396; in 1880, 2,500; in 1898 the whole municipality had 13,683 inhabitants. Since the peasants followed the tendency to leave the countryside, the country perhaps had little to offer due to a rather poor economy. Hence agriculture as the main activity, crafts and the tertiary sector of the country as secondary occupations. Healthcare At the beginning of the 1800s, Dr. Domenico Reggiani but, at the end of June, gives up because the municipality pays him with the "assigned" (it was a paper money issued by the French government since 1790, a kind of treasury bill, with a face value of one thousand francs, at the rate of five percent), while he would like to be paid in "singer" money. For this reason, on 1 July, a public announcement was issued by the municipality to fill the vacant position. The four competitors (doctors Rossi, Carleschi, Santicchi and Bacocchi) had the same number of votes from the city council, 14 in favor and six against, so a ballot had to be held which saw Dr. Rossi. However, he did not accept and everything remained on the shoulders of Dr. Giuseppe Magnanini, physician conducted in the countryside around the town, the Piano "di Sopra" and the "di Sotto". We find it up to 1808, reconfirmed several times, for periods of two or three years. Meanwhile, in 1801 there was talk of "bovine epizootic disease", an infectious disease that came from the Marche. In 1804 smallpox, an epidemic pathology that found a human tissue not equipped to withstand its violent attacks and an unprepared science, caused many victims, especially among the poorest. It is a continuous succession of diseases, "the hydrophobia of dogs" until 1808, the "schiavina dei lanuti" until 1811, a chasing and overlapping of the same that gave no breath and kept the population in agitation. In 1811 there was in Fratta, wanted by the French administration of Perugia, a free service for women in childbirth called the "Maternal Society". In 1812 anti-smallpox vaccinations had already begun, but their introduction was hardly accepted by the population, who, mostly destitute, wanted only the "doctor of the poor" at home, whose visits were free. But he too had difficulty in imposing the new techniques. In 1815 the doctor of Fratta was still dr. Giuseppe Magnanini, helped by Dr. Sensi, but the first to get on the alert is the veterinarian Pietro Crosti, sent to make inspections in the countryside for a new suspicion of an epidemic of black animals, that is, pigs. The following year (1816) also Magnanini and Sensi are called to perform extraordinary work as there is an awakening of common diseases such as "gastric and nervous fevers, petechial typhus and others". The municipality decides to make a poster to the public advising them to wash well and keep their hands clean. At the beginning of the spring of 1817, typhus raged throughout the province, especially in Perugia. In July there is still typhus in Fratta and only in September there will be a decrease in cases. Linked to the disease there is always another "evil" called hunger: in a year it reaps six people and probably, given the misinformation, they are not the only ones. Another headache is caused by "dog rage". There are many strays and the municipality notifies all barbers and shoemakers to keep a wooden bowl full of clean water outside their shop, to be changed every day, to quench these beasts (perhaps they thought it was linked to the lack of water. to drink). In 1820 Fratta's surgeon was Dr. Giuseppe Giannini, from Città di Castello. However, both he and the other doctors in Fratta were not satisfied either with the salary or with too much work; they preferred to visit the more wealthy patients and neglected the less well-off categories. In 1823 the surgeon who was conducted wrote to the municipality that he wanted to leave because he found "a more profitable business". To make him stay the Fratta magistrates increase his salary from eighty to one hundred scudi a year. The doctor conducted will increase from 120 to 150 scudi per year. In 1831 cholera arrived. In 1835, from Tuscany and the state of Urbino, it raged again, broke the sanitary cordon and reached Fratta where it raged until 1836. A new health commission was set up, chaired by Domenico Mavarelli, who went around the houses to check the existence of a "comfortable place" (ie the latrine) and if they had "the rinser". From a report by the town's doctors, dated 1849, it is known that the most common diseases were rheumatic and gastric; also diphtheria, diarrhea, inflammation. Cases of scarlet fever in children. Other people who worked in the health field were the pharmacists who made up the medicines sold. In 1860 the only pharmacy belonged to Domenico Mavarelli, landowner and owner of the palace formerly of the Marquis of Sorbello (town hall). The pharmacy was located in the square, in a room on the ground floor and was furnished in a very modest way. Dr. Pietro Chiocci. It will then be sold to the Congregation of Charity in the early 1900s (it will become the hospital's pharmacy). In our municipality there was also the "infamous" pharmacy of Montecorona, an old herbalist's shop wanted and managed by the Camaldolese friars. Its foundation dates back to several centuries earlier, but in the 19th century it also specialized in modern pharmacology. She was not conducted in a productive economy, as she sold at very low prices and gave free medicines to the poor. In 1872 it still existed, it was owned by the Marquis Marignoli, pharmacist Dr. Alessandro Burelli. Who obtained, on August 14, 1876, the authorization to open a fourth pharmacy in Umbertide (the third was in Preggio, opened in 1870) and that of Montecorona was left without a manager. In 1889 the figure of the health officer was established to better control the various hygiene and health activities. The first was Dr. Augusto Agostini. Infant mortality was very high. In 1870 357 children a year were born in our municipality, forty-two per cent died with peaks in July and August. But the most serious and ever present disease was pellagra, which affected farmers and was caused by the lack of vitamins in the corn they ate. In 1880 there were 576 patients with various pathologies in our country. Of these, 124 were the pellagrosi (42 men and 82 women), with an incidence therefore of twenty-one percent. The municipality of Umbertide spent sixty lire a year in the hospital for the treatment of the disease. Other hygiene rules were needed after 1860 to eliminate the ancient custom of throwing dirty water and more out of the windows. The habit turns out to be hard to die and for many years there are fines, even to the many people found "to get rid of their needs in the lawn behind the Collegiate", which seemed to be their favorite place. On May 20, 1872, the new urban police and public hygiene regulations were issued. The rules on public slaughter date back to 14 December 1877; to May 1899 those on the mortuary service. The art. 61 of the seventh chapter explains to us that the "vespillone" receives the wages from the non-poor families of the deceased and has these obligations: to wash and dress and arrange the corpses in the houses; transport the corpses from the morgue to the burial site with the help of the burrower. In the first decades of the 19th century there was still the custom of transporting corpses from the house to the church where they were buried on a "bier", something between the bed and the stretcher, made of wood, fringed in black, brought to shoulders. The dead man was wrapped in a sheet and the funeral blanket spread over it all: in short, an "open air" funeral. Smallpox vaccinations From 1861 onwards, vaccinations against smallpox were done every year and were mandatory both in Umbertide and in the appodiated territories (1). However, it was only a formal obligation that families did not respect due to a leathery mistrust of everything that science suggested which, in the fight against the prejudices of ignorance, ended up having the worst. Furthermore, the vaccine (the "pus") sent from Perugia was scarce and in those few cases in which the doctors were able to be persuasive, its lack did not allow to cover the needs. At that time it was not the children who were taken to the doctor, but it was the doctor who went from house to house to carry out the task of vaccinations. This system offered more guarantees from the point of view of a possible persuasion of families, but created a considerable waste of time and energy, given the conditions of the means of transport of the time. The biggest battle against smallpox, after the search for the vaccine, was therefore that against prejudice, at least in our countryside. In this regard, a short letter that the Banchetti doctor, Francesco Pieroni, wrote to the doctor Casali in the early months of 1863 is eloquent: “… the number of vaccinated people is zero. No matter how much care I have made to bring their children to me to be vaccinated, no one has responded to my care. They are waiting for smallpox to come, rather than being vaccinated ”. Not everywhere the same things happened. In Preggio in 1864, the doctor Tommaso Paci reported having vaccinated only sixteen subjects and no more for lack of the “Pus Vaccino”. In the center of Umbertide, the following year, there were only twenty-five vaccinations and it is difficult to establish whether such a small number depended on people's distrust or the insufficiency of the vaccine. In 1874 there was a major resurgence of smallpox which affected 54 people in Umbertide alone and 13 of them died. In the following year the epidemic became even more raging and in the first half of the year the sick were 40 with 5 deaths. The strangest thing is that in the same period the provincial health authorities announced the definitive disappearance of the disease which instead continued to claim victims even in the second half of the year. Smallpox continued to scare the population and since 1876 vaccinations were done twice a year, in spring and autumn. Not only that, but through official notices which consisted in the announcement made by the parish priests in their churches, people were made to flock to special rooms, saving the doctors the trouble of going house to house. In Umbertide an environment on the ground floor of the former Convent of San Francesco was used, while in the appodiated territories (1) makeshift haunts were used, such as at the Mita where people gathered at the tavern. NOTE (1) Fraction of the municipal territory (belonging to a village) governed by a local prior, or by a mayor, who enjoyed some small autonomies. SOURCES: "Umbertide in the XIX century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide - December 2001 The postal service and transport In the early years of the century Fratta had neither a post office nor an autonomous mail service for Perugia. In 1814, after the restoration, we know that he used the postman of Città di Castello because the latter, to go to Perugia, was necessarily passing through and therefore collected both the post and any other packages and parcels that Fratta sent to that city. In the council meeting of 22 December 1814, the 1st pontifical provisional administration of the community of Fratta, considering that the time of the passage of the postman of Città di Castello was not convenient for the population, it determined that from 1 January 1815 the eighteen annual scudi paid for the service sent to the postman elected by the community of Montone on a monthly basis. Which would have passed at a more suitable time, bringing the "bolzetta" of letters to Perugia. Nicola Castori was appointed. Now Fratta had a post office: the director (and also the only employee) was Vincenzo Scarpini. The latter, called "letter distributor" or "letter dealer", was the owner and manager of a spice shop located in via Diritta (via Cibo). In the back of the shop he kept correspondence from and to. In 1816 Scarpini was confirmed in his post as a distributor of letters for another two years, with a salary of twelve scudi a year paid every month. In 1820 the post office in Fratta was considered second class and the municipality asked the government of Rome to pass first, citing various reasons. That Fratta was the capital of the government with 10,500 inhabitants; it includes several appodiati castles (hamlets); the capital alone has 6,500 inhabitants (considering the peasants of the Piano di Sopra and Piano di Sotto); trade flourishes there, there are livestock fairs throughout the year, weekly markets; it has shops of various kinds, factories and two silk spinning mills; it has a school of public education with five teachers. However, the request was answered in the negative on 23 August 1820. In this year we know that the post office is always in the back of Scarpini's shop, but the appodiate also come to post and collect the correspondence. The community of Pietralunga does the same. The letters were put in a special hole, outside the door of the shop, and went to fall into a closed box. They were then sorted in the back, which had a wooden gate on the door leading to the shop so that "no disturbances or irregularities can happen". The postman, or “procaccia” was always Nicola Castori (from Montone) and he went to Perugia twice a week. Since there were no stamps yet, the person who received the letters paid for the service. In 1822 the postman Castori was confirmed for another two years, but on the occasion the governor judged it improper that Fratta "has his postman separated from that of the Municipality of Montone and not a single individual serving both municipalities". letter distributor, Vincenzo Scarpini, finds himself in economic difficulties and therefore the municipality, which had never paid him anything for the rent of the room where he kept his correspondence, decides to give him a shield a year for the future rent and also 22 scudi of arrears. In 1824 the postman Castori asked for an increase because "he was obliged to go to Perugia twice a week, but from 1 April to this part, awaiting the new organization of the post, he was forced to stay a day off more in Perugia; by producing this retention a greater expense to the same, he begs for a suitable increase ... "Thus an increase of six scudi a year was approved. In December 1824 the distributor of letters Vincenzo Scarpini died and in the meeting of 4 January 1825 Procolo Reggiani was called to replace him, while the postman Castori was reconfirmed. But Reggiani after a few days refused this appointment and on 25 February Costantino Magi Spinetti was elected distributor of letters. The latter promises "to exercise with all the fidelity and accuracy that is required and in particular to be responsible not so much for the amount of letters and envelopes that are sent from the Directorate of Perugia, as for any sum that is entrusted to him to be franked; to the observance of all the laws and instructions that have been issued ...... And for the sake of the above, Mr. Francesco, son of the deceased Mr. Bonaventura Magi Spinetti, his parent, has access as his guarantor ... " . From Costantino Magi Spinetti is a letter from 1829 in which he asks for a salary increase. The news comes from the report of the council meeting of February 22, 1829, which speaks of a certain difficulty in the mail service as "with the increase in the population of the country, with the growth of the territory ... the tasks and hardships .. He therefore asks that the annual salary he receives should also increase in proportion, bringing it from scudi 12 to 18 per year ... ". Towards 1850 the passenger and freight service in the papal state was contracted out by Mr. Liborio Marignoli, "enterprising" of long-range races departing from Rome. The lines he managed were the Rome-Naples, Rome-Florence and Rome-Ferrara (via Terni, Spoleto, Foligno, Ancona, Rimini, Bologna). As for the small routes, however, each city or large town had its own diligence services which, with subsequent changes, could convey passengers and goods to the large communication lines managed by Marignoli. Which ceased its activity in 1865, when we find him marquis in the Montecorona estate he bought with the savings of that activity. The stagecoaches were known about the departure, not the arrival, since this was entrusted to providence. Sources: - Renato Codovini - "History of Umbertide - Vol. VII - Sec. XIX". Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2000 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2000. Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli, Walter Rondoni, Amedeo Massetti and Fabio Mariotti. Drawing by G. Rossi. Fratta in the mid 19th century One of the first images of the Umbertide hospital. Construction work began in 1858 Via Diritta (Food) at the end of the 19th century Horse-drawn coach (Photo Beppe Cecchetti) Popolazione, sanità e servizio postale EDUCATION, ASSOCIATIONS AND LEISURE TIME Public education At the beginning of the century they existed in Fratta la - School of reading, writing, numerical and grammar principles; - Lower class, unique (not better specified); - School of lower grammar and scientific concepts - School of higher grammar or humanity, eloquence and rhetoric; - School of philosophy and morals, school of theology. The boys who attended them in the early Sixties were very few (35/40) and the females were completely excluded. The "School of reading, writing, numerics and principles of grammar" most likely corresponded to elementary school. Two teachers, one lay and one ecclesiastical. The total number of students, in the early years of the century, was 18, 20 boys. It was accessed at the age of six. One of the two masters, in 1802, is Don Giovanni De Michelis. The school took place in a single room (it was a multi-class) of the town hall in Borgo di Castelnuovo (now via Cavour). The meager salary of the master was, in 1809, at the beginning of the French domination, of one hundred francs a year. From 1810 it was raised to twenty-five francs a month. Another similar school was in Preggio, in 1808: the teacher received eighty francs a year, but he was also given three rubbie of wheat, 14 barrels of wine and 60 pounds of oil. The "School of Lower Grammar and Scientific Notions" also had arithmetic and, in the second class, rhetoric as a subject of instruction. Two clergymen taught there. In 1814 Bonaventura Spinetti, Massimiliano Paolucci, Domenico Martinelli, Pietro Spinetti, Ferdinando Martinelli attended the first class. The "school of higher grammar or humanity, rhetoric and eloquence" also had geometry, history and geography as subjects of instruction. It is known from December 4, 1800, when Don Pietro Testi was confirmed as a teacher. The "School of Philosophy and Morals and School of Theology" was called "superior" and was attended by barely two or three pupils. While the elementary and grammar schools were located in a room in the town hall, there was no classroom available for this school and the teachers were forced to take lessons in their own homes. In 1812 the French administration introduced the Colleges of Public Education in all the municipalities. But the premises for the headquarters were not found in Fratta. Every morning the pupils had to gather for mass. On Saturday afternoon, in the lower schools there was "The exercise of the doctrine" after which everyone gathered in the church to recite the litanies of Mary Most Holy. Four times a year "it will be the care of the masters that their pupils make confession and communion". The exams were public, but they were not used - as is the case today - to verify the student's preparation. Some children were questioned in only one subject and others, always of the same class, in another. A common element of this diversification: all passed the test in the best way and were also rewarded. In 1826 the school of philosophy and morals was inactive due to the lack of students. The boys take a stand because the friar who teaches you philosophy still has the habit of dictating his writings and these boys consider it an ancient and "Asian style" system. The protest of Fratisan students is a real strike, at a time when the meaning of the word was not yet known. In fact there is a motive and it involves everyone, there is the publicity of the motive as it makes everyone know that one does not go to school for that reason and there is (not negligible for the time) the acceptance of a possible severe reproach of the ecclesiastical authority who presided over the teaching. On June 15, 1830, a school for poor girls was established. Teachers are the sisters Sestilia and Marina Savelli. In December 1860 the elementary school was established in Montecastelli (seven, eight pupils); in 1861 he resumed teaching in Preggio which had had elementary school since the early years of the century (16 pupils). In 1868 this fraction will also have an elementary school for girls. In 1862 Pierantonio elementary schools opened, attended annually by 15 boys. After the unification of Italy, the elementary schools were in the town hall; the gymnasium was best placed in another room owned by the municipality and benefited from only one room. Then there were the private primary schools, nine in 1870, held by teachers even without a diploma but quite well prepared, who did school at their home. In 1865 the primary school was attended by about seventy children, but it was still a low number (the parents preferred to send their children to work). It was therefore thought to establish an evening school, which was part of the various efforts made by the government to combat illiteracy, but did not have the expected results. There had been 85 registrations, just 35 frequencies. The number of elementary school children grew as the years passed. In 1880 there were 100 boys and 110 girls, while the night school was reduced to 25 units and the following year it was suppressed. The country schools, all mixed, were in Banchetti. Gulets, Montacuto, Montecastelli, Montecorona, Niccone. Spedalicchio, Pierantonio and Preggio. In addition to elementary school there was also a gymnasium in Fratta, whose origins date back to the end of the 1700s. It was divided into three classes; ecclesiastics appointed by the bishop taught there but after 1860 it had alternate life as a result of the new type of education pursued by the government. In 1880 an agricultural school was established, divided into two years of teaching. It lasted until 1885. So in 1880 we have, apart from the secondary school, a complementary school that has only 15 students in total and an agricultural school that no longer had any. They tried to unify them without success due to the disagreements in the city council. In November 1884 a commission was appointed to study the situation of public education in Umbertide, formed by Antonio Gnoni, mayor of Città di Castello, ing. Cesare Mavarelli, Eng. Giuseppe Natali and Giunio Guardabassi. The commission made a report in the spring of 1885, delivered to the mayor. Subsidies to deserving children , the restoration of the gymnasium ("it does not bear real and practical fruit"), the complementary to elementary school ("the years ... that are spent in this school are perfectly lost") were excluded. The praise of the technical schools was then made and their establishment recommended starting with the first two years. The municipal council, in the session of 7 August 1885. approved the opening of the technical school "Giuseppe Mazzini` which, however, was abolished in 1892 by decree, without motivation, of the government commissioner who in that year was acting as mayor. In 1893 a school of "Arts and Crafts" was inaugurated, specializing in the trades of cabinetmaker, carpenter, stonemason, bricklayer, blacksmith, potter, suppressed in 1897 and replaced with the "Francesco Mavarelli Complementary School" (later Startup). Associations and institutions pawnshop It is the oldest of the charitable institutions, dating back to the 18th century. At the beginning of the 19th century it carried out its function as "Monte Frumentario" and is owned by the Confraternity of San Bernardino. At the beginning of the century it is located in the central square of the town, called "piazza del fiore" because its purpose is to store the grain of the brotherhood and that purchased in times of cash availability, and then resell it in times of greatest scarcity. In 1820, the "Monte Frumentario" changed headquarters and moved to three rooms in the town hall in via di Castel Nuovo (now via Grilli). 1824 is an important year for this institution which partially changed its nature, transforming the grains of capital into cash. It became "Monte dei Pegni" (or Monte di Pietà) or "Monte Pecuniario" to give money to applicants on a "pledge" of greater value, with the obligation to return it or re-affirm it within the year, paying the interest of five per one hundred. In 1865 the Monte di Pietà is still operating, it has its own cash fund, available on loan, of L. 4,315.88 and a total capital of approximately L. 6,000. In this year five hundred citizens of Umbertide benefited from the Monte di Pietà. The Congregation of Charity In 1838 the charitable congregation was established in Fratta, wanted by the bishop of Gubbio, to raise funds to build the new hospital and to help the poorest in cases of absolute need. In 1861 it was absorbed into the new "Congregation of Charity". From 1883 she received an annual subsidy from the municipality of Umbertide of four hundred lire, which made it easier for her to carry out charitable works such as intervening in the costs of burying the poor in the country and, in the coldest winters, distributing them food. From 1896 the municipality gave it the property of the former convent of S. Maria. The Mutual Aid Society It was established in early December 1860. It aimed to defend the interests of the workers of the country, that is, the artisans and workers, and to buy low-cost foodstuffs. But the action of the association was also aimed at the problems of the less well-off classes, such as, for example, bearing the costs of the sick poor. The municipality, in 1863, decided to give her an annual grant of 25 lire for ten years. Mutuo Soccorso was also inserted in the life of the town with dance parties, musical performances and promoting the feast of 8 September to which it gave its contribution to a large extent. It was his initiative for a race of bicycles (those with the large front wheel and small rear wheel) and bicycles organized in 1889 to celebrate the 29th anniversary of the foundation. In 1896 he managed to create a consumer cooperative with a resale to the public of foodstuffs, including a butcher's shop. The Savings Bank In 1862 another private association was created, with certainly productivist but also indirectly social intentions, the Cassa dei Risparmi, which brought benefits for the local crafts and trade that were in those years looking for their own active position in the new economic context. . The promoting committee included Dr. Giuseppe Bertanzi, Dr. Mauro Mavarelli, Dr. Paolo Bertanzi and dr. Annibale Burelli. On 1 June 1862 there was a meeting of the shareholders for the inauguration of the Bank, invited by the promoter Dr. Giuseppe Savelli. There were 89 shareholders, each of whom had bought a share; the municipality had five. The presidents were Dr. Paolo Bertanzi and dr. Mauro Mavarelli; cashier, Santini; secretary, Burelli. In July 1885 it ceased its activity. He took it back as a Banca Popolare Cooperativa. In the summer of 1892 the activity ceased. We find it alive as a Banca di Umbertide, with a share capital of L. 60,000 and it still existed in 1905. The Society of Masons It was known in 1888 when, on June 16, he asked the mayor to rent a property in the former convent of S. Maria, specifying that it was the "fund where the municipality keeps dogs caught". It was therefore a real work cooperative among the bricklayers of the town, who came together to be able more easily to undertake work of great commitment that otherwise they would not have been able to carry out if isolated. It was probably the first cooperative of its kind in Umbertide. It broke up in 1898. The Society of Veterans from the Homeland Battles Traces of it are traced back to April 1883. It was administered by a board of directors and aimed to "tighten the harmony between the veterans and to unite and consolidate their forces for the benefit of the homeland so that it may be free, independent and united". In January 1884 he took the initiative to place a plaque to honor the memory of Giuseppe Garibaldi. He opens a subscription among the citizens and asks the municipality for financial help. However. due to internal disagreements, the Company decides to proceed with its own means and the plaque will be affixed in the atrium of the town hall on 1 June 1884. The Mazzini Club In the second half of the last century there was a great flourishing of political ideas which then resulted in the constitution of the various parties. After 1860 we find a "Circolo Mazzini" born for cultural purposes, but certainly with obvious political implications. In July 1877 he asked the Municipality for the council chamber for a meeting of the members, but the answer was negative. In 1899 the municipal guards office warned the mayor with a letter dated May 1st that "this night, by an unknown hand, the following sentences were written on the walls of this municipal building and in various points of Via Cibo," Viva il 1 ° May, down with the exploiters, down with the Public Security Delegate, long live the Workers ". The writings had been done with black perfume and water. Which was immediately washed by the municipal toilet brushes ». The Rowing Club Practice rowing on the Tiber. The means, however, was not the canoe but a simple, large boat with several oars, single or double. We have news of this in 1890, the year in which he asked the mayor for more space to be able to carry out the activity since the assigned stretch of about one hundred meters upstream of the bridge was decidedly insufficient. The Company therefore asks to be able to use the section from "Salce" to "Corbatto". The municipality refuses the concession because that piece was intended for "wetting women", so it could not be used by rowers "for reasons of decency". In 1893, the Company asked the mayor for the council chamber for a meeting, having to receive Tuoro's colleagues and compete together. The activity of this association lasted until about 1915 and probably ceased with the war. Shooting Shooting clubs had a great development in the last century. The date of its constitution is not known, but it was probably following the great activity carried out by the sister company in Perugia. The need to shoot at the target forced the municipality to build a small polygon equipped with everything needed. It was located along the current Via Roma, halfway to the Pineta Ranieri, in the place and in the direction of today's Via Pachino. The Umbertide section also took part in regional competitions, usually in Perugia where in 1899 (September) the fifth national competition took place, in which, however, the Umbertide company did not participate as it had recently been dissolved. Music, theater and free time At the beginning of the 19th century the brotherhoods and the various congregations had a church as the seat of their activity. A chaplain, paid by them, celebrated the religious offices and taught music to some boys. Simple melodies accompanied the Frattigiani in the early years of the century. The strong personality of the great singer from Fratta, Domenico Bruni, changed a little the limited musical expressions of our people. In his country he performed applauded performances, he often found himself singing in church on major religious holidays, teaching music and singing to young people. At the beginning of the century the theater was on the first floor of the old town hall in piazza della Rocca. It was managed by an "Accademia dei Signori Riuniti", of which the municipality was a partner, which exhibited companies from outside. On the bill works of little artistic value, but understandable to an audience like that of Fratta. In addition to comedies, there were usually "farces", represented by young students from the village; the performances of jugglers from neighboring states; the game of bingo, practiced almost everywhere. Often some representations were denied by the ecclesiastical authority of Perugia. Others, for greater safety, were attended by four surveillance "militiamen". In 1802 there was a company of amateurs in Fratta, of which Giovan Battista Spinetti and Alessio Magnanini were animators. Various festivals took place in the village, linked to the Napoleonic celebrations at the beginning of the century. On October 4, 1809, the victory of Moscow was celebrated. Four days annually in which, during religious services, "sung in music" were performed, with the participation of orchestra professors from nearby cities. Then there was the procession, with the distribution of bread to the poor, lighting the town hall and the town houses with candles. In the evening, then, always fireworks, also called "rays", and some performances in the theater attended by the Maire (mayor). A peculiarity of these festivals was the giving to the poor "poultry as a cuccagna", a term that we meet for the first time in 1809 and makes us think of the game that has come down to us as a "greasy tree". In 1811, for the birth of Napoleon's son, a "carousel" was made using "two geese" and sand: probably the game of the "three jugs" which saw hanging three jars with water, sand and other things, which did not exclude. geese. A big party also took place on the occasion of the pope's return to Rome (May 29, 1814). Other sources of entertainment were the numerous village festivals and for the boys the game of ball, made of rubber and inflated with air. The first news dates back to 1819 and concerns the problems, the damages, the noises caused by the lack of a place to host it. The municipality will choose piazza San Francesco. Another pastime is that of the "tumbling", in need of a special road. The prior, in 1831, indicated for this game, "as for that of cheese", the road "called S. Maria", from the point called "le Fornaci" to the "Rio river". The great centenary party, held in 1844, coinciding with the 8th of September, is noteworthy. We wanted to recall the days in which the war "of the Grand Duke" made itself felt, also fought in our country in the autumn of 1644 between the army of Urban VIII (in the reign of which Fratta was included) and the coalition of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. Most of the expenses were borne by the brotherhoods and from 1 January deputies were formed with the task of raising funds. Invitations were printed to the owners to illuminate their houses with torches and on 6 September there was the raising of the flying balloon and a horse race in the straight section of the road to Città di Castello, immediately after the Tiber bridge. Wooden fences had to be built on the sides of the road to contain the crowds. On the other days there were fireworks bought in Città di Castello; they were a thousand "mortars", fired by the only expert Frattigiano, Pietro Barafano. The town was illuminated by Antonio Carotini, the street lights and the wind torches at the gates were left on for the whole night. There were many religious services and, for the first time, a service of the musical band. Musicians also came from S. Angelo in Vado, Città di Castello, Gubbio, Perugia and Foligno (they went to get them and brought them back in the carriage). Such manifestations were never repeated. The marching band was an entirely citizen ensemble. In 1849, a specification regulated the teacher's tasks, including the school of music for children "in order to take the youth out of idleness, the primary cause of every vice and to soften their soul". In 1852 the band was a non-religious but eminently civilized musical group. In 1871 a violin school was established, presided over and taught by the Umbertidese Francesco Agnolucci. He received a salary of ninety lire a month from the municipality. There were many feasts, linked to the calendar of religious celebrations. In February, S. Brigida, Candelora, Carnival; in May, S. Croce, Rogazioni (three days), S. Bernardino; in June, Trinity, Pentecost, S. Erasmus (two days); in July, S. Bonaventura; in August, Assumption; in September, Madonna (three days), S. Croce di Settembre, S. Tommaso da Villanova; in November, presentation of Mary; in December, Madonna and Christmas. The cost weighed on the brotherhoods that supplied the necessary starting from the wheat for the sweets which, a few days earlier, was brought to the mill. Once the flour was obtained, it was immediately thought of its transformation into loaves, to be distributed at the party, but they also made sweets, simple and appreciated: "ciaramicole", "tarantelle" of small format because each one had to be given one. They also made "pancasciati" (perhaps caciati bread?) And cheese cakes using quintals of flour and hundreds of eggs. The authorities (prior, public security delegate, etc.) enjoyed special treatment and had a separate table where they enjoyed sweets, but also chocolates and flasks of wine. In the evening there was always the shooting of the "mortars" and lighting of pinwheels. The main feast was that of 8 September, considered to thank the Madonna for the narrow escape from the war of 1644, when the sudden flood of the Tiber managed to stop the Tuscan army. There are many festivals in the countryside. Most went there on foot, some in two-wheeled carriages, others in large four-wheeled buggies pulled by a single horse, called "gardener". They had a tarp to protect from the sun and fringed arched sides. There was also a game of "hard-boiled eggs" or pigeon shooting or the "goose carousel". In the second half of the century the lyric spread. In 1871 the most demanding opera ever staged in Umbertide was staged: Verdi's "La Traviata". In 1878 a great singing personality emerges in Umbertide, the baritone Giulio Santini. In 1872 we have the first news about his artistic career: on 10 January he was hired in Fermo as the "first absolute baritone" and he was supposed to sing in all the carnival shows. In 1874 we find him in Borgo Sansepolcro: Francesco Panari and his companions, contractor of that theater, had signed the contract with the company. On December 3 he was called by the Teatro Nuovo in Florence, where he sang important musical works also in the Bellincioni hall. Leaving Florence, Santini went to Siena as the first baritone. In February 1879 he sang "Luisa Miller" by Giuseppe Verdi in Città di Castello, receiving a parchment of gratitude. Sources: - Renato Codovini - "History of Umbertide - Vol. VII - Sec. XIX". Unpublished typescript. - Calendar of Umbertide 2000 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2000. Texts by Adriano Bottaccioli, Walter Rondoni, Amedeo Massetti and Fabio Mariotti. The "Regina Elena" kindergarten will be built in this space in 1905 and the elementary schools in 1914 (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) The cover and the first page of the Statute of 1893 Certificate of admission and diploma issued by Mutual Aid Society "G. Garibaldi" Image taken from the "Umbertide 2000 Calendar" Tumbling competition at the Abbey of Montecorona (Pacifici family photo) Image taken from the "Umbertide 2000 Calendar" THE BALL GAME AND THE GREAT 200TH ANNIVERSARY PARTY OF THE SIEGE OF FRATTA BY THE TUSCAN MILITIES The ball game The first news about this game dates back to 1819, but in the following years it was often talked about due to the inconveniences it caused. The game of ball required an available field to be played and at that time the only spaces available were the streets and squares of the town. It is easy to imagine the protests that were unleashed. The speech was also valid for the game of the ball which differed from the ball only for the weight, volume and age of those who played it, but practiced on the narrow streets of the town was equally a cause of noise and annoyance. When the Municipality realized that this game had become a recurring entertainment, it established that it should be practiced only in Piazza San Francesco, being the only one to offer a more adequate space. The current Piazza Matteotti in front of the Town Hall, in that period had a different structure and was much smaller, therefore completely unsuitable for playing football. The noise that ensued and the possible damage to the windows were more limited in the square of San Francesco, both for its urban conformation and for the fact that private homes and commercial activities were less numerous. To get an idea of what could have happened, we report a letter dated July 15, 1819 sent by the Gonfaloniere acting to the Commissioner of Public Safety: “I am in duty bound to make the V S. Ill.ma understand a fact with which I find my convenience and the representation of public authority infringed. Yesterday, towards the setting of the sun, I was watching the football match under the house of Mr. Santini in the company of various honest people. At this juncture I found myself present when Mr. Giuseppe Santini returned a ball that had entered his house, and I later heard the complaints made by the aforementioned Mr. Santini because such a ball was not wanted to be received, on the pretext of having been punched by him. . Knowing that the Gonfaloniere in charge of the police is absent, and in this case the police being entrusted to me also by virtue of the dispatch of the Apostolic Delegation dated 5 February 1819 n. 543, I took it upon myself to verify the fact, so that some inconvenience did not arise and taking the refused ball in hand, I carefully observed it if it had been in any way spoiled. To better examine it and get to know it, I took it to myself to the inflator and had it filled with air according to the art, I found that the balloon was intact and that it did not vent in any part. In the act that I was doing this operation in the hallway of Signor Cristiani's house, the cleaner Nicolò Fanfani entered and scolded the inflator Francesco Mazzanti for having received the ball. I then let him know that the balloon had been taken by me and I had ordered that it inflated to verify the truth of what he wanted to put on Mr. Santini and from the tone with which I spoke, I made it known that I was operating invested with that authority constituted by the law and by the Apostolic Delegation. Fanfani rashly answered me in these precise terms: "Who are you? You give me a mustache of C." I then, not wanting to alter with such a vile Person, considered myself the ball to present it to you, reserving the right to notify, as I do here, the recklessness of the aforementioned Fanfani, requesting that the bold Fanfani come to honor the authority I represented at the time. subjected to that punishment you deserve. I hope that this request of mine will be taken into consideration by VS Ill. But also in order not to oblige me to make equal representation to the police direction .. .... " Similar problems continued to happen even afterwards, as the numerous documents consulted tell us. A similar situation occurred, for example, in 1828 when the boys, to go and get the ball on the roof, went through the attics and damaged the building where the Monte di Pietà was located which was located in via di Castel Nuovo where 'were the schools and the Town Hall. As the years went by, in fact, the number of young players increased and the game of the ball also spread. The square of San Francesco was no longer sufficient for these needs and the boys had taken the will to play in via Dritta (1) or in via di Castel Nuovo. The Municipality no longer knew how to do it and on 11 April 1839 he wrote to the Apostolic Delegation asking him "to suggest how to provide for it, not without letting them know that the square of S. Francesco, intended for the game of football, could not at the same time serve also for that of the ball ". The solutions did not arrive and the situation worsened so much that the young football amateurs turned directly to the Governor on May 8, 1843 asking for "permission to play either in via Dritta or in via di Castel Nuovo" (1) , that is in those two streets where they played illegally every day. The Prior brought the problem to the City Council meeting on May 27 to resolve the issue and it was decided that there was no longer any reason to ban ball games in via di Castel Nuovo as the Municipality had moved for a year. in the new location (the current one) and the disturbance was irrelevant. In front of Castel Nuovo you could only play "gymnastic ball game" and not football, whose field was that of Piazza San Francesco. There was no lack of will to respond to the needs of young people. It was only very difficult to give it, as the provisions issued by the Apostolic Delegation on 9 July 1826 strictly forbade the game of ball in the provincial roads "and in other frequented places from which damage or disturbance to the inhabitants derives" and, therefore, to Fratta only Piazza San Francesco could serve as an approved field for such a sport. The provision of the Apostolic Delegation, issued at the provincial level, makes us understand that the game was spreading everywhere but the idea of equipping a special space in the vicinity of inhabited centers, specifically intended for this type of game, was still far from everyone's mind. . Note: 1. The via Dritta is today's via Cibo or “Corso”; the via di Castel Nuovo is today's via Grilli, from Piaggiola to piazza Marconi. The great celebration for the second centenary of the War of the Grand Duke of Tuscany Among the great festivals that were celebrated in the century there was also that of 1844, the anniversary of the second centenary of the "War of the Grand Duke", which also saw the village of Fratta heavily involved and which ended in the autumn of 1644 (1) . The celebrations took place from the 5th to the 8th of September in parallel with the traditional celebrations of Fratta, which that year ended up taking on a grandiose aspect. The local Confraternities, since the beginning of the year, had been busy to raise funds from the families of the town. Printed tickets were sent to the owners of the houses to illuminate their houses for the whole period of the festival and on 6 September a flying balloon was raised to the applause and admiration of the people. In the straight of the tifernate road, from the end of the bridge and towards the current sports field along the Tiber embankment, there was the race of the "loose horses". A large crowd was expected, as indeed it did, and a fence was built on either side of the road to contain people. Every evening, as night appeared, there was no lack of fireworks bought in Città di Castello. There were more than a thousand "mortars" and they were shot by the only expert Frattigiano, Pietro Barafano. The lights of the lanterns remained on for all three nights and the Town Hall and the town gates were illuminated with "wind torches". There was no shortage of theatrical performances and the Fratta Musical Band made its appearance, one of the first performances of which we have documented historical news. The religious ceremonies, very solemn, with players brought in from S. Angelo in Vado, Città di Castello, Perugia, Foligno and Gubbio, completed the setting of this majestic spectacle that was never repeated in such a grandiose form at Fratta. Note: 1. The war had broken out in 1641 for the possession of the Duchy of Castro, a town in Lazio on the border with Tuscany, located in the valley of the Olpeta stream, seat of a duchy that became a fief of the Farnese since 1538. Thanks to the concessions of the Pope Paolo III Farnese, Castro became the most important fief of the Papal State. When Urban VIII, of the Barberini family, ascended the papal throne in 1623, the clash between the rival families of the Farnese and Barberini families ended in a real war, with the Pope occupying the duchy of Castro militarily. Odoardo Farnese, the ousted duke, found his allies in the Republic of Venice, in the Duchy of Modena, in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany and in the political support of France, managing to win the "first war of Castro" which ended with the Peace of Ferrara in 1644 which sanctioned the restitution of the fief to the Farnese. It was this phase of the war that also involved the town of Fratta. Odoardo's successor, Ranuccio II, definitively lost power in 1649 following the "second Castro war" which broke out due to the killing of the Novara Barnabite Cristoforo Giorda, bishop of the city, of which Jacopo Gaufrido, prime minister of the city, was accused duke. Ranuccio II was quickly defeated and Castro was razed to the ground by order of Pope Innocent X. Its ruins are still visible today. (The complete account of this important page of history on umbertidestoria.net - section "History" - page "La Fratta del Seicento"). The old photos are from the historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide. Sources: "Umbertide in the XIX century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide, 2001 THE MARTINELLI BROTHERS "MANUFACTURERS OF ORGANS AT THE FRATTA DI PERUGIA " Mauro Ferrante From “Umbertide nel Secolo XIX” by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Attachment n.8 Between the first and second half of the nineteenth century the ancient Fratta of Perugia originated and developed in Umbertide, the organ factory of the brothers Francesco and Antonio Martinelli whose works, appreciable for the quality of the materials and for the valuable invoice, represent an important testimony of that particular historical period of Italian organ-building, an expression of the synthesis between neoclassicism and romantic renewal (1). Born in Fratta, in the parish of San Giovanni Battista, by Gaetano carpenter and Chiara Massi respectively on 16 September 1806 and 15 May 1811, first Francesco then his younger brother learned the art in the workshop of the well-known Perugian organ builder Angelo Morettini (2), located in via del Circo 44, in the Porta Eburnea area, in Perugia. In fact, at that address Francesco appears to be resident in 1828 and it is he himself who in 1831 carried out some carpentry work on the organ erected by his master, in the month of May of that year, right in Umbertide in the church of the Confraternity of Santa Croce (3). In the project for the organ of the cathedral of Città di Castello (Pg) of 20 December 1837, Antonio will define himself literally as "organ builder of Fratta, a pupil of the famous Morettini of Perugia". The exact time in which the Martinellis opened the Fratta shop is not known but, considering that Francesco was godfather of Vittoria, second daughter of Morettini born in December 1832, and that the first work of the Umbertide factory dates back to 1834, the separation from the master must have occurred around 1833 and, certainly, not without provoking the resentment of these who, in a letter of 1852 addressed to the municipality of Passignano sul Trasimeno, defined Francesco "a spoiler of Fratta, a carpenter in my shop" (4). Francesco, who remained celibate, continued to be part of Antonio's family unit, married to the Perugian Margherita Reggiani with whom he had an only son, Massimo, born on 12 March 1846, who, after the initial apprenticeship at the paternal shop, did not continue the organ building activity which ended with the death of the two founders on a date not yet known. Of their production, estimated perhaps altogether at around forty works spread mainly in Umbria and Marche, but also in Lazio and Tuscany, over thirty instruments are currently documented, most of which have survived, about twenty retain good original conditions and some have enjoyed historical restoration in recent years. After the op. I of 1834, destined for the church of Santa Croce dei Cavalieri in Santo Sepolcro in Perugia and today preserved in the parish church of San Feliciano di Magione (Pg), the oldest surviving attestations of the Martinelli's activity are found in the Marche region: in the church of San Sebastiano in San Sebastiano di Mondolfo (Ps) in fact exists, in excellent conservation conditions, the op. N of 1836 while the following year is the op. VII intended for the church of the Adoration of Jesi (An) and, without the date but probably dating back to that same year, is the instrument of the church of San Filippo in Sant'Angelo in Vado (Ps) which on the strip above the keyboard has a plate with the inscription “FF. MARTINELLI / ALLA / FRATTA DI PERUGIA / OPERA VIII ". The period of construction of the non-surviving instruments intended for unidentified churches of Castelfidardo (An), Gubbio (Pg) and Pietralunga (Pg) (5) should date back to the years 1837 and 1838, while op. XII of 1839, originally erected in the church of the Poor Clares monastery of Monte San Vito (An), it has been preserved since 1885 in the church of San Benedetto Abbot of Morro d'Alba (An). At the church of San Francesco in Narni (Tr) there is instead, much remodeled, an instrument of 1841 built for the cathedral of San Giovenale in the same city (6). The following year the Martinellis built the - new organ - which they then carried out maintenance from 1845 to 1863 - for another important Umbrian cathedral in Città di Castello (Pg), where they also restored the small positive of the Chapel of the Holy Sacrament. (7). Back in the Marches, in the same 1842 they erected the organ for the church of San Francesco in Mondavio (Ps), between 1842 and 1843 the one in the crypt of the church of Ss. Biagio and Romualdo in Fabriano (An) (8) and in 1844 the instrument for the cathedral of Pergola (Ps) which, on the foot of the main barrel of the façade, has the inscription engraved: “FF MARTINELLI / ALLA.FRATTA.DLPERUGIA./ OPERA XX / 1844” (9). The organ for the Lazio cathedral of Poggio Mirteto (Ri) dates back to 1847 and the following year was the one for the church of San Michele Arcangelo in Città di Castello. In those same years the Martinellis built a large two-keyboard instrument, commissioned by the Torlonia princes, for the church of Santa Maria in Aracoeli in Rome; the same Roman nobles had it restored between 1858 and 1867 by the organ builder Enrico Priori who also added a third keyboard with the accordion register and, after a further intervention by the Paoli organ builders of Campi Bisenzio (Fi), the organ it was sold to the parish of nearby Nemi (RM) (10). After having worked again in the Marche, where in the parish church of Sant'Egidio in Castignano (Ap) there is an instrument (perhaps coming from another building) which has a printed plate, applied to the bottom of the secret of the master wind chest, with the inscription : "FF. MARTINELLI / ORGAN MANUFACTURERS / ALLA FRATTA DI PERUGIA / 1849 ”(11), the organ builders of Umbertide completed in 1851 a second large organ, with two keyboards for the cathedral of San Rufino in Assisi (Pg) (12). Probably the instruments that can be observed today in the church of San Nicolò in Belfiore in Foligno (Pg) and, perhaps coming from the church of S. Damiano in Assisi, the one that since 1861 is located in the parish of Casalalta di Collazzone (Pg ), while the instrument preserved in the church of San Bartolomeo in Montefalco (Pg) dates back to 1854. The organ of the parish church of San Giovanni Battista in Sassocorvaro (Ps) dates back to 1856, where in the secretary of the master wind chest there is a printed and pen plate with the inscription: “FF. MARTINELLI / 1856 Fratta "; that of San Michele Arcangelo in Bolognola (Mc) dates back to 1858 and on the central barrel of the façade bears the inscription stamped: “BY CURATION OF D. FRANCESCO MAURIZI / I / FF. MARTINELLI / FECERO / 1858 "; between 1859 and 1860 the organ of the church of the Madonna dell'Oliveto in Passignano sul Trasimeno (Pg) was probably completed. In the request for authorization for expatriation sent on May 4, 1862 to the municipal authority (13), Antonio, after having mentioned an instrument placed the previous year in an unidentified location in Tuscany, declares that he has to go to Lazio to erect the organ of the cathedral of Sutri (Vt) and refers to the commission to build for the next 1863 the one for the collegiate church of Montone (Pg). A last dated work, dating back to 1866, is preserved in the Collegiate Church of Mercatello sul Metauro (Ps) and two other instruments, without the date and the work number, are still found in the Marche region: in the church of San Michele Arcangelo in Sorbolongo di Sant'Ippolito (Ps) and in the church of Santa Maria in Via a Camerino (MC) (14); according to the technical characteristics, the organ kept in the church of San Giovanni Battista in Roncitelli di Senigallia (An) is also attributed to the Martinelli brothers. In the province of Perugia there are further undated Martinellian works in the parish church of Preggio, coming from San Giovanni in Pantano and recently restored, in the church of San Giovanni Battista di Umbertide, of which only a few remains survive, in the church of Santo Spirito in Città di Castle and, of dubious attribution, in the cathedral of Città della Pieve. The last documented attestation of the Martinellis' organ-building activity concerns only Antonio who, in a letter dated 11 November 1883, proposes the purchase of an instrument of his own manufacture to the Compagnia del Ss. Crocifisso at the church of San Rocco in Sansepolcro ( Ar) at a price of 1,100 lire, a sum which was nevertheless considered too high for the Company's finances and therefore the deal was not followed up (15). Finally, in the church of S. Angelo Minore of the Confraternity of the Artieri in Cagli (Ps) there is an instrument by an unknown artist but purchased in Umbertide at the Martinelli workshop. In their works the Umbertidese organ builders basically re-propose unchanged, some technical and stylistic elements of the Morettinian organ whose aesthetics assimilate radically. The affinity, if not the identity, of some construction details is normally evident: from the single arrangement span with cusp with wings of the façade canes, with upper lip as a shield, to the manufacture of the keyboard, delimited by curvilinear modillions veneered in walnut and, in some cases, decorated with brass bas-reliefs; by the careful carpentry of the master wind-chest, always of the shooting type, to the invoice of the tie rods of the registers, to the turned wooden knob from characteristic elongated shape or, more rarely, interlocking throttle. The Martinellis generally manufacture small and medium-sized instruments on the basis of a Principal of 8 'and with a single keyboard (with the exception of the large double instruments from Rome and Assisi, the latter also equipped with a Principal of 16 'starting however from C,) of 50 keys covered in bone, or in boxwood, and ebony with smooth front and extension from C, to F, with first short octave and division between bass and sopranos "Spanish style" (ie from C, and C # 3, as in the first instruments of Morettini). The organs of Mercatello sul Metauro e some cathedrals of Assisi and Pergola have keyboards with the first octave extraordinarily chromatic, respectively of 58 (from C to A5) and 54 keys (from Do, to Fa,). The pedal board, of the lectern type with walnut frets, has the 12-note extension (from C, to Eb ,, with first short octave) than in larger instruments, is expanded to 17 (from C, to G # 2 with short octave) and is usually equipped with a double bass register with reeds of 16 'in fir wood painted red, sometimes with the Octava dei Bassi of 8 'doubling. The stuffing normally extends to the Vigesimanona, while in the instruments smaller is limited to the second vigesimas and rarely, if not in the organs of large proportions such as those of Narni, Città di Castello and Pergola, reaches the Trigesimasesta, or includes the Twelfth practiced by their master from Perugia. The Morettinian apprenticeship of the Umbertide organ builders is also evident from the composition of the concert registers: among the reeds they prefer those a short tuba like the Lira, also called Angelic Voice, of 16 'sopranos - with tubas conical in tin alloy, slightly tapered and with the edges closed at the top, placed on the façade or at the bottom of the wind chest - completed in the bass by the Bassoon, or Cello, 8 'with pyramidal tubes of wood or lead alloy with flattened corners at the top which, when placed on the façade, have a red varnish glaze red lead (16). In the great Assisi instrument there is a 16 'English Horn (17) (in the sopranos, with tubas in tin alloy composed of an inverted truncated conical section surmounted by a cylindrical section closed at the top, and an 8' sopranos oboe of similar shape (the cylindrical section is shorter and more open)). The 8 'tromboncini pipes, always arranged in front, have pyramidal tin tubas in the basses (similar to the Cello) and conical in the sopranos, while the 8' trumpet tubas, also made of tin and placed in front of the show, they are slightly flared conics at the top, like those of the trombette in octave, register of 4 'in the bass. The Fabriano instrument of 1843 presents an 8 'soprani violin with conical alloy tubas which, placed at the bottom of the wind chest in an expressive case that can be operated via a pedal, unequivocally betrays the descent, albeit indirect, of the authors of the Montecarottese school of Vici. Finally, the pedalboard, in the larger organs, has an 8 'register of trombones with pyramidal tubes in red painted wood of real height (as in the Assisi instrument, here called Bombardone) or made up of several truncated conical sections of tin. The following belong to the family of flutes: the original Corno dolce of 16 'sopranos (register that does not derive from the Morettinian inheritance) (18) with conical tubas of rather large cut, some partially covered at the top, placed at the bottom of the wind chest; the Flute Traversié (also called Flute Traverso or Traversiere) of 8 'sopranos with cylindrical pipes capped by an outer cap of lead trimmed with leather, the Flute in octave of 4', with the first octave derived from the Octave and with pipes capped up to Yes and the following cusps, sometimes limited to the sopranos register only and called Ottavino which in the organ of Sorbolongo di Sant'Ippolito, indicated with the French style Flasgiolé, has a particularly lively intonation thanks to the original presence in the pipes of two diametrically opposite; the 2, 2/3 'Quintet in sopranos with cusp-shaped pipes; the decimino of 1,3 / 5 'cylindrical sopranos and with measures from the Principal (19). The presence in Martinellian instruments of the human voice is also constant, the traditional swing register of 8 'sopranos, here with increasing tuning, while the 4' Violetta is rarer in the basses with narrow diameter pipes. Finally, the Umbrian organ builders equip their works with a wide range of accessories from the traditional Tiratutti del Ripieno with crank handle and acoustic drum on pedal board (20) to the more modern Bells (or Carillon), Grand case and Third hand (21). Mauro Ferrante , organ concert artist, organologist and composer born in 1956, is professor of composition at the “Gioacchino Rossini” Conservatory of Music in Pesaro. As Honorary Inspector of the Ministry for Cultural Heritage and Activities at the Superintendencies of Urbino and Bologna he is responsible for the study and protection of the Italian historical organs on which he has lectured and published various essays, including: The organs of Gaetano Callido in the Marche, The restoration of ancient organs in the Marche: criteria and methodology, Venetian organ builders in the Marche from the 16th to the 19th century, The organ of the convent of Beato Sante in Mombaroccio and the activity of Pietro Nacchini in the Marche, Notes on Cioccolani master organ builders by Cingoli. Note: 1. The biographical information in this contribution is taken from the unique and fundamental essay on the art of organ building in Umbertide by Renzo GIORGETTI, Organs and organ builders in Umbertide, in “studies and documentation. Umbrian magazine of musicology ", n.13 (December 1987), pp. 5-32. By the same author see also Umbrian cathedrals and their organs, ibidem n. 19 (December 1990) pp. 3 - 38 and the Catalog of organ builders active in Umbria, in the 5th “Città di Perugia” organ festival; Perugia 1989, pp. 23 - 41. Historical information and aesthetic considerations are also contained in the essay by Paolo PERETTI The Umbrian-Marche organ-building tradition in the 18th and 19th centuries Historical and critical notes, in “Historical Bulletin of the city of Foligno”, Vol. XIII Foligno 1989 , Fulginia Academy, pp. 83 - 120 2. Angelo Morettini had in turn been a pupil of the Marches organ builder Sebastiano Vici, the most authoritative of the organ-building school of Montecarotto (Ancona). 3. This is the op. 23 by Angelo Morettini commissioned by Ruggero Burelli. 4. See Marco VALENTINI, The main organ of S. Rufino in Assisi. Description and restoration, Quaderni dell'Accademia Properziana del Subasio (5), Assisi, 1998, p. 5. 5. See R. Giorgetti, Bodies and organ builders ... op. cit. pp. 7 - 8. 6. On March 22, 1840, the contract for the organ was stipulated for the sum of 480 scudi. The document is transcribed in R. Giorgetti, Umbrian cathedrals ..., op. cit. pp. 31 - 34 which also reports the news of the addition of the Campanelli register made in 1864 by the same Martinellis. 7. The contract of the organ of 9 May 184-0 is transcribed in R. Giorgetti, Organs e organari ..., op. cit. pp. 27 - 28. The instrument was paid for 500 scudi plus the materials of the old organ. 8. A printed plate with metal frame applied to the center of the strip above the keyboard bears the inscription: "FF Martinelli / 1843" while on the foot of the main barrel of the facade is engraved: "Gregorii XVI PM / in / Romualdum / Munifica Pietate / Hoc / A FF. MARTINELLI, Fractae fuit elaboratum / AD / 1842 ". 9. Transported around 1975 to the church of the Holy Crucifix of S. Lorenzo in Campo (Ps), the instrument was dismantled in 1999 and put aside. 10. See in this regard Alberto CAMETTI, Organs, organ builders and organists of the Senate and of the Roman People in Santa Maria in Aracoeli (1583 - 1848), in "Rivista Musicale Italiana", XXVI (1919) pp. 441 - 483 and Ferdinando DE ANGELIS, Organs and organists of Santa Maria in Aracoeli, Rome, Convent of S. Lorenzo in Panisperna, 1969. 11. The instrument was restored in 1994. 12. The contract for the organ for the sum of 620 scudi, dated June 16, 1848 is transcribed in R. Giorgetti, Organi e organari ..., op. cit., pp. 25 - 27. In 1996 the historical restoration of the instrument was completed. 13. See R. GIORGETTI, Bodies and organ builders ..., op. cit., pp. 17 - 18. 14. The authorship of both works is attested by printed labels with the inscription: “FF. MARTINELLI ". Sorbolongo's instrument presents the original material unaltered and in good conservation conditions; the one from Camerino, after a historical restoration completed in 1994, suffered minor damage following the earthquake of September 1997. 15. See R. GIORGETTI, Ancient organs in the churches of the Confraternities of Mercy in Tuscany, Florence 1994, Arti Grafiche Giorgi & Gambi, pp. 235 - 237. 16. Red saline lead oxide used for the preparation of anti-rust enamels and paints. 17. Originally also existing in the organ of Mercatello sul Metauro, later suppressed. 18. Observable in Castignano (here with the most acute pipes plugged), Mercatello sul Metauro and Passignano sul Trasimeno. 19. The same indicated by Morettini also with the curious name of Acciarini. 20. Controlled by the last key of the pedal board, the drum simultaneously activates a series of bass reeds causing a sound similar to that of the homonymous percussion instrument 21. Mechanical device that connects some keys with the analogues of the higher octave. Sources: “Umbertide nel Secolo XIX” by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide. 2001 THE GREAT FULL OF THE REGGIA STREAM AND THE TIBER A storm of unprecedented violence on 19 July 1800 caused the palace to overflow causing significant disasters. The first big problem occurred on its right bank, after the first bridge (such it was at that time, small, low and built in wood) that linked the market to the Collegiate. The strong current carried away the retaining wall that supported the embankment going up towards the Porta del Soccorso della Rocca, the one facing the market. Proceeding towards the mouth, after circumventing the base of the South East tower (after today's small iron railway bridge) the current had ripped up the wall of the left bank that sheltered the entire village of Santa Croce, and then devastated one of the supporting walls of the bridge along the road that led to San Francesco is relevant. The damage was significant and came to fall in a circumstance in which the Municipality did not even have the money to buy bread. The request for help from the Apostolic Delegate, although reluctantly knowing what kind of man Cardinal Rivarola was, was indispensable. The Priors, therefore, informed the Delegate, who promptly replied on 26 July suggesting that the Council be convened to examine what had happened and asking to be informed "... on the result, after which I will determine what will be more just and the way more suitable and cheaper for refurbishments ". Everything seemed to be going well and the Priors of Fratta commissioned, on 30 July, the master mason Pietro Gentili to carry out the appraisal. The technician made a detailed report on the extent of the excavation to connect the old part with the new works, to redo the arch in order to "accompany it with the other remaining portion"; estimated that 11,340 bricks would be needed to complete the work, including the reconstruction of the removed banks. The total expenditure would have been 742 scudi. The report was sent to Perugia and, in the transmission letter to soften the hardness of Rivarola in terms of disbursements, it was recalled that Fratta paid an annual contribution for the viability. The Cardinal, faithful to his commitment to make known the cheapest system for "renovations", replied that the annual contribution was needed for normal road maintenance and since the floods of rivers are an extraordinary fact, the damage could not fall under this heading and added that "... The Perugia Treasury is so exhausted and so miserable that its situation is in the real powerlessness of making up for the expenses that would be required of this object, even if it were required to do so". The Cardinal's letter ended with the precious advice to accommodate him immediately because "... the longer you wait, the more the damage could become serious, then we'll see". But the Fratta Council did not give up and struck the chord of ideology to grace the prelate, saying that "... Fratta is poor because the inhabitants were impoverished in time of the extinct Democratic Government". The Roman Republic, therefore, had thrown the people of Fratta to the pavement. But the Cardinal was not a man with a tender heart and much less sensitive to ideological references and with a decisive and blunt attitude on August 16 he closed the question as follows: "... If the councilors waste time in discussions, the ruins will become bigger every day, the bridge and the walls will stop falling .... The claim to immediately oblige the necessary expenses without immediately doing anything would be like that of a guest, seeing the house in flames and fire, with the inevitable danger of losing all its belongings, he wanted to wait for the owner, to whom the annual rent corresponds, to think about extinguishing the fire and in the meantime would remain indolent to look at it. Therefore, the Community of Fratta must immediately make repairs at its expense and free us from the incessant complaints that come to us every day from this land ”. The letter left no interpretative doubts and the Municipality decided to fend for itself. Since we were on the threshold of autumn and the rainy season was looming, on 4 September the master mason Ventura Bartoccini was given the task of preparing the project and the phases of execution of the works. Everything was prepared with great care: the wall would be rebuilt by November and the bridge of San Francesco by June. The Municipality allocated the necessary sum in the budget and forwarded to Rivarola the request for the necessary authorizations for the start of the works. The Cardinal was happy, his hard line had won. He quickly granted all the required permits and the necessary faculties to find money among the clergy and the landowners, even if they lived outside the Fratta. But the disasters never come by themselves and once the dispute over the repair of the damage caused by the flood of the Royal Palace was over, in early October, the flood of the Tiber arrived and eroded part of the road to Città di Castello. The bridge was then narrower and had only three arches; Therefore, the mass of water during flood periods was more withheld which, forcing against the embankment from the west part of the bridge, sucked up part of the road. For the second time began the dribbling of the competences between the Municipality and Rivarola who did not want to shell out a penny for the reasons set out above. The Municipality of Fratta had to bear half of the expense and the other half the neighboring municipalities. Sources: “Umbertide nel Secolo XIX” by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide. 2001 La grande piena del torrente Reggia e del Tevere l Capitolati dei Servizi di posta e luce Il dominio francese a Fratta - II Parte Il dominio francese a Fratta - I Parte THE FRENCH DOMAIN IN FRATTA - PART I The annexation to France The Papal State formally exercised all its powers, kept its laws and its administrative structure in force, but the control and interference of the French Authority was becoming heavier every day, not only on economic choices, but above all on those policies. The Pontifical Government had also prepared a radical electoral reform, raising the number of municipal councilors to thirty and reworking some administrative mechanisms within the town hall, but the project remained in the drawer, because the agony of papal power was now nearing its end. The first signs of a rupture between Napoleon and the Pope occurred when the latter was forced to ask for heavy tax surcharges for the maintenance of French troops in Central Italy. Housekeeping expenses increased every day since the spring of 1807 and the tax burden not only became unbearable on taxpayers, but also triggered bitter conflicts between the first two classes for its distribution. At Fratta there was much discussion and lacerating divisions were created on the payment of those 39 annual scudi imposed for the maintenance of the transalpine troops. In the following year (1808) there was a real fiscal strike: the landowners refused to pay and the Municipality was forced to look for another criterion for distributing the tax. This episode would suggest that the burden of the barracks was entirely borne by the first class or that it weighed heavily on this alone. On August 4, 1808, a lively council meeting was held because the Artists, who were in the majority, firmly maintained that the tax had to be paid by the landowners. These, outnumbered by the numbers, appealed to the Governor of Perugia, with undisguised indignation, saying: "The class of artists, who form the largest number, but not the healthiest part, tumultuously opposes any just project, demanding that the burden is imposed either on the land or on the livestock, which is unjustified because it would only affect the Owners ". The Governor gave them reason and imposed the division by "testatic", excluding the class of the "poor": the landowners will pay 9.50 baiocchi each and the artists 5.50. That incident on the "indigent" makes us understand many things about the "testatic" and that is that in more than one case this type of tax also weighed on the "non-taxable" class. By now the semblance of autonomy, which the State of the Church seemed to enjoy, was at sunset. In May (1809) Pope Pius VII was imprisoned and his state annexed directly to the French Empire. He changed masters! Other laws came into force, another administrative structure was organized, the Priors disappeared and the Maire took office in the highest seat of the Municipality. But even the new state of affairs was destined to have a short life because in 1814 the course of history resumed the path it had interrupted five years earlier. They tried to "restore" everything and everyone, as if nothing had happened in the meantime. They did not want to see the tenacious fire of renewal that burned under the ashes and that would slowly flare up, because the uncritical restoration is always violence to the laws of history. Rome, Perugia and Spoleto were annexed to the French Empire on May 17, 1809. Fratta remained in the limbo of uncertainty until July 13. Meanwhile the Priors, in the council meeting of June 22, not knowing which political side to look at, headed the minutes of the meeting as follows: “In the name of God, Amen - On the day of June 22, 1809 In the name of His Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy and Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine ... " After July 13, God was no longer named, but only Napoleon I, Emperor of the French, with what follows. The date remained. The first measures of the French government By now Fratta was a third class municipality of the French Empire, or rather a canton of the Trasimeno Department. Its territory expanded with the addition of the lands of Sorbello (1,615 inhabitants divided into ten parishes), Antognolla (959 inhabitants and six parishes), Solfagnano (847 inhabitants and 4 parishes), Montone (1,224 inhabitants and 4 parishes). All semblance of autonomy disappeared, which, moreover, had never existed even in the papal regime, and the appointments of the heads of the local administration were made directly by the trustees of Napoleon I. On 13 July 1809, in fact, the Superior Commander of the Provinces of Umbria, General Miollis, arrived at Fratta to give precise and peremptory indications on the new political course and to prepare a list of reliable persons to whom to confer administrative duties. The following documents are more telling than any comment: FRENCH EMPIRE In the name of His Majesty Napoleon I, Emperor of the French, King of Italy and Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine July 13, 1809 His Excellency the Adjutant General Miollis, Superior Commander in the Provinces of Umbria and Sabina, appointed by the Extraordinary Council of the Roman States, having to organize the Municipality in this Land in accordance with the decree of that Consulta of the current 5, he personally went to this country and after having summoned the individuals of the present Provisional Magistrate and the heads of the principal families to congress, he requested a note of all those persons who might be able to support the posts of Maire, Adjunct, and the ten Municipal Councilors. Having made this note, after having taken the appropriate information, he decided on the choice of the infrascritti used, as can be seen from his dispatch, which is transcribed here. La Fratta - July 13, 1809 The Superior Commander of the Province of Umbria and Sabina, appointed by the Extraordinary Council for the Roman States of the Organization of the Municipal Administration of the aforementioned Provinces. To Mr. Domenico Bruni - La Fratta According to the session of 5 July, the organization of a Maire, an Assistant and ten Municipal Councilors having been remitted to me by the Extraordinary Council, I have chosen you to take on the office of Maire; you will have as added Mr. Luigi Santini. Councilors will then be the Lords: Vincenzo Mavarelli, Giuseppe Bertanzi, Domenico Reggiani, Giuseppe Paolucci, Giambattista Magi Spinetti, Felice Molinari, Francesco Cambiotti, Angelo Gigli, Gioacchino Pucci, Luigi Passalbuoni. You will let them know their assignment: and at the same time I am going to give an account to the Extraordinary Consultation in order to have the further Orders for the installation. With consideration, your Miollis. The names that appear are always the same, in any regime, with the Pope or against the Pope. Only those of the two alleged Jacobins, Burelli and Savelli, are missing. But perhaps, in their stead, the one of those who plotted against them will figure. So was the world, even then! The new administration immediately worked to put order in the various administrative procedures and in the communication and exchange systems. The registry sector was the object of particular care, with the compulsory registration of births, marriages and deaths, previously left to the diligence of the parish priests. House numbers were imposed on houses, names on streets and squares. The unification of monetary systems, weights and measures was achieved. The articulation of the municipal budgets was structured in chapters (1) , with the possibility of making provisions for unforeseen expenses. The absolute prohibition of burial in churches or inhabited centers was established in application of the Edict of Saint Cloud, now also extended to Italy, a historical circumstance that inspired Ugo Foscolo's I Sepolcri. Apparently these were small things which, however, had an enormous impact on the social fabric, taking into account the level of backwardness in which our populations lived. There was a great deal of work for the naming of the streets and squares (2) and the numbering of the houses, which were just 200. The work was contracted out on 5 October 1810 and the relative specifications were very rigorous and detailed. It stated: 1. Within the month of October, carry out and complete the work of all the folders that will be needed for the numbering of the houses in this town and on the villages and for the indication of the name of the streets and squares. 2. Similar folders will be made on fresh plaster, with a light background and black-colored numbers of the size according to the model that becomes extensible. 3. The cards that will indicate the name of the streets and squares, as they must be larger, will be considered double those of the houses and will be paid by the Municipality. 4. Those of the streets and squares will be placed in the place that will be indicated. 5. The numbering of the houses will be paid by the respective owners in the form of the decree of 7 September which may be forced by the contractor also legally. 6. Finally, any expenses that may be required for the award and register will be borne by the contractor himself. For the contract, the Municipality established the price of eight baiocchi per folder. Several candles were lit which all remained without offer. It was necessary to resort to an auction discount which was won by Giovambattista "del morte" Clemente Giangottini for six baiocchi per page. Among the measures adopted by the French government, there was also that of compulsory conscription. The “lucky” young men who were supposed to serve in Napoleon's army were drawn by lot. A glass amphora, specially ordered from the Piegaro glassworks, contained leaflets with the personalities of the young people. In the absence of a precise registry, the urn contained the names that the various parish priests sent, at the explicit request of the Maire. The collaboration should not have been very enthusiastic if the Baron Rederer, Commander of the French troops in the Trasimeno Department, with an ordinance, imposed that starting from 1 January 1814 all the parish priests would have to deliver the parish registers to the Municipality. Salaries It is interesting to know the remuneration of the first decade of the century in the public sector. It is not a great contribution to history, but a useful element of comparative knowledge to understand the wage dynamics that have taken place and the trade union guarantees that protect this sector today. First let's take a little look at the directors' "indemnities". The Priors received 20 scudi a year which had to be divided among the four Magistrates. It was an honorary recognition for the function performed since 5 scudi per head certainly did not represent a flattering economic resource and the modesty of the figure encouraged the healthy and always valid principle of politics as a service. If we add that this indemnity was paid when the finances of the Municipality allowed it, it can be assumed with reasonable certainty that the local time authority saved this expenditure. There were, however, those who lived there with the salary and had to be paid regularly. The municipal secretary, Giovambattista Burelli, had a golden salary, such as to be looked upon with great envy by all the other public employees. He received 30 scudi a year which were paid in quarterly installments of ten scudi each. Immediately after him came the Camerlengo (cashier) with 18 scudi a year to be paid in quarterly installments. The police commissioner of the municipality, Dr. Paolucci, was poorer, he received only 12 scudi a year as the Director of the Post Office and dealer of letters at the same time. Since it was possible to carry out some paperwork in Rome, at the government headquarters, and it was not easy to go to the papal capital due to transport difficulties, the Municipalities resorted to the appointment of their representative who resided in that city and looked after the handling of the paperwork that was sent to him. The remuneration for the Rome Agent was not fixed and depended on the volume of work he had done during the year. In any case, the average reward was around eight scudi per year. Giambattista Fuochi and Silvestro Catalani were the two country guards of the municipality who had to travel a lot throughout the municipal territory. Their salary was two crowns a month. They had to play a very important or thankless role if they perceived more than the commissioner, the chamberlain and the postmaster. The limits of the municipal area An important measure of the French administration was that of the arrangement of customs operations. The duty ("octroi" as the French forced it to say) had to be paid by the entire population of the Municipality in all kinds of trade and each municipality had its own tariffs and organizational systems. It was therefore essential to know precisely the territorial limits of the Municipality in order to establish with certainty the competences of the taxes and the methods of collection. On January 9, 1813, a provision was issued for the rationalization of the collection of the octroi and therefore for the consequential definition of the municipal territory. The law established that "struts" had to be placed in the border areas of the municipal area that would bear a wooden sign with the inscription "OCTROI DI FRATTA" The signs were posted in the following places: 1. Strada di Montecastelli, near the boat (3) 2. Strada di Banchetti, near the tavern, on the border of the Cura di Verna 3. Near the Osteria di Sorbello 4. Near the La Nese Bridge 5. Close to the Rio Bridge 6. At the limits of the territory, at the New Homes 7. On the road near the Rasina stream 8. On the border of the Cura di Santa Giuliana and Antognolla 9. At the limits of the Cura di Monestevole, to go to Preggio. Public Works In 1803 there was an initial intervention of modest proportions, but destined to significantly change the town planning of the town. At that time the Fratta was an islet between the Royal Palace and the Tiber, and the northern part not lapped by the waters was surrounded by a moat that started from the tower of the Rocca and, skirting the walls, passed under the present Theater, continued for the Piaggiola and flowed into the Tiber next to the Cambiotti mill (today's Molinaccio). This moat was filled and flattened the ground below the Rocca in order to obtain a square used for fairs and markets. A surprising element is given by the fact that despite the fact that the Technical Office, a talented and moreover “hydrostatic” engineer like Don Bartolomeo Borghi, the work was entrusted to Eng. Calindri of Perugia. The era of "external consultancy" had already begun! In 1805 the Municipality decided on some removals for a more rational use of the premises. Three rooms on the ground floor of the current theater were sold to the Accademia dei Riuniti, used as a prison and related services. The prison was transferred to a special sector of the Town Hall and on this occasion the opportunity was taken to carry out some maintenance work. Note: 1. Even today the budgets of public bodies are divided into chapters. At the time we are talking about, the In and Outs were in one cauldron. 2. Under the government of the Papal State no street or square bore its written name. 3. From Montecastelli, to go to Città di Castello, it was necessary to cross the Tiber on a large boat pushed over the water by the sturdy arms of the ferryman, who clung to a large rope anchored to the two pylons located on the opposite banks of the river. The “Passo del Tevere” is still visible; just look a hundred meters upstream of the current bridge to see the remains of the two pylons. This road today bears the name of "via della barca". Since the seventeenth century that point marked the border between the territory of Fratta and that of Città di Castello. The road that crosses Montecastelli headed directly towards Trestina. As there was no bridge, there was not even that unfortunate current curve on which the road to Trestina joins. About 150 m. from the graft, it went steeply downhill on the right (as can still be seen today) towards the “Casa dei Fabbri” which still exists and is called “La Maestà dei Fabbri” (today's Pacciarini property). From the house, after having passed a brick bridge over a small stream, the road turned to the right, towards the bank of the Tiber, where the boat was. On the other side of the river, in the territory of Città di Castello, one could see, until recently, the high “Casa Torre” under which the carriage road passed. Now you can't see why the municipality has allowed the owner to incorporate it into the rest of the building. Perhaps it was the most beautiful tower house in Umbria! Sources: “Umbertide nel Secolo XIX” by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide. 2001 IL DOMINIO FRANCESE A FRATTA – II PARTE L'albero della Libertà I primi anni del secolo, stando alle lettere che il Gonfaloniere di Fratta inviò alle autorità perugine, furono fonte di notevole preoccupazione per l'ordine pubblico nel paese. A dire il vero il tono e il contenuto della corrispondenza ci sembrano esagerati. Fenomeni di scontento per le condizioni economiche e sociali vengono, con studiata disinvoltura, attribuiti a presunti nostalgici del passato regime sì che diventa difficile distinguere i fermenti del dissenso dalle proteste della fame. Non c'è dubbio che la Repubblica Romana aveva alimentato gli ideali liberali propri dell'Illuminismo, come pure è assodato che la caduta del potere papale fu salutata dovunque con tripudio di gioia. Ma non ci fu il tempo per dare all'alternativa politica e ideologica un assetto di stabilità perché la rapida alternanza delle vicende militari tra vincitori e vinti non permise l'assimilazione e il consolidamento dei processi in atto. Solo nelle città più grandi, dove era attiva una borghesia progressista e intraprendente, fu osteggiata con ostinata tenacia la restaurazione papale che, dal canto suo, vedeva pericoli e con giure ovunque (la Tosca di Puccini è ambientata in questo clima politico romano) e dispensava notevoli dosi di galera per il minimo sospetto. Anche alla Fratta l'ordine pubblico era esposto a frequenti episodi di turbativa e il Gonfaloniere Lorenzo Vibi tremava dalla paura vedendo in essi la occulta regia di repubblicani in agguato. Già due illustri cittadini, Burelli e Savelli, a torto o a ragione, erano stati sospettati di simpatizzare per i giacobini. Meglio stare guardinghi. Ma ci doveva essere anche dell'altro se il 1° febbraio del 1800 il Vibi prese carta e penna e scrisse alla Reggenza Imperiale di Perugia: “Le continue risse, li frequenti litigi fomentati in questo basso popolo da partigiani che qui abbiamo del passato Repubblicano Governo, per porre in discredito il presente, tengono tutto in agitazione, non meno noi, che tutti li buoni del nostro partito (1) . Noi senza autorità e senza forza non possiamo tenere in dovere tanti spiriti rivoltosi che c'inquietano... Se le Vostre Signorie Ill.me facessero quivi giungere una Notificazione nella quale manifestassero a questo popolo di stare ogni uno nel proprio dovere e lontano da litigi, e dalle risse, dando facoltà a questo Signor Giuseppe Agostini Capitano di questa piazza... di far arrestare chiunque saprà aver fatto il litigio e la rissa e spedirli poi subito ben custoditi in codesta vostra Città, con la comunicazione di quelle pene che crederanno e che ogni bettola ed osteria debba serrarsi ad un'ora di notte. Tutto questo diciamo richiedere perché più volte il giorno da poco tempo fa occasione replicate risse e rumori...” Il Gonfaloniere, quindi, invocava il carcere per i litigiosi e i rissosi che nelle bettole e nelle osterie osavano affrontare il tabù della politica e parteggiavano per il passato regime. Non gli venne in mente che un progetto politico serio di destabilizzazione non si porta in osteria e che il luogo dei litigi, più che a divergenze di opinioni politiche, faceva pensare a qualche foglietta di troppo con la quale si innaffiavano le miserie. Appena due giorni dopo, infatti, scrisse un'altra lettera allo stesso destinatario la quale ci fa capire, senza volerlo, il vero motivo che stava alla base dei litigi. In essa si diceva che i poveri del paese andavano a macinare dai quattro ai sei chilogrammi di grano alla volta, ma dovevano pagare una bolletta (la tassa sul macinato) su di un minimo di 30 Kg. Il fatto creava grave malcontento e il Gonfaloniere si convinse a chiedere correttivi: “...li clamori continui dei poveri di questa terra e suo circondario che con poche libbre di grano fortunatamente trovate vanno al molino chi con 10 libbre chi con 15 libbre e debbono fare il bollettino per mezza mina... si chiede di fare i bollettini per minore quantità”. Faceva comodo al potere contrabbandare come protesta politica, alimentata da abili mestatori, un malcontento diffuso che aveva origine, invece, nella fame e negli stenti della povera gente. In questa logica si inserì anche la ricorrenza del carnevale. Le feste da ballo potevano diventare un momento di aggregazione pericoloso per esternare il malumore sul quale poteva far leva “la gran massa” del partito repubblicano della Fratta. Basta leggere questa terza lettera del 10 febbraio (quel povero Vibi, che vedeva repubblicani dappertutto, era veramente terrorizzato per scrivere tre lettere dello stesso tenore in appena dieci giorni) per renderci conto che la realtà veniva ingigantita: “Qui si vogliono fare le feste da ballo e ne siamo stati richiesti per darne il permesso; ma non vi abbiamo accudito per timore che possa succedere qualche inconveniente, sul riflesso del gran partito Repubblicano che domina in questa Terra. Rendiamo di tanto avvertite le Signorie Vostre”. Che anche alla Fratta ci fossero simpatizzanti delle idee liberali è fuori di dubbio; ma che costoro avessero un'organizzazione capillare, diffusa e agguerrita non è credibile. Le idee di rinnovamento nell'Italia di allora, e in particolare nella provincia contadina, più che imporsi con la forza organizzativa di un partito, venivano imposte e protette dalle truppe straniere francesi. Forse proprio per questo il timore era grande e si incominciò ad aver paura anche degli alberi. Gli scrittori politici del tempo fanno un gran parlare degli “alberi della libertà” che sarebbero stati piantati in molte città nel periodo della Repubblica Romana, come simbolo dell'inizio di un'era di rinnovamento nella libertà e nel progresso. Spesso tali affermazioni non sono suffragate da documenti certi. Anche la Fratta ne aveva uno (2) e la sua esistenza è documentata in una lettera del Vibi datata 27 febbraio 1800: “Il partito contrario al presente Governo sempre più insolentisce e si rende intollerabile. Noi fin'ora abbiamo il tutto Religiosamente sofferto, ma vediamo che questa nostra indulgenza fa essere sempre più baldanzosi quei tanti che abbiamo del Partito Repubblicano. Ieri l'altra sera circa le ore due della notte due di questi che ne verremo in cognizione ebbero l'ardimento di usurpare quel diritto che spetta alla Guardia Civica, con dire ad alta voce “Alto là - Chi va là”. Similmente martedì mattina ventisei corrente al piedistallo della Croce che sta collocata ove era l'infame arbore fu trovata una piccola bandiera tricolore con infondo un coccardino che tuttora conservasi da noi: ma il colore turchino pallido di una parte di detta bandiera ci dà indizio che possa esserne stato l'autore un famoso Repubblicano avendo questi un abito di simil colore. Bramiamo sapere come dobbiamo regolarci...” Non sappiamo quanti fossero i Repubblicani di Fratta, ma sicuramente erano molti gli oppositori al regime papalino nello Stato Pontificio, se lo stesso Papa Pio VII, il giorno 8 novembre, si vide costretto a concedere “il paterno perdono ai rei della passata rivoluzione”. Intanto il Gonfaloniere Lorenzo Vibi, per non morire di paura (3) , si dimise dalla carica ai primi di giugno, a meno di trenta giorni dalla scadenza naturale del suo mandato. Il passaggio delle truppe straniere L'Alta Valle del Tevere era uno dei percorsi naturali delle truppe che, provenendo dal Nord, si dirigevano a Roma e viceversa. Di solito si trattava di soldati tedeschi, ad eccezione dei due periodi in cui passarono e ripassarono quelli francesi. I costi, sia quelli ufficiali che venivano imposti con le tasse, sia quelli nascosti dovuti alle ruberie, ai soprusi e ai danni prodotti, erano enormi per le comunità locali. Tutte le truppe che si alternarono in quegli anni si comportarono da eserciti occupanti senza il minimo riguardo per le persone e le cose durante il loro passaggio e la loro permanenza. Il 19 giugno del 1800 arrivò alla Fratta un drappello di 20 soldati a requisire provviste per la truppa austriaca che giornalmente sfilava nei pressi di Perugia, diretta verso il Nord. “Vogliate dar loro ciò che abbisognano - ordinava la Reggenza - occorrendo adopreranno la forza. E un affare della più forte urgenza e darete a questi soldati le solite razioni”. Quasi sicuramente si trattava di soldati austriaci che scappavano verso il Veneto dopo la battaglia di Marengo (14 giugno 1800) con la quale Napoleone, vinta l'Austria, si apriva la strada per l'occupazione dell'Italia Centrale. II 12 e il 13 settembre, infatti arrivarono i Cisalpini (4) che, armi alla mano, si appropriarono di numerosi beni dei cittadini per un valore di 15 scudi che la Magistratura di Fratta richiese al Rivarola. Ma nel territorio circostante ancora esistevano forti nuclei di soldati austriaci e aretini (i soldati del Granduca alleato dell'Austria) che riuscirono addirittura a far prigionieri alcuni Cisalpini il 19 dicembre. Il drappello con i prigionieri si fermò alla Fratta e consumò, senza pagare, 48 libbre di prosciutto, 3 di salame, 3,50 di formaggio, pane e vino a volontà. Il ventinove dello stesso mese passarono altri aretini con 154 prigionieri francesi. Lo spettacolo continuò e il 12 gennaio del 1801 la Fratta dovette sopportare il passaggio di un distaccamento di cavalleria tedesca e toscana che prelevò 46 razioni di vino e carne. Il 20 arrivarono i napoletani, alleati dei francesi, che usarono gli stessi metodi dei soldati avversari. Il 5 febbraio del 1801 il Rivarola fece sapere alla Fratta che al passaggio della “pacifica truppa francese” bisognava restare tranquilli e subordinati alla legge del Sovrano (del Papa) aggiungendo che arriverà a Fratta Leone Borgia, suo Commissario, a fare una requisizione di viveri per l'Armata Francese. Se richiesti, bisognava mettere a disposizione vino e bestiame per il trasporto delle merci. Le disposizioni del Rivarola farebbero supporre che i francesi si fossero stabilmente insediati nella zona e fossero padroni della situazione. Invece il 14 febbraio passarono da Fratta, e vi pernottarono, numerose truppe tedesche e toscane con prigionieri francesi. Evidentemente temevano qualche attacco delle vicine truppe francesi dal momento che si rinchiusero nel Palazzo Sorbello (odierno Comune), sprangarono porte e finestre e “si abbarrarono le porte coi chiodi”. Come si vede, la confusione regnava sovrana. Il 19 marzo 1801 una nota del Rivarola impose un'altra requisizione: 40 carri e 40 paia di bovi per servire la numerosa armata francese. Le requisizioni continuarono per tutti gli anni successivi fino al 1808 in cui, per ben sei volte (21 aprile, 26 giugno, 10 e 11 settembre, 15 e 18 ottobre) la Fratta fu sottoposta a pesanti salassi. Così frequenti e normali erano diventate ormai le requisizioni che alcuni impostori, spacciandosi per soldati francesi, si presentavano per prelevare viveri e vettovaglie di ogni genere. Il fenomeno doveva essere esteso anche nelle altre zone del territorio della provincia se il Rivarola, di sua iniziativa, in data 27 ottobre 1801 scrisse in questi termini al Commissario di Fratta: “Ci sono molti impostori che dicono di essere addetti alla Truppa Francese ed esibiscono falsi permessi per estorcere razioni e vetture e quindi dilapidano i paesi dove capitano. Se simili soggetti si presentassero, neghino qualsiasi cosa che volessero e guardino bene i permessi. Se questi sono falsi, arrestateli. Ciò va fatto anche con i soldati francesi e se per caso questi si provassero ad atti indoverosi per le vie di fatto denigranti l'onore della loro nazione, farete in modo che vengano decentemente arrestati con darcene pronto ragguaglio. E che Dio vi feliciti”. La milizia cittadina Correvano davvero tempi pericolosi in quell'inizio di secolo. La miseria della povera gente che non poteva acquistare i mezzi di sostentamento indispensabili, la delusione politica che andava ad inserirsi in un contesto sociale di estrema povertà, le rivalse ricorrenti dei vincitori nei confronti di coloro che avevano simpatizzato per i vinti, creavano un clima di instabilità, di incertezza e di paura. In questo contesto nascevano piccole bande di malfattori formate da diseredati, perseguitati politici, insofferenti verso ogni forma di autorità costituita e infine da tutti coloro che nella delinquenza trovavano l'unica risposta facile ai loro bisogni economici. Alla criminalità dei singoli si aggiungeva anche quella organizzata con un proprio capo, delle regole e l'efficienza dell'organizzazione. Queste piccole bande si facevano sempre più numerose. Alla Fratta operava quella di un certo Luigi Rossi di Sorbello che era molto attiva in tutto il territorio circostante e rinomata per le “grassazioni” (rapine a mano armata), come si diceva allora, e gli accoltellamenti. Tanta era la certezza dell'impunità che i banditi agivano prevalentemente di giorno al “campo della fiera”, dove c'era maggiore abbondanza di portafogli da rapinare. Il Rivarola, preoccupato per l'aumento della criminalità nel territorio umbro, ordinò al Commissario di Fratta di arrestare i banditi e di “far suonare anche la Campana all'Arme e di permettere che si faccia fuoco contro di loro”. I cittadini non si sentivano più sicuri. Anche i locandieri e gli albergatori dovevano registrare, su apposite schede, le generalità dei clienti, unitamente alla “patria” di provenienza. In questo clima la municipalità, per riportare tranquillità entro i propri confini, pensò di organizzare un corpo di milizie cittadine volontarie. Alla fine di febbraio del 1801 il Commissario di Fratta inviò apposita richiesta in tal senso al Rivarola che accettò di buon grado la proposta diretta a rendere più sicura la vita nei territori da lui controllati. “... Non possiamo altro espediente prendere - afferma - se non quello di permettere a formare un Ruolo di otto o dieci persone probe e da bene che abbiano del proprio i fucili onde, come soldati, prevalersi di essi nelle occorrenze: al quale effetto vi conferiamo le facoltà necessarie... a far godere alle persone da voi prescelte tutti li più estesi privilegi militari”. Al Rivarola stava bene tutto, purché non gli si chiedessero soldi. Nei bilanci del Comune di Fratta, da ora in poi, troveremo in uscita anche il costo della polvere e delle palle di piombo per “le caricature”. Non tutte le bande erano composte da briganti. Ci potevano essere anche dei gruppi di oppositori politici che si erano dati alla clandestinità. E una ipotesi che spiega una strana lettera inviata dal Rivarola al Gonfaloniere di Fratta il 14 marzo 1801 relativa alla “... disobbedienza di questa Guardia Urbana” che non volle andare ad arrestare dei briganti segnalati dal Cardinale. Evidentemente i “volontari” di Fratta sapevano distinguere bene i malviventi dai dissidenti politici. Il 16 luglio del 1809 il Corpo della Guardia Civica di Fratta, assieme a quello di Città di Castello, partecipò ad un'azione repressiva contro una banda di briganti che aveva compiuto già diverse scorrerie nell'alta valle del Tevere e che si trovava al Monte Santa Maria. L'ordine venne direttamente dal Generale Miollis che promise anche uno scudo per ogni bandito catturato. Lo stesso Generale francese provvide a munire di fucili e sciabole il gruppo di armati. L'operazione ebbe pieno successo e i briganti furono arrestati. Uomini organizzati ed efficienti come i nostri Civici avevano bisogno anche di una caserma idonea ad ospitare loro, i cavalli e l'armamento. Si provvide ricorrendo all'utilizzo di alcuni locali dell'ex convento di San Francesco che furono opportunamente trasformati nei primi giorni di marzo del 1810 (5) . Vi lavorarono i maestri muratori Pietro Gentili e Giovanni Ribuffi. Da un elenco dei lavori eseguiti ci rendiamo conto anche delle caratteristiche della struttura. Al piano terra c'era la cucina e la scuderia e sopra “due camere servibili”. Alla scuderia si rifece il pavimento per il quale si impiegarono 1.700 mattoni, 30 piedi di tavoloni per fare la greppia, 62 piedi di “stilloni” per fare cinque “battifianchi” (il che fa pensare ad una capienza di sei o sette cavalli). Ai muri della scuderia e agli stilloni si misero 30 “campanelle” di ferro (anelli per fissare le funi). Le guardie mangiavano con posate d'osso, il magazzino del fieno fu posto sopra a due loggiati del cortile e alle finestre c'erano “impannate” di tela. La gara dello steccato Il 6 settembre del 1808 alle ore 21, in piazza San Francesco, fu organizzata una gara di “steccato”. Per l'occasione furono costruiti dei palchi di legno davanti alla porta del “Borgo di San Francesco” o della “Madonna di San Francesco” detta così perché sopra l'arco vi era un affresco con l'immagine della Madonna e di altri Santi, in parte visibile tuttora. Non sappiamo con precisione in che cosa consistesse il gioco e quali fossero le sue regole. Lo spettacolo vedeva in campo i cani contro i bovi che si affrontavano in un ampio recinto (uno steccato, da qui il nome della gara) e lottavano tra loro. È ipotizzabile che lo scontro tra questi due tipi di animali, da sempre cari amici dell'uomo, potesse essere anche cruento e quindi la gara, almeno per la nostra sensibilità, non doveva essere molto edificante. Da un manifesto che il Comune di Marsciano (evidentemente la gara si praticava anche lì) inviò a quello di Fratta si apprende che venivano dati premi al bove e al cane “che si sarebbero portati più valorosi” e che erano vietate “le false prese”. Troppo poco per capire la tecnica del gioco. Le nostre convinte riserve su questo spettacolo non erano condivise dalla gente del tempo che si recò numerosa ad assistere, ma l'impalcatura costituita da tre ampi gradoni che era appoggiata alla porta, crollò improvvisamente provocando molti feriti. Fu aperta un'inchiesta e dai verbali dei testimoni (6) si è potuto intuire la popolarità che questo tipo di intrattenimento raccoglieva e l'entusiasmo che la lotta dei poveri animali era capace di sollevare sui presenti. Gli spettatori sopra i gradoni si agitavano e “atteso il movimento grande delle persone che facevano sopra di essi”, e il “gran battimento di piedi che facevano”, la struttura, non ben fissata al muro, si rovesciò sullo steccato. La ventata anticlericale Nel 1810 non c'era più il Gonfaloniere e nemmeno i Priori, al loro posto c'era il Maire (7) scelto direttamente dai fiduciari di Napoleone. Il Comune di Fratta era un cantone del Dipartimento del Trasimeno, ma il problema dell'ordine pubblico rimaneva sempre attuale anche se con caratteristiche del tutto diverse. Si stava sviluppando un risentimento astioso nei confronti della Chiesa, come reazione naturale alla voglia di protesta repressa negli anni precedenti. E siccome i confini tra l'agire degli uomini e le istituzioni che essi rappresentano non hanno mai contorni precisi, il risentimento contro i ministri del potere papale diventò aperto rigetto della religione. Il fenomeno andava assumendo dimensioni preoccupanti di turbativa dell'ordine sociale per cui il Maire, rappresentante di quel potere che aveva imprigionato il Papa e annesso lo Stato Pontificio alla Francia, si sentì in dovere di scendere in difesa dei principi religiosi con la seguente ordinanza: In nome di Sua Maestà Napoleone I°, Imperatore dei Francesi, Re d'Italia e Protettore della Confederazione del Reno. Il Maire, considerando che il più importante dei suoi doveri è di sorvegliare alla pubblica tranquillità e di prevenire la corruzione dei Spiriti e gli scandali che collidono l'ordine sociale. Considerando che non può restarsi ulteriormente neghittoso dal reprimere la sfrontata baldanza di alcune lingue licenziose che si attentano anche nei pubblici luoghi di oltraggiare gli oggetti più venerabili della nostra Religione. Considerando esser cosa necessaria d'apporre con tutta la possibile energia una qualche barriera a questi criminosi attentati e di richiamare al proprio dovere questi perturbatori dell'ordine e della società. Riflettendo infine che la Religione Cattolica è la Religione della maggiorità dei sudditi dell'Imperatore, che si gloria del titolo sfolgoreggiante di Primogenito della Chiesa è venuto nella determinazione di avvertire quanto segue: Saranno riguardati come fomentatori di disordini i pubblici promulgatori di massime antimorali ed irreligiose e come persone perniciose allo Stato, alle leggi e alla comune tranquillità. Sappiano questi non essere loro permesso dal presente sistema di Governo di conculcare impunemente i Dommi della religione, di scagliare esecrabili invettive contro la Divinità, gl'oggetti del culto ed i suoi Ministri. Si rammentino dei luminosi e sinceri sentimenti intorno alla Religione considerando che Sua Maestà Napoleone il Grande fin dal suo innalzamento a Primo Console li notificò personalmente al Clero di Milano e volle che fossero noti non solo all'Italia e alla Francia, ma all’Europa intera. Non può quindi tollerarsi che si proferischino sfacciatamente nefande ed esecrate bestemmie contro il Divino Autore della Cattolica Religione, contro i suoi attributi, contro il suo culto e si sparghino pubblicamente delle massime contro ogni virtù civile e religiosa. Saranno in conseguenza di simili trasgressioni soggetti alle pene che prevede il Codice, cioè alla multa di 500 franchi ed un anno di prigione e di due anni di prigione in caso di recidiva. Voi pertanto cui il Principe confidò una porzione della sua autorità, o per rapporto all'esecuzione delle leggi od alla pubblica Polizia, concorrete a sì bell'opera procurando di arrestare col rigore delle leggi quel torrente che minaccia travolgere la moltitudine nei gorghi della corruzione e darete così la più sincera prova del vostro zelo per il bene e l'ordine sociale e della vostra fedeltà e attaccamento al Sovrano. Dalla Mairie (8) della Fratta, lì 2 agosto 1810 Il Maire Magnanini Giuseppe Mentre veniva difesa con formale energia la Religione Cattolica e i suoi Ministri, il Governo Francese trasferiva con fermezza all'autorità civile i settori della carità e dell'assistenza gestiti, fino ad allora, dagli enti religiosi. Nei primi mesi di febbraio del 1808, come già ricordato, ci fu la soppressione dei conventi e delle corporazioni religiose. A partire dall'aprile del 1811 vennero soppresse anche le istituzioni di carità i cui capitali furono trasferiti ai Burò di Beneficenza. Alla Fratta la Confraternita maggiore e più apprezzata era quella di Santa Croce che gestiva l'ospedale, detto allora l'Ospedale dei Poveri. Il 4 aprile del 1811 fu sottoscritto formalmente il passaggio delle competenze e dei beni al Municipio, nel Palazzo Comunale, Ufficio del Burò di Beneficenza, alla presenza del Maire e di due Canonici rappresentanti la Confraternita di Santa Croce. In nome di Sua Maestà Napoleone I°, Imperatore dei Francesi, Re d'Italia e Protettore della Confederazione del Reno. La Commissione Amministrativa del Burò di Beneficenza di Fratta, tenuto conto delle odierne leggi sulle amministrazioni degli Ospizi e Ospedali, considerata cessata qualunque autorità o funzione per l'amministrazione degli Ospedali ed Ospizi... esaminate le Memorie della Confraternita di S. Croce... dalle quali risulta che fin dalla sua prima istituzione era essa addetta ad opere di pubblica e privata carità e che tutti i suoi beni e rendite erano impiegati per l'Ospizio e Ospedale dei Poveri... viene nella determinazione di prendere l'amministrazione di tutti li capitali e fondi spettanti al detto Ospizio ed Ospedale, fissando il termine di otto giorni acciò dagli Amministratori di detta Confraternita in S. Croce venghino rimesse tutte le carte e Libri opportuni ed appartenenti al detto Stabilimento di carità, unitamente allo stato della cassa per formarne il processo verbale. Fatto nelle camere della Mairie questo dì 4 aprile 1811. Firmato: Canonico Antonio Guerrini - Canonico Giacomo Pecchioli - Giuseppe Agostini - Per il Maire di Fratta: Santini Luigi aggiunto Il giorno successivo fu redatto il verbale di consegna e presa di possesso dei seguenti beni: 1. Podere vocabolo Petrelle con il bestiame del valore di scudi 160; grano stara 20; fave stara 5; veccia stara 1 e coppe 4; attuale affittuario Pietro Crosti per una corrisposta di scudi 221 l'anno. 2. Locale dell'Ospedale in Piazza di San Francesco n. 4. 3. Casa ad uso granaio in contrada di Porta Nova n. 66. 4. Casa in contrada di San Giovanni n. 42, con fondo ad uso di forno. 5. Due fondi ad uso di stalla nella strada di Santa Croce n. 210. La rapina delle opere d'arte La sistematica e organizzata rapacità francese delle opere d'arte, almeno alla Fratta, ha inizio nel mese di ottobre del 1812 con un programma ben pianificato e articolato. Per essere certi di sottrarre materiale di un certo valore e non semplici “patacche”, la selezione delle opere veniva fatta da esperti, mentre l'imballaggio e il trasporto dalla manovalanza generica. Il furto per i francesi era così naturale e dovuto da annunciarlo ufficialmente tramite lettera, come avvenne il 2 ottobre del 1812 quando il Prefetto del Dipartimento del Trasimeno comunicò al Maire Magnanini che sarebbe arrivato alla Fratta un incaricato per scegliere e requisire le opere d'arte. Non sappiamo come reagissero i nostri Magistrati di fronte ad una simile notizia, se prevalse, cioè, in loro un'apatica accondiscendenza o una legittima astuzia per salvare il salvabile. Dalla corrispondenza che segue si deduce che Magnanini si comportò da zelante esecutore delle richieste francesi. I tempi, in ogni caso, furono molto stretti perché arrivò quasi subito alla Fratta l'Intendente incaricato della scelta e della requisizione delle Opere e il 7 ottobre, ad appena cinque giorni dall'avviso, il Maire autenticò la firma del trasportatore della “refurtiva” a Perugia. L'anno 1812 il giorno 7 di ottobre. Col presente foglio sia noto come il Sig. Innocenzo Lazzarini, figlio del morto Andrea, domiciliato in questo Comune di Fratta, si obbliga di fare trasportare fino a Perugia tre quadri esistenti nei Conventi soppressi di questo Comune, due in tela e uno in tavola e questi fare incassare in una proporzionata cassa di legno e renderli ben custoditi nell'interno con carta perché non soffino detrimento, il tutto a spese del medesimo Lazzarini: e ciò si obbliga di eseguire per la somma di scudi 12 di moneta romana, quali saranno pagati allorché verrà ordinato il trasporto sopra indicato. In fede di che sarà il presente foglio dal medesimo firmato. F.to Innocenzo Lazzarini Visto per la ricognizione della firma del prefato Sig. Lazzarini, il Maire Magnanini Il documento attesta con assoluta certezza che i quadri erano tre, di cui uno “in tavola” (anche la Deposizione del Signorelli è “in tavola” e fortunatamente rimase al suo posto) e che appartenevano ai due Conventi soppressi. Il 9 ottobre, appena due giorni dopo aver autenticato la firma del trasportatore dei quadri, lo zelante Maire Magnanini scrive al Prefetto del Dipartimento del Trasimeno, residente a Perugia, per informarlo dell'avvenuta selezione. Al Prefetto del Dipartimento del Trasimeno di Perugia. L'anno 1812 il giorno 9 di ottobre, avanti a noi Maire del Comune di Fratta si è presentato il Signor Agostino Tofanelli, Conservatore del Museo Capitolino incaricato da S.E. il Signor Cavaliere Basa, Intendente della Corona in Roma, alfine di prendere possesso di tutti gli oggetti d'arte spettanti agli stabilimenti pubblici del Trasimeno, che in virtù del Decreto Imperiale del 25 febbraio 1811 appartengono alla Corona. In conformità adunque degli ordini del Signor Prefetto del suddetto Dipartimento, comunicatoci dal Signor Sotto Prefetto, con lettera del 2 ottobre corrente, Noi Maire suddetto abbiamo posto in Possesso il lodato Signor Tofanelli di tutti li quadri descritti nei due inventari già da noi sottoscritti e verificati. Il fascicolo che contiene la lettera racchiude anche la descrizione inventariale fatta dal Maire: Nel Convento di San Francesco un quadro rappresentante la Vergine col Bambino, San Francesco, San Sebastiano ed altri due Santi. Pittore il Pomarancio. Nell'ex Convento di Santa Maria degli Osservanti due quadri rappresentanti uno l'Incoronazione della Vergine al di sopra e sedici Santi al di sotto in tavola della scuola Pietro Perugino. L'altro in tela rappresentante la Vergine col Bambino, San Lorenzo, Santa Maria Maddalena e San Filippo, del Magi, scolaro del Barocci. Il Maire Magnanini Dall'inventario risulta chiaramente che uno dei tre quadri, quello “in tavola”, è l'Incoronazione della Vergine che si afferma essere della scuola di Pietro (Vannucci) detto il Perugino. Questa Tavola non arrivò mai a Parigi ed ora si trova nella Galleria Vaticana, Sala VII, a Roma. Essa è catalogata come opera di Bernardino di Betto, detto il Pinturicchio, allievo del Vannucci (9) . A chiusura del discorso sulla rapina delle opere d'arte perpetrata dal Governo francese è utile leggere attentamente la lettera che segue per avere la prova di come essa, con ignavia e scarso senso civico, fu consentita dagli Amministratori del tempo. La lettera è del 14 marzo 1813 e fu inviata dal Sotto Prefetto del Dipartimento al Maire di Fratta. La trascriviamo per intero. N. 426. Richiamerete nella risposta il numero qui sopra riportato (10) . Perugia, lì 14 marzo 1813. Il Sotto Prefetto del Circondario di Perugia al Signor Maire della Fratta. È giunto in questo comune il Signor Tofanelli incaricato di far trasportare in Roma quegli oggetti di Belle Arti che avea anticipatamente scelti e ne aveva preso possesso. Io, a tal uopo le accludo il contratto a Lei noto e che fu stabilito tra il Signor Tofanelli ed Innocenzo Lazzarini che si incaricò dell'incasso, imballaggio e trasporto dei quadri indicati nella nota che parimenti le accludo, sino a Perugia. So che il Lazzarini è in Roma, ma egli stesso, che si presentò ieri avanti di me, ne deve avere scritto a cotesto Signor Paolucci, acciò in di lui assenza eseguisca il contratto. Dica adunque al Signor Paolucci che nel principio dell'entrante settimana devono essere in Perugia li tre quadri di cui si tratta. Per facilitare l'operazione io le trasmetto scudi sei che passerà al detto Signor Paolucci, riservandomi di pagare gli altri scudi sei allorché saranno qui giunti li detti quadri. Deggio poi prevenirla, Signor Maire, che se i quadri indicati nella nota riscuotono una speciale venerazione, e sono cari al popolo per la sua devozione, Lei non solo non li manderà, ma non li farà neppure rimuovere dal luogo ove attualmente si trovano. L'intenzione di S.M. è che non si privi il popolo delle cose concernenti il culto. Se poi i detti quadri non sono cari al pubblico culto allora farà subito eseguire l'incasso e il trasporto. Sarà sua cura di rimettermi il contratto che le accludo, il quale penso soffrirà una variazione, se non tutti i quadri espressi nella nota saranno trasportati. Mi reputo con la più distinta stima. SottoPrefetto (firma illeggibile) La lettera lascia trasparire con chiarezza che in data 14 marzo 1813 tutti e tre i quadri si trovavano alla Fratta e non erano ancora stati rimossi dalle pareti dei due Conventi. Ma quello che più indigna è che il Sotto Prefetto invita il Maire, indicandogli anche le motivazioni, a lasciare i quadri dov'erano, o almeno qualcuno di essi. Per timore che questi non avesse capito bene, in chiusura della lettera l'alto funzionario, nel chiedere il rinvio del contratto, aggiunge “il quale penso soffrirà una variazione”. Magnanini, di professione medico, non fece soffrire nessuno e con servile zelo inviò la refurtiva. La coscrizione militare Napoleone aveva un bisogno enorme di soldati, avendo fatto della guerra la sua politica prevalente in Europa. Gli organici militari erano in continua crescita e alla loro copertura non bastavano più i giovani cittadini francesi. Il ricorso a quelli dei territori sottomessi fu la scelta naturale, imposta con estrema disinvoltura. Il meccanismo del reclutamento funzionava sulla base di ferree regole matematiche: si stabiliva quanti coscritti doveva fornire l'Italia, il totale veniva diviso tra i Dipartimenti in base al loro “animato”, ossia alla popolazione, e questa operazione si ripeteva all'interno dei vari Dipartimenti per fissare i coscritti di ogni cantone. In genere il numero era modesto e i nominativi si estraevano a sorte da una palla di vetro entro cui erano state inserite le generalità dei giovani del cantone atti alle armi, alla presenza di una Commissione che veniva da Perugia. Nel marzo del 1812 ci fu una coscrizione per la quale il cantone di Fratta doveva fornire un contingente di quattro reclute. La Commissione che arrivò da Perugia era formata da tre persone, quattro con l'addetto ai mezzi di trasporto, ossia alle cavalcature. Alloggiarono per due giorni nella locanda di Pietro Romitelli (11) . Vennero estratti i nominativi delle quattro reclute, cioè dei “fortunati” che dovevano combattere per Napoleone. A costoro, qualche giorno dopo, arrivava la lettera di chiamata in cui si invitavano a presentarsi a Spoleto. La lettera aveva il seguente contenuto: È ordinato a Pietro, figlio di Paolo Rondini Coscritto della classe del 1812, domiciliato nella Cura del Sacro Eremo di Monte Corona, Comunità di Perugia destinato in seguito all'estrazione per formare il Contingente assegnato a questo cantone, di rendersi a Spoleto il giorno 16 aprile corrente, da dove egli sarà diretto subito al Reggimento, al quale lo destinerà il Consiglio di reclutamento. Il suddetto coscritto non può Per verun motivo dispensarsi di rendersi a Spoleto il giorno sopra indicato. Resta prevenuto che se mancherà di ubbidire al presente ordine verrà dichiarato ritardatario, e a questo titolo verranno mandati quattro soldati in sua casa e in quella dei suoi genitori i quali saranno mantenuti a di loro spese per lo spazio di un mese e pagati a ragione di due franchi al giorno per ogni soldato. Il coscritto sarà arrestato ed allora non sarà più ammesso a servire liberamente nell'armata; ma sarà tradotto al deposito di Civitavecchia per essere trasportato in Corsica ed arruolato nel reggimento del Mediterraneo. Se passato il mese il coscritto ritardatario non sarà arrestato, verrà dichiarato refrattario e condannato ad una multa di 1.500 franchi unitamente ai di lui genitori, come civilmente responsabili. Il coscritto verrà quindi perseguitato, arrestato e tradotto a Civitavecchia per essere arruolato nel reggimento del Mediterraneo in Corsica (12 ). Fatto in Fratta il dì 2 aprile 1812. Le leggi del tempo consentivano la possibilità di evitare la “naia” dietro il pagamento di una congrua cifra. Chi ricorreva a questo sistema veniva chiamato Riformato. Questa lettera indirizzata dal Maire a Vincenzo Mavarelli padre del riformato Giandomenico è eloquente: Lì 2 gennaio 1812 Oggetto: indennizo per coscritto riformato. Vi prevengo, o Signore, che l'indennizzo dovuto per la riforma del vostro figlio Giandomenico della classe del 1811 è stato fissato alla somma di franchi 1.200. Il pagamento di questa somma è esigibile nello spazio di sei mesi, a ragione di una sesta parte per mese. Il Maire Nel mese di settembre del 1812 ci furono anche volontari veri, per di più minorenni con il consenso dei genitori, che chiesero di essere arruolati come Gaetano Martinelli, di anni 19 seguito a pochi giorni di distanza da Giuseppe Morti e Giuseppe Lazzarini. Questi tre giovani avevano le idee chiare sul reparto e la sede: 3° Reggimento di Cavalleria Leggera Ussara, a Versailles. La Guardia Nazionale Nel mese di marzo del 1812 Napoleone, con un ben articolato decreto costituito da 56 articoli divisi in due titoli, istituì la Guardia Nazionale. Si trattava di un corpo militare autonomo, formato da uomini dai venti ai sessanta anni, con compiti di polizia. Oltre a risolvere i vari problemi di ordine pubblico, il nuovo corpo liberò l'esercito napoleonico dagli impegni del controllo dei territori, restituendogli lo spazio e il tempo per dedicarsi alle operazioni militari. La selezione veniva fatto da un Consiglio di Reclutamento presieduto dal Prefetto che aveva ampia discrezionalità nell'individuare gli uomini “suscettibili di essere chiamati”. La Guardia Nazionale si divideva in varie Coorti di 1.120 uomini ciascuna; la Coorte, a sua volta, era formata da otto Compagnie costituite da 140 uomini . Il Dipartimento del Trasimeno dovette fornire 278 coscritti che furono aggregati alla Coorte di Roma. Il Reclutamento nel nostro Dipartimento iniziò il 15 aprile del 1813. Tutti coloro che non si fossero presentati alla chiamata o che avessero abbandonato il loro distaccamento durante il cammino, sarebbero stati trattati come refrattari. La ferma aveva la durata di sei anni e l'organico era rinnovato per un sesto ogni anno. Il “Soldo”, ossia la remunerazione dei soldati, come l'armamento e la divisa, erano uguali a quelli della Fanteria di Linea. La fine del dominio francese Il 1814 fu l'anno di inizio del rapidissimo declino dell'astro napoleonico e degli sconvolgimenti politici che aveva introdotto in Europa. Già da tempo i suoi avversari ne attendevano la fine e avevano programmato con cura meticolosa i meccanismi e i sistemi della Restaurazione, prima ancora che il loro nemico fosse tolto definitivamente di mezzo. Il Congresso di Vienna si aprì, infatti, il 1° novembre del 1814, alla vigilia di quei Cento Giorni che vedranno Napoleone di nuovo in sella a far tremare l'Europa. Gli alleati della coalizione antinapoleonica riportarono una netta vittoria nella battaglia di La Rothiére il 1° di febbraio del 1814 e procedendo in due colonne lungo la Senna e la Marna si diressero verso Parigi con l'intenzione di occuparla e di umiliare lo storico avversario. Napoleone non si dette per vinto e nei giorni successivi riuscì ad ottenere qualche piccolo successo non decisivo, ma venne gravemente sconfitto il 20 e 21 marzo nella battaglia di Bar-surAube. Il 31 marzo i vincitori entrano in Parigi. Il Senato francese dichiarò immediatamente decaduto Napoleone che il 6 aprile fu costretto ad abdicare; gli venne offerto il principato dell'isola d'Elba ed una rendita vitalizia di due milioni di franchi. Il 24 maggio Pio VII fece ritorno sul trono dello Stato Pontificio. Il rapido susseguirsi degli avvenimenti non consentì, fin dai primi mesi dell'anno, a Napoleone di seguire direttamente le sorti dell'Italia Centrale ed il controllo dei territori pontifici fu affidato al cognato Gioacchino Murat, Re delle due Sicilie. L'intestazione dei verbali dei consigli comunali del 16 e 27 marzo riporta la dicitura: "In nome di Sua Maestà Gioacchino Napoleone, Re delle due Sicilie, provvisoriamente occupante li Stati Romani". Il 27 marzo 1814 si ha, dunque, l'ultima riunione consiliare sotto la tutela francese, poi seguirà un periodo di pausa e di incertezza in attesa degli eventi. Il Bonazzi afferma che “a Perugia fu rimesso al suo posto lo Stemma Pontificio il 24 aprile, essendosi il Murat accordato con il Papa. Frati e monache ritornano nei conventi...” Da quella data ebbe inizio l'amministrazione provvisoria in Perugia. Alla Fratta dal 16 maggio 1814. Odiosa transizione Verso i primi di giugno del 1814 si incominciarono a vedere i primi concreti segni del cambiamento di regime. Drappelli di soldati pontifici comparvero qua e là in varie zone del territorio. Arrivarono anche alla Fratta dove si stabilì un picchetto, comandato da un caporale, per sorvegliare l'ordine pubblico non fidandosi della Guardia Civica Cittadina. Il comportamento dei papalini non piacque agli abitanti di Fratta e il Maire Reggiani, che sicuramente non vedeva l'ora di essere sostituito, scrisse al capitano Sebastiano Matteucci, Comandante delle truppe pontificie di stanza in Città di Castello, in questi termini: “Ella non ignora, Signor Capitano, che quei pochi soldati della di Lei Compagnia che dimorano in questo Comune per qualche fatto imprudenziale praticato nel presiedere al buon ordine sono stati presi in odiosità da molti del paese. Non avendo qui li medesimi alcun officiale o persona autorevole che dirige li loro movimenti e non essendo dotati di quel controllo e contegno che deve accompagnare un buon soldato, va a pericolo da un momento all'altro, che possino fàr suscitare delle risse e sconcerti troppo facili a nascere nelle circostanze attuali. Il governo comanda che debba invigilarsi per il buon ordine e per la pubblica tranquillità. Questo distaccamento di truppa lo vedo necessario per questo effetto, e giacchè non può essere comandato da alcun officiale della Compagnia stessa son costretto a pregare la di lei bontà a voler degnarsi ordinare al caporale del picchetto che dipenda in tutte le operazioni dal Maresciallo Roberti, capo della Gendarmeria locale, che qui dimora. La prudenza e cognizioni che accompagnano il detto Officiale Produrrà quell'effetto che si desidera…” I soldati papalini erano stati presi in "odiosità" dai cittadini di Fratta per il loro comportamento (“fatto imprudenziale”"). Non era il miglior biglietto da visita per un ritorno non molto gradito. Note: 1. Si incontrerà più volte la parola "partito" che ha un significato diverso da quello attuale inteso come struttura ideologica e politica gerarchicamente organizzata. Qui si tratta di un raggruppamento vago di persone che la pensano alla stessa maniera. 2. L'albero della Libertà di Fratta fu piantato dai fautori della Repubblica Romana il 16 o 17 febbraio del 1798 e fu abbattuto due mesi dopo, il 28 aprile 1798, da una banda di partigiani clericali venuti da Magione e da Castel Rigone. Era un grosso abete di Monte Corona. A1 suo posto i clericali, tornati al potere nel secondo semestre del 1799, eressero una croce sorretta da un piedistallo in muratura. Il tronco dell'albero venne portato nella chiesa di San Francesco e per molti anni fece da sostegno al soppalco dell'organo. Così “l'albero anticlericale” fu costretto a “servire” in chiesa. 3. Anche il gioco della tombola lo turbava e non sa se “proibire il dannevolissimo gioco che arbitrariamente e nel pubblico Teatro e nelle pubbliche botteghe sfacciatamente si pratica...” 4. Ne parla anche Luigi Bonazzi con una colorita espressione “...I Cisalpini osarono perfino di andare a democratizzare la Fratta...” (Storia di Perugia - Vol. II - Pag. 392) 5. Nei primi mesi del 1808 furono soppressi i Conventi e le Corporazioni religiose. 6. Furono chiamati a testimoniare Tommaso Fanfani, di anni 54, calzolaio abitante al Boccaiolo; Giuseppe Sarti, vasaro; Vincenzo Igi. I feriti più gravi furono Vincenzo Scarpini, Domenico Porrini, Pietro Antonio Migliorati e Pietro Bettoni. Ci fu solo un ferito gravissimo, ma se la cavò: Antonio Brettone. 7. “Maire” è il termine francese con cui si indica il capo del comune, ossia il sindaco 8. “Mairie”, nella lingua francese, significa “comune”. 9. Il Pinturicchio, nato a Perugia nel 1454 e morto a Siena nel 1513, la dipinse nel 1502 su incarico dei Frati Minori dell'Osservanza di Santa Maria di Fratta. Fra i Santi che sono nella parte inferiore vediamo San Francesco al centro, San Bonaventura e San Bernardino a sinistra, Sant'Antonio da Padova e San Luigi da Tolosa a destra. In secondo piano ci sono i dodici Apostoli. La tavola partì da Fratta verso la metà di marzo del 1813 diretta a Parigi, via Perugia, Roma, Civitavecchia. Qualcuno, per fortuna, la fermò a Roma. Attualmente essa si trova nella biblioteca del Papa, dove Giovanni Paolo II, devotissimo della Madonna, volle che fosse collocata. Il Guerrini afferma che nei primi anni del secolo XIX essa fu venduta dai Frati Minori al Vaticano per 500 scudi. La notizia, priva di riscontri documentari, potrebbe essere fondata. Dopo la caduta di Napoleone e la restaurazione del Governo pontificio, con molta probabilità, il Vaticano ne chiese l'acquisto trasformando la rapina iniziale francese in un possesso legittimo dei Musei Vaticani. L'opera, oltre che al maire Magnanini, interessava poco anche ai Frati, che si sono accontentati di collocare al suo posto una riproduzione fotografica delle stesse dimensioni! 10. Da rilevare la novità introdotta dai Francesi, cioè il numero di Protocollo cui fare riferimento per la corrispondenza successiva. 11. Abbiamo la lista dei piatti richiesti dai commissari. Colazione: salsicce, pane, formaggio, due fiaschi di vino moscatello. Pranzo: minestra, lesso, arrosto, pane, frutti, formaggio e vino. Cena: Frittata, arrosto di lonza, pane, frutti, formaggio e due fiaschi di moscatello. 12. Le sanzioni previste per i refrattari ci spiegano perché venivano chiamati “fortunati” coloro che si arruolavano. Fonti: “Umbertide nel Secolo XIX” di Renato Codovini e Roberto Sciurpa – Comune di Umbertide. 2001 I CAPITOLATI DEL SERVIZIO POSTALE E DELLA PUBBLICA ILLUMINAZIONE NELLA FRATTA DI META’ OTTOCENTO SERVIZIO POSTALE - luglio 1848 1. Sarà obbligato il Postino partire da Fratta con la valige delle lettere, pacchi ed altro nel lunedì, mercoledì e venerdì di ogni settimana, non più tardi delle ore cinque antimeridiane e giungere a Perugia per consegnare il tutto a quella Direzione non più tardi del mezzo giorno o anche prima se la Direzione variasse l'ora della partenza del Corriero. 2. Nel lunedì e venerdì sarà obbligato il Postino partire con Calesso o Carrozza a suo piacimento e nel mercoledì gli si permette inviare la valige, pacchi ed altro anche da altri, ma sotto la stretta sua responsabilità e con legge di arrivare in Perugia nell'ora sopra stabilita. 3. A suo maggior profitto potrà ricevere ed eseguire le commissioni dei particolari, purché queste non ritardassero o intralciassero gli obblighi di Officio che andrà egli ad assumere. 4. Sarà obbligato il postino da per sé, o col mezzo di altri sotto la sua responsabilità riportare e consegnare la valige delle lettere, pacchi ed altro a questo Distributore postale, dal primo aprile a tutto settembre alle ore sette antimeridiane, dal primo ottobre a tutto marzo alle ore dieci antimeridiane del martedì, giovedì e sabbato di ogni settimana. 5. Sarà obbligato prendere in formale consegna da per sé, o col mezzo di persona di sua fiducia sotto la sua responsabilità, la valige delle lettere, pacchi ed altro dal Distributore di questa Terra, alle ore due italiane della sera del giorno innanzi alla partenza, ossia di ogni domenica, martedì e giovedì; consegnarla in Perugia all'ora stabilita all'articolo 1 e riportarla e riconsegnarla al Distributore di Fratta nelle ore stabilite all'articolo 4, senza alcun ritardo, meno il caso di vera urgenza, che sempre dovrà legalmente documentare; altrimenti per ogni ritardo non giustificato incorrerà nella penale di baj 50, che gli verrà ritenuta nel saldo a favore della Cassa Comunale, oltre il poter essere sospeso e anche dimesso dall'impiego secondo i casi e la circostanza, specialmente se recidivo. 6. Sarà obbligato portare e riportare dal Registro gli atti del Comune soggetti a detta formalità; come puntualmente eseguire qualunque incombenza che gli affidasse la Magistratura. 7. Sarà obbligato eseguire una idonea fideiussione solidale che garantisca verso il Comune tutte le obbligazioni e responsabilità che andrà egli ad assumere da approvarsi dal pubblico Consiglio. 8. Il Signor Distributore Postale nelle domeniche, martedì e giovedì di ogni settimana sarà obbligato chiudere la valige della corrispondenza alle ore due italiane della sera e farne la formale consegna al Postino. 9. Nei giorni di arrivo della posta sarà obbligato distribuire la corrispondenza mezz'ora dopo che sarà giunta, premesso il suono della campana come al presente: dovrà poi trattenersi nell'Officio per la distribuzione un'ora continua dopo sonata la campana, usando anche la correttezza di consegnare le lettere dopo l'ora indicata, quante volte taluno per assenza non fosse giunto in tempo a riscuoterle. 10. Nei giorni antecedenti alla partenza, dovrà il Distributore trattenersi un'ora nell'Officio avanti la chiusura della valige, per ricavare lettere, pacchi e denari da fiancarsi. 11. Sarà obbligato alla piena osservanza delle leggi e ordini che gli verranno abbassati dalla Direzione Generale delle Poste, dal Governo e dal Municipio e dovrà esibire un fideiussore solidale da approvarsi dal Consiglio che garantisca verso il Comune le obbligazioni e responsabilità che andrà egli ad assumere. PUBBLICA ILLUMINAZIONE NOTTURNA Periodo dagli anni 1851 - 1852 - 1853 Si invitano gli aspiranti a presentare le loro offerte d'appalto...... il 30 settembre prossimo si procederà al primo esperimento d'asta pubblica sulla base del seguente capitolato: 1. Durata dell'appalto: anni tre. 2. Sono compresi in questo appalto n. 8 lampioni costituenti 8 faci, perché il nuovo appaltatore sarà obbligato a far fare del proprio un lampione nuovo simile agli altri esistenti e questo con i necessari ferramenti, catena, serratura, e dovrà collocare il 1 ° gennaio 1851 nella via di San Giovanni di prospetto al voltone che conduce alla via di Porta Nuova in maniera che illumini quella strada traversa… 3. L'accensione dei lampioni sarà regolata come segue: dal giorno che farà il primo quarto la luna, fino alla sera dopo in cui avrà fatto il plenilunio, non si accenderanno affatto. Dalla prima sera dopo il plenilunio si accenderanno per quelle ore in cui non sarà alzata la luna. 4. ..............… 5. L'Appaltatore farà uso per l'illuminazione di olio ben purgato anche al fuoco occorrendo; e a tale effetto prima di incominciare il servizio depositerà nella Segreteria una mostra di olio giudicato capace a produrre una bella e chiara luce, quale verrà suggellato e conservato per servire di campione all'occorrenza. 6. L'Appaltatore sarà obbligato a tutte sue spese provvedersi dei diversi utensili, delle fettucce o lucignoli per i lampioni composti di cotone fino e seta bianca e nella forma e misura del campione esistente in Comune che gli verrà per sua norma esibito, come dovrà provvedere a tutt'altro che sarà necessario senza pretendere alcun compenso.… 7. La fettuccia o lucignoli dovranno fissarsi..... in modo che siano innalzati fuori dalle biffe che le racchiudono un quarto di oncia di piede perugino, quanto appunto ne dovranno ardere perché le fiaccole siano sufficienti all'illuminazione. 8. Sarà obbligato l'appaltatore alla manutenzione di tutti i lampioni, cristalli, lucerne, parabole (o riverberi), bracci di ferro, catene, rotelle di metallo, serrature e chiavi che gli verranno consegnati.… 9. Nei giorni destinati alle assolute vacanze di accensione descritte all'art. 3 dovrà l'Appaltatore ripulire esattamente tutti i lampioni e cristalli anche con gesso macerato per fare sparire tutte le affumicature altrimenti sarà tenuto dei danni. 10. Quante volte per qualunque caso straordinario piacesse alla Pubblica Rappresentanza ordinare l'accensione dei lampioni per dopo la mezzanotte, fermo l'obbligo prescritto all'articolo 3, l'Appaltatore ne sarà proporzionalmente compensato. 11. Sarà obbligato l'Appaltatore tenere accesi tutti i lampioni nelle intere notti della vigilia del SS.mo Natale; e in quelle notti di carnevale in cui al teatro si facessero feste da ballo si terrà accesi fino che saranno terminate; e tutto questo senza poter pretendere alcun compenso. 12. I lampioni che non si trovassero accesi nelle ore descritte importeranno a carico dell'Appaltatore una multa di bajocchi 40 a lampione. 13. .............. 14. ............. 15. Sarà obbligato l'Appaltatore ad esibire un'idonea fidejussione solidale..... e anticipare le spese legali occorrenti… 16. .........… Dalla Residenza Municipale, lì 29 agosto 1850. Fonti: “Umbertide nel secolo XIX” di Renato Codovini e Roberto Sciurpa – Comune di Umbertide, 2001 (Allegati)

Street Games (edited by Francesco Deplanu) The Ruzzolone The "Ruzzolone" is a popular game much followed by Umbertine until a few decades ago, its origins seem ancient, practiced throughout Italy as "tumbles" or "ruzzica" some author makes it descend from classical antiquity with the passage then to Etruscan world seeing in the iconography of the "discus thrower" or "thrower" in the tomb of the Necropolis of the Monterozzi di Tarquinia because of the launching position that does not conform to the classic iconography of the thrower. Detail of image from: https://www.etruscopolis.com/tomba-delle-olimpiadi However, news about popular games is rare, with the revival of the interests of the traditions of the Volk in the romantic period the search for information began. In Umbria, in Perugia, according to what prof. Sciurpa in his "blogspot", quoted in the sources, the news comes mainly from the official news aimed above all at delimiting its use. Launch of the tumbler It was played on feast days, dressed in good clothes, from the Easter period onwards. The Ruzzolone could be a form of aged and very hardened cheese or in wood, often of rowan according to what prof. Sciurpa . It had a diameter of about 30-40 cm and could weigh from 2 to 5 kg. It was launched thanks to a rolled tape that ended with a wooden spool. It was launched with force and so the "tumbler" could cover more or less long paths; we started again from where the “tumbles” stopped, we played in pairs or one against one. It was played in pairs Games of the twentieth century Costa Muro "Costa Muro or" Touch the wall "to play before the war we went to Tiber, it went down after the porta di "caminella", at the end of Piazza di San Francesco to reach the "schioppe" on the banks of the Tiber to search The tiles". The "tiles" were river stones smoothed by the flow of water, and they had to be sought "even", that is to say similar and beautiful. It was played one on one then on the walls of the house, whoever came closest won those of the others. In the 1960s and 1970s, the "figurines" of the players replaced the stones. Wall Ball A "Wall ball" was played by drawing a circle with chalk on the wall, with the ball then the drawing had to be centered. Those who did not take us had a "penance" to pay. Castelletto In "Castelletto" they played with glass balls (marbles) or more often, because they were less expensive with balls from shard, usually brown in color. They had to be put together next to each other in number enough to make the "plan" (3-4-5 floors) above and then build another series on top. The "castelletto" became a kind of "skittle" (up to 6 castles in a row) to hit with the "tick" of other marbles or balls. Greasy tree At the "tree of the cuccagna" they played on the plants of the Tiber by attacking on the branches the discarded jute bags from the "Consortium". Jute sacks tied together with the “vetriche”, very elastic branches of plants that were born on the Tiber; inside were put stones, flour, pieces of mixed cake. The bags were prepared by all the "players" together but then they were placed on the tree only by some, the others remained blindfolded, the game happened in the areas of "Schioppe" or al "Patollo". Sources: - http://robertosciurpa.blogspot.com/2010/01/il-ruzzolone-tra-le-tante-attivita-di.html?m=1 - https://www.etruscopolis.com/tomba-delle-olimpiadi - https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ruzzola - https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Carlo_Fontana_e_Enrico_Mascagni_campioni_di_ruzzola_fine_%27800.jpg - https://www.danielemancini-archeologia.it/i-giochi-olimpici/ - oral source: Imperia Guardabassi - Photo: historical photos of Umbertide from the web and from various private archives to which we applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark in this way we try to avoid that the further disclosure on our part favors purposes not consonant with our intentions exclusively social and cultural. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com