A MILLENNIUM FLIGHT ON THE FRATTA The Umbertide section of the UNIVERSITY OF THE THIRD AGE (UNI3) is making available the summaries of the local historical topics that will be deepened during the upcoming meetings. A preview of the syntheses of the cycle “The Story of Umbertide in the stones”, curated by Mario Tosti , will be presented, which will exhibit the reconstruction of the plausible images of the town in its stages of development, from its origins to the twentieth century. The sequence of events was reconstructed - according to logic and imagination - on the basis of archival documents, mainly collected by Renato Codovini , of information from general history, finds and local historical-architectural emergencies. Antropizzazione del territorio della Fratta La Fratta Bizantina La Fratta Longobarda Origini geologiche della Fratta La Fratta Toscana Origini geologiche della Fratta Antropizzazione del territorio della Fratta La Fratta Bizantina La Fratta Longobarda La Fratta Toscana

Facanapa - satirical magazine of Umbertide of the late nineteenth century Presentation at the Museum of Santa Croce - 5 March 2010 by Roberto Sciurpa Premise The presentation of a short-lived newspaper that saw the light in our city, intends to retrace the magnitudes and miseries of a limited historical period and the Municipal Administration did well to take care of its reproduction for its high civic value and significance. moral that the local paper carried out between December 1893 and July 1894. It was a courageous initiative of a group of authoritative citizens, who took over the situation of criticism and control over the public administration since the institutions delegated and legitimate they had inexplicably given up on it. In just eight months, a seemingly unpretentious piece of paper, he managed to achieve what in twenty years the defenders and guarantors of a community had refused to demand. Behind FACANAPA, the Venetian mask that lends the title to the newspaper, there are in fact reports of seriously deviant political and administrative pathologies, destined to repeat themselves, when the sense of individual and collective responsibility, of the founding values of a people is lost, with the consequent lowering of the level of controls. It can happen, then, that the following occurs: - expropriation of politics by a prevaricating and opaque bureaucracy, which responds only to itself; - dangerous drift towards corruption and the triumph of personal interests; - dark direction of skilled and unscrupulous fixers who manipulate the life of a community under the shelter of the peaceful umbrella that offers human and environmental outlines that are apparently peaceful and even pleasant to shady events. The institutional framework In the city of Umbertide in the late 1800s there was a restless atmosphere. The fall of papal power and the annexation to the Kingdom of Italy, on the political and institutional level, had not changed things. The local agriculture continued to hold power, as had happened in the past, since the active and passive electorate passed through the categories of wealth and the wealthy, together with the assets, also inherited the right to manage public affairs, according to a bad habit that was lost in the mists of time. It is not difficult to imagine the lack of enthusiasm that the various agrarians felt in taking on the task of administering the interests of a community that they often accepted unwillingly, all taken as they were by the care of their own affairs. The leap in quality will take place only in 1909 with the conquest of the Municipality by a bourgeoisie led by Francesco Andreani who set aside the centuries-old power of the agrarians and established the right to govern following the indications of the vote and not those of the census. The social framework On the social level, the Italian Unity brought, however, notable winds of change also in these parts, allowing the vigorous birth of trade associations, destined soon to overcome the mere corporate aspect. There was a proliferation of organizations such as the Society of Veterans of the Patrie Battaglie founded in 1883, the Society of Masons in 1888, that of Rowers of 1890, that of Mutual Aid and many others. But above all the Circolo Mazzini was alive and very active since 1877 with its numerous political initiatives, systematically opposed by the liberals of the time who administered the Municipality. The local Socialist Party was not yet born, the section will be founded in May 1899, but already at the national level that Party had had official visibility for some years. No wonder, therefore, if on the morning of May 1, 1899, the municipal guards communicated to the Mayor, Count Giuseppe Conestabile Della Staffa, that during the night someone had written on the walls of the Town Hall and in various points of via Cibo with lampblack and water: Long live May 1st Down with the exploiters Down with the Public Safety Delegate Long live the Workers The wind of change did not affect only the heterogeneous sector of the opposition, but also that of the liberal majority who split into progressives and conservatives with often resentful oppositions and distinct and combative press organs. Let's not lose sight of the dates to understand the political evolution of the time. Facanapa arises in this climate of profound aspiration for change and political bradyseism, when among the liberal municipal councilors sits, for example, a person of rank such as Benedetto Maramotti, the former historical prefect of Perugia for 21 years, with strong sympathies for the historical left of Agostino De Pretis who had taken power in 1876 and who as prefect had cleared the democratic Ulisse Rocchi through customs, making him the mayor of Perugia. Retired in 1889, Maramotti settled in the area, near his daughter Emma, who had married a Mavarelli, whose substantial properties were located in these parts. As a municipal councilor of Umbertide he looked after the interests of his son-in-law more closely. Maramotti was the fourth prefect of Perugia without being a Senator, after Filippo Gualtiero, Luigi Tanari and Giuseppe Gadda, all three Senators of the Kingdom. Giacomino Dal Bianco But the real reason why Facanapa was born lies in the prevarications of the municipal secretary of the time: Giacomino Dal Bianco. Dal Bianco was born in 1850 in Velo d'Astico, in the province of Vicenza, a municipality that today has 2,350 inhabitants and then counted even fewer. The small town is located between the Astico and Posina streams, close to inaccessible mountains that only soften in the fertile plain of the valley floor at the end of the gorge. On March 15, 1874, at the age of 24, he was appointed Secretary of the Municipality of Umbertide. At that time the competitions for this type of office were prefectural and the appointments were conferred by the Prefect to whom the municipal secretaries were hierarchically subordinate. They were state employees in all respects, paid, however, by the municipalities. The minutes testify, without a shadow of a doubt, that Dal Bianco was an intelligent and prepared official, present at city initiatives to the point of exaggeration. Of considerable size, tall and elegant, with a plump and round face, so much so as to deserve the nickname of “Luna Piena” (Full Moon) by Facanapa, he did not disdain the table and the good food that he gladly honored. Family commitments did not occupy him much because he remained faithful to nature, a bachelor as he was born. He would have been an excellent and precious collaborator, had he not had the very serious defect of not staying in his place. Taking advantage of lazy and indolent administrators, who exercised the role by inheritance of wealth and to whom an "expansive" and enterprising secretary was comfortable, Giacomino began to occupy spaces that were not his own, to override administrative skills and behavioral practices that soon attracted attention . On more than one occasion, the security of the acquired power led him to deride with irreverence councilors who were not very docile to him as happened when the mayor indicated a certain administrator as his representative at the Città di Castello Exhibition and he suggested that it would be better to send us Porrini (the usher !!), the press and the same population of Umbertide. In the imaginary and ironic interview with the "Gran Soaffa" (another nickname of Dal Bianco), which the editor finds sunk in his armchair smoking a "Virginia" cigar, the secretary declares how he does good and bad weather in the city: “In the Town Hall I am in charge, in the Congregation of Charity I am in charge, in the Bank I am in charge, and then and then ... in this country you just need to promise, these inhabitants are so good!”. He was losing the sense of the limit, as it always happens and in all abusive paths. No wonder, therefore, if the words “Umbertide agli Umbertidesi!” Began to appear on the ballot papers. In the meantime, Dal Bianco accumulated well-paid public assignments and fees, carried out private paid consultancy, wrote little (disregarding the advice of the Mayor Mauro Mavarelli) and traveled a lot with the carriage always ready in front of the door of his house in via del Foro Boario n. 6, in the current Piazza Caduti del Lavoro, right in front of the Rocca, and at the expense of the various bodies it represented. Public and private were intertwining in a twisted way, to the point of heavily polluting the award of numerous contracts. The little travet, with a modest salary as a town clerk, was making a fortune. He went to the Municipality when he could to give important directives, while capitalizing the proceeds of his role as public servant in real estate. Dal Bianco, in fact, will definitively settle in Umbertide and in the registry office he is the owner, therefore the owner of unidentified properties. One thing is certain is that in the phase of the first enlargement of the city cemetery, in 1900, he bought a chapel in the left hemicycle, the noble area, next to other chapels of the wealthy families of Umbertide (Burelli, Santini, Ramaccioni, Savelli, Bertanzi, Confraternita of the Holy Cross and of the Good Death). His body rests in that chapel. Giacomino Dal Bianco died on November 20, 1914 at 6.10 am, at the age of only 64. We do not know what happened to his decent fortune. Sometimes among the mysteries that cloak personal aspirations in an arcane there is also that of wanting to be with the wealthy even when dead. Contrary to Facanapa's ironic predictions, Dal Bianco did not leave Umbertide and after his retirement, in 1894, we find him among the municipal councilors. The irony of the Venetian mask becomes inexorable and pungent: “He, coming from outside, loved our country as his own, and, neglecting his own interest, he took care only of ours, so much so that he will leave us humble and humble as he came”. Harsh judgments that certainly made noise in the Municipality and in the city. The constant, precise accusations of personal interests in his public role, and of enrichment with shady deals, today would have sparked a flurry of lawsuits and heated legal battles. That was not the case at that temple. The editors continued to publish their articles undisturbed for another four months: the newspaper will still come out with eight fortnightly issues until July 15, 1894. Also in the March 25 issue, the article "Resurrection" written by a very fine pen is striking. He denounces the sadness that has pervaded Umbertide for some time due to "the economic hardship of so many, which is making itself felt more bitter every day". With fine sensitivity, the editor analyzes the situation of the man forced to fight bitterly the life that "cannot be cheerful, cannot be good, cannot be willing to look at and treat others kindly". And he continues: “Every economic disaster brings with it a legacy of enmities and grudges; and we have in our country the example of many profound divisions due to similar reasons ”. He concludes: “In the midst of the common misery there are those who get stuck; who in the midst of the general collapse of souls rules; who from our discords draws strength and power ”. Prophetic words that transform satire into a serious and respectable editorial that many would like to sign. The reporting of irregularities in the periodic updates of the electoral lists is recurrent and documented and responded to the logic of granting active electorate to those subjects who gave greater guarantees in the election of docile candidates to the powerful secretary. He had also appropriated eight hundred lire of the secretarial fees, never paid to the municipal treasury, and had been sentenced to compensation by the Council of State, but in the subsequent appeal to the Ministry, the Municipality strangely did not become an injured party and Giacomino won the match. The Ghibelline from the north had created a kind of feudal vassalage to which the administrators were unable to react. It should be remembered that in 1887, among the reasons for the resignation of the historic mayor of Umbertide, Mauro Mavarelli, the minutes report the harsh criticism of his own advisers for not having removed the cumbersome subject from his office. In this situation the newspaper became a guarantee garrison appreciated by many, not only of the opposition, but also of the majority, and carried out that role of control and criticism which the institutional bodies had inexplicably renounced. But its merits are also other: the numerous news events that document events of city life and enrich the history of Umbertide with important details, extensively treated by other authors; the description of the poor conditions of the peasants and of their houses reduced to pigsties; a rude and arrogant small-scale agrarian bosses; the pellagra which bordered on high peaks with 341 people affected by the disease, while Gubbio, with a much larger territory, had a hundred, Foligno twelve and Nocera Umbra only one. The disease, after having weakened the physical faculties, attacked the mental ones and led the patient to the asylum. Facanapa will excuse us if we add a footnote to his numbers: on the 341 pellagrosi the female incidence was double compared to the male one and the fact speaks volumes about the silent and daily sacrifice of our women in the fields who left the rare best morsels to their men because could withstand the adversities of work longer. Welcome back to us nice Venetian mask, which from the head of a brave sheet, buried in the dust of oblivion, coordinated the whip of the Umbertidese frog, intent on hitting the shady den of suspicious trafficking! Conclusions In this brief overview we have been able to observe the miseries of politics expropriated by a troublesome and intriguing bureaucracy; the maneuvers of a capable and prepared character who had put his remarkable gifts at the service of obscure personal interests; the serious and prolonged omissive responsibilities of conniving administrators. But we have also seen the magnitudes and values: - a handful of generous young people determined to replace the institutions in order to eliminate the corruption; - the positive role of the press which in eight months has helped to resolve situations gangrenous for years; - the polite tone of a close and never delegitimizing political dialectic, conducted by gentlemen of other times; - genuine respect even for the main target of the invectives, towards which subtle irony is used, never vulgarity and much less personal offenses. They seem like values to us to be exalted not only because they disappeared on the threshold of the third millennium, but because indispensable to rebuild the identity of a people starting from the roots of men municipalities that made civil conscience and a sense of legality grow among the people of Umbertide. Sources: "A FREE MAN - Roberto Sciurpa, a passionate civil commitment" - by Federico Sciurpa - Petruzzi publisher, Città di Castello, June 2012 Roberto Sciurpa tells the story of Umbertide to school pupils Roberto Sciurpa with the collector Raffaele Bozzi, owner of the collection of "Facanapa", at the presentation of the magazine Roberto Sciurpa with Amedeo Massetti and Petruzzi during the printing of the last book on the History of Umbertide In the pictures: - The first page of the magazine n.1 - Some articles on the first and last page - An advertisement The article dedicated to the presentation of the satirical magazine "Facanapa" in n.1 2010 of "Umbertide Cronache" signed by Amedeo Massetti The cover of the book that his son Federico dedicated to his father Roberto

ARRIVALS AND DEPARTURES In this section you will find demographics considerations of today and of the past of our territory; in the subsections the trend demographic over time and then the stories of who left and who arrived . We are convinced that knowing the past, or who we were, will help us try to understand how the population will evolve, who we will be. This led us to think about the need to create this section: "Arrivals and departures". The study was born with a double "track", a double perspective: demographic, based on arid "data" or historical sources, and of "life", of people who emigrated or arrived ... yesterday as today. The rural settlement system in the past, defined "Scattered", connected to the sharecropping system, and "centralized" from the postwar period onwards, they have always been connected to the economic system that characterized over time the territory of this valley. The emigration of the early twentieth century, which continued until the 1960s, led many Umbrians to seek their fortune elsewhere. In the last twenty years, many young people from Umbertide have taken the path of professional training to distant places. The last three, four decades have seen a considerable increase in the foreign population which today appears to be resident in Umbertide. Now the second and third generations of migrants from various countries of the world live here. We believe it is essential to become aware of all this in order to prepare a common ground, shared as much as possible, for the future of all the people of Umbria. Beyond the repressive political moments that give life to exile "volunteers", as during Fascism, we are convinced that economic history can help to clarify the consistent migratory and immigrant flows of departure and arrival in a territory. A territory "full" of population with respect to its ability to offer employment generates emigration, we believe this happened with the increase in population in the sharecropping system of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, an "empty" territory of population compared to due to the new employment capacities, which occurred with the development of tobacco and activities related to mechanics, it attracts migratory flows. The historical economic and demographic perspectives are often intertwined. Our future And the future? If you look at the little ones you can see the future of Umbertide with a good approximation. We took a look at the PTOF of the nursery and primary schools of our country, First and Second Circle. There presence of foreign students in Italian schools is 9.4% while the regional average is 13.8% . The presence of immigrants from European and non-European countries in the first circle in Umbertide are 35% of the total students, in the second Circle (which also includes the Municipality of Lisciano Niccone) the average is 21% , with peaks of 30% . It follows for us that the definition of a common identity, as a basis for living all together, cannot ignore the awareness that we started from here to look for work in distant countries, that entrepreneurs from other regions of Italy, from Veneto and the Tuscany for example, they came to us because there was the possibility of setting up new businesses, that now prepared young people go abroad to study and work ... and people are looking for a better future in the same way as those who left 60 years or a century ago. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com Cipriano Piccolpasso " The men of this country are diligent, ingenious and solicitous and prudent because their little site for the continuous exercise makes it fruitful as a large countryside and a very large place ... "

THE "SPANISH" EPIDEMIC IN UMBERTIDE AND IN THE HIGH TIBER VALLEY curated by Fabio Mariotti We publish, with the kind permission of the author, the historian from tifernate Alvaro Tacchini, the article on the Spanish epidemic that struck Umbertide at the end of 1918, an article that is part of a series of articles dedicated to Valtiberina Umbra and Tuscany. For this reason we believe that, in order to better understand what happened and place it in a wider and substantially homogeneous historical, social and civil context, it would be advisable to also read the other articles that refer to the entire valley and of which we report the titles : “Spanish” flu: when and how it spread; October 1918: an attempt was made to minimize; Prophylaxis and popular nutrition; Public hygiene; The "Spanish" in Città di Castello and in the Nestoro valley; the "Spanish" in the Sangiustino area; Sansepolcro: the "Spanish" among the prisoners of Aboca; Pieve Santo Stefano: gratitude towards a military doctor. The "Spanish" among the military ". At the end of the page you will find the link to access all the articles published on the storiatifernate.it site of Alvaro Tacchini, whom we thank for his courtesy and availability. by Alvaro Tacchini The 2020 Coronavirus pandemic (Covid-19) recalls the dramatic memory of what happened in 1918-1919, also worldwide, for the so-called "Spanish flu" (H1N1). The following articles reconstruct its history in our valley. It was a shocking event, which locally caused the death of more than a thousand people in the last quarter of 1918 alone. At that time it was a very poor society, with severe hygienic deficiencies and with a modest level of health care, culturally and socially. less ready to face such a serious emergency. Moreover, a society exhausted by four years of war. Attention! In re-proposing these texts - already published in 2008 - we do not want to darken even more the mood of a public opinion already worried about what is happening. On the contrary! This historical knowledge can help us to better appreciate how much our society has evolved in the last hundred years from the point of view of democracy, social conditions (especially in the food and hygiene fields), health care, basic culture, fabric institutional and associative. One more reason to fight the Coronavirus challenge together, in harmony with the political, administrative and scientific authorities. The complete texts of the articles, accompanied by the notes, are in my volume "The Upper Tiber Valley and the Great War". The epidemic in Umbertide The municipal authorities of Umbertide reported the appearance of the flu to the prefect on 19 September. Since then they have regularly informed him about the progress of the epidemic. Moreover, the prefect himself had given strict provisions to monitor its diffusion in a careful and methodical way. The bulletins sent by the Umbertian municipality are a valuable source of information. In September 8 disinfections were carried out in the homes of 10 people who died of an infectious or "contagious" disease, as the traffic police often wrote in their reports to whom, together with the municipal brush, the health officer entrusted the task. The affected area was the countryside north of Umbertide, between Montecastelli - above all, with 5 deaths -, Montemigiano, Romeggio and Verna. That the situation aroused concern is confirmed by the decision, from the end of the month, to have the bodies transported to the cemetery by the shortest route, with religious services only in the church of Santa Maria. But the epidemic suddenly spread to the point that it was necessary to prohibit "the agglomeration in the church for funeral services" and to have the bodies transported directly to the mortuary chapel of the cemetery. In fact, the telegram sent to the prefect on 4 October painted a dramatic picture. After having indicated the number of people affected by the beginning of the epidemic at about 600, he updated the situation as follows: "Case reports in the last 24 hours are 30 locations in Montecastelli, 20 Niccone, 30 Rasina, 20 Molino Vitelli, 20 Calzolaro, 15 Ranchi Nestoro, another 50 cases in different areas - Three deaths in the last 24 hours, one of which was a prisoner of war was hospitalized in a civil hospital - Situation in Montecastelli worsening, making it impossible for only a doctor to disengage service - Please arrange for another provisional sanitary dispatch of disinfectants ”. The municipal authorities did not hide the gravity of the moment ("here very serious infection, high mortality") when they urgently requested the transfer of about twenty beds from the military hospital to the civil one, which had already exhausted them. The impact of the "Spanish" was underlined by the bare figures. In the first fifteen days of October in the municipality of Umbertide 49 people died, compared to 6 in the same period in the previous year. In the 12 information bulletins sent to the prefect from 5 to 30 October - but some are missing - we read of 580 new cases of flu, with 53 deaths. The 55 disinfections carried out during that month give us the names of 57 residents in the municipality who died of contagious disease. While there is no official death census, these figures paint a very significant picture during the peak of the epidemic. And the reports of the disinfections barely hint at the tragedy experienced by many families: in Niccone, Silvio Medici lost his wife and daughter; Pietro Boldrini the mother and a son; Domenico Montanucci, from Montemigiano, was killed by his wife, a son and a grandson of just 15 months; David Bacuccoli, from Migianella, and Vittorio Gnagnetti, from Umbertide, each saw two of their daughters die in a few days. The authorities took every possible precaution. The prefect postponed the commemoration of the dead to December, and ordered that the religious services of All Saints and any other solemn feast be limited to the celebration of flat masses. And, perhaps even in order not to depress the morale of the population, he established that the ringing of bells for holidays or funerals was reduced "to the number of tolls purely essential to the desired signaling". Sanitary conditions began to improve in November. There were then 40 deaths overall, compared to 17 in November 1917. The reports of the disinfections allow us to quantify at least 21 certain deaths for "Spanish". At the end of the month the Municipality was finally able to write to the prefect that the flu was "significantly decreasing", sending for the first time a bulletin with the words "deaths none". In December, the daily number of new cases dropped to 7-8. A total of 46 people died, compared to 17 in December of the previous year; at least 10 died from contagious disease. Meanwhile bad news arrived from the mountain hamlet of Preggio which, in the words of the municipal authorities, was isolated and "without health care". The infection was brought to Preggio by a little girl, already infected in Umbertide, a guest of the Mavarelli family for the Christmas holidays. Quinto Vignoli wrote to the mayor: “[…] the epidemic has also begun to rage in our town and surroundings. In the chapel of the Preggio cemetery there are two dead. One in that of S. Bartolomeo de 'Fossi and one in that of Racchiusole that cannot be buried because they lack the death certificate, as there is no doctor who draws them up. You will easily understand how much a doctor is needed up here in such circumstances (we also have no pharmacy, and having no roads we can say that we are outside the human consortium). As long as our health was good we did not get bored: but now we are claiming for our sagrosanto right. The coming of a doctor twice a week at this moment of such epidemic rage is negligible, especially since the doctor's arrival did not take place before 12 noon to leave at 2.00 pm Little for the town, but nothing for the countryside ”. At the urgent request of the mayor, the military doctor Augusto Massi was finally sent. He entered service on December 17: from the end of November to that date Preggio had had at least 17 deaths. Massi reassured the mayor about the benign nature of the epidemic in that place, but invited him to keep the schools closed, because the disease - he wrote - "spreads everywhere". From his arrival until March 6, 1919, the doctor reported 747 new cases of flu, which cost the lives of at least 9 people. The surrounding area was most affected. Massi moved on horseback and it took him three hours to reach the most inaccessible areas. In the rest of the Umbertidese municipality, despite a resurgence towards the end of the year, from January 1919 the "Spanish" gradually dying out and mortality returned to normal levels: in that month there were 26 deaths, just 2 more than in the year previous. There were 8 (outside of Preggio) those due to the disease. It allegedly made another 9 victims between February and 7 June 1919, when the prefecture sent the long-awaited communication to the mayor: "Since the influenza epidemic in the Province has almost ceased, the SV will be able to suspend the sending of bulletins which it relate ". The set of documentation collected allows us to quantify at no less than 142 the people killed by the "Spanish" in the Umbertidese area since September 1918. The photos of the documents are taken directly from the site. The other photos are by Fabio Mariotti from the historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide. By clicking on the link you can enter directly on the part of my site that tells the story of the "Spanish" in our territory. http://www.storiatifernate.it/pubblicazioni.php?cat=48&subcat=159&group=410 The Umbertide hospital in the early 1900s The church of Santa Maria in the 1920s 1918. The Collegiate Church seen from Piazza Guardabassi 1918. Ordinance of the Municipality who orders the bodies to be brought directly to the Cemetery Report on cases of new flu in the last 24 hours Ordinance of the Municipality which postpones the commemoration of the dead to December Preggio. Via di Mezzo in the early 1900s Telegram for reporting the number of deaths

Memory In this section you will find the stories of the collective and family memories of those who want to remember, thanks to the subsections that report the stories of the memoirs and contributions sent. We are convinced that the memories of those who lived in a specific era, with all the consequences of being born and raised in a given time, also have a "historical" value and are useful in clarifying the inevitable distortions or superficial beliefs about the past. Because through the lives of those who have lived, we can learn more about the consequences experienced by people in different historical moments, political choices, agricultural and technological innovations. From here, moreover, it is also possible to understand what kind of moral, religious, political and economic structuring of a given moment was for different social classes and how this could have profound repercussions in the way of behaving of those who lived in these areas in a certain moment. In the subsections the individual stories, which are never like this because they involve grandparents and ancestors but also their children and grandchildren, or, as in the case of the Second World War, a broad and persistent drama which, as Mario Tosti wrote, is it was "our ordeal" in Umbria. Learn more our memory for what concerns the first part of the twentieth century with the news from Umberto I on the terrible pandemic of the twentieth century, the " S pagnola " . For the period of the following we present " Aristide and the twenty years ", " Lamberto and the Resistance ", " The voices of memory" and the bombing of April 25, 1944. Among the unjustifiable actions of the period of the Second World War we report a long extract from the book "Tre Nuts" by Paola Avorio, on the massacre of Penetola and always on this tragic event we report the book of collection of testimonies made years ago by Giovanni Bottaccioli: " Penetola. Not all the dead die " , a book that can also be downloaded in .pdf by simply clicking here . The contextualization of the tragic events of the period of the Second World War is currently delegated to the " Atlas of Memory " which gives access to the interactive map of Alvaro Tacchini and to the " Paths of Memory " edited by Fabio Mariotti which report the events of 1944. We conclude with the figure of General Alberto Briganti, who crossed the past century, and through his life the history of Italian aviation from before the Second World War to the reconstitution of the Italian Republic's Air Force can also be traced. La Spagnola ad Umbertid e v to the page Aristide and the twenties or v to the page Lamberto and the Resistenz a v to the page Voices of the mind a v to the page Not all the dead die v to the page Penetol a v to the page THE Routes of Memory v to the page The atlas of the Memory v to the page Not all the dead die v to the page Penetol a v to the page THE Routes of Memory v to the page The atlas of the Memory v to the page The general Alberto Briganti v to the page Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com Paul Ginsborg " History tells events, it does not present facts as the simple outcome of causal connections, but as the fruit of choices, ideas and human values ... "

Storia, memoria ed identità Umbertide. Il sito si propone di divulgare la storia, la cultura e la memoria di coloro che hanno abitato ad Umbertide (Pg) per contribuire alla costruzione di una identità culturale comune nel rispetto dei principi Costituzionali. Questa divulgazione è e resterà senza sc HISTORY AND MEMORY UMBERTIDE Virtual place of memory and identity in motion Who we are We are a group of history lovers and scholars who want to create a space for the transmission of documents, memories and traditions of our city. The aim is the development of a shared identity that is inclusive of those who lived and those who live in Umbertide. The cultural and economic aspects, together with the Second World War, over time they have shaped the city, with its architectural elements and its spaces, but also the rural territory which for centuries has maintained its characteristic of scattered "settlement" and polyculture. For about 70 years, the scenario has been rapidly evolving. We are convinced that knowing the past, or who we were, will help understand how the life of the population will be structured, that is who we will be. Knowing allows you to have "new eyes" to see ... and think. Scopri le nostre pagine dinamiche Ogni pagina è un percorso, un grande contenitore dinamico, anche con decide di approfondimenti, sempre in possibile crescita perché la ricerca non deve avere una fine. Ogni pagina è un piccolo "sito" specifico all'interno di "Umbertidestoria". Pagine strutturate in modo da facilitare la navigabilità e quindi la fruizione. La Fratta di Carta Prima della progressiva standardizzazione della cartografia tra '700 ed '800 si sono prodotte rappresentazioni del territorio e di città mosse da diverse esigenze... Montecorona Sabbianiani Estratti a cura di Giuliano Sabbiniani sulla storia, vita e produzione della Tenuta di Montecorona dal suo libro “Montecorona – la Tenuta e la sua gente”, Gruppo editoriale locale, Digital Editor srl, Umbertide - 2021"... Memoria e Tradizioni La sezione delle nostre tradizioni e della memoria da preservare, curata da Sergio Magrini Alunno... Video di Storia e Territorio Raccolta di pagine con video si luoghi storici architettonici e particolari fonti storiche della storia e del territorio di Umbertide... Ricordi umbertidesi Nuova pagina del sito nella quale intendiamo dare spazio a tutti coloro che vorranno condividere con noi i loro ricordi e i personaggi caratteristici nella Umbertide di una volta anche con documenti e foto d’epoca... Fratta del Quattrocento Prima pagina dinamica che raccoglie i vari aspetti del sito su uno specifico periodo storico: il XV secolo dell'antica Fratta... Approfondisci la "memoria" ad ottanta anni di distanza dal bombardamento del 1944... Visita "OTTANTANNI" la sezione dedicata al progetto con UNITRE di Umbertide, IL CENTRO SOCIO-CULTURALE S. FRANCESCO con il Patrocinio del COMUNE DI UMBERTIDE. OTTANTANNI Il 1944 In costruzione.. In questa sezione il progetto "Ottantani" per il ricordo della tragedia che colpì la nostra città il 25 aprile 1944. Tragedia che si lega in modo più vasto al territorio dell'alta Umbria per il periodo del passaggio del fronte nel 1944. Progetto a cura di Mario Tosti, Unitre di Umbertide, il Centro Culturale San Francesco, con il Patrocinio del Comune di Umbertide. Con la Collaborazione di Corrado Baldoni, Mario Bani, Serio Bargelli, Sergio Magrini Alunno, Massimo Pascolini, Antonio Renzini, Luca Silvioni, Pietro Taverniti, Romano Viti. Gennaio In costruzione... Aprile In costruzione... Luglio In costruzione... Ottobre In costruzione... Febbraio In costruzione... Maggio In costruzione... Agosto In costruzione... Novembre In costruzione... Marzo In costruzione... Giugno In costruzione... Settembre In costruzione... Dicembre In costruzione... .... o visita le nostre pagine tematiche di raccordo... ... o scopri le nostre pagine tematiche tradizionali , strutturate come raccordo degli articoli singoli, a volte ancora da sistemare, da dove puoi accedere a specifici approfondimenti.. Nel tempo sostituiremo le pagine tradizionali con quelle dinamiche... "work in progress"! STORIA vai alla pagina STORIA PER TEMI vai alla pagina MEMORIA vai alla pagina TRADIZIONI vai alla pagina ARRIVI E PARTENZE vai alla pagina CALENDARI vai alla pagina TESI DI LAUREA vai alla pagina ALBUM vai alla pagina The information from the birth of the first residential agglomerations to the first archive news, The rapid time of political changes from the Middle Ages to the history of the twentieth century, the architectural remains, our monuments and works of art, the slow pace of changes in the territory that have come to define our landscape, the structuring of traditions, family memory ... all this defines the identity of a place and of the people who live there. Please help us to remember by sending photos (with date and place if possible), reporting errors on our texts, suggesting improvements or writing your memoirs, possibly with historical and contemporary sources, to build a vision of our future. Those who choose to send us images can choose to do overwrite, with the "water mark" technique, your "name and surname" or "family archive ..." on your photos, this to prevent the images from being used once on the web beyond the cultural purposes that we aim. For the same reason we have applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark over the historical photos of Umbertide which have been on the web for some time and in various private archives; in this way we try to avoid that further disclosure on our part favors purposes that are not consonant with our intentions. We come out publicly with parts that are incomplete and to be improved. Ours is an ongoing project that needed to be shared in order to grow. For now, thank you ... Adil, Adriano, Alberto, Alessandro, Alessandro C., Andrea Levi, Anna, Anna Maria, Brunella, Diego, Dritan, Fabio, Federico, Francesco, Giovanna, Giovanni, Giulio, Imperia, Isotta, Mario, Miriam, Loredana, Kalida, Paola, Silvia, Simona, Tiziana, Valentina RV, Valentina P. and all those who have sent us photos or supported. Help us remember umbertidestoria@gmail.com EH Carr "Change is certain. Progress is not " The information from the birth of the first residential agglomerations to the first archive news, The rapid time of political changes from the Middle Ages to the history of the twentieth century, the architectural remains, our monuments and works of art, the slow pace of changes in the territory that have come to define our landscape, the structuring of traditions, family memory ... all this defines the identity of a place and of the people who live there. Please help us to remember by sending photos (with date and place if possible), reporting errors on our texts, suggesting improvements or writing your memoirs, possibly with historical and contemporary sources, to build a vision of our future. Those who choose to send us images can choose to do overwrite, with the "water mark" technique, your "name and surname" or "family archive ..." on your photos, this to prevent the images from being used once on the web beyond the cultural purposes that we aim. For the same reason we have applied the " umbertidestoria " watermark over the historical photos of Umbertide which have been on the web for some time and in various private archives; in this way we try to avoid that further disclosure on our part favors purposes that are not consonant with our intentions. We come out publicly with parts that are incomplete and to be improved. Ours is an ongoing project that needed to be shared in order to grow. For now, thank you ... Adil, Adriano, Alberto, Alessandro, Alessandro C., Andrea Levi, Anna, Anna Maria, Brunella, Diego, Dritan, Fabio, Federico, Francesco, Giovanna, Giovanni, Giulio, Imperia, Isotta, Mario, Miriam, Loredana, Kalida, Paola, Silvia, Simona, Tiziana, Valentina RV, Valentina P. and all those who have sent us photos or supported. Who we are We are a group of history lovers and scholars who want to create a space for the transmission of documents, memories and traditions of our city. The aim is the development of a shared identity that is inclusive of those who lived and those who live in Umbertide. The cultural and economic aspects, together with the Second World War, over time they have shaped the city, with its architectural elements and its spaces, but also the rural territory which for centuries has maintained its characteristic of scattered "settlement" and polyculture. For about 70 years, the scenario has been rapidly evolving. We are convinced that knowing the past, or who we were, will help understand how the life of the population will be structured, that is who we will be. Knowing allows you to have "new eyes" to see ... and think. 2019 | the "Collegiate" - S. Maria della Regghia About 1920 | the fourteenth-century fortress and the market The Abbey of Montecorona during the flood of the Tiber in 2005. By clicking here you can to download the photo in original resolution. For a study of the extent of the flood in Umbria you can see the IRPI report here ( Authority of Basin of the River Tiber).

GUIDUCCINO DELLA FRATTA An experienced Frattegian administrator vulgar language and fourteenth-century poetry curated by Fabio Mariotti Conference held in Umbertide in November 1974 by Prof. Ignazio Baldelli of the La Sapienza University of Rome on Guiduccino della Fratta (Transcription from the original recording) From a paper manuscript in the State Archives of Perugia, S. Maria Valdiponte 28. (1363-67) cc.125-132-1375-76 cc.166-182 I want to start with some general considerations. In recent years, Italian culture at the highest levels has taken a strong interest in the regional aspects of its components. An illustrious scholar, Carlo Dionisotti, recently published a fundamental book on the relationship between geography and culture (Ed: “Geography and history of Italian literature”). I am not saying that all this was unknown until recently, but it was certainly strongly overshadowed as the culture of each country is strongly related to social and political reality. In the past century, all the forces of Italian culture and reality tended to unity; it is natural that in such a perspective, the regional aspects were strongly overshadowed and the accent was placed on what united the Italians, on the common aspects and therefore on certain voices and on certain great movements that had meant linguistic unity and Italian culture. However, it is certain that only in the last decades, since 1930, in Italy has systematic attention been paid to the regional components of Italy, and there has been a growing interest in a composite unity, made up of notable regional traditions, of different aspects, even if often in the millenary history of Italy these different aspects have sometimes sought a common denominator. Undoubtedly, all this must be related to the best Italian regionalism. We know that in the Italian regions, even as a political institution, there are serious periods: at a certain moment it could happen that instead of just one mafia we could have many small mafias and this would be one of the biggest misfortunes for the Italian reality. But many men of culture have confidence. Such a perspective - our trust in the regions - looks towards the ancient and takes the right of contemporary society from the ancient. Since the pre-Roman origins there has been a composite Italian reality; literature and culture in the vernacular was not born as a unitary one but was born first in the great Benedictine abbeys of the center-south, then in the municipalities of the center-north. If we look with a minimum of attention to the Perugian or Florentine culture of the thirteenth or fourteenth century we are faced with very different manifestations, sometimes contrasting, always very lively. This liveliness of the literary and artistic culture of our cities and regions gives us hope for an active, lively and non-provincial future of the regions. In a perspective of this kind, what has been maturing in the conscience of the Italians, what is the position of Umbria? Umbria has its own unitary physiognomy albeit in this larger unit, in what the Spaniards call the small homeland, in comparison with the large homeland, or the small homeland in accordance with the large homeland. Does our small homeland have an interesting cultural and linguistic physiognomy in that larger reality that is Italy? We are sure so, but first another consideration is needed. At first glance, some might consider the claim to the region, to regionalism absurd at a time when we are talking about Europe. Instead this is in perfect agreement. When men unite or attempt to unite in larger units each one must seek strength, his identity in the most immediate, regional roots in the truest sense of the word. In this broad, motivated and composite perspective of the kind I have said, what is the position of Umbria? I would say a position of extreme interest as the most ancient Umbrian culture, of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, is characterized by a strongly popular tone. Certainly very different from the Tuscan refinement, from the pedagogical, teaching, wisely Ambrosian tone of Lombard culture, but a popular tone in the Franciscan sense of the word. I use the term "Franciscan" with perfect conscience. The most revolutionary, most active movement in Umbria is Franciscanism for what it has catalysed around it political, ideal and cultural forces. In Umbria the most interesting literary manifestation of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries is the "lauda". That lauda of which today we are able to indicate various centers of active production, of different sign. A more revolutionary, Christocentric "lauda", as developed in Todi and Assisi, is contrasted by a more orthodox average "lauda". Perugia will espouse the interests of the Church for many decades in its expansion action beyond the Tiber, where Ghibelline traditions will be created, of rebellion against the Church, of rebellion against the bourgeoisie, of a popular character. All this produces a medium-popular type of literature: the "lauda" that chooses the ballad as a musical metric scheme makes a significant choice. Choosing the ballad among all the possible metric-musical schemes that the Italian and European culture offered at that time, means choosing the meter and the music of the most popular tone. Recalling Perugia, alongside the "lauda", we have the production of legal-administrative prose (the great municipal statute of Perugia was probably written in 1342 in the vernacular and is presented in one language, in a style that is attentive to the concrete reality of life daily); or a novel, the novel by Corciano and Perugia which offers us a medium-popular ideal. It is quite interesting to study such documents on a social and literary level. In this period there is an effort to recover classical traditions, especially French, translated on an actively democratic and popular level. The difficult equilibrium of Umbria, and of Perugia in particular, will tend to end rather tragically in 1370. Returning to the theme, it is of particular interest to refer to that family culture characteristic of the time. A "bastard" of accounts preserved in the State Archives of Perugia has handed down the accounting of a "gabelle" contractor, certain Guiduccino della Fratta (La Fratta was renamed, in the last century, Umbertide), which should not be seen as a naive and inexperienced minstrel. He was a man who handled considerable sums of money, having contracted out the municipalities of Montone, della Fratta, for a sum of 1000 florins, which, translated into lire, are currently 60-80 million. to be interested, with his partners, on a fairly conspicuous financial level: his actions, at a certain moment, went from Fratta to Marsciano. Guiduccino, therefore, was an important person even if he was not at the level of the great bankers of the fourteenth century. his accounting results in important payments even if we, on an anecdotal level, are more interested in the extreme care with which our Guiduccino treated his mount, the one he called his nag, which allowed him to travel between Montone, Romeggio, Fratta, Marsciano .... Here are some examples: ("Quisste sleep and the d. And the quail I Guiducino ò esspese. En prima espese a di xxx de November when I went to the Fracta wing for d. And to draw and put an iron of the ronccino and en j sheets of wine and en la provenda ii s. "). ("Item espese en lo trombadore when I el menaie to have the ordene of the dicta galbella of the casstello de Montone and dela Fracta and de Romeggio xxxii s. And vi d. Banned"). ("Item expended on the twelfth day of the dicto month in the arbergo d'Armanucciuo dala Resena x f.). (Item espese en vino to do honor to Fractegian cierte that I fommo ser Nicolò and I iiii s. "). ("Item paddles a day xviii of gienaio for the galbella de Montone won twelve gold florins of the quails had twelve of them from Sepolino de Luca and ten paddles of the d. Dele gallbelle caught xxii gold florins"). ("Item espese en axis, enn agute, elglie maiesstre that aconciaro the usscia and the fenesstre and 'l mangdoio, e' n palglia for the roncino, and the quail d. Espese Vagnuolo tavernaoio, and the quail d. Him die ser Pietro xxvi ll . iiii d. "). ("Item espese a di xxiii de marco en doie ferre nuova, en chiuov for the roncino and plump to make poltrilglia en glie pieie xxii s."). ("Item paddles in tormentina, in oil, in fat de casstrone to make the onhuento for the pies of the roncino xv s. (1)"). Note read: d. (to denare); ll (for livere); f. (for florins); s. (for solde). As can be deduced from certain peculiarities, the language used is that typical of the territory that goes from Perugia to Fratta. In the morphological system of ancient Perugia we note the presence of the neutral plural in "a", while the masculine plural in "i" does not exist; plural masculine and feminine, on the other hand, are united by the ending in "and". In the accounts of Guiduccino the vernacular is used and this constitutes a rather remarkable novelty as most of the accounts of this kind, throughout the century, are still kept in Latin. This means that Guiduccino - like many others - had a strong sense of the vernacular of his country, and therefore preferred it to Latin. Guiduccino, however, knew Latin, as evidenced by the transcription of "Adoro te devote", albeit in a somewhat approximate way. The choice of the vernacular is always a positive choice: Latin is the tradition, but men who have an interest for daily activity, they turn to the vulgar. Boccaccio's leading scholar has made a rather interesting observation; most of the codes that contain the "Decameron" have all passed through the hands of Italian bankers. We must not think of the "Decameron" as it appears to us from the cinema, but as a business book, the book that attracted bankers and the practical world of fourteenth-century Italy. Guiduccino is a small banker in the area and therefore has a very strong interest in the vulgar. But it is not only this that Guiduccino left in his account book, in his "bastardello": he also transcribed, if not composed, some poetic documents of considerable interest. Let me open a parenthesis. Many times some of the oldest documents of Italian poetry have been handed down to us through rather unusual roads. The literature in the vernacular is looked upon with a certain contempt by the university centers and by the men of the highest culture and therefore was not preserved from time with the same care given to the Latin texts. The book was a precious object, of very high cost: therefore the great ecclesiastical communities, princes, some notaries, universities could possess it. The parchment was used for important texts (St. Augustine, legal texts) while a work in vernacular written around the 11th-12th century was reported on some fragments of parchment, but in most cases it was not preserved or preserved. Then we find many of the most interesting texts of the origins of Italian culture and literature, from time to time, rather casually in certain half pages left blank. There is a codex by Gratian, a medieval jurist, in which when a chapter is finished, you go to a new page, leaving half a page blank. In this half page we come across a man of revolutionary culture who has a sense for the vulgar and hands down a text written in those centuries. Some of the most ancient rhythms of Italian poetry - Cassinese rhythm, Laurentian rhythm, Marche rhythm of S. Alessio - are handed down rather casually in this manner. Other documents were saved, just as casually, through the "guard" of the code, a large piece of parchment placed to protect the code itself. On these "guards" there are very important ancient texts. A notary from Umbertide must have had one of these codes at hand because he made a mess of it: there are 7-8 "bastardelli" linked by pages of the same 11th century code. The ways in which this ancient literature is handed down in the vernacular are casual to exceptional. I myself was lucky enough to discover the oldest existing Tuscan text in America, written at the end of the 11th century, in the "guard" of a codex of the Philadelphia library. There is a legal provision of the municipality of Bologna which prohibits notaries from leaving blank pages in documents to avoid tampering. And it is precisely in these blank pages that we find the most unexpected things in the study of ancient codes. The notaries of Bologna in the 13th century were men of particularly refined culture as the many pages that remained blank in the transcription of the documents were filled by them with extremely interesting copies of vernacular texts. In these Bolognese memorials - dated 1286 - there is a sonnet by Dante who was just over 20 years old in that year, but was so famous that a notary to fill a half blank page transcribes the sonnet of the Garisenda. And, if it was difficult for high-level vulgar texts to be saved, this was even more difficult for texts of a popular tone, considered negligible and therefore not transcribed. The Bolognese notaries have transcribed, along with songs by Jacopo da Lentini, even popular ballads. We said that Guiduccino was a man of good taste, he too had a blank page or two in his "bastardello" and he transcribed 4 ballads and a couple of prayers in Latin. The 4 ballads are not otherwise known and they are certainly all by the same author because they are united by a thematic element: loving fidelity. The ballads were written close to Umbertide since there are linguistic elements that certainly recall the region I was talking about before; and here they are: THE “You will never have pity cruel woman of me? and you know that 'l cur te de, and already do not aim at the time that was gone. If you thought about time how much is nobel thing, it is not yet in time to give your servant pose? and you are not flat and yet me dul de te that I brought you fe and tu en ver me always cruelty. Averaie tu maie pity Flee as much as you know that I too will follow you, that I love you more than never, and you do not want to suffer, say who you mean, and that I too will follow you and do not hope though that I abandone you that my heart goes away. Averaie you II My sweet lord, take merchandise of me who am subject to your faith. The annema, the body and my whole person to you donaie for the love I look at: if absentia foie, now forgive me, that I will obey you and never be late anymore, but this dart that is in my heart luie aial from me for love, faith. And the rays of light and your kindness I am taken to fall in love with your love, and in memory of the Danish faith I always contemplate in true color: to! dear my lord, your faith do not break it to me as others believe. Vague ballad, go to my lord And tell her to be firm and strong to me, and of his beautiful eyes and pious glance do not do my despect to no lover, but as a diamond keep faith to me who sees me for his love to die. III So that with close love I am for you, the annema is the heart always fo de you. He did not deserve, sir, so many ghuaie, because he loved you with 'perta fe, but I don't think he ever does that, star gientil, proceeded from you, but only he who never had fe with his and deceit he betrayed you and me. Giovene and beautiful, I don't want you to believe that it hurts me already being here for you, nor ancho de morir for quilla faith which you gave to me without error: donqua perfect love as a favor to you keeps el cor alegro towards me. Yes, as Arcita went down in prison What a podia Ymilia always see, maie huomo in the world had such a state that it seems I didn't think I had, but if near love were you assaie comfort doneresste to me. IV If he had been wise en ver de me, still possess my fe. Tu senca fe dolciecca deceived me, me who loved you more than anything else love, with your locenghe aie me more than robato how tender are the keys to my heart: I fell in the low sun for you, nor did you ever record more than me. But you do not look that your and deceive sleep known by those who use you, so that from outside what spreads within: the time that says mecho will pass, think for what your mala fe many will benefit by harming you. Sweet ballad is telling everyone who calls others to be wise and haughty and does not look at the pain with mocti thieves de who for robar others is so manero hold your purse tightly and your heart to yourself to what is not false fe. The elegant yet popular tone of the ballads is evident. It is an elegance that is revealed in the systematic nature of certain truncated rhymes, a usual element in poetic composition. The high cultural level is revealed in a truly amazing detail: the presence of an echo of a work by Boccaccio. This sonnet I am talking about was probably transcribed in Umbertide, in Montelabate, or in the territory between them, by Guiduccino della Fratta around 1363. Boccaccio is still alive and here there is a reference not to his major work, the "Decameron", which had already had a notable diffusion at the time, but at the "Teseida", an early work in eighth with very little diffusion in Italy. We are facing a local and regional culture, but not a provincial one. The region, however, has an active and cultural sense only if it is open to the reality of other countries and other regions. In the area we are talking about there is someone who cultivates poetry on a rather original level, even if it is not excellent poetry and is very attentive to the cultural reality of the largest centers, of the most notable poets. The reference to "Teseida" is when he says: "Sìcomme Arcita went down in prison / who can always see Ymilia see". Arcita and Palaemon are the two Theban prisoners in Athens prisons who fell in love with Emilia. I am not going to tell you about the "Teseida" but it is a story based on the love of two prisoners for a young girl who they see wandering around in the garden from a cell window. Here Guiduccino refers to the second part of the novel when Arcita, who has been allowed to leave Athens, comes back, with grave danger for his life, in order to see Emilia again. The interesting thing about these documents is the almost first-hand experience of the culture of a certain regional sign, actively present in what are the currents of the higher centers, for example by Boccaccio. These ballads, of notable poetic workmanship, were certainly written in the area we are talking about. What is the proof of this? The overwhelming proof is provided by the type of rhyme, which necessarily preserves the original aspect. We find in rhyme “enganne” with “spande” (In verses 9 and 11 of the ballad “Se saggio stato en ver de me”). We know that the ancient technique required perfect rhyme, while in this case there is no perfect rhyme. If we try to get a perfect rhyme in these two words we get "engenne", "spanne". You know that in most of Umbria "when" is said "quanno" (Foligno, for example). So evidently the poet of these ballads wrote "enganne" in rhyme with "spanne"; the copyist then changed "spans" and broke the rhyme. One might think that the ballads were written in southern Umbria; however, we cannot refer to the current situation, we must refer to the 14th century situation. Now it turns out that the consonant group "nd" was frequently found in the form "nn" in Gubbio. This means that this form extended far north than it is in today's dialects. In conclusion, we can say that these ballads were written in Umbria in an area not far from Guiduccino's homeland. The language of the above ballads and accounts roughly coincides with that of the Perugia theaters. However, there are two peculiarities that certainly recall Umbertide. To say "we went" we use the form "gemmo" and not "gimmo". "Gimmo" is the Perugian form; “Gemmo” is the northernmost form, almost castellana (and is the form used by Guiduccino della Fratta). Towards the area of Pierantonio there is still today a linguistic border of extreme interest: in that point passes one of the most important linguistic borders not only of Umbria, but even of Italy. From this point of view, those who are "Frattegiano" - how to say Guiduccino - use very different forms from those used, for example, in Ponte Valleceppi, that is, the sonorisation of the intervocalic "s". In the south of Italy the intervocalic "s" is always sonorous; north of the line I mentioned earlier we begin to find the sonic intervocalic "s". In the text reported above, in two or three cases, instead of the "s" our Guiduccino uses a "c", which in ancient texts was read as "z", for example in precedent, in chiecia, in piceglie (for "peas"). This form was used alluding to a sonorous "s": it is a hypothesis formulated by me at the time of the discovery of the texts, which I still confirm today. Even this land - I use "terra" with the medieval value of the term which means "walled land", "land surrounded by walls" - that is Umbertide had these interests towards the vulgar; interests towards a literary possibility with regional components (presence of the vulgar Perugian ) with some more local peculiarities (presence of probably "Frattegian" forms) or with a notable openness towards reality and larger centers (2). Note (2) See Ignazio Baldelli “Ballads and prayers in a book of accounts of the century. XIV - in idem, Vulgar Middle Ages from Montecassino to Umbria, Bari 1971, pp. 371-383. On 29 January 1980 the Umbertide City Council named a street in the area that was formerly called "Terziere Inferiore" or "Porta Nuova" (the current area of Piazza San Francesco and offshoots) after Guiduccino della Fratta. The professor. Carlo Dionisotti Via Guiduccino della Fratta

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY FRATTA curated by Fabio Mariotti Life in Fratta In the land of Fratta the seventeenth century, with the exception of the "War of the Grand Duke" (1643-44) (1), was a century of peace that flowed between the usual difficulties and the numerous religious events (feasts, processions, etc.). ). The life of the Frattegiani was hard from birth: the "archoglitrici", also called mammane, did not attend special courses to carry out their work and had to rely on the only practice they could have. It was probably one of the components of the high infant mortality, especially that of the first day which - consulting the parish archives - was five percent. The percentage remained high even in the first year of life, if we look at a statistic of the decade 1661-1670 relating to the parish of Sant'Erasmo. During this period, 166 people died here (about 17 per year) and of these 45, that is 27 per cent, within the first year of life. In the same decade, as many as 88 people (53 percent) died before their tenth birthday. More males than females were born and the trend will continue until the second half of the nineteenth century, when the reverse trend will begin. Women had an average life span of two years and two months longer than that of men which was 25 years. There were many, as has been said, the chances of dying on the first day: the "archglers", even if experienced, lacked any notion of hygiene, just as they lacked the indispensable and prompt medical care to be done in the first minutes after giving birth in case of difficulty. Since there was a danger of death, it was the mother who baptized the child. The names with which the people were baptized were three (they could also be four or five, the nobles or the wealthiest families also gave eight or nine). When there were many, three were always those of the Magi: Belshazzar, Gaspar and Melchior. People often did not know their date of birth. Following the provisions of the Council of Trent, publications began to be made of weddings. The bride's dowry was linked to the actual consummation of the marriage and failing that it had to be returned. An attempt was made to leave the patrimony to the males and in particular to the elder. The head of the family excluded in time as many daughters as he could, allocating them as children to a future monastic life. These, growing up, they were kept at home, far from the social life, even if it was restricted at the time, so that the separation from the family and the entry into the monastery were less heavy. Here is a reason for the growth of the various female convents too in Fratta where, in 1604, the construction of the monastery of Santa began Maria Nuova (at the end of the Piaggiola going down on the left, where it was the mechanic Remo). The Petrogalli family. rich landowners of Fratta with manor house along the Tiber, in 1610 it was made up of two brothers, Marcello and Cristoforo, who they had two daughters each to take care of. They solved the problem by sending one in a monastery in Perugia, while two others made them enter the monastery of Santa Maria Nuova di Fratta established a few years ago, giving them as a dowry how much required by the rule, that is, more than four hundred scudi per daughter. This sum it might seem elevated, in fact it was not, as the fourth girl, daughter Marcello, somehow managed to avoid the convent and get married, had to bring two thousand scudi as a dowry, a figure four or five times higher than that paid by his father for his sister and the two most unfortunate cousins. This was also the case for male children, not firstborn. In this period little changed even in the way of dressing. French dresses appeared, whereby the women showed the upper part of the chest from the wide square neckline. The men shortened the dress below the belt and, putting down the long white or colored wool breeches, they adopted short breeches, even if not yet tied to the knee as in the eighteenth century. What did not change was that world of ancient habits, taboos, diabolical presences, various witchcraft, where the witches worked tirelessly making or dissolving "bills" and increasing the fears that were handed down from generation to generation. Hunting was practiced a lot, mostly using hounds and greyhounds. In addition to the "schioppi", the "lepore nets" (ie hare nets) and the "cortinelle", for partridges, were in vogue. The animals with the greatest appetite were “hares, partridges, pheasants, quails, rock partridges, goats and pigs”. The fishing was practiced with the "cannicciaia" (a reed trap, built so that the fish, once in. They could not get out), with the "ice", leaded net tool to stay underwater, or with the “Tramaglio”, long trawl net. This means of fishing, to which weights were applied to immerse it and corks to keep the upper part at the surface of the water, crossed the first half of the twentieth century and remained almost unchanged. Among the games, an inventory from 1662 mentions "a shape for making balls". They were terracotta balls with which children always have played, also using them in Umbertide until the Fifties (of the twentieth century) before the advent of colored glass balls. The "Goose Game" was also very popular, a table pastime like today's bingo, embodied in a large billboard where 63 cartoons were drawn, progressively numbered. More people could participate using a die that was used to proceed forward, with the prospect of encountering penalizing stations. Note: 1. The complete account of the "War of the Grand Duke" it can be found on this site, in the History Section Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli Photo Tiber by Fabio Mariotti Greyhound photo (Wikipedia) Sources: - History of Umbertide - Vol. V - Sec - XVII - Renato Codovini - Unpublished manuscript - Calendar of Umbertide 2002 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2002 Il Boccaiolo (Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli) The Tiber just before the old snaps An ancient game of the goose La ceramica Martinelli - l'agricoltura, i vocaboli e gli animali del podere La vita in Fratta Le botteghe artigiane e il commercio Scuola, musica e teatro, alberghi L'abbigliamento e le abitazioni Il servizio postale, la viabilità e la sanità La rovinosa piena del Tevere del 1610 Le mura che circondano il castello di Fratta L'Abbondanza di Fratta Le fornaci, l'edilizia, la caccia e la pesca La guerra del Granduca di Toscana La nuova cupola della Collegiata e la chiesa di Santa Croce La storia della chiesa di Santa Croce La vita in Fratta The artisan shops and trade The potters The processing of terracotta pots, as well as of pans, warmers, jars, scine and more, useful for everyday family life, was very popular in the 17th century Fratta. It was an activity that came from afar, together with that of building bricks that brought a certain well-being to our society. That the manufacture of vases was relevant is confirmed by the Frattegiano Costantino Magi who, in his manuscript on the History of Fratta (1725), tells us: "The artisan activities of Fratta are mainly around iron and earth, which works with a lot of artifice . Its potters offer Italy very fine majolica of various kinds, that is white, black, stained, the white and the branded ones are very vague. The black women, adorned with arabesques and gold leaf and figures with vivid colors, are so beautiful that they also make a noble ornament for the beliefs of the great ". The processing of the vases took place in the Upper Town and in the market square (Mercatale di Sant'Erasmo). Another historian who dealt with the subject was the engineer Vincenzo Funghini who in his work Historical notes and observations on ancient Italian majolica (1889) makes it known that a large part of the potter production of Fratta was worked "by scratch" (also called "graffito "or" stick "), made on the engobe. It was superior to that of Città di Castello, known as "alla Castellana". Also in this city they worked "by scratching" (Funghini always says) but with a few simple shades of green or yellow, while the production of Fratta was richer in color and decorations. The factories and shops of the potters stood in the Mercatale di Sant 'Erasmo (today's Piazza Marconi). The origin dates back to the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, when they were built outside the castle walls because evidently there was no longer room in the small and winding via "degli Scodellari", inside the castle. An area close to the Old Castle, it was easy and comfortable to go to work, but there was also a ready possibility of taking refuge within the walls in case of imminent danger of war or raids by criminals. In the year 1643 factories and shops were deliberately destroyed by the soldiers of the garrison due to the war of the Grand Duke of Tuscany and no trace of them remains because the houses that now exist in that square and in the adjacent street were then built on their rubble. The factories and shops were then rebuilt a little further north, still on the road to Montone, in the area between the mill and the church of the observant Franciscans. In this area there was also the Martinelli vase factory, the only family of artisans of which we have any memory. The shape of the Fratta plates was the same as that of Deruta, Pesaro, Urbino, the "Durantini" (from the city of Castel Durante, later Urbania). They were different in the paint. What covered the factories of Fratta was not "enamel", but simple "showcase", that is, lead and silica based paint, translucent, or indeed half majolica. The mold-form used it was made of plaster, an imitation of the "burrine" of Deruta and of the "durantine", which gave a plate with a very wide rim, covered with friezes, leaves and other ornaments. The cups were very deep, mostly small, and barely had a border embryo. This also applies to the cups, placed on a base foot, larger and often equipped with handles. The vases were fashioned according to the whim of the artist, at a time when the taste for fine arts had penetrated all places, even the humblest and even minor artists knew how to give their products a very pleasant aspect. In the "scratch" work the piece, in red earth, naturally dried in the open air, was subjected to a light fire that gave it a certain consistency, preventing it from disintegrating when immersed in the liquid that formed the engobe. In the first half of the seventeenth century this liquid was made up of earth from Vicenza and burnt tartar or white earth taken from other areas (white majolica was also produced in Fratta). Instead of tartar, it was sometimes possible to use the dregs of the grapes, also burned, from which the white part was then taken. These components, well ground and mixed with water, were brought to a certain density, as is done with enamel. The jar was immersed in the liquid and placed again on a light fire so that it dried quickly, even if it was always kept raw. Taken out of the oven, the object was covered with transparent varnish so that the decoration was white, on the original red background. From the second half of the seventeenth century the engobbing is obtained with a lighter earth, tending to pale yellow or straw yellow, as can be found in many works by Palaia, Castelfiorentino, Castelli dell'Abruzzo. The Fratta vases appear especially with this color, to be attributed to the absence of the white earth of Vicenza or Valenza or other localities and the use of the yellowish earth of Trequanda, a locality in the province of Siena, later used for all the dozen of the following century. Scratching was not the only method used in the factories of Fratta; some pieces had a real painting on the white or yellowish earth of the engobe in order to form a new modality that is placed between the engobe decoration and that of the half majolica. The colors were light blue, obtained through the use of saffron combined with white, green with very diluted copper-green, red and yellow. The decorations used in our factories were different from each other: the edges of the plate usually painted peacock feathers, flowers, wreaths of leaves; in the center instead birds, plants, heraldic coats of arms or shields, figures, chimeras, grotesques and sometimes sacred subjects, cherubs, cupids, rarely found, all scratched and very colored. The Smiths Florentine art in Fratta, all historians talk about it. Our blacksmiths bought iron in Foligno (in 1646 to make it the circle of the dome of the church of Santa Maria della Reggia), but also in Senigallia and were able to forge many of the articles of common use: nails, hammers, files, boilers, pots , pans, basins, which they then sold in their laboratory. The same goes for lead, which came from Gubbio or Rome, which they then worked on, transforming it into objects for the home or for other craftsmen. Brass wire, which they bought in Perugia, is also widely used, mainly to garnish their works. They were adept at casting metals for small utility items. In such cases they had forms that they made themselves from time to time, filled with a special very fine and compressed earth, into which they poured the molten metal, obtaining objects that they then sold in their own shops. The art of blacksmiths was the greatest practiced in Fratta, a lot to make it renowned throughout the territory of the Roman state. The annals of the city of Perugia recall the construction of the gate for the fountain in the Piazza Maggiore made by the blacksmiths of Fratta. From 1647 to 1667 there are numerous contracts concerning the production of sickles to harvest wheat and its sale in Rome. The first, from the year 1647, says that some blacksmiths from Fratta met in society, they undertake to build in a year and then to sell 14,000 (fourteen thousand!) Scythes of various types. Other element remarkable we find it in a clause for which the same contract may undergo changes if they are brought to the square in Rome, at the same time, other batches of scythes for reaping, produced in other cities or in Fratta. This means that, in addition to that group, they also existed in Fratta other companies, capable of such production and related trade in the city of Rome. Another peculiarity: it is the blacksmiths of Fratta who establish the selling price of their products, which the wholesalers buyers of that cities contractually undertake to practice. It is a very strange clause: in fact today the seller practices the price he wants, to the producer it only interests to be paid, on time. We find a new interesting contract for the sale of scythes in 1667: one of the parti is a woman who works in the commercial field of Fratta. It is Camilla Mazzoni, wife of Annibale Burelli, and supplies "steel" to some blacksmiths from whom he then buys the sickles that they will produce during the year. "On the one hand, Donna Camilla Mazzoni ... from Fratta, on the other hand ... master Angelo and Mastro Cristoforo promise and agree to make scythes large wheat for use in the countryside of Rome number four thousand, e small sickles likewise for wheat, called campagnole numero dui milia ... ". As can be seen from other writings, Mrs. Burelli is favored in this work by her husband who rents the Sant'Erasmo mill. located outside today's gate. This mill had mechanisms and wheels for the grinding of the scythes, which moved with the water of the Tiber channeled up to there: in short, it is easy for Mrs. Mazzoni to undertake commercial business with the blacksmiths of Fratta. This document also proves that there were several artisans who produced scythes by the thousands for the Roman market. They had to be ready in May and, immediately after grinding, were delivered to carters who, with four-wheeled carts, they took them to Rome. There is a document in the archive: it dates back to 1666, it was released to a carter from Fratta who had to transport sickles to Rome, via Foligno. The carrier is called Antonio del Cuoghi, he carries eight hundred sickles weighing three thousand pounds, manufactured in Fratta "with acciari bought by Girolamo Francesconi in Sinigaglia from Rafaele Matrici". The shops Since the beginning of the century we have found in Fratta a fair number of shops of various kinds which together develop a certain amount of commercial work, such as to be one of the cornerstones of the town's economy. All had the common feature in the great promiscuity of the articles. The "aromataria" shop, which should have had, according to the name, spices (aromas) and medicines, instead also sold wax, nails, tin, glass. There was no specialization in some articles, as it will begin to do towards the end of the nineteenth century, but a considerable confusion of goods placed in a great disorder. Of modest cubage, they were dark and multi-odorant. The only exception to the promiscuity of the genres was the shop of the "slaughterer" (butcher), which contained only meat. They were displayed en masse on the walls, in large and small pieces hooked to hooks. The following did not end at the door, it also continued outside, on the public road, along with cured meats and sausage necklaces. The "butchers" did not use paper to wrap the meat, they put it in a venco and the customer, if he really did not have a "door", took it away dangling at his hips. The bread shop did not have regular sales as the bread came from the baker in his own oven. The fact remains that it was sold elsewhere, ending up in glass, nails, paints and "codfish". Shops and owners - Pellicciari Adriano : in 1600 it had an "aroma", in 1603 it passed to its heirs - Pellicciari Gapocho Pietro : from 1605 to 1615 he sold yarns, silk and various other kinds - Tommaso Pellicciari : in 1603 he sells foil - Giovan Francesco : in 1601 it has an "aroma", in 1610 it is "spetiale" - Wedges : in 1603 he was a haberdasher. It is also called "il pettenaro", that is, a seller of combs - Cecco D'Angiolo : in 1605 he was a merchant - Stella Anton Maria : in 1609 he sells canvas - Saints : in 1612 it is merciaro - Garognoli Fabritio : in 1606 it is "spetiale"; in 1607 he sells wax; in 1609, wax and fàcole; in 1611 he has an "aromatherapy" and in 1630 he sells "robbe for the sick" and other things - Bernardine food : in 1612 he sells bread - Burelli Ruggero : in 1601 it has an "aromateria" located in "strata regal", that is the via Diritta (today via Cibo). This is located under the house of Orfeo Burelli. In 1603 it has an "aromatic apotheque", in 1607 it is "spetiale" and this is until 1619 - Burelli Pompeo : in 1605 he sells wax, ropes, facets, aguti (large nails) and "other robbe"; in 1609, medicaments. Pompeo has an "apoteca" located in "strata regal" (now via Cibo), bordered by Ruggero Burelli and on the back with the "fence" of the community (towards the Tiber). In 1619 Pompeo has the qualification of "spetiale" (he sells spices and medicines, but also agutes, wax, ropes, facets and more) - Burelli Scipione : in 1613 (up to 1648) he sells wax, medicines, torches, little faces and "ghost stuff" for the hospital of Santa Croce. Also sells priest's hats. In 1614 he gave medicine to a poor sick woman. In 1621a workshop still exists in his name, probably run by a son - Tartagli Erasimo : in 1623 he sells wax - Pellicciari Giovan Paolo : in 1633 it was "special". Sells "giulebbe, sugar, rosé oil, termentina, bread" - Bottari Giulio Cesare : in 1637 he sells haberdashery - Check Alfonso : in 1611 he has a haberdashery shop - Stella Cosimo : in 1654 he sells salt - Lazzari Agostino : in 1638 he has a food shop - Forani Giuliano : in 1634 (until 1653) he was an apothecary and also sold wax - Francesco Fracassini : in 1641 he sells iron - Erasimi Giovan Battista : in 1654 (until 1664) he was a "grocer". It sells wax, brushes, tinplate, cloth for clothes - Mosè di Leone : in 1656 he sells cloth for "camisci" and also ortichokes. He is probably Jewish - Pharmacy of Montecorona : in 1658 it was transferred from the hermitage to the underlying abbey. - Herculaneum di Bilardino : in 1659 he sells eggs - Massi Francesco : in 1663 he sells wax - Francesco died : in 1666 he sold wax and other "robbe" - Cristiani Ludovico : in 1667 he sells gunpowder - Burelli Filippo : in 1672 (until 1692) he sells facules, medicines, medicaments - Martinelli Vincenzo : in 1683 he sells cloth - Iacomini Antonio : in 1686 he sells gold and remosino - Leoni Samuele : in 1696 he sells church chasubles and more. He is probably Jewish Drawings by Adriano Bottaccioli Sources: - History of Umbertide - Vol. V - Sec XVII - Renato Codovini - Unpublished manuscript - Calendar of Umbertide 2002 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2002 1996. Aerial view of the center of Umbertide. In the foreground Piazza Marconi (ancient Mercatale di Sant'Erasmo). At the bottom right you can see the old furnace and further up, along the Tiber, the former Draga (Photo Amedeo Massetti) Le botteghe artigiane e il commercio Potters tools (Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli The tools of the blacksmiths - Hammers and sickles (Drawings by Adriano Bottaccioli) Ancient shop (Drawings by Adriano Bottaccioli) School, music and theater, hotels The school The school was run by a clergyman who lived in a house in the Borgo Inferiore and was paid both by the brotherhood of Santa Croce and by the community. Located in the same house inhabited by the master, it was next to the hospital of Santa Croce, with the "back" (north) side facing the Reggia stream The subjects were reading, writing and doing the four operations: a course that did not go beyond the current third or fourth grade. A higher level teaching existed in Fratta already in the previous century and in the seventeenth century, even if we have very little news of it. We think this "high school" was attended by very few boys, all from rich families, who had to start an ecclesiastical career and therefore needed a higher education capable of placing them in the high school of Perugia. The brotherhood of Santa Croce owned the headquarters of the school and the house of the teacher and thought of the expenses related to the building, the furnishings and what was needed by the teacher who probably lived alone, almost always came from nearby cities and he remained in Fratta for a few years before being replaced. A document dated 1605 makes it known that citizens who sent their children to school had to pay a certain sum to the municipality. This then gave the teacher a fee, including the dues paid by family members. Payment was made every four months. The monthly income was enough for the teacher for an almost comfortable life. Not paying the rent, taking into account what he received from the municipality and the various brotherhoods, the extra services, the private music school, he collected about sixty / seventy baiocchi a day, while the living expenses were about thirty. In 1604 the master was Don Mariotto Ciarli, from Citerna, who was also commissioned by the Confraternity of San Bernardino to celebrate mass in his own church. He is given ten baiocchi for each "low" mass. In 1606 it is Don Battista Gatti of Castel Durante (Urbania since 1631). The master could also be paid with goods in kind. In 1639 Don Horatio Pulcinelli was the master. In 1644, due to the "War of the Grand Duke", among the many damages suffered by the town, there was also some damage to the public school. The windows of the school and the children's benches had to be redone, although they had been built in 1632. From 1661 to 1669 the teacher was Don Giobelardino, chaplain of Santa Croce, in charge of officiating this church. In 1689 the master was Don Giuseppe Traversini. It will remain until 1694, replaced in 1695 by Don Pietro Paolo Vincenti, from Nocera. Music and theater From the books of the brotherhoods we know that these lay societies of Fratta had their own chaplain (he could serve several brotherhoods at the same time), who also performed the functions of chapel master. This person was in charge of the musical part of the various religious offices when there was the obligation to make music and, together with him, there was the group of his students. In a recording dated May 1669, the Confraternity of Santa Croce paid a certain sum to Don Giambattista Fuli, archpriest of San Giovanni, to reimburse him for the expenses incurred in the purchase of "some music books for the service of some young men who go to learn and come to honor our church on all occasions ". There was therefore a musical activity which, in addition to the choirmaster, also involved some young people who went to learn. That is, there was a real school, suitable for forming a certain musical education. As regards the theatrical activity, we have the first news in the years 1614 and 1615. They concern the second constitution (a first - we know from the deed - in fact took place at the beginning of the century) in Fratta of an academy called, according to the ways in use at that time, of the "Inestables" and that, among various events, we will see reaching up to the twentieth century. Between the end of the sixteenth century and the first half of the seventeenth century associations of people who feel the need to make theater are formed in the various states of Italy. They had a first generic name (Academy, Congregation) followed by a more qualifying term, in a deliberately humorous sense (Sbalzati, Insensati, Illuminati). Those who were part of it were mostly educated people, professionals and writers, but also landowners and representatives of the town's commercial world, all united by the desire to tread the stage. They knew they were an avant-garde and were surrounded by a large majority of uneducated people, with great limitations on the art of theater. Each member had to choose a nickname, also somewhat humorous (the "Stracco", the "Fool", etc.), recorded in the books, used to call each other when they were there. The leader was "the prince", a name that later became "president". In our Fratta we wanted to follow the fashion of the time and the theatrical association was called "Congregation of the Unstable", that is of the Unstable, as if it were made up of people who in the way of acting, speaking, thinking, were not "stable", firm, decided. Instead, they were educated people, they knew what they wanted, they came from well-known families in the village, united by the desire to do theater, even if more for themselves than for any audience. We have two notarial deeds of the constitution: one of February 1614, one of March 1615. This association was transformed, towards the middle of the eighteenth century, into the Accademia dei Signori Riuniti and so much will be established in the following centuries to become our current Accademia dei Riuniti. In the deed of incorporation of 1614 appear Scipione Burelli, Paolo Cibo, Mutio Flori, Pietro Giovanni Martinelli, Pietro Magi, Paolo Spunta, Angelo Francesconi and Cristiano Christiani, all from Fratta. Every year, on the first Sunday of Lent, they had to meet to appoint the head of the Congragation (the "Prencipe"), the one who had obtained the most votes. A "Viceprencipe", a "Councilor", a "Secretary" and a "Depositary" were also elected. The offices assigned could not be refused once the election has taken place, under penalty of payment of a sum of money. The "Prencipe" had great authority over the other offices and over all the members of the Congregation, who taxed themselves the established sum on the occasion of comedies and performances "both spiritual and profane". It was also forbidden to enter the rehearsal room before the comedy was recited, while the actors were obliged not to refuse the part assigned by the "Prencipe". Anyone who did it was required to pay all the expenses incurred for the staging of the show. Accounting was done every month and any receipts were given to the "Depositary". A year later, on Saturday 7 March 1615, there was another meeting of the partners at the notary. They are always the same people: it is "Prencipe" Mutio Flori and they want to admit three new members to the Congregation, considered worthy of being part of it: Francesco Maria Soli, Alessandro Bartolelli and Giulio Santi. The hotels The "hospitji" were, in the broadest sense of the word, places of shelter and lodging for travelers. There were some within the town and in the surrounding villages, but also along the main transit routes between villages. The hospices of the cities had only the function of receptivity that today we define hotel; those in the open country always combined other and different activities more or less inherent to the traffic on those roads. Given the dangerousness of the times and the concentration of the population in cities, towns, villas and castles (closed and protected places), the countryside was sparsely inhabited and there were very few houses between the cities, so you had to travel many miles before meeting the safety of four walls. This state of affairs, in addition to causing problems for the wayfarer, also created problems for those who decided to manage a hospice in an unprotected place (e.g. Pier Antonio's tavern, close to the church and parish house of San Paterniano. , today's Pierantonio), facing a certain underworld that infested the streets of Italy. Given the danger of social life, these taverns-inns could only be considered safe places in the immediate vicinity of a strong house or a military post. An example, the osteria di Galera, on the border of Fratta, where Perugia had built a strong house (still visible even if very dilapidated) manned by its own soldiers. Since it was very dangerous to keep a hospice in the open countryside and in an unsecured place, only the economic advantage pushed the managers, who were looking for more activities to provide them with the necessary income. In fact, in the country hospices there was an inn, for food; the accommodation (inn); a fairly capable stable, because everyone used the horse to move around; the coach house (the four-wheeled wagons remained outdoors); the seat for the diligence, the "postal courses", a duty to which the managers could not escape and which included, in addition to the scheduled service, also the stop and change of the horse for private couriers; temporary residence and accommodation for public security guards (cops), a compulsory service even if paid; the managers also had to give hospitality to the poorest travelers, or even the sick ones, although it was potentially uneconomical. In Fratta there was a hospice in the Borgo Superiore, owned by the abbey of San Salvatore di Monte Acuto (Montecorona). It was located near today's Piazza Marconi. There was also one in the lower village "in loco ditto le fabrecce" (piazza San Francesco), called "hospice of the bell". In 1601 we have the first news of the existence of the Osteria della Corona, also known as the hospice of the Crown. It is located in the place called "le fabrecce" (Borgo Inferiore, precisely, piazza San Francesco, seat of many blacksmith shops). It is owned by Count Ranieri di Civitella. He rented it in 1611 to Antonio del fu Mariano Savelli for fifteen years. The tavern was at the beginning of the square "in front of the public street and behind the Tiber" (roughly where the mechanic Edilio Belia is now). The Savelli family was then one of the richest in the country: Antonio hired Francesco Mori, known as San Marco, to run the tavern. In 1626, the host of the Crown was Jacomo Mori, son of Francesco. A Pierantonio, Pier Antonio's innkeeper, in 1637, is a certain Baldino. In Montalto, host in 1637, he is a Warrior. He works near the Tiber, under the Montalto hill, along the road that leads from Fratta to the villa del Niccone. Photo by Fabio Mariotti (Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide) Drawings by Adriano Bottaccioli Sources: - History of Umbertide - Vol. V - Sec XVII - Renato Codovini - Unpublished manuscript - Calendar of Umbertide 2002 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2002 Scuola, musica e teatro, alberghi Interior of the church of San Bernardino Drawings by Bottaccioli Drawings by Adriano Bottaccioli 1929. Montalto castle from behind Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli Clothing and housing The clothes The Sumptuary Laws (1) forbade wearing clothes with precious ornaments and embroidery and Cardinal Bevilacqua issued a ban, in 1600, to rigorously remember these provisions and impose severe penalties against offenders, who must have been many. Among the types of fabric used we find the "hemp steel", with which table blankets and even socks were made; the "linen steel"; The "amuer", a fabric used to make church hangings and pillows, cost four paoli the arm; the "bambage", used for children's clothes, bed pavilions, bed blankets, women's and baby socks; the "brocade", used for church wallpapers and chasubles, church and hall pillows, dresses for women; the "cambellotto", a fabric made of camel hair for women's dresses, sleeves, dryers and busts; the "cambraia", coming from the city of Cambrai in France; the "camorrino", cloth fabric, gave its name to an item of clothing; the "damasco", originally from the city of Damascus, with complex weaving and design; 1 "'ermesino", came from the city of Ermuz in Persia, used for pillows and bed covers, robes, church chasubles, room pillows; the "filo in dente", hemp or linen fabric that was also made on Fratta looms (sometimes we find "filo un dente", which makes us think of the number of teeth on the loom comb used in making it); the "mezzolano", very resistant, made of hemp and wool, warm, usually used for work clothes, with which women clothes were also sewn, mostly in yellow, green and gray colors (they worked in plain colors or even striped, times mixed with silk). Then there was the "twill", made of light wool, barbed, made with the "twill", that is the armor that gave the fabric the herringbone weft. There was silk for the more expensive garments, as well as accessories. Finally, there was the "sgarza", with which the cheap chairs and the "wheelies" of the windows were dressed (in the latter case it could be treated with oil to resist water). The velvet was used for garments, then finished in gold. The fabrics came from Bergamo, Brabant (Netherlands), Brescia, Cambrai (France), Camerino, Cyprus, Città di Castello, Damascus, Perpignan (France), Ermuz, Flanders (Netherlands), Mossul (Middle East), Pergola, Perugia, Turin, Verona. The rich dress, for women, had a square neckline, with lace, pearl necklace and short sleeves. The bust covered the upper part of the waist and was usually an outer garment. Men's breeches could have slings with cuts; shirts, lace at the cuffs and neck. The "Camorra" was a cloth dress, for men and women. It could have been twill and lace. In the men's type it was long to the feet and open at the front, with a long row of buttons. The "ferrajolo" was a men's garment, wool, black or brown, long, possibly with a jerkin. The cloak, on the other hand, was typically feminine. The "manighe" were widely used because they saved the expense of an entire garment. In fact, the sleeves were used but not the relative shirts. They are mentioned in many inventories of the 17th and 18th centuries. The "sciugatoro" was a rectangular, fairly well finished garment for the shoulders. However, it also had other uses: bringing babies to baptism or other occasions. If, for example, a heavy object had to be loaded on the head, a "cercina" (twisted cloth) was placed between the "dryer" and the basket. The "zàzara" was the mop, that is, a wig. It could have been real hair or made with hemp. Note: 1. Sumptuary laws were legislative devices designed to regulate the ostentation of luxury by social class, sex, economic, religious or political status. Known in Italy since Roman times, these rules took on prominence from the thirteenth century, with the expansion of commercial exchanges and the birth of new needs and related symbols of wealth. More and more are those who can show off precious clothes and ornaments, with the risk of undermining the barriers between social groups and entering into conflict with the morality invoked by the Church. Despite their severity, the sumptuary laws proved to be of little effect and at the end of the 18th century they were almost totally transgressed. Homes Each house in the village is a block of its own, the height being the pre-eminent size (usually ground floor plus three floors). After the height comes the depth and the width on the street front which is the smallest dimension. Each block is not joined to the neighbor by a common wall, between one and the other there is a void, a cavity, it is not visible from the outside as the wall is continuous on the street front for reasons of public safety , hygiene and aesthetics. Features: First type - house for a family of medium economic status A single owner lives there with his family. It therefore has an entrance for its own use and stairs with a single flight, unidirectional, broken up floor by floor. On the ground floor there is usually a shop (but there may also be a "cellarer" or a "stable"). It has the door on the main street and when the house is divided in two another door opens on the opposite street. From the entrance you go up to the first floor and the first step is less than a meter from the door. Under the first flight of stairs there is always a basement used as a storage room. On the upper floors the surface is the same, but a diversification can be found in the use of the staircase: someone has one or two passage rooms; others have a corridor that eliminates the inconvenience of passing through the rooms. See the house located in via Leopoldo Grilli, at n. 11. Second type - house inhabited by poor families When houses were built for which the rent would be minimal, they tried to eliminate some expenses, of which the largest was that of the stairs. So only one ramp was built, unidirectional and continuous. Starting from the external door, on the ground, it went directly up to the third floor, with a broken uniqueness, on the various floors, by a landing. For greater savings, the space between the two blocks, that is, the interspace, was used when building it. This resulted in a rigid staircase with high steps. On the landings there was also the entrance, to the right and to the left, of two small apartments per floor. Examples can be seen in today's via Alberti, at numbers 24 and 26. The rooms on the ground floor were vaulted. Inside the castle walls there were houses of the outlined typology that constituted a harmonious whole well inserted in the architectural complex of the town. There were, however, also small living spaces, irregularly shaped houses with a very narrow double flight staircase, sometimes joined to a spiral staircase. There were also, albeit in small numbers, in the external villages (Borgo di Sopra and Borgo di Sotto), buildings that echoed the country building that had been affirming itself in the middle of the previous century (in the sixteenth century), the peasant house with the external staircase. One of these is still visible, inhabited, at the north end of the Boccaiolo. Another type of construction present in Fratta is the stately home It had an entrance door used only by the owner and family, a staircase to double ramp quite wide, built on a barrel vault, many rooms at each floor and the servants' apartment on the top floor. None of these were built with door and internal courtyard to allow entry and maneuvering for carriages on horses, as in the nearby Città di Castello and Gubbio. Drawings by Adriano Bottaccioli Sources: - History of Umbertide - Vol. V - Sec XVII - Renato Codovini - Unpublished manuscript - Calendar of Umbertide 2002 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2002 L'abbigliamento e le abitazioni Drawings by Adriano Bottaccioli Houses in the Trocascio square (Drawings by Adriano Bottaccioli) Last cover page of the Calendar of Umbertide 2002 realized by Adriano Bottaccioli Il servizio postale, la viabilità e la sanità Le poste Nel Seicento Fratta era già dotata di un servizio postale. Non essendoci ancora i francobolli, le lettere venivano tassate al loro arrivo, pagate da colui al quale erano dirette. Il costo variava a seconda della distanza. Una lettera da Roma, ad esempio, pagava molto di più di una da Perugia. Era chiamata "piego": non esistendo le buste, si piegava nei lati destro e sinistro, poi quello inferiore e superiore, come si fa oggi con i telegrammi. Il postiglione veniva pagato anche dalla comunità di Fratta. Il ricevitore e dispensiere della posta (chiamato anche il "custode delle lettere") era responsabile e gestore dell'ufficio postale. Era impiegato unico, doveva fare tutto: riceveva lettere e plichi da spedire (ricevitore), consegnava le lettere e plichi in arrivo (dispensiere). Nel 1634 tale incarico era affidato a Cosimo Stella che ritroviamo anche nel 1637. Il servizio nello Stato romano era regolato da un bando del cardinale Aldobrandini il quale stabiliva, fra l'altro, che solo i principi e i cardinali potessero avere un servizio di posta proprio. Tutti gli altri dovevano usare il sistema statale ed era loro vietato inviare lettere "a mezzo di propri corrieri o a mezzo di pedoni, mulattieri, carrozzieri, barcaroli, senza licenza espressa e in scriptis del Mastro generale (di posta)". Severe pene per chi contravveniva. Le strade La strada principale che attraversava il nostro territorio percorreva l'alta valle del Tevere, da Borgo San Sepolcro a Fratta. Terminava alla confluenza dei fiumi Niccone e Tevere, alla fine del territorio di Città di Castello. Era una discreta carrabile, come pure il piccolo tratto fra la villa del Niccone e Fratta, spettante alla nostra comunità. Nel punto di passaggio sul Tevere, poco a monte dell'odierna Montecastelli, all'angolo fra la strada e il fiume, c'era una casa-torre di origine militare costruita dalla comunità di Città di Castello nel Quattrocento per proteggere il transito sul fiume, distrutta nel 1980. L'attraversamento avveniva in barca e la strada risaliva l'opposta sponda girando sulla sinistra, su un percorso ancora visibile, passando accanto alla "casa dei fabbri", esistente tuttora. Terminata questa curva, c'era la Parrocchiale di Montecastelli e poi l'ultima casa-torre di sorveglianza nell'odierna località Cioccolanti (ancora esistente), dopo di che la strada si dirigeva alla confluenza per la valle del Niccone e la Toscana (Mercatale). A sud est di Fratta la strada proseguiva verso Perugia, attraverso la pianura, ed era chiamata la "strada del piano" per distinguerla dalla "strada del monte". La "strada del piano" usciva da Fratta da due punti diversi. Uno di periferia, a nord-est dell'abitato e precisamente dal confine con Civitella Ranieri (odierno incrocio bar Italia); si dirigeva lungo il lato nord della pianura toccando le prime colline (il "Macchione") sull'odierno percorso di via Morandi fino alla zona industriale Buzzacchero; si dirigeva quindi verso la casa-torre ancora esistente al vecchio vocabolo Cenerelle. Da qui proseguiva verso quella collinetta per scendere a Pian d'Assino dove c'era il guado del fiume. Si è sempre chiamata via "vicinale". L'altra strada usciva dall'abitato di Fratta attraverso la porta di San Francesco, prendeva il nome di "strada della Caminella" (dall'Ottocento si chiamerà via Secoli) e si dirigeva verso la Madonna del Moro: da qui volgeva un poco a nord per ricongiungersi con la strada vicinale di cui sopra. La risultante, come abbiamo detto, arrivava all'Assino uscendo così dal territorio di Fratta ed entrando in quello del castro di Serra Partucci (e parrocchia di Poggio Manente). Una strada dall'abitato di Fratta si dirigeva verso il castello di Civitella Ranieri: si svolgeva lungo l'odierna via Roma fino alla Pineta Ranieri, scendeva verso il vallone per risalire verso il castello. E' ancora esistente. La strada per l'abbazia di Montecorona iniziava dopo il ponte sul Tevere volgendo a sud (come oggi) e dopo trecento metri c'era il bivio per Romeggio (a lato esiste ancora un antico pozzo). Da qui proseguiva per l'odierna strada che conduce al Palazzo del Sole; dopo centocinquanta metri proseguiva in discesa verso il fosso dei Cardarelli, lo attraversava e risaliva fino alla casa colonica, passando sulla destra (ovest) per poi proseguire verso la chiusa del molino di Casanova, da dove proseguiva con il tracciato odierno. La strada per la Toscana risaliva la valle del Niccone fino a Reschio, poi verso la val di Pierle. Il primo tratto (valle del Niccone) era nel territorio di Città di Castello, il secondo (val di Pierle) in territorio dei marchesi Bourbon del Monte, ramo di Sorbello. Era importante sia dal punto di vista militare, sia da quello economico per i passaggi di merci dalla Toscana al territorio di Urbino. La strada per Città di Castello aveva inizio dal Borgo Superiore di Fratta (zona Sant' Erasmo, Piazza Marconi), si dirigeva ad ovest passando per il Molinello e la Petrella, evitando, così, sia il ponte sul Tevere di Fratta che il passo della barca di Montecastelli (si arrivava a Città di Castello costeggiando la sponda sinistra del Tevere). La strada per Montone, che aveva inizio nel Borgo Superiore di Fratta all'altezza del convento di Santa Maria, proseguiva verso nord con un tracciato leggermente ad ovest dell'odierna strada (verso via P. Burelli, via degli Ostaggi). La salute Vari documenti tramandano i nomi dei medici che svolsero il loro lavoro in Fratta nel Seicento I medici Dall'inizio del secolo, fino al 1644, il dottor Piero Lignani di Città di Castello viene pagato dalla confraternita di Santa Croce. Alternerà il suo incarico, nel corso degli anni, con Jacobo Pachetto, Pier Gentile, Bonaventura Spinetti, Cova, Ascanio Spinetti. Il compenso annuale, all'inizio del secolo e fin verso la metà, è di dieci scudi per il lavoro che svolgeva all'ospedale di Santa Croce. Veniva anche pagato come medico della comunità che gli passava novanta scudi l'anno. Nel 1638 è medico il dottor Agatoni e nel 1640 Alessandro Garognoli. Abita in una casa di proprietà della confraternita di San Bernardino. Nel 1652 è medico Costantino Magi. E' il nonno di quel Costantino Magi che nel 1715 scriverà la "Storia di Fratta Perugina". Nel 1654 abbiamo Pier Matteo Mancini, che veniva da Mercatello, e dopo di lui Gio Tommaso Spoletini. Nel 1663 ritroviamo Costantino Magi. Seguono poi Ascanio e Francesco Spinetti, Carlo Ranni, Innocenzo Fracassini, Alfonso Spunta. Dal 1667 al 1670 esercitano Spoletini e Costantino Magi insieme ad Alessandro Pellicciari. Dal 1680 al 1682 è ancora medico Gio Tommaso Spoletini e poi, alla fine del secolo, Agostino Fracassini, Paolo Santinelli e Giovan Battista Cherubini che nel 1694 visita i malati ricoverati all'ospedale di Santa Croce. Gli vengono pagati settanta baiocchi per ciascuna delle quattordici visite. Oltre ai medici, svolgevano la loro professione anche i cerusici. Erano persone molto capaci ed esperte nel cavare il sangue agli ammalati, aprendo una vena del braccio o applicando le sanguisughe (mignatte). Queste operazioni venivano eseguite anche dai dottori e a volte anche dai barbieri. Persona particolarmente esperta è un certo Lutio, barbiere, spesso chiamato ed anche ben pagato. C'erano poi le ostetriche o arcoglitrici, o mammane, o obstetrici: donna Marsilia del Cerusico, donna Mila di Giovan Battista, ' Faustina Remeri, Margarita de Censi, Giustina Mancinelli, donna Olinda e una tale Giulia. Le malattie Le malattie peggiori, nel secolo, erano la peste, il colera, la febbre di Maremma (malaria) e la lebbra. La peste ed il colera erano ricorrenti, anche se a periodi di 15-20 anni. Infierivano direttamente in paese o si arrestavano ai confini del territorio; qui potevano essere fermate o dagli sbarramenti doganali (poi si chiameranno cordoni sanitari) con sorveglianza continua o per semplice e casuale affievolirsi del male. La febbre di Maremma colpiva coloro che si recavano per lavori stagionali nelle terre dell'alto Lazio e Toscana del sud e molti di essi, tornando in paese, dovevano essere ricoverati perché assaliti da questo male a carattere ricorrente. La lebbra poi colpiva diverse persone e c'era un apposito istituto per ricoverarle, la Casa degli Incurabili, in Castel Nuovo (dalle parti di piazza Marconi). Nel 1630 ci fu la peste a Milano (vedi Manzoni, I Promessi Sposi). Si estese nel 1631 all'Emilia, quindi alla Toscana e il pericolo si avvicinò ai territori di Fratta. Si misero allora i "cancelli" ai luoghi di confine, sorvegliati da militari e sanitari. Il più vicino era nella zona dove termina la val di Pierle ed inizia la valle del Niccone, fra i castelli di Sorbello e di Reschio, al confine con la Toscana. Il 12 dicembre 1632 la peste era già in Toscana. Per passare il confine bisognava avere, oltre al passaporto normale, anche il "passaporto di sanità". Il contagio fu contenuto, ma nel 1643 un'altra ondata invase il territorio perugino. Arrivò in Fratta a novembre. Era il tempo della guerra col Granduca di Toscana e negli ospedali di Fratta, oltre ai soldati feriti, c'erano anche diversi ammalati di peste che, nel febbraio dell'anno dopo (1644), non si era ancora attenuata. "Contagiosa e maligna, con delirio e con copia grande di vermi per la grande putredine propria di detta febbre", colpiva persone di ogni età e sesso. Molti ne morivano e per lo più erano persone che svolgevano attività produttive, come capi di bottega e capi famiglia, in quanto più esposti ai contatti con la gente. Non fu trovato rimedio "se non lo smeraldo preparato e l'applicazione delle mignatte ("i vivificatori") messe immediatamente dopo il quarto giorno dall'inizio del male". A Fratta morirono una trentina di persone, per lo più capi di bottega e di famiglia, benché si fossero ammalati in più di trecento in due mesi ed a marzo morirono ben centocinquanta soldati. La peste tornerà a Città di Castello nel 1656 e nel 1689. Nel 1658 la farmacia dei Padri camaldolesi di Montecorona, situata all'eremo, fu portata a valle, nell'abbazia. L'anno seguente scoppiò ancora un'epidemia di peste, ma Fratta ne rimase indenne e in occasione della Festa della Immacolata Concezione fu fatta una processione di ringraziamento ("per rendimento di gratie per haverci preservato dalla peste"). Gli ospedali All'inizio del XVII secolo nel castello di Fratta non ci sono più gli otto ospedali del secolo precedente (del Cinquecento). Ne sono rimasti soltanto due: nel Borgo Inferiore, a lato della chiesa di Santa Croce, e nel Borgo Superiore, l'ospedale di Sant'Erasmo. Questi ospedali appartenevano alla confraternita di Santa Croce. In uno prestavano l'opera i frati Cappuccini. L’"ospedale de sotto", detto anche "di Santa Croce", seguitò nella sua opera umanitaria fin verso il 1845 quando, in attesa che si costruisse l'ospedale nuovo (1877), fu chiuso e trovò sede in alcuni locali presi in affitto in più case del paese. L'ospedale "de sopra" era quello situato nel Borgo Superiore, nella piazza del mercatale, aderente alla chiesa di Sant'Erasmo. L'edificio è visibile tuttora, disposto in direzione nord-sud ed è costituito dal piano terra e dal primo piano. La sua volumetria ci fa pensare che fosse il maggiore dei due ospedali ed infatti, nel corso della Guerra del Granduca, molti feriti furono trasportati dall'ospedale di Santa Croce a quello di Sant'Erasmo "...per meglio loro salute". In questo ospedale prestavano la loro opera i Frati Zoccolanti di Santa Maria, cioè i Minori Osservanti, che svolgevano la funzione di infermieri. C'era anche un ospedale a Galera, una villa posta alla base di Monte Acuto, al confine con Perugia. Disegni di Adriano Bottaccioli Foto di Mariotti Fabio Fonti: - Storia di Umbertide – Vol. V – Sec - XVII – Renato Codovini – Manoscritto inedito - Calendario di Umbertide 2002 – Ed. Comune di Umbertide - 2002 La rovinosa piena del Tevere del 1610 La violenza dell’acqua distrusse due arcate del ponte sul Tevere che rimase inagibile fino al 1617, anno in cui fu ultimata la ricostruzione Il 1609 ed il 1610 furono anni di grandi e devastanti piogge che ingrossarono la portata del Tevere. Il Bonazzi definisce la piena del 1609 “Immensa”. Alla Fratta fu catastrofica quella del 20 ottobre dell'anno successivo che distrusse un pilone del ponte e fece crollare due arcate. Rimase in piedi solo quella adiacente alle mura castellane. Fu un grosso colpo per tutta l'economia della zona perché si interrompevano i collegamenti con il nord e quelli con la Toscana attraverso la valle del Niccone. Passarono quattro anni prima che iniziasse l'opera di ricostruzione, nonostante le pressioni di Giovan Battista Spoletini, personaggio influente e introdotto presso la corte del Papa Paolo V. I lavori iniziarono nel 1614 ed il progetto di ricostruzione prevedeva la riedificazione del ponte con due arcate soltanto, secondo i piani del progettista G. Rinaldi di Roma, incaricato direttamente dal Papa Paolo V. L'impresa del capo mastro muratore Bernardo Cappelli vinse l'appalto per la somma complessiva di 7.000 scudi che furono addossati per 9/12 alla città di Perugia (scudi 5.250), per 2/12 a Città di Castello (scudi 1.167) e per 1/12 alla Fratta e a Montone nella misura di 2/3 (scudi 389) e 1/3 (scudi 194) rispettivamente. Spoletini fu nominato sovrintendente alla costruzione, che ebbe un inizio disastroso perché il 30 agosto del 1614 un'altra piena del fiume distrusse i lavori già fatti e travolse le impalcature predisposte. Anche allora quando succedevano cose del genere, si mettevano in moto i processi per la ricerca delle responsabilità. Giovan Battista Spoletini fu subito accusato di frode all'amministrazione pontificia per aver permesso alla ditta l'utilizzazione di materiali scadenti e il 15 giugno 1615 fu arrestato. Ottenne la libertà provvisoria versando mille scudi di cauzione e alla fine del processo fu assolto con formula piena e risarcito dei danni subiti. Per certi versi la piena del 30 agosto fu provvidenziale perché costrinse i responsabili della ricostruzione a rivedere interamente il progetto. L’impeto della corrente e la portata del fiume convinsero i tecnici più riottosi che due arcate erano poca cosa per un manufatto del genere e avrebbero lasciato un varco troppo esiguo al deflusso delle acque, con il prevedibile crollo dei piloni inadeguati a sopportare l'impeto delle piene. Fu disegnato di nuovo il progetto con tre arcate, esattamente uguali a quelle crollate nel 1610. Intanto i lavori erano stati bloccati e si rifece una nuova gara d'appalto, che fu vinta dal mastro muratore Ercolano di Civitella per 6.050 scudi. La ricostruzione riprese il 4 settembre 1617, condotta dai mastri muratori Francesco Valentini e Filippo Marinelli sotto la direzione dell'architetto Guido Bettoli e la sovrintendenza di Filippo Fracassini. La cerimonia di inaugurazione e di posa della prima pietra si svolse con un rito solenne, presieduto dal rappresentante del Papa, monsignor Antonio Diaz, Governatore di Perugia, accompagnato dalle più alte Autorità locali. Costantino Magi , nel suo manoscritto, racconta nei particolari lo svolgimento della celebrazione e a lui ci riferiamo per riportare gli elementi essenziali di quel lunedì 4 settembre 1617. La solenne processione partì dalla chiesa di San Francesco dove si era radunata tanta gente non solo della Fratta, ma anche delle località vicine. In testa sfilavano le quattro Confraternite: quella di Sant'Antonio della Morte, con le cappe nere, apriva il corteo; seguiva quella di San Bernardino, o Buon Gesù, con le cappe bianche, e dietro la Compagnia di Santa Croce, con le cappe azzurre; chiudeva la serie delle Confraternite quella del Santissimo Sacramento, con le cappe rosse. Dietro a loro sfilava tutto il clero regolare e secolare tra due cori di Musici e due Trombetti. “Ultimo a tutti questi seguiva il Prelato, accompagnato dal Magistrato e da molte altre persone e della Terra e Forestieri più principali, e poi la frequenza del popolo d'uomini prima e poi di donne e suonando intanto tutte le campane della Fratta con molt'allegrezza, si passò il fiume per un ponte di legno fatto per tale effetto”. Vicino al fondamento era stato eretto un altare con un grande baldacchino ricoperto da drappi di seta rossa. Il Governatore vi prese posto con al fianco due Priori della città di Perugia, nel cui territorio si trovavano le arcate crollate, i quattro difensori della Fratta in abito da cerimonia, e il personale ecclesiastico che assisteva l'alto prelato. Il rito si svolse tra applausi scroscianti uniti agli squilli delle trombe e al rullo dei tamburi, mentre tutte le campane del castello suonavano a distesa. Dall'alto delle torri si fece sentire un nutrito crepitio di artiglieria e ci fu chi pianse di commozione e di gioia. La prima pietra, benedetta e posata da monsignor Antonio Diaz, recava su di un lato una croce ed il nome di Gesù; sull'altro la scritta: “D.O.M. Deipare Virgini Ill.mi Praesidis Antonii Diaz Rom. Episcop. Casert. manibus ad totius reparationis molem fulciendam vimque demolientis amnis derimendam hic primus iniit lapis Pridie nonas Septembris - Anno humanitatis reparatae MDCXVII Pauli V - Pont. Max. - An. XIII”. I due archi crollati furono ricostruiti in mattoni posati sull'originario pilone, ritenuto idoneo a reggere la spinta delle piene. Nei primi giorni di settembre del 1619 il ponte era finito e le due arcate ancora oggi resistono alle sfuriate del Tevere. Nell'agosto 1673, la superficie carrabile “dalla Madonna del Ponte sino alla Porta del suo capo ovest”, cioè la parte che era stata ricostruita, venne lastricata con mattoni e con lastre di pietra (le due grandi guide su cui scorrevano le ruote dei carri), dal mastro Horatio Angelini per un importo di “tre quattrini il piede”. Fonti: “Umbertide nel secolo XVII” di Renato Codovini e Roberto Sciurpa – Comune di Umbertide, 2004 Le mura che circondano il castello di Fratta a cura di Fabio Mariotti Relazione ritrovata nell'Archivio Comunale di Umbertide, Fondo Amministrativo Storico. Risale alla prima metà del 1600 e l'estensore è ignoto. Potrebbe trattarsi di un sopralluogo effettuato in occasione della predisposizione delle difese per fronteggiare l'esercito del Granduca di Toscana nel 1643. "Nella Terra della Fratta è situata una fortezza con una torre di forma quadrata alta piedi(1) 110 e larga(2) 2,86 e le sue mura di larghezza piedi 4 e once 8, la quale ha due porte principali, una a ponente e riguardante verso la Terra con suo ponte levatoro(3), fossa e controfossa aldidentro, qual porta viene guardata da due bocchette per due pezzi di artiglieria. L’altra porta verso levante(4), parimente con ponte levatoro, che appoggia in un rivelino(5) a tondello, chiamata “del Soccorso” in cui vi sono due bocche per l'artiglieria. Nei fianchi della medesima Rocca vi sono due torrioni in forma rotonda che abbracciano la medesima con i suoi merli larghi piedi 60. Tutto questo forte contiene al primo piano una caminata a andito dove sono 1'impostatura per 14 pezzi d'artiglieria; sotto di esso vi sono due stanze per uso di polveriera, una per uso di cantina e l'altra per la legnara con carcere e segrete e da un lato due pozzi d'acqua perenne e in fondo della detta Rocca vi è sempre l'acqua. Nel secondo piano vi è una stanza col camino e due altre contigue per quartiero delli soldati dove si possono alzare comodamente dieci letti. Vi è anche il forno per comodo per la cucina. Vi è ancora una stanza con quattro buche per le sentinelle che corrispondono sopra la porta grande di detta Rocca e in questo piano vi sono otto imposte per pezzi otto di artiglieria. Nel terzo piano vi è lo scoperto di detti due torrioni con sua sentinella dalla parte del fiume Reggia, nel quale si richiedono sei pezzi d'artiglieria per ciascheduno. Nella medesima Rocca, principiando dal piano dei torrioni, vi sono cinque stanze una sopra l'altra, una dando l'ingresso all'altra mediante le scalette di pietra, tutte a volta con loro camini ed altri commodi, quali ponno servire per abitazione del castellano e sua guardia potendosi alzare letti sei per ciascheduna. Nella sommità poi della Rocca vi si possono mettere pezzi quattro di artiglieria. Ai lati di questo forte, dalla parte esteriore, si producono le mura castellane de detta Terra, fatte a scarpata di altezza di piedi 30, tutte terrapienate; e dalla parte di mezzogiorno per la distanza di piedi 316 dalla Rocca c'è un torrione sopra il fiume Reggia alto 50 piedi con i suoi fori per l'artiglieria, il fondo fatto a volta. Continuando la muraglia da questo torrione per piedi 227 sino ad altro torrione che riguarda la Porta di San Francesco, alto piedi 60 dall'alveo di detta Reggia. Questo torrione ha la comunicazione con altro fortino sopra la Porta di San Francesco e il ponte, con i suoi merli, luogo per le sentinelle e fori per l'artiglieria. Alla testa poi del medesimo ponte posto sopra il Tevere vi è un altro baluardo con muro di grossezza di piedi 6 in circa, detto della Saracina continente due stanze per uso dei soldati con fori quattro per l'artiglieria e buche per le sentinelle, dove vi è la saracinesca per serrare la porta e impedire l'ingresso al ponte. Dalla parte poi di ponente sino a settentrione continua la suddetta muraglia castellana per piedi 250, bagnata dal fiume Tevere sino ad un angolo a forma di torrione e da questo sino alla porta della Piaggiola, cioè per piedi 200, si erge un torrione alto piedi 60 e largo 48 ed ha la comunicazione sopra le muraglie castellane dalla porta di settentrione terrapienate come le altre. Queste muraglie per altri piedi 514 si uniscono al fortino o Rocca come sopra descritto". La relazione evidenzia alcuni aspetti che è bene sottolineare: 1. il perimetro delle mura castellane era di 1800 piedi circa; 2. la porta principale della Rocca, nella Piazza del Comune, aveva ancora il ponte levatoio con fossa e controfossa; 3. la Porta del Soccorso era munita di ponte levatoio che si gettava sopra un ramo della Reggia; 4. la Rocca poteva essere munita di 42 pezzi di artiglieria, fra pesante e leggera; 5. l'altezza delle mura castellane era di 30 piedi; 6. la Saracina sopra il ponte del Tevere non disponeva più del ponte levatoio e veniva chiusa con una saracinesca (da cui il nome). Essa aveva due locali soprastanti, comunicanti tramite una scala a chiocciola (quello superiore conteneva i meccanismi per azionare il ponte levatoio) e poteva essere armata con quattro pezzi di artiglieria. Note: 1. Un piede perugino corrisponde a cm.36,54 2. Per larghezza, qui e più avanti si intende la misura del perimetro del quadrato 3. E’ l’odierna porta d’ingresso alla Rocca, sulla piazza omonima 4. Oggi non esiste più. Consentiva l’uscita verso la piazza del Mercato 5. Era una sporgenza in muratura posta sopra la Porta del Soccorso. Se ne vedono ancora le tracce. E’ stato eliminato tra il 1910 ed il 1920 Disegni di Adriano Bottaccioli Foto dall’Archivio fotografico del Comune di Umbertide e di Fabio Mariotti Fonti: “Umbertide nel secolo XVII” di Renato Codovini e Roberto Sciurpa – Comune di Umbertide, 2004 L'Abbondanza di Fratta Un servizio di assistenza per mantenere basso il prezzo del grano in favore della popolazione più disagiata a cura di Fabio Mariotti Erano molte, nel Seicento, le opere di assistenza e beneficenza messe in piedi dagli organismi religiosi. Tra queste primeggiava l'Abbondanza, un particolare servizio che aveva il compito di fare provviste di grano e di rivenderlo al prezzo di costo, o addirittura inferiore, nei periodi di scarsità del prodotto. In altre parole, l'Abbondanza era la versione Seicentesca di quello che nei secoli successivi sarà il Monte Frumentario. La prima notizia certa sulla sua esistenza risale al 1630, quando il Comune si fece prestare 2.000 scudi dal conte Ranieri “... per servitio dell'Abbondanza”. Il prestito, garantito dalla vendita successiva del pane, era un'operazione senza rischi e il rientro del denaro era sicuro. L’addetto al servizio veniva chiamato “Procuratore dei Grani” e aveva la responsabilità della gestione complessiva del settore, comprese le provviste, il commercio e la tenuta della contabilità. Per chiedere il prestito di 2.000 scudi prima accennato, fu necessario avere il consenso del vescovo di Gubbio e non delle Autorità perugine e centrali. Il che fa supporre che l'Abbondanza, almeno all'origine, fosse un'iniziativa inserita nel programma degli interventi umanitari della diocesi, anche se gli organi del Comune avevano un ruolo determinante per quell'intreccio solido e costante tra il momento amministrativo e quello religioso, che era la caratteristica dei tempi. Il riconoscimento formale avvenne nel 1678, quando il Governatore di Perugia, monsignor Lorenzo Lomellini, emanò l'atto ufficiale della costituzione dell'Abbondanza di Fratta. Il nuovo "status" poneva questo importante e delicato settore sotto la tutela ed il controllo rigido del governo centrale e del Governatore di Perugia, ma indipendentemente dal rispetto formale delle procedure le cose continuarono a svolgersi in stretta collaborazione tra il Comune di Fratta, il Procuratore dei Grani e la Curia di Gubbio. In omaggio alle norme generali impartite dal cardinale Cibo, fu creato un consiglio di tre Abbondanzieri, che duravano in carica un quadrimestre, e venne istituito l'organo dei revisori dei conti, composto da due membri, per il controllo di tutta la parte amministrativa. L'avvicendamento quadrimestrale degli incarichi e l'organo del revisorato dei conti stavano ad indicare l'importanza di questo presidio umanitario, e non a torto se si considera che l'Abbondanza, con i suoi 3.000 scudi di bilancio annuale, era l'azienda più grande della Fratta, di gran lunga superiore allo stesso Comune. In una nota del 29 maggio 1655 della Confraternita di Santa Croce venne registrato uno scudo in entrata “... hauto dalli Signori Abbondanzieri della Fratta quali pagano per cinque mesi per appigione della stalla dove essi tengono le fascine...”. Il riferimento alle fascine chiama in causa il Forno Pubblico e quasi con certezza in quel periodo l'Abbondanza gestiva il forno, anche se non sappiamo sotto quale forma, se dell'appalto o ad altro titolo. Documentazione d’archivio Alla Fratta c'era bisogno di grano e i Magistrati e gli Abbondanzieri si erano subito attivati per avanzare la richiesta al Governo Centrale, seguendo la via gerarchica, in ossequio alle disposizioni impartite. Al Governatore di Perugia “... Dovendo la Comunità della Fratta provvedere nell'anno corrente di grani per servitio pubblico per la tenuità del raccolto, ha ordinato la Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo che, quando fatte le necessarie diligenze non si trovi chi offerisca all'appalto del forno, si esamini prima che quantità ne possa occorrere per lo spiano del pane da farsi dal Forno Publico, e poi conceda licenza all'Abondanzieri eletti di prendere a nome proprio sino alla somma di scudi mille cinquecento a Censo al minore interesse possibile, con 1'obligo loro d'estinguere detto Censo nel corso di tutto l'anno con ritratto che si farà del grano nello spiano del quale si dovrà non solamente calcolare il prezzo, ma anche ogni altra spesa che ne fosse occorsa senza che ne segua scapito di sorta alcuna e non vi s'interessi in conto alcuno la Comunità, ma tutto resti a carico degli Abondanzieri, i quali dovranno essere rilevati indenni dal publico consilio dello scapito che fortuitamente facessero, con far osservare poi per regola di buon governo gli ordini dati sin sotto li 18 agosto dell'anno scorso e Dio la prosperi”. Roma 30 luglio 1678 Di Vostra Signoria come Fratello Il cardinale CIBO Giovanni Bussi Segretario * * * * * Stralcio del verbale dei revisori dei conti che documenta il riconoscimento ufficiale da parte del Governo Pontificio dell’Abbondanza di Fratta che esisteva ed operava già negli anni precedenti in forma non ufficiale Adì 20 agosto 1680 “Furono rivisti li conti della loro amministrazione alli signori dottor Giovan Tommaso Spoletini Cassiero, Cristofano Stella e per esso al signor Monti suo figlio, Vittorio Spunta e Francesco Illuminati Abondanzieri della Terra della Fratta, quale Abondanza fu eretta con ordine di Mons. Ill.mo e Rev.mo Lorenzo Lomellini, Governatore di Perugia, l'anno 1678 adì 21 di agosto dalli molto illustri signori Annibale Pellicciari e Compagni, moderni Difensori di questa Terra della Fratta e fu trovato nell'anno della loro amministrazione haver detti Abondanzieri comperato some di grano quattrocentosettantacinque (475) comprate da essi in conti in diversi partiti come appare da libri..... Alla quale Abondanza è stato dato principio con scudi quattrocentonove (409) e baj quarantacinque (45)”. Foto: Archivio fotografico del Comune di Umbertide Fonti: “Umbertide nel secolo XVII” di Renato Codovini e Roberto Sciurpa – Comune di Umbertide, 2004 Le fornaci, l'attività edilizia, la caccia e la pesca Le fornaci di laterizi Le fornaci di laterizi erano strutture produttive importanti e diffuse alla Fratta e nel suo territorio. Ci riferiamo ai grandi impianti che producevano materiale edilizio e non alle numerose aziende familiari, munite di piccoli forni, che si dedicavano alla produzione di vasellame di ceramica e di altri oggetti del genere. In questi grandi impianti i prodotti più ricorrenti erano i mattoni, la calce “viva” e “smorzata”, le “scine” per il bucato, gli orci e altri tipi di vasi di grandi dimensioni. Si trattava di un lavoro impegnativo, con orari particolari che reclamavano una presenza costante, per cui spesso era tutta la famiglia che si dedicava all'attività della fornace. Alla Fratta quella più rinomata e importante si trovava nei pressi di Santa Maria ed apparteneva al conte di Civitella Ranieri. La sua struttura edilizia esterna esisteva fino a qualche anno fa, dove oggi è stato realizzato il quartiere “La Fornace”. Si producevano due tipi di mattoni: “quadri” e “scorniciati”. Il primo tipo era quello maggiormente diffuso e comprendeva mattoni comuni, pianelle da tetto e da solaio, mezzanelle, quadrucci, quadroni per pavimenti, tegole e coppi per la copertura dei tetti. Ad eccezione di questi due ultimi prodotti, il resto era costituito da paràllelepipedi di terra cotta di varie dimensioni per cui tutta la produzione si indicava con il termine di “lavoro quadro” e “lavorare in quadro” aveva il significato di realizzare un prodotto comune che richiedeva minori tempi di esecuzione. Il materiale “scorniciato” aveva finalità ornamentali ed aggraziava l'aspetto estetico degli edifici. Non si trattava di un lusso o di una ricercatezza esagerata poiché il gusto del secolo, e anche di quelli successivi, ricorreva a simili ricercatezze anche per le case coloniche. Si era soliti abbellire le facciate con rilievi sporgenti, marcare le sagome delle finestre e dei portoni d'ingresso con tratti meno spigolosi, evidenziare con i “marcapiani” i vari livelli delle abitazioni, collocare accanto alle finestre i “reggi-vaso” che non si utilizzavano per i gerani ma per poggiare il vaso da notte, ricavare nicchie per l'immagine di qualche santo protettore. Questo tipo di laterizi veniva eseguito su ordinazione del costruttore. Il fornaciaio predisponeva “lo stampo” di legno dalle giuste dimensioni che dava la forma voluta all'argilla e poi la cottura avrebbe pensato a rendere stabile il manufatto. Oltre alla fornace di Santa Maria del conte Ranieri, c'era quella di Poggio Manente, detta la "Fornace del Poggio", che apparteneva ai conti di quel territorio, e la fornace della Badia dei frati Camaldolesi di Monte Corona, situata lungo il Tevere, a poca distanza dall'Abbazia. Quella di Monte Acuto attraversò un periodo di particolare fortuna perché apparteneva al mastro e valido architetto Filippo Fracassini, l'appaltatore delle opere più importanti della Fratta. È chiaro che i mattoni necessari alle opere prese in appalto se li fabbricava da solo, realizzando un doppio profitto. Costui, infatti, nel 1637 vendette tremila mattoni alla chiesa della Madonna della Reggia di cui stava rifacendo la cupola. Nel 1641 ricevette dalla stessa 25 scudi “per le cotte della fornace” e nel 1646 altri trenta scudi “per coprire la fabbrica”; l'espressione lascia supporre che si trattasse delle tegole di copertura del tetto. Il 25 gennaio 1610 i frati Camaldolesi affittarono la loro fornace ad Agostino Meneconi di Villa del Colle di San Savino, per tre anni. Riportiamo una parte del contratto per renderci conto in modo diretto dell'attività che si praticava: “In prima Agostino conduttore si obbliga a dare gratis et amore al detto locatore et suoi successori tutta la calcina che cuocerà in detta fornace et anche tutti i pezzi del lavoro che nel cuocersi si rompessero. Item che il locatore sia obbligato a portargli la legna per cuocere, a sue proprie spese, mentre per tutte le altre spese deve essere tenuto il conduttore. Il conduttore deve dare al locatore la metà di tutto il lavoro che cuocerà nella fornace, mentre l'altra metà resta per il conduttore Agostino che la venderà a chi vuole. Se però questa metà gli fosse richiesta dai frati, egli di preferenza dovrà venderla a loro e questi gliela pagheranno a scudi due e due giuli ogni mille pezzi di lavoro quadro, cioè di lavoro comune”. L’attività edilizia Se si metteva il naso fuori dalle mura, un aspetto colpiva l'occhio in quei primi anni del secolo: la periferia del paese costituiva un cantiere edilizio imponente e affaccendato. Erano in fase di realizzazione opere di grande mole come il tempio della Madonna della Reggia, la costruzione del convento di Santa Maria Nuova e il livellamento della piazza di San Francesco. Proseguivano, infatti, i lavori di costruzione della Chiesa della Madonna della Reggia diretti dall'architetto Mariotto da Cartona. Nel 1601 il capo mastro Vincentio aveva completato la scala “lumaca”, ossia la scala a chiocciola che dal piano terra saliva ai livelli superiori. La costruzione del monastero di Santa Maria Nuova iniziò nel 1604 e nel giro di tre anni fu completata da parte del costruttore Giovan Battista ser Migni (o Sermigni). Il 13 luglio 1608 un decreto del vescovo di Gubbio, monsignor Andrea Sorbolonghi, destinò l'edificio a convento femminile precisando che non poteva ospitare più di sedici suore. Il convento, oltre alla sua funzione specifica, rivestiva una importanza notevole ai fini della difesa perché chiudeva un tratto della sponda sinistra del Tevere, rendendo più sicure le vie della Piaggiola e del Boccaiolo. A pochi passi dal convento c'era la chiesa di Sant'Erasmo e la Piazza del Mercatale lambita dalla “forma” del mulino, cioè dal canale artificiale scoperto di adduzione dell'acqua della Carpina che alimentava il Mulinello e il Molinaccio, quest'ultimo proprio a ridosso delle mura castellane. Qualche anno dopo, proprio davanti al monastero delle monache, iniziarono i lavori del convento e della chiesa di Sant'Agostino. I padri Agostiniani in precedenza risiedevano presso la chiesa di Santa Croce in angusti locali e nel 1616 chiesero ed ottennero l'autorizzazione a costruire “un convento sopra le mura castellane e sul davanti la chiesa rispondente nella via di Castel Nuovo”. La chiesa aveva sull'altare maggiore una tavola rappresentante la Madonna del Soccorso, tanto che veniva chiamata anche Chiesa del Soccorso. Nell'altare di sinistra c'era uno stupendo dipinto di Bernardino Magi raffigurante la Vergine con i Santi Eremiti Paolo ed Antonio. Il convento ebbe una vita breve per la mancanza di fondi ed il 7 di agosto del 1656 il Papa Alessandro VII Ghigi lo soppresse. Nel 1613 presero il via i lavori della Piazza di San Francesco. Nella circostanza si verificò una convergenza di interessi tra la municipalità della Fratta e la Confraternita di San Bernardino (o del Confalone). La prima vedeva nell'opera non solo una bonifica urbanistica, ma un baluardo di sicurezza e di difesa a ridosso della sponda sinistra del Tevere. Il piano, infatti, prevedeva la costruzione di una grande porta sul lato sud della piazza (poi detta Porta del Borgo Inferiore, ancora esistente) in aderenza al vecchio mulino di Sant'Erasmo. Il Borgo Inferiore sarebbe stato così completamente chiuso alla penetrazione dall'esterno. La seconda, oltre al vantaggio di disporre di un comodo spazio pianeggiante davanti alla chiesa, avrebbe potuto costruire altri due edifici, di modeste dimensioni, per unire la porta agli altri fabbricati esistenti, proprio nell'angolo sud del lato della chiesa. I lavori furono avviati con rapidità e nello stesso anno erano finiti. A ricordo della costruzione della porta fu murato un mattone di laterizio con l'incisione: “S.F. 16XIII” (San Francesco 1613), visibile anche oggi sull'angolo destro in fondo alla piazza. Terminati i lavori in muratura, si doveva mettere mano a quelli di livellamento della piazza che degradava verso il Tevere e di conseguenza alla sistemazione dei fabbricati della scarpata per adattarli al nuovo livello. Ma non c'erano i soldi e bisognava aspettare tempi migliori, che non si fecero attendere. Successe, infatti, che nei primi giorni del 1614 morì donna Lavinia di Oratio, moglie di Giovan Battista Cherubini, che lasciò 100 fiorini (66 scudi romani) alla Compagnia di San Bernardino per la celebrazione di Messe in suffragio della sua anima, come si era soliti fare in quel tempo. Il marito di donna Lavinia, d'accordo con la Confraternita di San Bernardino che deliberò in merito il 17 gennaio 1614, decise di utilizzare la somma per l'edificazione del muro di sostegno sul lato del Tevere per consentire il contenimento dei materiali di riporto necessari al livellamento. I lavori furono eseguiti da un certo Giovanni di Matteo, del Colle di San Savino, sotto il controllo dei “soprastanti” Pietro Magi e Ludovico Tartaglia, nominati dalla Confraternita. L’atto notarile di Paolo Cibo, stipulato il 17 marzo dello stesso anno, formalizzò gli impegni e dette il via ai lavori. Una giornata di lavoro La popolazione locale è sempre stata intraprendente e laboriosa e le avverse vicende che si accanivano contro le prospettive di una vita tranquilla non furono mai causa di scoraggiamento. Il vero signore del secolo era la povertà, anzi la miseria, ma gli abitanti del castello strappavano la vita con dignità e tenacia, vivendo alla giornata perché non è possibile programmare il futuro quando si dipende totalmente dagli altri. Si vedevano persone impegnate nei lavori più umili, che andavano dalla raccolta dello stabbio nelle adiacenze del paese, al taglio dell'erba sulle greppe delle strade per rivendere fieno e concime a coloro che lo chiedevano. C'era chi si dedicava alla raccolta delle foglie di gelso nei mesi di maggio e di giugno per il piccolo allevamento di bachi da seta custodito gelosamente in cucina, e chi andava in campagna a ritirare i prodotti della terra per conto delle varie Confraternite del paese. Ma la prima metà del secolo offrì ulteriori risorse alla solita vita di sempre che incrementarono la possibilità di racimolare qualche baiocco per le famiglie locali. La Fratta era diventata un grande cantiere edile che fremeva di opere e di braccia con la ricostruzione del ponte sul Tevere, della cupola della Madonna della Reggia, del convento di Santa Maria Nuova, della chiesa di Santa Croce, dei lavori per il livellamento della Piazza di San Francesco, della costruzione del convento di Sant'Agostino, solo per ricordare le opere maggiori e più in vista. C'era bisogno di tante braccia e di una grande diversificazione dei ruoli. L’indotto che ruotava intorno a queste opere era davvero notevole e metteva in moto una buona serie di attività artigianali che raggiunsero una vivacità elevata. Il settore dei trasporti fu quello che ne beneficiò maggiormente perché il legname, i laterizi, le pietre, la calcina e tanti altri materiali necessari per i lavori edilizi dovevano essere trasportati con i mezzi del tempo, basati esclusivamente sulla trazione animale. La richiesta di facchinaggio era grande perché nei cantieri, ad eccezione dell'opera specializzata dei muratori, operava tutta manovalanza generica che eseguiva gli ordini impartiti dai vari mastri. Non era raro vedere i carri che andavano e venivano in continuazione trasportando il materiale necessario e scaricarlo con cura, mentre poco distante, il fabbro, con la forgia in piena efficienza modellava i ferri occorrenti vicino al sollecito manovale che, dentro una grande buca scavata per terra, “spegneva” la calce viva da impastare poi con il mucchio di rena lì accanto. La regola fondamentale era quella di fare economia di tutto e tra i beni personali da salvaguardare con cura, oltre ai vestiti “buoni”, c'erano le scarpe. Dovevano durare a lungo, soprattutto se avevano la suola di cuoio, e si usavano solo per le grandi occasioni. Negli altri casi, specie d'inverno, si mettevano gli zoccoli con il fondo di legno, imbottito di bullette di ferro perché l'attrito con il terreno non li deteriorasse tanto presto. Gli operai del cantiere viaggiavano così e i loro movimenti si avvertivano bene, perché quel tipo di suola cingolata faceva tanto rumore. Alla fine di maggio c'era chi prendeva la via della Maremma per i lavori della mietitura e della trebbiatura del grano. Si ritornava con qualche baiocco, ma più spesso con quella febbre che ti toglieva dal mondo. Caccia e pesca Oggi sono due attività del tempo libero che rivestono le caratteristiche di un piacevole svago. Nel secolo di cui stiamo parlando non era del tutto così, in particolare per una grande categoria di persone che vedeva nella loro pratica la possibilità di ricavare qualcosa di utile per lo stomaco. Un bando emanato dal Governatore di Perugia nel 1604, oltre al calendario venatorio, ci fornisce molte altre notizie relative alla caccia e il suo esame è interessante per ricostruire i comportamenti dei cacciatori e le tecniche per la cattura degli animali. Anche a quel tempo il cane era l'amico e il collaboratore indispensabile dell'uomo per le battute di caccia che volessero avere esiti positivi. Le razze più diffuse erano il bracco e il levriero. Negli inventari e nelle annotazioni del secolo sono ricorrenti le "catenelle" per queste due razze, mentre non vengono segnalati altri tipi di cani che certamente erano presenti, in particolare quelli da guardia. Si cacciava con lo “schioppo”, ma venivano usate spesso le “reti per lepori” (lepri) e le “cortinelle” per prendere le starne. Gli animali più diffusi, e pare ce ne fossero in abbondanza, erano “lepori, starne, fagiani, quaglie, coturnici, capri et porci”. Nella seconda metà del secolo fanno apparizione i “carnieri” per riporre la selvaggina cacciata (ma sicuramente c'erano anche prima) e le “borscette da migliarino”. Il migliarino è un uccello dell'ordine dei passeracei, lungo circa 16 centimetri, con un piumaggio bruno rugginoso nella parte superiore, bianco nel ventre macchiato di nero. È un volatile gregario e si associa ai fringuelli, insettivoro d'estate e granivoro d'inverno. In Italia si trova di passo da ottobre a marzo, ma può anche essere sedentario nelle zone paludose dove viene comunemente chiamato zigolo palustre. In data antecedente al bando del 1604 era stato emanato un editto (14 settembre 1602) che regolava il calendario venatorio e ribadiva il divieto di caccia dal primo di marzo alla fine di luglio con le solite sanzioni “... sotto la pena a chi contrafarà di tre tratti di corda e di 50 scudi da dividersi secondo il solito”. In caso di recidiva il contravventore veniva incatenato in una gabbia di legno e messo alla berlina di fronte alla gente. L’editto prevedeva addirittura la pena dell'esilio per i casi più gravi. Non si facciano turbare dalle contestazioni i responsabili del cosiddetto “sport” della caccia, fonte permanente di opposte vedute, perché il cardinale Bevilacqua era molto più severo di loro e per un uccello si rischiava l'esilio, in un periodo in cui la selvaggina abbondava. Anche la pesca si praticava abbastanza, considerato che il castello era da ogni parte circondato dall'acqua. Il tratto di fiume che andava dalla torre crollata nella piena del 1610 fino al ponte, era chiamato “la pescaia ” e anche alcuni poderi vicini ai corsi d'acqua disponevano di un piccolo bacino per la conservazione dei pesci. Ma a parte questo espediente, lungo il corso del Tevere, della Carpina, dell'Assino, della Reggia e del Niccone si pescava in diversi modi e con diversi sistemi un ottimo pesce, perché le acque non erano inquinate come adesso. Una buona raccolta si faceva presso i molini, con il sistema della “cannicciata”. Essa consisteva in una specie di trappola di canne, all'interno della quale il pesce entrava e non poteva più uscire. Nei canali artificiali di adduzione dell'acqua alla ruota del molino non era difficile organizzare un tranello simile. Il pesce pescato doveva essere abbondante se nei contratti di affitto di alcuni molini, tra gli obblighi dell'affittuario, spesso rientrava quello di dare al proprietario una certa quantità di libbre di pesce. Un altro sistema di pesca molto in voga era quello con il “ghiaccio”, storpiatura locale del “giacchio”. La notizia è riportata in un'annotazione del 1611 e Lorena Beneduce Filippini ci informa che il giacchio era “una rete circolare piombata tutta intorno alla circonferenza, che presentava al centro, dove convergevano le maglie, una cordicella che il pescatore al momento del lancio legava intorno al polso. Esso veniva sistemato sulla spalla a mo' di mantello e al momento opportuno veniva lanciato come un disco. La rete, dopo una breve traiettoria, ricadeva aperta ad ombrello sull'acqua. In virtù del peso dei piombi si chiudeva a campana, rinserrando il pesce. Il pescatore a questo punto si serviva della corda legata al polso per recuperare il giacchio con la preda”. Il metodo più comune, però, era quello del tramaglio, usato fino a pochi decenni fa. Disegno di Adriano Bottaccioli Foto: Archivio fotografico storico Comune di Umbertide Fonti: “Umbertide nel secolo XVII” di Renato Codovini e Roberto Sciurpa – Comune di Umbertide, 2004 Il servizio postale, la viabilità e la sanità Drawings by Adriano Bottaccioli Map of Fratta (Drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli) The door of San Francesco or della Caminella Drawings by Adriano Bottaccioli 1998. Aerial view of the Hermitage of Montecorona La rovinosa piena del Tevere del 1610 Le mura che circondano il castello di Fratta L'Abbondanza di Fratta Le fornaci, l'edilizia, la caccia e la pesca THE WAR OF THE GRAND DUKE OF TUSCANY Chronicle of the siege of the castle of Fratta from November 1643 to April 1644 The so-called "War of the Grand Duke of Tuscany" took place from 1642 to 1644 between Pope Urban VIII and the league formed by Duke Odoardo Farnese, lord of Parma and Piacenza, of which Ferdinand II Grand Duke of Tuscany (whose troops besieged the Fratta), Alfonso III Duke of Modena and the Republic of Venice. It broke out due to the occupation and destruction of the fortified place of Castro, near Rome, a fiefdom owned by Duke Odoardo Farnese for whom he had not paid taxes to the pope for years and refused annexation to the Papal State (as claimed by the pontiff ) despite the offer of these to buy it. It was in the autumn of 1643 that the war entered the upper Tiber valley and the Fratta territory. The war ended on April 1, 1644 and the peace between the league and the pope was signed on the following April 4. In 1642 the castle of Fratta began to be fortified In the first decades of the seventeenth century the fortress of Fratta was garrisoned by a corps of Corsican soldiers. In 1642 there were already so many "noises of war" that our magistracy began fortification works, starting with the preparation of the Porta Nuova fort, no longer used militarily for many years. After that, the parapet of the east curtain was rebuilt and then the bell door was worked on, replacing the old and now rusty hardware and equipping it with a "door". The gates of Castel Nuovo were completed, that is, that of the market (it overlooked the Mercatale di Sant'Erasmo and closed the entrance before the current mechanic) or of Sant'Antonio (from the name of the church that was located roughly behind the 'current pastry shop of Sandra) and that of half of the Boccaiolo, building large brick walls from the outside. Then the two drawbridges of the Rocca were rebuilt, the one that looked inside the town and the one outside, known as the "del Soccorso" gate. The passage of troops in the territory Throughout the summer of 1643 soldiers of all kinds passed towards Città di Castello, the northernmost stronghold, on the border with the enemy state of Tuscany. Once through Fratta 5,000 infantry and 500 horses passed with weapons in hand and ammunition for 150 some of dust, lead and fuses. A congregation for the defense of Fratta appointed The judiciary of Fratta, considering the pressing "rumors of war", appointed one who had to supervise any future war needs. The congregation members immediately got to work and first had the ditches around the walls cleared and the elm trees, pergolas, and reeds that had grown there over the years cut down. They rebuilt the parapet of the north curtain (between the Rocca and the Piaggiola) that passes behind the town hall, they repaired the tower on the side of the bell door and built a drawbridge at this door, on top of the Piaggiola. The Porta di Sotto, which leads to San Francesco, was walled up and embanked and a "gate" was placed on the front, as on the Tiber bridge, continuing with the walls of the "Madonna", probably the "Majesty" built at the beginning of the bridge on the Tiber. A third gate was placed in the middle of the Piaggiola, in front of the drawbridge. At the extreme west of the bridge over the Tiber they rebuilt the door to the tower called "Saracina" and fixed the old and rusty gate, so that it could be raised and lowered quickly, blocking the way to anyone who wanted to enter the bridge. The doors of the church of the Madonna della Reggia (Collegiata) were closed from the outside with a brick wall four feet wide. Parapets were built around the cornice under the dome and slits were made in the windows. The church, thus fortified, became a depot of food and ammunition, continuously manned by twelve soldiers. They kept six hundred pounds of gunpowder, two hundred of lead, one hundred feet of fuse and twelve muskets, to which the Cardinal Legate added a pack of powder, another of balls and one of fuse. Fratta was very keen on Rome and at the end of August Cardinal Francesco Barberini ordered the local magistracy to give a detailed account of the existing fortifications and trenches, of the provisions and ammunition that were in the fortress, of the number of garrison soldiers. Having received an answer that the commander was missing, Barberini appointed Giovan Battista Bono, a Piedmontese from Cuneo, with the title of "Governor of Arms". He also sent to Fratta, shortly after, a company of militias from Pesaro, made up of two hundred soldiers, followed by another, stationed in Fossato, made up of two hundred men. Giovan Battista Bono had a crescent-shaped trench erected with great speed in front of the "Saracina" of the bridge over the Tiber, which covered the whole view of the road to Città di Castello, completed on 30 August. The Florentine cavalry arrives from the Niccone valley On November 6, most of the Florentine cavalry left the Pierle valley and entered the Niccone valley. He then passed under Montalto avoiding the conflict with that garrison, almost ignoring it although he knew that it was devoid of artillery, and around noon he reached the vicinity of Fratta. Here they brought two squadrons, one directed towards Romeggio and the other to the "Palazzo della Tramontana", in the word "il Bagno". Seeing this, the governor Bono had the workers who worked in Prato withdraw, equipped the walls with soldiers, placed them at the gates and in the church of the Madonna della Reggia, distributed the necessary ammunition and waited for the coming of the enemies, to counteract them. fortified the place of Santa Maria degli Zoccolanti (Santa Maria della Pietà). The Florentines, in the meantime, after having demonstrated their presence and strength, went away passing through Polgeto and Montacuto, sacking the countryside as all the soldiers used to do, leaving the garrisons of dragons in the two castles (Polgeto and Montacuto). The bulk of the army, passing through Colle del Cardinale, returned to the Magione camp, where other forces were quartered. The next day, November 7, the soldiers in Fratta tried to recapture those two castles, but they only managed to overwhelm the Florentines barricaded in Montacuto and, at two in the morning, they took those prisoners to Fratta to the house of Governor Bono, who lived near the Rocca. , in the street that led from Porta della Campana to the Piazza del Comune (now Piazza Fortebracci). On the morning of the 8th, Tobia Pallavicino, field master, commander of the piazza in Città di Castello, arrived. He made an agreement with the enemy cavalry who went to help the few dragons left to garrison Polgeto: the siege ended and the Florentines returned to Magione to camp. Governor Bono did not like it as in Polgeto there was a Florentine officer who, together with the soldiers, awaited the arrival of the main army: the appointment was four days later to give the final assault on Fratta. Before evening, squadrons of enemy cavalry were seen on the hill of Romeggio, part of which had come from Magione by the Monestevole road and part from the Cardinal, the Nese and Montacuto hills. From Fratta you could hear the noise of the wagons driving twelve guns with the necessary baggage and the circumstance caused a lot of fear among the defenders, despite the fact that forty mules loaded with supplies had been stolen by the peasants who had attacked those baggage not defended by the soldiers. From Romeggio the bridge over the Tiber starts The following day, in Romeggio, other enemy cavalry stationed themselves under the castle tower with twelve flags spread to the wind, clearly visible from Fratta. From the castle to the church of San Pietro below one could see the infantry, another squadron of cavalry near Montalto and an infantry corps at the "Palazzo della Tramontana", not far from the "Bagno". The bulk of the Florentine army stopped at Romeggio and Polgeto where their commander, Prince Matthias dei Medici, and General Borra were. Part of the soldiers of Romeggio began to descend from the fields below San Pietro to the bridge over the Tiber, but the musketeers of the Fratta garrison, who were guarding it, shooting continuously, kept them at a distance, not allowing them to get close. While the battle was in progress, the soldiers of the bridge increased the defenses of the crescent trench made on the Prato. Two gates were placed alongside, so close that only one man could pass at a time. With a large amount of earth, the main door and the door made a short time earlier were earth-grounded, the gate placed about halfway across the bridge, at the height of the church of the Madonna del Carmelo (locked every evening). Even the small church of the Madonna del Ponte (built on the pylon downstream) had slits behind which soldiers could be stationed. The two villages were closed by building trenches, while the houses were equipped with slits. In San Francesco and in the convent there was no wall that did not have openings suitable for shooting. The doors that gave onto the garden of the convent, the walls of the houses and the church of San Bernardino, the Osteria della Corona, the blacksmith shops, the houses along the left bank of the Tiber and those where there were soldiers were embanked. on the alert, weapons in hand. That night between 8 and 9 November the plains and hills were illuminated by large and numerous fires: the enemy had lit them towards the Niccone valley, Monte Migiano, Romeggio and Polgeto; in the plain "di Sopra" the bonfires responded much bigger and more painful than the houses and haystacks that burned. The flood of the Tiber slows the attack At about 4 in the morning the alarm was given to keep weapons in hand because the enemies were seen approaching the bridge of the Tiber. It had rained a lot since the night before and the water continued to fall copiously and relentlessly. The Tiber began to swell. The flood prevented the Florentines from crossing the river and attacking the town from the other sides. They remained stationary in the places reached by the "squadron" army, as if the assault were to begin at any moment: they waited for the river to decrease its flow. The baggage, the wagons and all the booty they had made in Romeggio, Polgeto and Palazzo del Corvatto began to move towards the Niccone. The passage lasted three continuous hours, to the great amazement of our people and of the soldiers who, having been ordered to defend only the country, found it impossible to react to prevent the loss of so much livestock. The Florentine army, having brought their carriages and prey to the Niccone, waited for the waters to subside. In consideration of this, Tobia Pallavicino, commander of the Fratta soldiers, suddenly decided to set fire to the houses and shops of the Upper Borgo, including those of the market where the potters' workshops were. In the circumstance, for a trivial mistake, the church of Sant'Erasmo was also burned, but some soldiers put out the flames not before serious damage was produced. Snow also comes to the rescue of Fratta The night between 9 and 10 November was propitious for the town: an east wind from Grecale blew which brought cold and in the morning all the hills were covered with snow, with serious obstacles to the enemy. The general of the papal cavalry Cornelio Malvasìa came to help Fratta with two hundred knights and several loads of ammunition and sappers' tools: they immediately lined up in the Prato with unsheathed sabers to discourage the enemy from attacking plans. II Malvasìa also had a trench built in the field behind the Rocca and another in the middle of the market square, from the ditch to the church of Sant'Erasmo, to protect the retreat from the defenders of the outermost trenches. Faced with the impending dangers, the bishop of Gubbio decided to transfer the nuns of Santa Maria Nuova to his city, in a cloistered convent, until calm returned. On this day another reinforcement arrived, wanted by the commander of Perugia. He was the "Terzo" of Pier Francesco del Monte, who had better and better equipped soldiers with him than the other two "Terzi" who were in Fratta, so he was assigned to defend the convent of Santa Maria. Pier Francesco del Monte was very generous and very prudent in his decisions; he behaved like a gentleman and also the troops acted correctly, respecting the goods of the Fratigiani, not causing quarrels. In the night between 10 and 11 November the Florentine army was still stationed on the side hills of the Niccone valley, in Montecastelli, Civitella Guasta and al Bagno, and always kept the fires lit, waiting to cross over to the other side. Towards 2 in the morning, lights were seen moving towards the river and in Fratta the rumor spread that the enemy had managed to ford the Tiber. In the village they turned on lights in the windows and stood with weapons in hand; a small nucleus of cavalry verified at Faldo that the enemy had not crossed. This happened two days later: on the morning of November 13th. A team of five hundred horses, among the best, forded the Tiber above Fontesegale and pushed towards Montone and the Capuchin convent. It had begun to rain again and these knights, seeing that the rest of the army had not followed them, thought it best to turn back, worried by the risk that the waters, rising again, would isolate them from the rest. The capture of the commander Tobia Pallavicino On the morning of November 13 Tobia Pallavicino, after writing two letters to his superiors in Perugia, decided to go and check the defenses in Montone. He took a few men with him, thinking that the squadron of Florentines had returned to the other side. Instead, when he reached the Rio torrent he found him in front of him, he was surrounded and taken prisoner. He was then brought before Prince Matthias de 'Medici, who however treated him with kindness and humanity. The general command of Fratta passed to Cornelio Malvasìa. On the evening of November 12, the Florentines left the vicinity of Fratta taking to the valleys of Niccone and Nestore, due to the rain that bogged down the roads and swelled the rivers, of the goodness of the fortifications of Fratta (which they had seen closely) and the strong defense of numerous troops. The conquest of the castle of Montecastelli On November 18 there was an arms event in Montecastelli, where the Florentine army had left a garrison of sixty soldiers. In those days the commander in Fratta was Pier Francesco Bourbon of the Marchesi del Monte and he, wishing that the countryside was totally free, decided to conquer that castle, to secure the road to Città di Castello. He sent soldiers armed with muskets and "firecrackers" who arrived at dawn. After an hour they managed to break down a door and entered; the Florentines surrendered and were taken prisoners first to Fratta and then to Perugia. Subsequently new fortifications were made in Fratta; in January 1644 two burnt palaces of the Camaldolese fathers were razed to the ground and a third place in via Nuova, belonging to Cavalier Soli, to use the bricks to build fortifications at the Porta del Prato. On 12 January a new door was built opposite that of the market, from the canton of the church of Sant'Antonio to the house of the same. On February 15 the wooden door in the curtain of the Prato trench was rebuilt again. The end of the war On April 6, letters arrived communicating the re-establishment of peace between the Roman state of the pope and the Grand Duke of Tuscany. Sources: Historical calendar of Umbertide 2002 - Ed. Municipality of Umbertide - 2002 Drawing of the bridge over the Tiber with the church of Carmelo sul pilone (demolished in 1867) The coat of arms of the Grand Duchy Ferdinand II The map of the siege - drawing by Adriano Bottaccioli - From the Umbertide Calendar 2002 La guerra del Granduca di Toscana The new dome of the Collegiate and the church of Santa Croce The dome of the Madonna della Reggia The dome of the Madonna della Reggia that overlooked the massive and agile octagonal-based temple, after a few years of life got tired of its solitary splendor and its superb height that exceeded that fortress in front. Galeazzo Alessi and Giulio Danti had done everything to place her in a prestigious throne, but she soon began to give serious signs of instability, threatening to go down to see what the facade of the church it covered was like. It seems almost certain that he did not manage to collapse, only because the careful and scrupulous control of the cult officials intervened first, otherwise he would have produced incalculable damage to a monument that is rare in its characteristics and dear to the piety of the faithful. Thus in 1619 the dismantling work began, with the utmost respect for the underlying structure of recent construction (1). The original dome, completed under the technical direction of the Perugian Bino Sozi, who took over from Alessi and Danti who had died, had a lowered arch, of Romanesque inspiration, and departed from the official taste of a century that celebrated the triumphs of the Renaissance with its daring architectural thrusts reaching towards the sky. Externally it was lined with lead, malleable material but heavy, like all domes of that time. We do not know if for the weight excessive or due to structural defects load-bearing that supported it, it was necessary to proceed to his dismantling. But the memory and the image not they have been entirely lost. In a canvas attributed to Bernardino Magi , from 1602, which still does located in the church of San Bernardino although in a state pitiful, a landscape view is reproduced of the time Fratta. Among other interesting things about the document pictorial, the lead dome that rises high above each is clearly visible other urban structure. After the demolition work, the provisional roofing began of the temple, at least judging by the numerous material orders building that the time records show. In the meantime, yes he was working on the drafting of a new project that Rutilio presented in 1621. The works were not directed by the architect Rutilio who, delivered the design disappears from the management of the factory, but from Bernardino Sermigni della Fratta who made use of the work of a talented colleague such as Filippo Fracassini, fresh from the recent reconstruction of the two arches of bridge over the Tiber and engaged in the construction of the church of Santa Croce. The new dome, this time round-arched, was completed in 1641 with felice and pleasant technical insights, such as the internal colonnade that we do not know whether to attribute to Rutilio or Sermigni. The final touch of the lantern above the dome dates back a few years and is placed between 1646 and 1647, while the ball and the cross were raised in 1663 (2). The war of the Grand Duke, in progress at that time, had also slowed down the work of the church most dear to the people of Fratta. The ancient photos are taken from the historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide The history of the church of Santa Croce At the beginning of the century the church maintained its original appearance of a small parish church, set back from the square, on whose main altar the Deposition of Signorelli dominated, which had been placed there around 1516. It had two small chapels along the side walls, almost certainly the only ones. In one of these there was a picture of San Vincenzo, as it would seem to confirm a note attached to a notarial deed of 1605 with the inscription: “Giuseppe Laudati, a painter from Perugia, painted the picture of San Vincenzo in Santa Croce. He was a pupil of Carlo Maratta ”. The altar of the second chapel was adorned with the painting by Marino Sponta, della Fratta, which represented the Presentation in the Temple. The work dates back to around 1618, because in that year Sponta had eight scudi in advance for his work; another five he took on 21 December 1620, and on 19 January 1621 the final balance of nine scudi. The modesty of the figure is also recognized by Antonio Guerrini (3) with the remark that the Presentation in the Temple cost "the mere gratification of 22 scudi". Between 1614 and 1615, the two chapels, one of which was dedicated to San Francesco da Paola, were gilded (4). The work was carried out by Muzio Flori and Berardino Sermigni. But something must have gone wrong because in 1620 some unspecified works were commissioned: "Messer Berardino Sermigni is obliged to redo the two chapels ... for six shields". Also from the same period dates the masterpiece of the "great wooden exhibition" to embed the Deposition by Signorelli, hanging on the back wall, behind the main altar. The author was Pietro Lazzari, from Sant'Angelo in Vado. The exhibition was commissioned and ordered by the Confraternity to give a more worthy location to the work of the Cortonese artist and in the various existing annotations it is indicated with different expressions: "Mostra Lignea", "The Chapel", "The Ornament of the Altar Maggiore ”,“ The Chapel Ornament ”. On April 30, 16131a great work in walnut wood, costing 212 scudi, had to be finished and assembled because a payment note from Lazzari's collaborator says: "... and the more the said Giovanpiero baj fifty and a barrel of wine to put on the Ornament ". Where “putting on” should be synonymous with definitive editing. A few years later, in 1615, Flori and Sermigni, who had recently finished the work in the two chapels, gilded the Lazzari exhibition. It was a long and patient operation that ended in 1619 and cost 216 scudi. Despite the repeated interventions of enlargement and decoration of the church, the Confraternity of Santa Croce, the most active and economically more solid of the time, was not satisfied and was thinking of a bigger and more majestic temple. Thus began, between 1632 and 1634, the definitive works that gave the ancient chapel its present appearance. For this reason, the recently completed wooden exhibition was dismantled piece by piece and with its precious painting placed in a safe place: not only to protect it from the risk of damage, but also to allow the consolidation of the back wall on which it rested. Only when the work was completed did it resume its place. The design and construction were the work of the local architect Filippo Fracassini who “sacras aedes Sanctae Crucis a fundamentis erexit”. It was located on the same front line as the other two churches (San Francesco and San Bernardino) in the square of San Francesco, which had existed for some time. Filippo Fracassini, therefore, in the first half of the century, undertook to create three important works: the bridge over the Tiber, the dome of the Madonna della Reggia and the church of Santa Croce. Don Silvio Fidanza, parish priest of the villa of Monte Migiano and his contemporary, whom Antonio Guerrini defines as "very learned" (5), on the death of the self-taught architect in 1650, dedicated this epigraph to him: DEO CRUCI VIRGINI PHILIPPUS DE FRACASSINIS SINE LITERIS NUMERIS DISERTISSIMUS PONTEM INFECTUM ARTE REFECIT POST DILUVIUM TRIA MILIA NONGENTA DECEM PRIDIE NONAS SEPTEMBRIS SACRAS AEDES SANCTAE CRUCIS TO DEATH CHRISTS 1649 WORKS AT FUNDAMENTIS EREXIT SANCTAE MARIAE DE REGIA IN PARTU VIRGINIS INGENIOUS PERFECIT JUBILEE YEAR 1645 [ Honor to God, to the Cross and to the Virgin. Filippo Fracassini, very famous despite not having studied, reconstructed to perfection the bridge destroyed 3910 years after the universal flood, on September 4th (6). He built the church of Santa Croce from its foundations, dedicated to the death of Christ, in 1649. He completed the church of Santa Maria della Reggia, dedicated to the nativity of the Virgin, in 1645 with creative measures .] The new church, as mentioned, replaced the small and ancient chapel, officiated by the Augustinian Fathers, already dedicated to the cult and veneration of the Holy Cross, since before 1338 (7). The Compagnia dei Disciplinati (8) was erected in this small parish church which in 1556 took the name of Confraternity of Santa Croce. The church, vaguely inspired by Baroque according to the style of the time, rich in stuccos and decorations (now completely removed), is 23 meters long and 11 wide, with three altars for each lateral side, in addition to the elegant high altar. The works ended in 1649. Later, in 1677, two of the chapels were decorated with stuccoes by the master stucco artist Giovanni Fontana, from Foligno. Today the church, which the diocese of Gubbio has ceded to the Municipality of Umbertide, has been transformed into a Civic Museum and right on the main altar stands the beautiful table of the Deposition from the Cross by Luca Signorelli (fully restored), one of the most important works of artist from Cortona, painted in 1516. The Compagnia dei Disciplinati first, and the Confraternity of Santa Croce later, had a particular veneration for the Cross and the passion of Christ because their church was dedicated to them. It cannot therefore be ruled out that, when Luca Signorelli was commissioned the work in 1515 or in the early days of 1516, a trace of the work to be carried out was also indicated. The painting "on panel" was made quickly in the same year 1516 and this means that the artist had an organized workshop and valid collaborators. The main theme, highlighted in the work, is that of Christ being deposed from the Cross which stands out in all its dramatic plasticity in the foreground. But the painting, as a whole, has a broader scope and represents a synthesis of the salient moments of the Passion of Christ and an epic of the Cross, depicted in the three panels of the predella. The central scene, placed in the foreground, sees two followers, climbing stairs supported by Nicodemus and Joseph, intent on supporting, with white linen, the body of Jesus freed from the nails that hung him on the Cross. At his feet, a group of figures, in the center of which the Madonna appears, fainted and abandoned on the knees of a pious woman; further away, the Magdalene standing under the Cross, in the compassionate and symbolic gesture of collecting the blood of the Crucifix in her hands joined and open in the shape of a basin. There is also John, the beloved disciple, who could not miss in the moment of pain. With a notable historical leap, to connect the scenes represented in the predella below to the central theme, next to the Madonna stands the figure of Elena (the mother of Constantine), richly dressed, with her fingers intertwined and absorbed in meditation. But the cycle does not end here and we can see in the background, at the top left, the three crosses, symbol of the crucifixion, while on the right the transfer of the body into the sepulcher takes place. Below, in the three small panels of the predella, the legend of the discovery of the true Cross of Christ is entrusted to the colors, according to a very widespread tradition in the Middle Ages that had its roots in the “Golden Legend” of Iacopo da Varagine. The story begins with the queen of Sheba visiting Solomon (curiously reported on the center tablet) who, inspired from above, kneels to worship a large wooden trunk that served as a bridge over a small stream. Legend has it that this trunk became the Cross of Christ. The narrative cycle of the epic of the Cross continues with Constantine throwing havoc in the armies of Maxentius, unleashing a golden cross as he had been suggested in the dream (tablet on the left), and with his mother Helen who finds the true Cross on the Golgotha (central tablet). The tablet on the right takes a leap in time up to the 7th century, when the Persian king Chosroes, having conquered Jerusalem, took possession of the Cross and stolen it. The pictorial narration ends with the emperor Heraclius who, having recovered the cross, brings it triumphantly to Jerusalem. On the sides of the painting rise two columns from which the profiles of elegant candelabra bounce, finely worked and surmounted by the writing. “ Lucas Siquorellus de Cortona Pictor pingebat ”. Note: 1. See in this regard the valuable work by Pietro Vispi, The Collegiate Church of Santa Maria della Reggia, Ed. Scuola Radio Elettra & MSpa, Città di Castello, 2002. 2. See Umberto Pesci, History of Umbertide, p. 112, R. Fruttini Typography, Gualdo Tadino. 1932. 3. Op. Cit., P. 234. 4. Archive of Santa Croce, catalog no. 22, years 1609/1686, paper 32. 5. Op. Cit., P. 332. 6. It is an unusual and ingenious way to indicate the date of 4 September 1617, the day on which the reconstruction of the bridge was solemnly inaugurated. To understand this strange dating we must refer to the mentality and culture of the time, which saw in some biblical events, including the universal flood that regenerated corrupt humanity, the fundamental stages of human history. According to biblical chronology, which has no scientific basis, the flood occurred 1,657 years after the creation of Adam (see Genesis chapters 5, 6, 7 and 8) and the birth of Christ after 3,950 from the same creation. So we get: 3.950 - 1.657 = 2.293 years BC, which added to the 1.617 AD correspond to the 3.910 years of the epigraph. 7. Antonio Guerrini, Op. Cit., Pp. 221 et seq. / Umberto Pesci, Op. Cit., Pp. 115 et seq. 8. Francesco Mavarelli, “Historical News and Lauds of the Company of Disciplinates of Santa Maria Nuova and Santa Croce in the Land of Fratta”. It is found in "Umbertide, the work of Francesco Mavarelli", edited by Bruno Porrozzi, Tibergraph, Città di Castello, 1998. Sources: "Umbertide in the XVII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide, 2004 La nuova cupola della Collegiata e la chiesa di Santa Croce La storia della chiesa di Santa Croce La ceramica Martinelli - l'agricoltura, i vocaboli e gli animali del podere The ceramics of the Martinelli family - agriculture, the words and animals of the farm The pottery of the Martinellis The Martinelli family, along with that of the Burellis, is one of the oldest in Fratta and we have certain news that it practiced the figulina art since the beginning of the 16th century. He continued the activity until 1940, when he sold the factory to others, which stopped working in 1967. In this century he worked with scratching on cages, with a good manufacturing technique, and it is not to be excluded that some pieces that are preserved in museums in London and Paris and in some private collections come from their laboratory. On the other hand, he still did not use to stamp the brand on the articles produced and this makes the work of attribution of the works more difficult. Filippo Natali, who dealt with the problem with the expertise of the expert, observes: "... and I am not mistaken in saying that the scratching works that can be seen in some collections, from the 17th and 18th centuries, came out of the Martinelli factory, since even today objects are manufactured that have an archaic imprint, and if they are not engraved moreover, engobbing is used, as the ancients did, which instead of being manipulated with earth from Vicenza is now done with earth that comes from Trequanda in the province of Siena, which, due to its eminently plastic quality, also works to perform veggii (1) and other works that must resist the action of fire, also having the character of refractory earth. The hue of this land is straw yellow, and I believe that this engobing can be used in the products of the factories of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries since many of the works in the castellana style, with what name are distinguished the works of Fratta, which are seen in the collections, including the dishes considered to be of Palaia, and those of Padua, tend to yellowish ". The Martinelli factory was the most faithful in the use of the scratching and engobing technique which gave the product an archaic imprint both in the shapes and in the figures, even when in the surrounding areas (Deruta, Gubbio, Gualdo Tadino), it had been outdated and majolica or stannifera paint was used, now in common use. The only important element is given by the fact that to perform the engobbing, the white earth of the Vicenza area was replaced by the straw-colored earth of the Sienese which, coming from Trequanda, had a lower transport cost. The Martinellis had the house and the shop, where they sold the pieces of their production, along the Montonese road, in front of the mill, not far from their ceramic factory. On the facade was the family crest carved in relief on a block of pietra serena: a vase between two leafy branches. Although corroded by time, the relief is still visible, while the underlying inscription is illegible. A certain Antonio, descended from a branch of the Martinellis, in the 18th century left Fratta to go to work in Milan, in Felice Clerici's majolica workshop, with the qualification of "ceramic painter". The local coloring techniques, often secret, thus merged with those of Milan and made Antonio's fortune. The economic prospects offered, in fact, had to be very attractive to entice him to leave his native country, having a sought-after and well-paid professional competence in a region where the art of majolica was the most popular. Agriculture The most significant resources of the economy of the century came from an agriculture poor in means and ideas. The yield of land, even the best ones, was minimal due to the techniques of working and fertilizing the soil. The fields were plowed with rudimentary tools pulled by oxen plowers and the fertilizer used consisted exclusively of the animal pen. The need for more sophisticated technical expedients was joined by the myopia of many owners who, in order to obtain greater and more secure earnings, used to dismember the farm unit into small parts of no more than three mines each and rented the lots obtained in this way to different subjects. (2). Contracts of this type were very frequent at that time and the narrow view of a family economy as an end in itself was to the detriment of a longer-term agricultural business project. The only ones who, besides the land, possessed valid and innovative ideas on the management of the farm, were the Camaldolese Friars of Monte Corona who since then practiced the rotation of the sowing of agricultural products, planted vines and pergolas, improved the property by laying suitable trees the nature of the soil. The soils were indicated on the basis of their morphological characteristics, of the trees that grew on them, or of the crops to which they were most suitable. They were therefore classified into arable, arborate, buscati, canapinati, casteneati. cannetati, cerquati, populations, olive groves, pergolas, vineati, sodati, silvati, and so on. The world of the fields was in the hands of a few owners, counts or marquises, who had large estates. Followed by religious communities, brotherhoods, local nobles not noble, and parishes. Leaving aside the system of renting which, although widespread, still represented an exception, the rule remained that of sharecropping, with the farm managed by the peasant (worker) who divided the products of the soil in half (medietate) with the owner. . The atavistic uses and the clauses of the various contracts provided for substantial exceptions to the medietate, as was the case for grapes and olives that were subject to the "three to two" rule, i.e. 3/5 of the product to the owner (60%) and 12/5 to the farmer (40%). The farmhouse began to show those evolutionary signs that will become the building rule of the following century. The tower house was still in vogue and this structure will last for a long time for safety reasons. But they made the first appearances, especially in areas where the dangers of aggression by gangs of criminals were less, the first types of modern farmhouses, like those that became widespread later on. Meanwhile, the annex of the hut for the storage of agricultural tools was established, leaning against one side of the house, and therefore called "poggiata". Some farmhouses, located near rivers or streams, had the "weir", also known as "peschiera", very common in the Perugian countryside. Its function was to allow the capture of fish with little waste of time, in a peasant society that did not have much available. We do not have certain documents on this subject, but more than one farm, close to the course of the river, was indicated with this word and this legitimizes such a hypothesis. The layout reproduced in miniature the “weir” of Fratta north of the bridge over the Tiber, which also had recognition and protection in the Statutes of 1521. The cost of the land varied greatly in relation to its nature and location. And if an entire farm was the object of sale, the state and characteristics of the buildings above it (farmhouse and agricultural outbuildings) greatly affected the price. At the beginning of the century, just to get an idea of the market trend, a land mine (arable land, arborate, pergola, olive grove) in the word "Caldese" by Romeggio was worth 32 scudi; the same quantity and quality in San Giuliano delle Pignatte, 33 scudi; at “Seripole”, about one kilometer north of the Fratta, 32 scudi. In San Paterniano (Pierantonio), in the word "Campo Longo", a land mine cost 43 scudi and at Petrelle 88. the Faldo area, the Caminella area and the word Buoteni, south of the Caminella, had an almost triple value compared to the hilly ones. The words of the farms The vast countryside around the Fratta castle was divided into many localities, each with a specific toponym, and within it the individual farms were indicated with its own word. Locations, villas and words were important not only as geographical references for the locals, but they had also assumed a real legal value, so much so that they were the only recurring and certain indications in land purchase contracts. On the other hand, in the absence of a land registry based on more precise data, the physical description of the farm extension was the only way to indicate its identity and limits. Leaving aside the toponyms of the localities, many of which are also in use today, we will focus on the words of the farms, which have long since disappeared from current use. Some of them had distant roots and even dated back to the Lombard period; others were more recent and originated from nature or from the position of the land (the Lame, the Lamette, the Piano, the Colle); the presence of aquifers or springs (il Pozzo) or fishing facilities (la Pescaia); from a recent tillage of the soil (il Ranco, le Roncole); from the agricultural destinations of the fields (the Stoppiaccia); from the name of saints, celebrities and common people (Sant'Isidoro, Fortebraccio, Osteria di Piero Antonio). Given the origin of the words of the farms, we should not be surprised if some of them are repeated even in more than one locality. Calavanne, for example, is found both in the Villa of Sportacciano and in that of San Savino; Buzzacchero is present both in San Giuliano delle Pignette and in Colle San Savino; the Casella, both in Pieve di Cicaleto and in Monte Acuto; the Vaglie both in Monte Acuto and in Polgeto; Campo del Pozzo both in Migianella and in Polgeto; Chiusa del Molino both in San Giuliano delle Pignatte and in Romeggio. And the list goes on, but we prefer to stop so as not to bore the reader. For fans of this topic, in the attachment we report all the farm words that it was possible to find in the various notarial deeds stipulated in the century. The animals of the farm The products of the soil were subjected to the fixed rule of the medietate that characterized the sharecropping management, with rare exceptions such as grapes and olives in which a more disadvantageous distribution criterion was in force for the farmer, as we have seen above. There were no other exceptions to the division of products, unless, for very specific and contingent reasons, the contract provided for some. The relationships were more complex, however, for the division of profits and losses deriving from the marketing of the farm animals. For example, there is no precise information on the regime to which poultry animals were subjected (chickens, pigeons and geese; it may seem strange, but we never talk about ducks and rabbits). Were they jointly owned, or did they entirely belong to the peasant who governed them with his own feed, except for some spontaneous regalia or imposed on the master on the most solemn occasions? It is difficult to answer without reliable sources. The only certain elements are found in the records of the Confraternities which, despite having numerous farms, often record sums of money for the purchase of similar animals at the market, while there are no charges to the farmer in the same way. This would suggest that the small animals belonged to the farmer who sold them at the market after keeping those destined to end up in his poor table. The average livestock (pigs and sheep), born in the stable, followed the rule of sharecropping. But when it came to livestock, from medium to large, things could be more complex in relation to the shares of ownership owned. It could happen, in fact, that it was bought entirely, or for a majority share, by the owner. In this case, the purchase price was deducted from the sale, which went entirely to the owner, or divided according to the shares due, and the remaining income (or loss) was divided in half. Most of the time, however, the purchase of livestock took place in equal parts and then there were no problems on the distribution of profits or losses. As for the large cattle, which represented the real capital of the farm, this century does not offer variations to the practice followed in the following century, so we refer the reader to this chapter dealt with in the volume relating to 1700. Note: 1. Terracotta warmers 2. The extension of the land was indicated by the measures of capacity for arid: rubbio (4 mines), mina (2 stara), staro (8 cups), cup (4 bowls). In the notarial deeds of the time, the most used units were the mine and the table, a submultiple that was equivalent to 1/150 of a mine. The mine was equal to 160 Roman pounds, (pound = 333 grams; for which the ground of 1 mine, indicated an extension in which it was possible to sow 53.280 kg of wheat. Sources: "Umbertide in the XVII century" by Renato Codovini and Roberto Sciurpa - Municipality of Umbertide, 2004

HISTORICAL NOTES OF THE UMBERTIDE MUSICAL BAND From the book by Amedeo Massetti "Two centuries on the march - Umbertide and the band" (Petruzzi Editore - May 2008) We dedicate this page of umbertidestoria to Amedeo Massetti who dedicated the last years of his life to local historical research with great passion and competence and of which he left us testimony with the beautiful and well documented book on the history of the city band. We propose here some excerpts, also considering that the story of the maestro Alessandro Franchi (a myth for the old musicians who knew him) is included in the page dedicated to the biographies of the twentieth century. It is clear that we refer to Amedeo's book all those who wish to deepen or know better this exciting story that continues even today. Curated by Fabio Mariotti The origins: music in Fratta The practice of singing during religious services, as is well known, was widely consolidated in medieval times. The first testimonies of musical performances in Fratta date back to the fourteenth century and are to be contextualized in the context of associative life linked to lay Confraternities. These Confraternities or Companies had their own headquarters and carried out their activity in some churches in the town, such as those of Santa Croce and San Francesco. They had their own regulations, their own administration and were under the control of the bishop. In the chapels, the Confraternities had the religious offices celebrated by a clergyman regularly paid by them, who also had the task of teaching music to some boy who then performed what he had learned in the liturgical ceremonies in the church. Hence, in Fratta the first approach to musical language consists of these simple performances of sacred and liturgical music which took place under the direction of the chaplain. In the Fratta of the seventeenth century, the teaching of music was entrusted to the teacher of the public school of the country - always a priest - managed by the Confraternity of Santa Croce. He instructed the young people of the most prominent families and being often an expert in music and organist in the church, he also took care of the parish choir. Even in the following centuries, musical education will find its natural and qualified seat in the oratories of the churches. The wealthiest Confraternities had always had a chapel master employed by them, usually a clergyman. He took care of the singing liturgy and gave music lessons to the children who attended the oratory and were part of the choir. In 1764 the chapel master of the parish of Santa Maria della Reggia, Silvestro Fanfani, received a (considerable) compensation of 76.33 scudi. Between the parishes and the various Confraternities "a competition of emulation was often unleashed to give religious events the character of grandiose solemnity, precisely through music and choral singing". For the feast of the Madonna, for example, on September 8, 1695, the parish of Santa Maria della Reggia spent 1.62 scudi for the musicians who performed lettanias, sung mass and solemn vespers. Even two years later, on 9 September 1697, Maurizio Savelli received 7 paoli for recognition of the music, that is, for the payment of the musicians who had solemnized the festivity with their work ". The rich Confraternities, such as that of Santa Croce, called foreign masters among the best and most famous of the time. These musicians had a salary of a few scudi a year, but they supplemented their income with other proceeds and lent their work in more Confraternities. In Fratta, there were never more than two or three, despite being the most numerous Confraternities. In a receipt of payment of 1704 to the master Galeazzi by the Confraternity of Santa Croce, we find this annotation: "Our Brotherhood has always been in the habit of keeping the Chapel Master of this land salaried with the annual salary of four scudi, with the obligation to make music for the feast of the Holy Cross, the Madonna and for the three evenings of the 'Exhibition of the Most Holy in Carnival, and other festivals such as at the Council of 21 November 1704 ”. In the minutes of the meeting of May 3, 1707, there is confirmation of the existence of a regular music course dedicated to children at the Oratory of Santa Croce and in it it is even proposed to give a salary to the youth who practice music by half paul for each time they will participate to sing for the feasts of our church. There was therefore a real music school, so much so that an economic incentive was deemed necessary for those less motivated young people, who perhaps preferred other amusements to the commitment of the choir. Even the Confraternity of San Bernardino, second in importance to that of Santa Croce, had its own Chapel Master, who in 1706 was Father Romanelli, a friar minor convent of Perugia, for the exercise of music in ecclesiastical functions and for the routing of young people. In some particularly important circumstances, musicians were brought in from outside, paying them high fees. In 1765, for example, for the construction of the Collegiate Church, 116 scudi and 31.5 baiocchi were spent on the new choir. The sum was considerable: in addition to the remuneration for the numerous musicians and the various transport costs, the sumptuous and delicious lunch was also very important, the main dish of which was the Sicilian maccaroni pie, prepared during the three days of the group's stay at Fratta. In 1795, the Confraternity of the Holy Conception, for the feast of the same name, brought ten professors of music and the chapel master of the cathedral of Città di Castello, for which ten scudi were spent, however, not considered Mr. Domenico Bruni who came to favor. Other expenses incurred for the payment of musicians can be found in the recordings of Santa Maria della Reggia, in the note of the gifts given to various attendants of this Collegiate on the occasion of Christmas, Easter and 8 September 1819. In addition to the chapel master , a remuneration was also paid to Dr. Burelli, GioBatta Spinetti, Bonaventura Spinetti (singer), and Antonio Manzini (tenor singer). "In that year at Santa Maria della Reggia there was still the chapel master Giovanni Manzini , who died a few years later; in 1824 the Collegiate Church paid a sum to Mariangela Manzini, widow of the choirmaster. Alongside the teaching linked to the ecclesiastical environment, there was a musical teaching that took place in the classic way of the time: the disciple stayed in the master's house in a kind of boarding school or boarding school for the years necessary to learn all the secrets of the art. . The relationship between the pupil's family and the teacher was regulated by a notarial deed, and the chapel masters often trained young people in music. In Fratta we find a first example of this in 1774: Clemente Ciangottini entrusted his son Mariano to Domenico Romeggini, from Lucca, who at that time was the chapel master of the Confraternity of Santa Croce. The boy would have had to stay with him for ten years, following the teacher in all his movements, and an annual fee would have been paid to this. But Mariano, two years before the expiration of the contract, ran away leaving his teacher and forcing his father to pay the teacher a large sum for damages. Photo: Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide The first marching band The group with the characteristics of a musical band, in the sense that is given to this term today, was established in Fratta on September 1, 1833. It took life within that private company, not dependent on civil or religious institutions, freely created by a group of citizens associated with each other and music lovers, of which it has been said: the Philharmonic Society of Fratta . The founders of the association were almost all very young and belonged to the class of landowners, bourgeois, or to that of craftsmen, that is, artisans or artists. The group of twenty-two members, who were also called Academics, because the Philharmonic Societies also had the name of Philharmonic Academies, was made up of Domenico Agostini, Giuseppe Agostini, Ruggero Burelli, Macrobio Brischi, Niceforo Cambiotti, Luigi Carelli, Domenico Carotini, Pasquale Chimenti , Giovanni Gigli, Lelio Lazzarini, Luigi Magi Spinetti, Luigi Mariani, Alessandro Martinelli, Angelo Martinelli, Demofonte Mastriforti, Antonio Montagnini, Averardo Paulucci, Cipriano Santini, Francesco Santini, Luigi Savelli, Luigi Vescarelli, and Antonio Vibi. We have news of almost all of them in the municipal historical archive. - Domenico Agostini , employee of the Municipality, in charge of "road maintenance assistant"; - Giuseppe Agostini , born in Fratta on 21 August 1817, landowner, lived in via Dritta (now via Cibo); he will carry out the functions of Prior and will participate in the first war of independence ''; - Ruggero Burelli , born in Fratta on 25 June 1803, landowner and notary; municipal secretary, a position he held for many years; lived in via del Teatro (now via Alberti); - Macrobius Brischi , "artiere" (craftsman), blacksmith; - Niceforo Cambiotti , miller: his family practiced this trade already in the 17th century; - Domenico Carotini , born in Fratta on 14 July 1805, maker of clay vases; lived in via di Castelnuovo (now via Cavour); in the municipal concert of 1862 he will play the "quartino"; - Pasquale Chimenti , ceramist; - Giovanni Gigli , born in Fratta on March 4, 1813, potter; he lived in Piazza del Mercato (today's Piazza Caduti del Lavoro); - Lelio Lazzarini , landowner, municipal councilor; from 1856 until September 1860, the year in which the temporal power of the Pope in Umbria, Prior of Fratta, ended; in December 1862, councilor acting as Mayor; - Luigi Magi Spinetti , owner; - Luigi Mariani , born in Fratta on September 6, 1807, "artiere", probably a blacksmith, lived in via San Francesco (now via Soli); in the municipal concert of 1862 he will blow the horn; - Angelo Martinelli , born in Fratta on 25 July 1805, potter and landowner; lived in via del Mercato (now via Magi Spinetti); he will be municipal councilor from 1838 to 1847; he played the bass (he will also play it in the 1862 concert); - Demofonte Mastriforti , born on June 28, 1813, lived in via Bremizia (now via Roma) at no. 24; "blacksmith-gilder, on 12 March 1849 he was elected municipal councilor"; - Antonio Montagnini , born in Fratta on May 31, 1815, shoemaker, lived in via Dritta (now via Cibo); in the 1862 Concerto he will play the clarinet; - Averardo Paulucci , born on 10 April 1810, cashier of the Philharmonic Society; landowner, he lived in via Cavour; he was also the contractor for the duty on the introduction of wood and other fuels; in the 1862 Concerto the piccolo will play: - Cipriano Santini , landowner, was among other things the owner of the farm in the Vocabolo "Fosso"; - Doctor Francesco Santini, born in Fratta on 24 May 1795, landowner, lived in Piazza San Francesco; municipal councilor; in 1840 and 1841, Prior; - Luigi Savelli , born in Fratta on November 22, 1800, landowner, lived in via Dritta (now via Cibo); from 1838, for some years, municipal tax collector; from 1 November 1817 until 1818 and from 1825 until 1860 teacher of reading, writing and numerics in the municipal school; - Luigi Vescarelli , born in Fratta on February 19, 1810, post officer; lived in via di Castelnuovo (now via Cavour); he will be elected city councilor on 12 March 1849. In a meeting following the establishment of the Philharmonic, on December 1, 1833, the Academicians drew up a regulation in which the organizational, financial and musical aspects of associative life were established. This Specification, which consists of 26 articles, is the oldest document found so far on our band, and places it among those with more distant origins, not only in Umbria, but also in Italy. The formal constitution deed of the Company made official the existence of a group that had already been aggregating in previous years. It was most likely some of these musicians who had performed Don Antonio Guerrini's Te Deum in the church of San Francesco six years earlier, on 10 June 1827, even though the instrumental group had been integrated with foreign elements. Guerrini himself, a man of great culture and promoter of important initiatives in the early nineteenth century Fratta had cooperated in the formation of the band, probably also teaching music to many of its members. It is interesting to note how the regulation, in 1833, highlights the presence also in Fratta, within the Philharmonic Society, of a Turkish band, that is, of a "specialized" section of the band, limited to a few instruments, probably only percussions ( the kick drum, the cymbals, the snare drum, etc.), which was convened only for special occasions and upon prior notice. In fact, it had to provide its service - reads the Specifications - only when it had received the prior notice. Let's see the rules that our academics had set themselves and how the Philharmonic Society of our country worked, whose urban center had 825 inhabitants in that year. Organizational and artistic aspect Two deputies dealt with the general economic aspect. Similar to the managing directors of our day, they were renewed every six months, by drawing (by lot) among all the members of the Company. Therefore the two top managerial functions were held in turn by all the shareholders; this criterion denotes a notable form of internal democracy, balanced however by the selective admission of members who, without class prejudices, must have been pleasing to the group of founders. In fact, it was difficult to enter the music association and the admission requirements make us think of a fairly closed group. The candidates had to submit a written request to the president who, after having ascertained the musical ability of the applicant, submitted it to the shareholders' meeting; the request was accepted only with a majority of 2/3 of the votes. However, if any of the shareholders were against it, he brought his reasons to the assembly, and if they were recognized as correct, he did not even proceed to the vote. Discipline, in a group of a fair number of people, was quite rigorous. Everyone had to submit to the authority of the music teacher, the band leader and the director, the most important operational roles in the association, who chose the pieces to be performed and also indicated those to be learned by heart. They could establish additional tests in addition to the usual Sunday tests. In fact, since the components were busy during the week in their work, being owners, employees and artisans, the rehearsals took place on Sunday, usually at two in the afternoon, in a room intended for this use, probably the theater, the only space then existing in the village for recreational activities. Only the Academicians attended, that is, the members of the Philharmonic Society, who had to behave in such a way as not to disturb education in the slightest part. The player could not show up late for rehearsals or music services. If he did so, after half an hour of tolerance, he was fined three baiocchi, and for each piece performed before his arrival he paid another baiocco, in addition to not receiving his share of the regalia, that is, the compensation received by the band for that performance. . No other reason was admitted, if not illness or urgent commitments, of which the director had to be notified in advance. Who notified the musicians of the date of the extraordinary rehearsals and of the services to be performed through the janitor, who probably also had the task of preparing and rearranging the registered office. Within 15 days of the assignment, a musician chosen by lot had to copy the scores with clear and correct writing. Everyone had to have some training and know how to write the music in beautiful handwriting, then distributed to the banders who had to read and play it. The music masters of the various instruments attributed to their students the place in the band and established their role in the instrumental ensemble. Alternatively, the attribution was the responsibility of the director, bearing in mind the boy's ability and talent. The teachers trained the young pupils in a way complete, providing them too (such as could do Antonio Guerrini , gifted with great musical preparation) notions of harmony, composition and counterpoint, in addition to those of reading of music and instrument technique. The Fratta Philharmonic Society included a set of wind instrument players (brass and woodwinds and strings (strings), and also a singer; depending on the type of service requested, he adapted the staff to the circumstance. The uniforms were not provided by the Company. But charged of each musician. The winter one, which was worn from autumn until March, it consisted of a black dress and black trousers; in spring and summer, however, he would wear black dress and white trousers. Failing that, it was recommended to wear the most decent clothing. Some, therefore, do not they possessed what was required and, on the occasion of the services of the band, wore the best clothes. The musicians had the obligation to jealously guard their instruments and repair any damage; at the end of each service they had to return them and deposit them in the gang room. They could also buy them, and in this case the gifts due to them were passed to the cashier until full payment. But the hit instruments, that is the bass drum, the tambourine, the cymbals and the triangle, even if purchased, had to remain in the band's room and, in case of absence, the player delegated to use a person he trusted. If he had not done so, the Society of the band would appoint the most suitable and responsible: the rhythmic instruments were considered essential in the performance and there always had to be someone to play them, like today. The musical group also performed services outside Fratta and could stay away even more than a day. He animated village festivals and gave concerts. The Philharmonic Society had an eminently civil and secular character (even if it participated in religious feasts and ceremonies), with a repertoire both sacred and profane. The deputies (managing directors) thought of providing the venue or space suitable for public performance. The amount of the donation payable by those requesting the musical services was determined by the deputies themselves. In the country, it could not be less than scudi 1.50; outside Fratta with scudi 2, in addition to transport, food and lodging. If a theatrical company required the intervention of banders for a show at the theater, the deputies established a preferential price with the manager so that the amount of it does not ruin the company and prevent the population from enjoying this entertainment. In this case, therefore, the local instrumentalists necessary for the theatrical performance played for a low fee, sometimes even symbolic, for the appreciable purpose of allowing the Frattisans to attend the theater performances of the passing companies ". The compulsory exits were those of Corpus Domini and of the Holy Conception (8 December), occasions in which probably the band, in addition to playing in the church, also accompanied the procession. Those who joined the band had to sign a specification for acceptance which established, among other things, the duration of the Society for a six-year period, which would end in August 1839. We do not know for certain whether at the natural expiry of the six years the Philharmonic Society of Fratta formally renewed his commitment; however it is certain that the brass and woodwind band continued to play regularly, and five years later, in 1844, at the height of its activity, it will serve in important celebrations in the country. Economic aspect A deputy, elected every two months, kept the register of the attendance of musicians at rehearsals and services, of delays and fines (puntature), which he himself applied by collecting the sanction, for unjustified absences. At the end of the mandate, he presented the statement, pouring the proceeds into the hands of the cashier. The cashier had to keep the cashier of the stakes and gifts: in essence, he paid the fees for the services of the band in the cashier, from which he took the bonuses for the players. The money from the stakes was reserved (when there was an adequate sum) for a recreation (convivial meeting, party) at a time chosen by the players, but, depending on their amount, they could also be reinvested in the Company for the purchase. of tools or other. In the event of expulsion, the musician was not entitled to the distribution of the gifts; the episodes of disagreement between the master, band leader or director with the banders were dealt with by the entire Society, convened to resolve the dispute. The musicians received an equal share, including the singers; the ringleader one and a half altitude, the low band half altitude. The latter was almost certainly the rhythm section of the group, that is, those who played the percussion instruments. In fact, we find that, in the Treviglio band (also from 1833), the term low band indicated the tamburone bass drum), the tamburella (snare drum), the sistro chinese and the cymbals. The players of these instruments were evidently thought to be a less educated and less skilled group and took half the others. The Philharmonic Society of Fratta, structured and regulated in this way, continued to exist until 1852 as a private association, independent from public institutions, even after the issue of Cardinal Gamberini's circular. Evidently the Statute respected the criteria established by the circular of 1835 if the Prior of Fratta, in 1852, reported to the Austrian Command of Perugia that the Philharmonic Society, even though it had not "asked for nor ... had any superior permission", had continued to operate . Photo: - Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide - Amedeo Massetti (from the book on the history of the Umbertide band) The centenary party and the fanfare of the Civic Guard The Centenary Festival and the band A memorable performance by the Band of the Fratta Philharmonic Society took place in 1844, on the occasion of the great Centenary Festival which was celebrated for the second time, repeating that of 1744, a century earlier. An event was recalled whose echo, after two centuries, had not faded at all, but still profoundly marked the collective memory: the end of the war of the Grand Duke of 1644, which had also closely affected our small city on the Tiber, besieged by he Tuscan army which had put the Fratigians in serious danger, who had built formidable fortifications on the walls and with great fear had prepared for the worst. The bicentenary became the occasion of grandiose celebrations that were concentrated particularly in the days of the traditional September festivities: from the 5th to the 8th of the month. The greatest expenses were borne by the Confraternities who, since January 1st, had formed deputations with the task of going around the country to collect funds. Printed tickets were sent to the owners of the houses to light them with torches, and on September 6 a balloon was raised. There was also a free horse race along the straight stretch of the road to Città di Castello, over the bridge over the Tiber, where, in the first hundred meters, a long embankment ran. And since a large turnout of people was expected, as in reality it was, a long wooden fence was built on both sides of the road to ensure the safety of the crowd. On the 7th and 8th of September, at nightfall, fireworks were launched at will; over a thousand mortars were purchased in Città di Castello and shot by the only Frattisan expert, Pietro Barafano. The houses, the town hall and the town gates were illuminated with wind torches, and the oil lamps were left on along the streets for all four nights. There were various performances at the theater and a service of the marching band. After those of 1835, 1837, 1839 and 1840, this is another important historical documented news of the performance of our city band complex in a specific public service. He had been called to animate the party by the Compagnia della SS.ma Concezione, from which he was also paid. Perhaps he had done months of rehearsals to prepare a repertoire worthy of this special occasion and he had probably never played in front of so many people. We imagine the skill of these musicians in obtaining harmonious notes from the instruments of the time, not as perfected and technologically advanced as the modern ones. The players probably wore the "black dress and white trousers", the summer uniform established by the regulation. Perhaps they will have performed in Piazza del Grano , also called del Marchese, which was smaller than today or perhaps, after having gathered in the space between the doors near the bridge, they will have pushed marching towards the Prato del Comune where there were so many people who attended the horse race. Or, more likely, they will have played in the Sant'Erasmo market or in the Piazza del Borgo Inferiore enough space for a stationary performance, surrounded by hundreds of festive people. In addition to all this, there were solemn religious functions with the participation of many players who came from Sant'Angelo in Vado, Città di Castello, Gubbio, Perugia and Foligno. The anniversary remained memorable. In this feast there was also another orchestra in Fratta made up of about twenty elements from outside, which had played in the various churches during the solemn religious functions. The components had been paid for separately, one by one, as shown by specific registrations and regular receipts. The band had therefore carried out a mainly civil service, of animation of the party, parading and playing among the crowded streets of the town, even if it is probable that it participated in some procession, which certainly did not fail for this event, given the devotion of the Friars to Madonna della Reggia to which they attributed the grace of having escaped, two centuries earlier, to the fury of the army of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. Dense of events, therefore, these festivals of September of 1844, and never repeated again. After this anniversary, for the celebrations in honor of the Madonna, everything fell within the usual limits. The fanfare of the Civic Guard Different from that of the band was the phenomenon of the fanfare of the Civic Guard in Fratta. In March 1848, on the occasion of the institution of the Civic Guard, the Municipal Council decided to bring together a concert for the Civic Guard with the obligation to also lend itself to the public sorties of the Magistrate [...] and it was approved. The proposal to organize a musical band within the City Corps came from the councilors Giuseppe Savelli and Angelo Martinelli , passionate musicians, both double bass players, whom we will find four years later as members of the Fratta Philharmonic Dilettanti and in 1861 active directors of the Concert Society. Probably, what was intended to be created and which was almost certainly established, was a fanfare: a small group of musicians from the band who were also part of the civic guard and gathered to play in public events and in the outings of the Magistrate for civil ceremonies. A military fanfare, in short, with instruments that were perhaps more suited to parades than to concerts. In these circumstances it was necessary to use a few more percussion instruments, at least two more drums. For the occasion it was said that he would have wanted to buy one, finding someone from outside, because Fratta's was not very capable. However, the question was resolved by sending the drummer Giacinto Tancredi to a specialization course in Perugia. The institution of the Civic Guard created in Fratta great enthusiasm, and probably the members of the fanfare were the best wind instrument players of the band, who had thus found another opportunity to express themselves and assumed a further commitment in their musical activity. Since no expense was spared for the equipment of this Corps, it is possible that new tools have been purchased. There is no other information on the activity of the fanfare which, however, probably had to lend its work to Fratta on several occasions. Photo: - Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide - Theatrical poster from the book on the city band by Amedeo Massetti The teaching of music in Fratta The Collegiate Church and the choirmaster. Giuseppe Foraboschi While with the birth and development of the bands the music came out of the churches to spread into civil life, the music schools held by the chapel masters continued to be active in Fratta, who shared the alternating fortunes with the bands for a long time. From the music schools, in fact, the bands will draw the highest professionalism and the new generation of musicians. Up to now, the one who had been involved in teaching music in Fratta was the Collegiate Church. Together with the Compagnie (the Confraternities) that contributed to the expense, this provided for an annual sum of 70 scudi for the salary of the choirmaster. In 1810, the master was paid 54 scudi per year. A fabulous figure, considering the salaries of the time ", which always remained at high levels. This explains how many of the best musicians of the time aspired to come to our country to occupy that position. Among the most authoritative masters who had held this position. role had been the canon Antonio Guerrini, composer of Masses and other sacred pieces, such as a full orchestral Te Deum (1827), a Tantum Ergo a tenore (1830) and a Kyrie (1837?) in which only instruments were used for many years Guerrini exercised the office of chapel master of the Collegiata (the main church of his homeland) for many years without ever receiving any remuneration. From 1835 the Municipality of Fratta also contributed to this expense of the Collegiate, participating however in the choice of the teacher. In that year he had allocated a contribution of 25 scudi for the three-year period 1835-1837 and Giuseppe Foraboschi was commissioned, who was also supposed to teach music to young people. “Born in Montefiascone (Sabina) [in 1806, NdA] which later became Perugian, Foraboschi managed the chapel of the cathedral [of San Lorenzo] and the municipal school of Perugia in 1844-1846. Giuseppe Foraboschi of Perugia is named in the diploma of chapel master of the Academy of S. Cecilia, conferred on him on May 30, 1845, which was kept in the reception room of the Shelter he founded. Advisor and censor of the Accademia S. Cecilia, [he was] a pupil in Rome of Maestro Fioravanti, then a teacher in San Pietro. Finding himself in Corfu on the occasion of the passage of King Otto, he was appointed director of all the music of that city, where he replaced Maestro Battagel in the direction of the musical band of the 88th Regiment of His British Majesty, commanded by Colonel O 'Malley, direction that held for six years. From England he moved to Perugia, where he was appointed by the magistrate to succeed Tancioni in 1844 [...]. He attended with many other personalities of music at the funeral of Francesco Morlacchi, celebrated in the cathedral of Perugia on January 14, 1842. Giuseppe Foraboschi resided for a few years in Umbertide, where he married Blandina Agostini. He died in Perugia on June 22, 1878, in his house in via del Circo, at no. 5. Foraboschi distinguished himself for an extraordinary work: the creation of the "Shelter for poor music virtuosos of the Province of Umbria". The institute "originates from the holographic testament of Foraboschi dated January 15, 1883 and subsequent codicils deposited with the notary Benedetto Rates on June 25, 1887 and is governed by the rules laid down by the Law on Pious Works. The Shelter that bears his name was opened on July 12, 1891, and every year it was commemorated with gratitude by the inmates. According to the statute, only the virtuosos of music, excluding the instrument makers of the Province of Umbria who drew their source of income exclusively from the exercise of the musical art and that as they got older they could no longer exercise ". Foraboschi composed the Funeral Sonata (1841) for the funeral of Francesco Morlacchi. His symphony for orchestra, Il bivacco, was performed in Perugia in 1874. Other musical compositions and writings of his are known. The choirmaster Foraboschi certainly also had relations with the Philharmonic Society, because some of the boys who learned music from him then joined the band to play an instrument. Perhaps he was the brass teacher himself and it is very likely that for some time he was also the director of the band, since no names of other masters have been handed down. Giuseppe Foraboschi, however, did not stay long at the keyboard of the organ of the Collegiate and instructing the young people of the band in music. At the end of his three-year assignment (1837) he left Fratta, leaving the town without a choirmaster for many years. He must have been a truly excellent musician if, as we have seen, he later settled in the service of his British Majesty; then he went to Perugia as a music teacher. Francesco Colombati choirmaster and the musical band On 15 December 1849, when the expected specifications were drawn up with the Municipality and after the approval of the act by the pontifical commissioner, the chapel master in service, Professor Francesco Colombati di Pergola, was confirmed. Colombati, organist, graduated from the Philharmonic Academy of Bologna, was born in Sant'Elpidio a Mare in 1823 and came from an illustrious family of musicians. Two years later, on January 15, 1852, Francesco Colombati was re-affirmed by the Municipality; in that year he was also part of Fratta's Philharmonic Dilettanti of sound and song. Therefore, at this date, the Philharmonic Society operated under this new name. It is no coincidence that Colombati is in first place in the list of musicians and, most likely, was also in charge of the instruction and direction of the band, given that part of his annual remuneration was paid by the Municipality. Colombati's musical group played both in the theater and in the church, and also provided services in the village on the occasion of parties and public events. It rang, for example, for the celebrations organized on the occasion of the visit and stay in Fratta of Cardinal Giuseppe Pecci, bishop of Gubbio, on 9 May 1852. It was a great celebration and the Municipal Council, on the following 3 June, resolved the payment of ( huge) expenses, of 21 scudi and 43 baiocchi, for fireworks, refreshments and reconnaissance to the band, the reward, as a sign of "recognition" for the work done by the musical group. But in November 1852, the professor gave up his post and in December he left Fratta because he was appointed chapel master of the Cathedral of Gubbio. Colombati was married, had two children, Emanuele and Maria: the salary offered to him by the Gubbio Chapter was higher than that of the Collegiate Church and more suited to the needs of his family. From now on, for several years, we will see the events of our band intersect directly with those of the chapel master of the Collegiate. In Fratta, as happened in many other cities, the figures overlapped. This musician of ecclesiastical nomination, who was required to have a complete preparation, so much so that he also had to be a composer and teacher, was used by the Municipalities or by the Philharmonic for the training of young people who would be part of the band. In addition to accompanying religious ceremonies with the organ, he imparted the first rudiments of wind instruments and directed the band. The Fratta band was an autonomous entity, born from the Philharmonic Society; the Municipality, however, supported it indirectly by financing the Collegiate Church with a contribution for the salary of the choirmaster who, with his teaching, created the nursery for future musicians. Photo: From the book by Amedeo Massetti "Two centuries on the march - Umbertide and the band" - Petruzzi Editore, 2008 Le origini: la musica a Fratta La prima banda musicale La festa centenaria e la fanfara della Guardia Civica L'insegnamento della musica a Fratta La rinascita della banda dopo la Grande Guerra Il maestro Pietro Franceschini La banda di Pierantonio La banda di Preggio Le origini: la musica a Fratta La prima banda musicale La festa centenaria e la fanfara della Guardia Civica L'insegnamento della musica a Fratta The rebirth of the band and the feast of Santa Cecilia The band restarts after the Great War Maestro Franchi worked assiduously at the school with his uncommon didactic skills that he knew how to apply to the study of every instrument. "On May 27, 1920 he invited the old members of the Umbertide band to a meeting that would take place on May 30 at the headquarters of the music school, in the Nunzi house. The meeting would have prepared a meeting requested by the Prefectural Commissioner, Tacchi, who has recently taken over from the mayor Andreani. The interview with the Commissioner took place on 10 June at 9.30 pm, in the Town Hall. , for a total of 44 musicians. 1. Pucci Celestino, trombone accompaniment - 2. Guardabassi Gaetano, does not play - 3. Pucci Arnaldo, clarino - 4. Bebi Quadrio, clarino - 5. Cozzari Giovanni, bass Bb - 6. Lisarelli Eugenio, cornet - 7. Vibi Ovidio, bass F - 8. Alberti Quartilio, clarino - 9. Bettoni Raffaele, cornet - 10. Salciarini Raffaele, trombone accompaniment - 11. Bartolini Giovanni, bass or trombone - 12. Fucelli Galileo, clarino - 13. Melgradi Silvio, bass drum - 14. Melgradi Michele, flute - 15. Mariotti Celestino, quartino - 16. Villarini Domenico , trumpet accompaniment - 17. Rinaldi Giuseppe, genis - 18. Zurli Astorre, genis - 19. Fiorucci Amedeo, cornet - 20. Codovini Riego, bombardino - 21. Ivo Rossi, bombardino - 22. Barbagianni Giuseppe, trombone - 23. Barbagianni Angelo , trombone - 24. Ceccarelli Luigi, trombone - 25. Celestini Giovanni, genis - 26. Polveroni Giuseppe, clarino - 27. Villarini Mario, clarino ". There was a long discussion about the measures to be taken to reconstitute an efficient band. The speakers were very motivated and Franchi explained the situation thoroughly to the Commissioner, who was interested in the subject. He pointed out the numerous lack of tools, even if the staff was sufficient to start over, waiting for some other boy. In the end, also to start again on the most certain possible bases, it was decided to put pen to paper, to entrust to some people the compilation of a statute. The regulation commission was formed by Quadrio Bebi, Riego Codovini, Giovanni Cozzari, Giovanni Bartolini, Giuseppe Polveroni, Ivo Rossi and Gaetano Guardabassi ". The meeting bore fruit and the first measures in support of the gang began from the Municipality. On July 16, 1920 Commissioner Tacchi adopted a resolution to repair the instruments, in need of restoration, or for the long time in which they had been abandoned or for other "technical deficiencies". The owners, almost all workers "and therefore in very limited economic conditions", did not have the possibility of providing with their own means. Tacchi approved an expense of 801 lire, then added another 52.50 for the purchase of 35 "booklets for marce". And in that same month of July the musical group finally resumed activity. By the end of the summer, the gang was resurrected. Il Messaggero, published in the days close to the Solemnity of Our Lady, says that it had resumed functioning regularly and had been appreciated by the people of Umbria in the celebrations of 8 September 1920: "... It is in the religion of art, of good and of beauty , that Maestro Franchi, with a truly admirable work, managed to resurrect our Concerto which, made up of many young elements, promises a lot ... " (1) . It is also interesting to note the richness and solemnity of the religious celebrations, organized for the occasion by the young "diligent parish priest Don Luigi Cozzari " (2) , in which master Franchi also played a large part. The bishop of Città di Castello, monsignor Carlo Liviero , participated. The "Santa Cecilia Alarm Clock" is born On November 22, 1920, on the initiative of Maestro Franchi and president Gaetano Guardabassi , the feast of Santa Cecilia was celebrated for the first time. The band, "from early morning, walked the main streets of the town thus starting the nice party with a brilliant idea". The gang had inaugurated the "alarm clock" of Santa Cecilia. By parading and playing through the streets of the town in the early hours of the morning he had brought a pleasant musical awakening to the people of Umbria. Franchi and Guardabassi had a good idea, so much so that this tradition continues to this day. In the afternoon there was a concert prepared with all artistic diligence by our talented teacher prof. Alessandro Franchi who deserves the greatest credit for the revival of the city concert. And after the musical program, the traditional dinner. Il Messaggero of 28-29 November 1920 dedicates an article at the event: “… All the pieces, including two very successful compositions of the same master, received unanimous approval of citizenship that was wide of deserved applause for the overall success of the program and of the nice party. There was no lack of the traditional banquet during which the most cheerful and frank reigned enthusiasm of all the participants and there was no lack of it not even greeting speeches praising this beautiful such an effective institution, especially for culture music of the people and for life and brotherhood small town; and so that this new institution can worthily prosper, let us hope it gets moral and financial support, both from the Administration municipal and every single citizen. To the beloved Maestro Franchi, to the diligent president of the Band, Mr. Gaetano Guardabassi, and to all the musicians, go to satisfaction of the citizens of Umbria ". In addition to the students and the components of the concert, "they took part even the former musicians and became more fraternal alliance disparity of ideas and views, thus demonstrating how with joviality and moderation they can still be in similar circumstances unite in a good and friendly thought people who, unfortunately, well they often fight bitterly. "The dinner of Santa Cecilia she had managed to bring together politically minded people completely different, at a time when the victory of the socialists in the local elections of October 24 he had created forts oppositions and one began to feel the violent reaction of the first fascist organizations. The feast of the patron saint of musicians was therefore very successful in her familiarity, and unanimous gratitude was given to Maestro Franchi, "a young and good author and conductor who does so much good to the country both with having restored the city concert and for the perfect performance he gives very good trust for the future, both for the local Schola Cantorum of which he is the true soul ". Probably, however, there was a need for an adequate location, if in December the new mayor Settimio Rometti asked Count Emanuele Ranieri for a room in a house he owned in via Cavour. But the count replied that it was not possible to grant it because it was already occupied by the “Antonio Guerrini Youth Club”. Note: (1) Il Messaggero of 11 September 1920 also reports the description of other events that took place during the feast of 8 September 1920: "Our town, thanks to the tenacious and indefatigable work of a few young people, to whom partisan hatred does not it makes a veil and has not destroyed the love for its native place and for the fine arts, it has been enlivened by gracious celebrations for public benefit. ... The master Maccarelli revealed himself last night for a perfect artist, in the recitation of the "Gruff Beneficial", the very difficult work of Goldoni, together with the master Rondoni, Antonio Igi and Domenico Pauselli; the teacher Fornaci and Professor Garognoli are also very nice and perfect. The Charity Fair and the swimming competition on the Tiber were very successful and charming ... ". (2) Don Luigi Cozzari was born on February 4, 1982. In 1906 he was ordained a priest. Very active in Catholic organizations, he founded in Umbertide, together with Don Bosone Rossi, the Catholic club "Silvio Pellico" based in via Soli, annexed to the church of Santa Croce. He was parish priest of the Collegiate Church of San Giovanni Battista from 1911 to 1956, when Don Antonio Fanucci took over. He died in Umbertide on March 15, 1965. Photo: - Amedeo Massetti photographic archive - Corradi photographic archive - Photographic archive of Don Luigi Cozzari La rinascita della banda dopo la Grande Guerra The master Pietro Franceschini From favorite pupil of Maestro Franchi to the direction of the reconstituted musical band di Umbertide from 1966 to 1970, but above all an exceptional teacher and trainer of many young people Pietro Franceschini is a cornerstone in the history of the gang. And not just ours. There is no wind instrument player in Umbria who does not know him. His activity as a musician has intersected more or less directly with the history of all bands in the region for almost fifty years. He was born in Montecastrilli, in the province of Terni, on 10 December 1919. To follow the movements of his father, a railway worker, he arrived in Umbertide in September 1925 together with the brothers Dino and Goffredo (who will become in the band respectively a flutist and a clarinet player) and he settled with his family in Montecorona. At the age of nine he joined the band of Franks who taught him solfeggio and the first elements of the trumpet. The maestro understood that he had an exceptional natural talent in front of him and immediately included him in the staff by making him play in the band services. At the age of ten he was already performing in concerts in Piazza Umberto I, with a wooden box under his feet to be "up to par" with the others. Franchi had discovered a trumpet player of rare skill, became fond of the boy, took care of his musical training and entrusted him with increasingly important roles. Pietro, at the age of twelve, was already an appreciated instrumentalist and he was also called by the most famous dance orchestras in the area, such as that of “Palazzone”, “Pippo del Caporale”, and others. Franceschini will play in the Umbertide band for many years, attracting attention also in the surrounding area for his skill. Later he will be part of pop music orchestras and his trumpet will become legendary. In 1939 the winds of war began to blow and Franks, like a good father, worried about the boy's destiny. He knew well the director of the Presidential Band of the 81st Infantry Regiment of Rome, Edoardo Castrucci, and wrote to him asking him to include the young talent in order to avoid a possible call to the war zone. In fact Franceschini had already been subjected to a military visit and assigned to the Vº Bersaglieri Regiment of Siena: he was only waiting for the postcard to leave. The master of the Presidiaria, at the end of September 1939, immediately invited the young man to Rome to take a test, brilliantly passed, and the young recruit was drafted into the military band. He didn't even go home to get his personal effects and some documents, but he had the most urgent things sent by his family. Thus began his engagement with the military band of Rome, in which he performed many important services as a soloist in concerts often held at the Basilica of Maxentius and at the Pincio. He had as a colleague an “exceptional” cymbal player, Alberto Sordi, son of a well-known professional of the tuba bass, also recently enrolled in the band, perhaps helped by his father to avoid the front. The young Roman was already embarking on a career as an actor and was acting in prose shows at the Sistine Chapel and in avanspectacle theaters; he had also been the voice actor of Oliver Hardy. Franceschini often amused himself with the funny jokes that the budding actor improvised in the evening in his dormitory, without imagining that soon that cymbal player would become the national Albertone. His fellow musicians (including Professor Luigi Francavilla) looked at him with admiration and were amazed to learn that this talented trumpet player did not have a formal academic degree. The pressures for his enrollment at the Conservatory began, but Pietro remained undecided for a long time until one evening he witnessed his solos in a concert by Tullio Semproni, first trumpet of the Augusteo's orchestra who, after speaking with the master of the band, convinced the young man umbertidese to enroll in regular academic courses. Franceschini plunged into his studio, took private lessons in harmony and history of music, burned all the stages and in just three years, in September 1942, he graduated in trumpet at the “Santa Cecilia” Conservatory in Rome. In the summer of 1943 he will be joined in the band by a fraternal friend of Umbertide, Renato Radicchi, also an excellent trumpeter also sent by Franchi to Castrucci, who will happily share with him three months of military life and musical experience in the Presidency. in Rome not yet occupied by the Germans. After the war, Franceschini returned to Umbertide and began the profession of musician. On February 26, 1946 he won a national competition and began teaching at the Liceo Musicale Pareilato "Francesco Morlacchi" (since 1968 State Conservatory) in Perugia. The acquaintance with the famous conductor Franco Ferrara dates back to this period. He immediately had the position of deputy director of the school, while he carried out an intense concert activity hired as an "adjunct" in the most famous orchestras: that of the Teatro dell'Opera di Roma (at which he won in 1947 the national competition for the position of second trumpet), the Philharmonic Orchestra of Santa Cecilia, the Orchestra of the Maggio Musicale Fiorentino, the Orchestra of Palazzo Pitti in Florence (with whom he toured for a month in Spain) and the Orchestra of the Festival dei Due Mondi in Spoleto . He also played with the Berlin Philharmonic Orchestra, conducted by Herbert Von Karajany, the Vienna Symphony Orchestra and the Krakow Radio Orchestra during repeated seasons of the Umbrian Music Festival. In his spare time he took care of the Umbrian bands, their reconstitution and musical direction: those of Ponte Felcino, Ponte San Giovanni, Spina, Cerqueto, Petrignano d'Assisi, Ponte Pattoli, Gubbio, Pietralunga, Piegaro. Many owe their current activities to Franceschini's professionalism and commitment. He also took care of the teaching of music and the training of students. He followed for the Umbria Region and for 1'Anbima (National Association of Italian Autonomous Musical Bands) numerous events and band competitions, of which he was often an esteemed member of the commission. The reconstitution of the town band and the creation of a music school In 1966, on behalf of Professor Bruno Porrozzi , president of the Pro Loco Umbertidese Association who together with Giuseppe Fiorucci was working on the reconstitution of the local band, he personally committed himself to revive a complex that had dissolved ten years earlier and which he will direct until 1970. At the same time he established a music school which immediately saw the influx of many young people. The musical teaching will continue even after the dissolution of the band, until 1989, and will form a large number of young people from Umberto I, many of whom will be initiated by him to the Conservatory and to a career as musicians. He held the position of director of the Perugia Conservatory from 1974 to 1975, crowning his academic commitment. Among the members of the Umbertide band there had never been a graduate musician, no one who had completed regular courses of study. His teaching was a tremendous incentive. Franceschini, taking them from the large nursery of his students, began to bring prominent elements to the Conservatory. This is a great merit that is unanimously recognized in the Umbertidese musical environment, and beyond. The role of exceptional teacher and trainer continued even after the period of his direction in the band, launching many young people on a musical career. Many have graduated from his school and many professionals have come out of his school. Many other boys (now ex boys) owe to him the only pleasure of playing an instrument and having fun with the music in the local band or orchestras. Franceschini also taught solfeggio to a great Umbertide musician, maestro Gerardo Balbi, making him continue his studies at the Conservatory where he graduated in piano, harpsichord and composition. Umbertide's first graduate was Galliano Cerrini, initially a pupil of the master Corsaro, then of Franceschini who had him enrolled in the Conservatory. An excellent teacher, he managed to bring out the best in anyone, professional or amateur, always paying great attention to detail. In early December 1999, on the occasion of his 80th birthday, he was celebrated with a concert in his honor in the auditorium of the Museum of Santa Croce in Umbertide, held by the "Ottoni di Perugia" group directed by maestro Massimo Bartoletti who he succeeded in the chair of trumpet at the “Francesco Morlacchi” Conservatory. Maestro Franceschini died in Umbertide on 4th August 2004. At his funeral there were many and authoritative exponents of the Umbrian musical environment. The string orchestra "I Solisti di Perugia" wanted to honor him by performing touching musical pieces during the religious ceremony celebrated by Don Gerardo Balbi, his old pupil, in the church of Santa Maria. The town band of Umbertide, integrated by musicians from other Umbrian bands, was waiting for him lined up under the arcades of the Franciscan convent. In an atmosphere full of emotion, under a pouring rain, he sang, at the exit of the coffin, the beautiful funeral march by Ugo Manfredi "Mother's cry". Photo: Amedeo Massetti photographic archive Il maestro Pietro Franceschini Pierantonio's band The "Pierantonio Concert Society" was born in 1886 The constitution of Pierantonio's band almost certainly dates back to 1886. The letter in which Giuseppe Mannocci, on 10 February 1920, asked for a subsidy in the name of the members and the president of the “Società del Concerto di Pierantonio, founded in purpose of entertainment since 1886 ". Mannocci wrote to the Commissioner of the Municipality of Umbertide, Tacchi, recalling that in the village “there are no other entertainments and the members of the band had been forced to give up on Maestro Franchi due to lack of funds. But that Pierantonio's band could already be active in 1886 we are also told by the fact that the musical group, directed by Maestro Massimo Martinelli, received in 1887 from the Municipality a "small annual subsidy" of about one hundred lire, increased to 125 over the years subsequent. However, in those last decades of the nineteenth century, as well as financial means, Pierantonio's gang also needed expert guidance. In fact, on 24 April 1889 Giuseppe Carlani wrote to the Mayor asking to insert in the specifications of the Umbertide band, for approval in those days, the obligation for the music teacher to go to Pierantonio once a week with expenses to be borne by the Pierantonio Concert . The clause was not included in the regulation. But the meeting of the City Council of 26 April established that Massimo Martinelli, conductor of the Umbertide Municipal Concert, for the duration of three years from May 1, 1889, had to go to Pierantonio every Friday for two hours, to "continue teaching music there and direct the relative rehearsals of that concert ". He would have been paid by that same band: five lire every time he went to the hamlet, the same for the "invention or reduction" of every piece of music that had been ordered by the directive commission of that concert. Finally, it was established that this condition was valid only for Pierantonio, excluding Preggio, another fraction of Umbertide in which there was a gang. The activity of the Pierantonio Concerto (probably directed by Massimo Martinelli from 1889 to 1897, albeit discontinuously) continued until the end of the century amid various economic difficulties, relying solely on the shares of the members, ready to self-tax to keep the musical group, much felt and loved. In 1900 he received from the Municipality of Umbertide a small subsidy, of about one hundred lire per year, insufficient to meet the expenses. And the constant lack of funds pushed the executives to appeal to the local administration every time. On November 22, 1906 Pompeo Fanelli wrote a letter asking for a contribution for the "Musical Society of the Village of Pierantonio", established for twenty years and always financed by the members: "The teacher pays the rent of the hall alone - underlined Fanelli - and it meets all other needs with its own means ". But the subsidy did not have to change if a few years later Fanelli was forced to repeat itself. On 22 October 1912 he requested an increase in financial support in the name of the Concerto: "Pierantonio's Concerto Society - he explained - has 25 years of activity and has supported with its own resources the costs of renting the venue, for the master and 'lighting". In exchange, the gang offered itself for any services requested by the Municipality. Finally, after so many questions, on 15 December 1912, the Municipality decided to increase the annual funding from 125 to 2001ire, allowing the gang to continue its activity more calmly. The contribution was even raised to 300 lire in 1913. Now the conditions existed for a profitable and lasting musical commitment, but the First World War was approaching and, starting from 1914, all young people of military age will be called up and sent to various fronts. The band activity thus suffered a long interruption. After the conflict, the musical group slowly resumed work. On October 18, 1919 Pietro Carlani communicated to the Mayor that "the Pierantonio Concert has been reconstituted for some time" and that the partners, wanting a "licensed" teacher, had requested the work of Alessandro Franchi di Umbertide. Carlani specified that the partners paid the rent for the rehearsal room, the maintenance of the instruments and all other small expenses. Therefore he asked the Municipality to intervene. Another letter for a loan will be sent on February 10, 1920 to Commissioner Tacchi, signed by Giuseppe Mannocci, on behalf of the shareholders and of the president for the Società del Concerto di Pierantonio, the owner Pietro Carlani. The Company - underlined Mannocci - had always supported itself with small municipal subsidies, which had been removed during the war period. In the absence of financial means, it was not possible to pay the remuneration to the master Franchi. Almost six months will pass before Mannocci's request is accepted and it will be the new commissioner Lino Molinari, who succeeded Tacchi, to grant a contribution of two hundred lire to the Società del Concerto with a provision of 23 July 1920. The following year, September 24, 1921, Pierantonio's gang again wrote to the Commissioner asking for an increase in the annual contribution. The new prefectural commissioner Angelelli tried to find out about the situation and the next day he replied to Carlo Carlani, head of the section of the Fascio di Pierantonio, asking him "some information on the foundation, purpose and political and financial direction of the local Concerto Society". On 19 October 1921 Carlani expressed a favorable opinion, and the Commissioner thus raised the contribution from two hundred to six hundred lire, starting from 1922, given that an increase of 2,200 lire had been granted to the Umbertide Concert. “We also consider the courage and enthusiasm of Pierantonio's small population - concluded Angelelli - who were able to put together over 20 elements to make up a musical body”. On November 28, 1921, a telegram from the president and the master of the band expressed Pierantonio's gratitude to the Commissioner. The band served on the occasion of civil and religious events or festivals in the town and in the countryside. But on November 4, 1921 he also played together with that of Umbertide in the imposing event in homage to the unknown soldier; memorable is the performance of the hymn of the Piave in Piazza San Francesco. And it often happened that on important occasions she was called to "reinforce" the Umbertidese group. On 10 June 1923, directed by Maestro Franchi, she went alone to La Bruna where the Parco delle Rimembranze was inaugurated. The mayor of Perugia, the Uccelli lawyer, was also present and a long procession, preceded by the band, paraded to honor the fallen by bringing flowers to the commemorative plaque. On 9 September 1923 Pierantonio's musical group played together with those of Montone and Umbertide at the inauguration of the monument to the fallen of the 1915-1918 war, in front of the elementary school building in via Garibaldi. And among the immense crowd, the three groups united managed to create a suggestive sound power. In 1925 the director was Alessandro Franchi. The rehearsals were usually entrusted to a band leader of Pierantonio, Severo Scapicchi, a former clarinet player. Scapicchi, however, only directed the preparation of simple repertoire pieces, such as marches or dances. If pieces of opera or complexes were to be set up, master Franchi from Umbertide would arrive. The gang leader then directed the services for processions or country festivals and his role also appeared from external signs on the uniform: two fillets on the cap unlike the banders who only had one. The band was made up of 30-35 elements, artisan workers, peasants, depending on the availability of each and any absences were due only to work commitments or illness. For the people of Pierantonio, who always stayed in the village in the evening, the band was one of the few diversions. In some particularly large farming families, even two or three members played in the band. The band members included: Sestilio Marcucci (first clarinet) Sigilfredo Valentini (first clarinet) Eliseo Valentini (tenor flugelhorn) Domenico Medici (baritone flugelhorn) Riccardo Fanelli (tenor flugelhorn) Rolando Fanelli (second clarinet) Enrico Arcelli (flugelhorn in E b - pistoncino) Pierino Bistoni (second trumpet) Enrico Ragni (first trumpet) Igino Tosti (second soprano flugelhorn) Giuseppe Scapicchi (first soprano flugelhorn) Pietro Scapicchi (small clarinet in Eb - quart) Fidenzo Mannocci (second clarinet) Ninetto Mannocci (alto flugelhorn) Eraldo Arcelli (second clarinet) Luigi Mannocci (horn) Luigi Giulianelli (trombone) Aldo Giulianelli (alto flugelhorn) Luigi Briziarelli (bass drum) Paris Marcucci (cymbals) Renato Martinelli (horn) Lorenzo Rosini (Eb bass) Pompilio Lazzarini (Bb bass ) Bettino [?] (Solo clarinet) Dante Fanelli (flute) Guerriero Marcucci (second clarinet) Pompeo Fanelli (second clarinet) Alberto Fanelli (co rno accompaniment) Pasquale Casciarri (janitor). On November 22, 1925, Pierantonio's band celebrated the feast of Santa Cecilia with a concert. For the occasion, ten young students made their debut and seventy attended the social dinner, attended by the mayor of Umbertide, Gualtiero Guardabassi and the teacher Franchi. In 1927 Pierantonio's 1st band received an annual contribution of 1,500 lire; that of Umbertide of 4,000. On 8 September 1927 he went to Umbertide together with its president Domenico Medici for a concert in the square together with the band of the capital, forming a group of eighty elements directed by Franchi. Also the following year it will be called to Piazza Umberto I on the day of the feast of the Nativity of the Madonna to play with the band of Umbertide: in all, a group of ninety people. On 28 October 1928 he played again with his colleagues from Umberto who had come with Maestro Franchi for the inauguration of Pierantonio's Casa del Fascio. An important ceremony: the building was among the first of its kind in Italy, thanks to the offers and the industriousness of the inhabitants. The activity in 1929 was intense, with probable services in the capital, since the Municipality assigned a further contribution of five hundred lire. On September 8, 1930, the two bands of Pierantonio and Umbertide still played together. But sometimes, on important occasions such as the patronal feast, the master Franchi called only a few musicians from Pierantonio. In general, Eraldo and Enrico Arcelli, Domenico Medici and Pompilio Lazzarini who went to "reinforce" the roles of Umbertide, also participating in the rehearsals prior to the concert. In these cases, Franchi was very strict. One evening, in the music room of Umbertide, not happy with the success of a piece, he held the band until half past one in the morning. And the clarinetist Eraldo Arcelli returned by bicycle to Pierantonio pedaling for almost an hour. At 2 pm the following afternoon he had to go back to Umbertide again for the concert. Arcelli used the bicycle every time he came to Umbertide; at night the acetylene lamp allowed you to see the stones on the road and not hit them: "It was a tough discipline - remember now, ninety-five - but we were twenty and it was a prestige to belong to the gang". Pierantonio's band, made up entirely of local elements, held concerts in the village at least four times a year. A large audience, on those occasions, flocked to the unpaved square, strewn with breccia. In the lineup pieces of opera, under the direction of the master Franchi. The group then played at the processions for the Ascension, Sant'Antonio, on June 13, Corpus Domini and Easter. But he also went out on the occasion of religious holidays. Like in San Sugaro - Parlesca (the second Sunday in May), in La Bruna (twice a year, but always on the first Sunday in September), in Rancolfo (the first Sunday in June), in Pietramelina (last in August, "At the end of the watermelons") and on August 15, the feast of the Assumption, in Castiglione Ugolino. At country festivals he received salaries ranging from fifty to one hundred lire per performance. The rehearsals were held once a week with Maestro Franchi, in a rented room, also used as a dance hall. Above there was the "Circle of the Lords", where the notables of the town went in the evening to play cards and where dancing parties were organized at carnival. He played an orchestra formed by the instrumentalists of the band (always the good Lorenzo Rosini on the bass). Maestro Franchi came to Pierantonio twice a week, by bicycle. One, for the afternoon music school for the boys and he went home: the salary was five lire. Another, for the evening rehearsals of the band: in addition to the five lire, he was paid for dinner and room for the night. Franchi, in fact, after the rehearsals, slept in Pierantonio in the house of Luciano Barcaroli, owner of a grocery and butcher shop. It would have been hard for the teacher, at eleven in the morning, to travel eight kilometers on a bicycle: the road, unpaved, was full of cobblestones. Pierantonio still reminds us of Franchi's extraordinary speed in composing. Eraldo Arcelli was also a member of a local orchestra and when he needed some new pieces (at that time there weren't many printed scores), he went to Franchi with two pigeons (a sign of gratitude, but also a welcome consideration in lean times) and the teacher, at the piano, instantly churned out a waltz, a polka or a mazurca: a danceable piece to play in the evening. With Franchi, the clarinetist Eraldo Arcelli also played in the Umbertide band. He was second clarinet (2nd A) together with Goffredo Franceschini (2nd B). The first clarinets were Mario Villarini and Filippo Filippi. On July 7, 1930, the 1st band performed under the direction of Franchi in the "beautiful and magnificently illuminated square of Pierantonio". The musicians, "admirable for their discipline and spirit of sacrifice, performed very well all the numbers of the rich and difficult program". Riccardo Fanelli, Domenico Medici and Enrico Arcelli distinguished themselves in a particular way "for their passionate performance". Unanimous praise goes to the master Franchi who even in this hamlet "carries out his skilful activity". A special thanks to the president of the band Ciro Carlani who "supports this beautiful institution which is so useful and accepts the whole country". On Sunday 23 July 1933, at 9 pm, Pierantonio's Dopolavoro band, directed by Maestro Franchi, held an applauded concert in homage to the 1st Artillery Regiment stationed there for tactical exercises. The musical program was greeted with lively cheers from the officers and from all citizens. The symphony of Verdi's Nabucco and the duet of Bellini's Norma were particularly appreciated. The musicians were much acclaimed, including the young Eraldo Arcelli and Pierino Bistoni. After the concert the dances began, very animated in the hall of the Casa del Fascio. The band's activity was interrupted from 1935 to 1939 due to the call to arms of many young people. In 1940 it was reconstituted by a group of boys. It was always directed by Severo Scapicchi, and once a week Franchi came for rehearsals. There was then another interruption during the war period. But it started again immediately after the crossing of the front. Severo Scapicchi and Alessandro Franchi still ran. The gang provided services in La Bruna, in Santa Giuliana, in Pietramelina, in Montelovesco. And also to the Madonna del Monti, after Camporeggiano, which the musicians reached on foot. Bulky tools, such as the crate and dishes, were moved on the back of a mule. The band also went to the Abbey of Montecorona and the Hermitage, Castiglione Ugolino, Murlo, Bagnaia (for San Giuseppe), Rancolfo and Parlesca-San Sugaro. In the latter locality the musicians used a horse cart. The musical group played in Pierantonio for the Ascension, for Sant'Antonio (June 13), for Easter and December 8 (Immaculate Conception). Sometimes he also performed in the square in concerts which he attended all over the country. He was rehearsing in the former “casa del Fascio”, the elementary school building. They made up the group: Evelino Briziarelli (clarinet in Eb - quart) Eraldo Arcelli (first clarinet) Carlo Montacci (clarinet) Goffredo Sannella (clarinet) Giuseppe Salciarini (clarinet) Sestilio Marcucci (clarinet) Guerriero Marcucci (clarinet) Giulio Fanelli (clarinet) Antonio Castellani (clarinet) Renato Fucsina (soprano sax) Enrico Arcelli (trumpet) Pierino Bistoni (trumpet ) Elio Mariucci (trumpet) Renato Arcelli (soprano flugelhorn) Giuseppe Ugolini (trombone) Alberto Arcelli (trombone) Remo Riberti (horn) Marcello Rossi (horn) Ugo Binucci (alto horn) Ugo Fanelli (alto horn) Vincenzo Montanucci (baritone horn) Luigi Monsignori (tenor horn) Ennio Marri (baritone horn) Alfeo Rosini (tenor flugelhorn) Renzo Castellani (bass Bb) Lorenzo Rosini (bass Eb) Pompeo Grelli (bass Fa) Giuseppe Cozzari (bass Bb) Enzo Nottoli (tambourine) Romolo Briziarelli (bass drum) Paris Marcucci (cymbals) Pasquale Casciarri (janitor) . Subsequently Giuseppe Cencetti replaced Romolo Briziarelli at the cash desk. The instruments had been purchased by the musicians themselves. The band reconstituted after the war, however, did not reach the levels of preparation and harmony of the first. When Franchi died in 1948, Severo Scapicchi continued to direct it, helped by Eraldo Arcelli, until 1959, the year of its closure. Photo: Amedeo Massetti photographic archive La banda di Pierantonio La banda di Preggio The band of Preggio Born in the mid-nineteenth century, it remained alive until the early sixties when the depopulation of the territory began The band of Preggio originated in the second half of the nineteenth century, with a considerable numerical consistency when compared to the population and the difficulties that this small mountain town encountered. Both for the poverty of resources, and for the lack of communication routes that would facilitate relations and exchanges with one's own Municipality and the rest of the territory. There were therefore also obstacles to have a qualified musical guide, stable and present over time. In fact, in the decades in which the Preggio band was alive, it often had to provide itself with an autochthonous teacher, while requesting from time to time contributions from Umbertide for its own survival and the presence of the master of the municipal band. For example, with a resolution of April 26, 1889, the municipal council of Umbertide agreed to the request that Massimo Martinelli , master of the band of the Municipality, went to Pierantonio once a week to teach music and conduct the rehearsals of the local Concerto. But in the act it was established that this should happen only for Pierantonio and not for other hamlets of Umbertide. The restriction to a single fraction can be explained by the fact that Martinelli, already occupied by two groups, could not take on a new commitment in another town eighteen kilometers from Umbertide and moreover difficult to reach. Consequently, the Preggio band continued to carry out the activity by providing itself with a local teacher. The request of the president Giovanni Battista Contini on 7 March 1898 is documented, asking the Municipality for financial support of fifty lire "as usual in recent years as an encouragement". Contini specified that the contribution should be received by 12 May, because a "title" had to be paid to the band of Umbertide for the purchase of instruments. The council decided to disburse the requested sum, but specified that this should not have constituted a precedent that would constrain the action of future administrations. It can be deduced that the Municipality had already granted the subsidy for some years, and continued to pay out the same sum of fifty lire, in the following two years, on February 26, 1899 and in January 1900, thus satisfying Romolo Fabbri's requests for " encouragement to the Preggio Music Society ". The preggese group was probably directed in those years by a local person and urgently needed a trained teacher to train the new recruits and carry out the tests. In fact, on 7 September 1901, 67 heads of families, together with the members of the band, signed the petition to the municipal council that the teacher Stanislao Franceschi, recently director of Umbertide, would go once a month to Preggio to give lessons to the members of the philharmonic who otherwise it risked melting. The Mayor gave a favorable opinion. It is probable that the inhabitants of Preggio already knew the maestro, having directed the band of the nearby Castel Rigone in previous years. In 1902 Franceschi continued to go to Preggio every month; his salary, in that year, had been increased from 800 to 1,050 lire. His was a real “journey”, because he arrived in a horse-drawn carriage crossing the Niccone valley up to San'Andrea di Sorbello, touching a strip of Tuscany. Sometimes, between the two groups he directed there were exchanges of instruments and two bombardini were also used by the band of Umbertide. The Concerto di Preggio continued its activity with commitment over the years later, until, in 1905, Stanislao Franceschi left for Sigillo. Umbertide's new master, Carlo Morbidelli, arrived at the end of 1906, he probably did not deal with Preggio due to his many commitments in place with the music school and the subsequent collaboration with the band of Ponte Felcino, in 1909. Preggio had to continue alone again, with the constant problem of scarcity of means. In 1913 Guido was its president Fabbri, who on April 20 presented a request for subsidy to the Municipality. The president pointed out that the eight hundred lire destined as of onsuetudine to the band of Umbertide that year had not been disbursed due to the inactivity of the group, which was expected reconstitution. So he got that from this unused fund a good hundred lire were granted to the band of Preggio. The Great War was also a cause of interruption for the musical activity of the country: there were many young people who left for the front. A regular activity resumed only in 1927, when the organization of the regime's Dopolavoro tended to favor and frame all forms of aggregation between citizens. On 5 January 1928, the mayor of Umbertide, Gualtiero Guardabassi, granted a room for reconstitution to the “Società Filarmonica di Preggio” of the band ”and on 7 December approved a contribution of five hundred lire to the “Banda del Dopolavoro di Preggio, an institution essentially understood to the moral and intellectual elevation of the working class and of one large population that for strength, activity and discipline with which follows the directives of the new regime, deserves every possible regard ". Even under the aegis of fascism the musical society preggese lacked means, so much so that to make the site accessible it had appropriated one of the three oil lamps of public lighting, at whose operation it was chief Giuseppe Cardini. The fact sparked protests and was reported to the Municipality by Romolo Fabbri and David Trentini. In 1929 the band depended on the “Società Musicale di Preggio”, of which the lawyer Antonio Contini was president. The Municipality intervened with a contribution of five hundred lire a year, as it did with the Pierantonio Musical Society, restoring fair treatment between the two fractions. In October 1929, with a provision of the podestà Guadabassi, the "musical society of Preggio" was formally associated with the Dopolavoro: the Podestà granted a contribution of five hundred lire. The 1930s were glorious for the band. The group was directed by a local gang leader, Gaetano Boni; from time to time the teacher Franchi arrived from Umbertide to assist him in teaching young people and in rehearsals. The activity was intense and the repertoire was vast: it included marches and Opera pieces that were played in the square on Sunday evenings in the summer. The presence of the band was often required at religious festivals in nearby parishes, such as Racchiusole or, on the opposite side, in San Paolo, Reschio in the municipality of Lisciano Niccone. The musicians gladly answered the invitations because (as the popular saying states that "all the psalms end in glory") they were occasions for a cheerful feast of macaronias. It wasn't just a recreational function, for an hour's entertainment or an afternoon of celebration. The band of Preggio, and those of all the small towns, far from the cultural circuits and lost in inaccessible areas of a poor and backward nation, deserve the merit of having played a role of cultural promotion in times in which the presence of means of mass communication, as specifically, was limited to the telegraph of the Regie Poste and the radio equipment of the headquarters of the beam. The band activity was a vehicle of knowledge, through a certainly not secondary part of culture and national identity, capable of igniting interest and passion among a population far from cultural centers. It also had the merit of spreading the knowledge of melodrama, so much so that not only men but also completely illiterate women sang songs by Verdi, Puccini, Donizetti by heart. Almost all the families of Preggio had a musician in the band: some more than one. Among the buffaloes, Giovanni called Nino, cornet player, and his brother Luciano the clarinet. Then there were the Stoppa: Settimio on trumpet, Bruno and Benedetto on baritone flugelhorn. To the Contini family belonged the brothers Dino, clarinetist ("quartino"), David, bass player in Eb, Alceo and his father Luigi, also at the clarinet, whom he had to abandon when the shotgun exploded in his hand and lost two fingers. Maestro Boni also belonged to the Contini family, having married Luigi's sister and thus becoming the uncle of two brothers; and they were also his nephews on the part of his mother Giovanni and Luciano Bufali. Relationships of kinship, musical activity, work connected families and players. For example, Alceo Contini was a carpenter together with his uncle Gaetano Boni. This man, a rigorous and tenacious man, was a master of the band and a skilled craftsman; tireless educator, in his spare time he gave music lessons to the boys in his own workshop. A kind of head of the family for that band that among the many relatives, also included another nephew and a brother. The hamlet of Preggio, at the beginning of the thirties, was close to two thousand souls, while in the countryside the families had up to thirty or forty members. The country itself was densely populated. The population increased when work began for the construction of the road section from Preggio to Umbertide through Monte Acuto and Polgeto. Workers came from all over Italy and it was a real providence, because in a period of high unemployment a work of this magnitude, built entirely with a pickaxe, employed hundreds of workers. The road was inaugurated on October 28, 1934, a historic date for Preggio which had been waiting for the connection with its Municipality since the time of the unification of Italy. The service of 21 April 1934 is unforgettable, when the band participated in the inauguration of the cross placed on the top of Monte Acuto, in memory of the holy year 1933-34 and the fallen of the war 1915-1918. It was hard to get to the top, the heaviest tools loaded on the back of a mule, but the wonderful view of the valleys below repaid the efforts of the long climb. Another historic occasion for the town, and therefore for his band, was the "taking possession" of the parish of the Holy Trinity by the new prior, Don Espedito Marcucci, who would hold the Priory until his death in 1973. The band actively participated to the celebrations; the importance of the ceremony was underlined by the presence of civil authorities and by Archbishop Giovanni Battista Rosa who "placed the young priest in possession of the parish benefit". At 11.30 on February 20, 1938, mass sung by the local “Schola cantorum” directed by Alessandro Franchi; at 4 pm, solemn thanksgiving with the performance of the “Te Deum” and the “trina benediction”. The party ended in an evocative way: in the evening Preggio was all lit up with "Venetian lanterns" and "fires of joy" were lit in the countryside. The band continued to be called in the surroundings for the holidays: its services were required in a large area, from Castel Rigone towards Lake Trasimeno, up to Migianella, near Umbertide. By now she had beautiful uniforms and was renowned for the vast and well-kept repertoire, which animated the associative moments in the surrounding countryside and centers. In the mid-forties we find it always active. And in the immediate post-war period, in the period of political elections in which heated and violent partisan passions were unleashed, the gang was the protagonist of an eventful episode. On May 18, 1947, the Sunday after the Ascension, she was called to Monte Acuto, to the traditional feast of the Madonna della Costa, where, after the religious celebrations, she was to hold an "outdoor musical entertainment". He had already started playing in the open space in front of the church when a "communist speaker", climbed onto an embankment, began a meeting addressed to the many present. Impatient for the prolongation of the play, the politician urged the "comrades" to stop the music and they accepted the invitation so well that they lashed out at the players, forcing them to stop with swear words and shoving. The event, although serious, seemed to be over, especially since the lunch seemed to have calmed the spirits. But when, in the afternoon, the band was invited to resume the program, the "comrades" began to mock the band-players who, even hit by a few stones, placed the instruments on the grass and put the jammers to flight with punches. Even the parish priest and his brother, also a priest, were victims of the turmoil, who, in an attempt to gain the door of the rectory to take shelter, were slapped by the mob. The story did not end there, but it had serious consequences. In 1949 the group celebrated the ordination of another priest from Prese, a former member of the band, Don Dino Contini. He accompanied him from home to the church of the Holy Trinity, where the young priest celebrated his first mass. Since then Don Dino would no longer play the "quartino" in the band, but the piano and the great organ of the cathedral of San Lorenzo in Perugia, of which he has been an appreciated organist from 1942 to the present day. But shortly afterwards the good teacher Boni, who had led the group with firmness and skill for many years, died. In the pouring rain of a stormy summer day, the gang accompanied him to the cemetery amidst general emotion. It was a strong and engaging atmosphere that the players managed to create at the funeral of a companion or a relative: people were always struck by it. The gang, therefore, fell silent for a while, but the activity was soon resumed. The prior, Don Espedito Marcucci, passionate about music and aware of the importance of the band for the community of Preggio, took steps to reconstitute it, managing, in 1950, to recompose a group of twenty-three people. Don Espedito had also thought of the instruments, in need of repairs, entrusting them to the tuner Schippa di Passignano. He also bought new ones at his own expense, equipping the gang with everything they needed. The group thus resumed playing under the guidance of Gaetano Boni's nephew and pupil, Alceo Contini, Don Dino's brother; his brother David was then at the baritone flugelhorn (bombardino), Nicola Boni at the cash desk bought by the prior. The director of the band Alceo Contini was a good instrumentalist who played all woods and also the saxophone; famous for his clarinet skills. Contini also took care of the children's music school; the rehearsals took place in a local of the Municipality under the square, in via Dritta. The headquarters will then be moved to the "theater" room, in the large hall overlooking the square. Carlo Boni played the trombone, Otello Sergenti the bombardino, Tommaso Orsini the cornet, Marino Orsini the bass, Biagio Trentini the bass drum, Raimondo Stoppa the "quartino". Then there were Terzilio Peverini and Antonio Cinaglia on clarinet, Gino Falomi and Rolando Trentini on bass, Luciano Bufali and Pietro Bastianoni on clarinet, Quintilio Zandrini on cornet, Pasquale Secondi and Primo Falomi on trombone, Gustavo Bastianoni on alto horn, Riccardo Benigni on tambourine and Alfredo Peverini with dishes. The Preggio band lasted until the early 1960s, when the depopulation of the Apennines began, which would reduce the population down to a hundred inhabitants. Photo: - Amedeo Massetti photographic archive - Historical photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide

Domenica ed il voto del 2 giugno1946 (a cura di Sergio Magrini Alunno) Domenica Floridi, nata a Umbertide il 7 gennaio 1923, ha vissuto a Faldo nel comune di Montone e dal 1973 a Umbertide, si è sposata con Pietro Anniboletti il 17 agosto 1942; è morta il 6 marzo 2022 a 99 anni. Il giorno del 70° anno del voto alle donne, riportato nel video qua sotto, aveva 93 anni compiuti. Video: Grazie al Coordinamento per la Pace Umbertide- Montone – Lisciano Niccone in collaborazione con il Comune di Umbertide, il 2 giugno 2016 Domenica potè raccontare le sue emozioni durante gli eventi collegati alla terza edizione della Marcia “La memoria cammina con noi". La sera nella Chiesa di Santa Croce, oggi musealizzata, vennero, infatti, raccontate alcune impressioni di donne che votarono al Referendum del 2 giugno del 1946. In contemporanea fu possibile visitare la mostra che ripercorreva gli 85 anni che, dal 1861 fino al 1946, condussero l’Italia al diritto di voto alle donne e alla nascita della Repubblica. In quegli anni ha scritto da sola, di suo pugno, un breve diario (riportiamo qua una prima parte del diario, come fonte diretta senza correzioni di nessun tipo) dove racconta: "Sono nata in una famiglia composta da due nuclei famigliari, da una parte degli zii erano sette persone a da parte mia eravamo in cinque. Eravamo una normale famiglia di contadini di quel periodo. Cera poco da sprecare tanto per il mangiare che per il vestire. Sono andata a scuola a Santa Maria da sette, ho fatto la quarta elementare che le altre scuole non cerano e non cerano altri divertimenti che andare a lavorare nei campi. Mi sono fidanzata con Pietro che avevo 14 anni e dopo sei mesi che eravamo fidanzati lui è partito per il servizio militare ed è stato via per 18 mesi da permanente ed è stato a Torino. Dopo un anno che era tornato a casa è scoppiata la guerra, E’ stato richiamato in ottobre del 1939 e allora ha cambiato parecchie località dalla Francia alla Sicilia. Dopo parecchio tempo che era via non trovando mai il sistema per poter prendere una licenza per tornare a casa ha deciso di sposarsi per poter prendere un mese di licenza e così abbiamo deciso. Ma i giorni sono passati veloci perchè non era un mese che abbiamo passato insieme, ma soltanto 23 giorni. E dopo siamo stati 13 mesi senza rivederci. E poi è successo di tutto, siamo stati mesi interi senza avere sue notizie. Poi dopo l’otto settembre del 1943 con lo sbandamento dell’esercito, pur che in quel momento si trovava in Sicilia il comandante della compagnia di notte tempo gli ha fatto attraversare con il traghetto lo stretto di Messina e poi il 23 settembre del 1943 è tornato a casa. Magari in condizioni pietose, vestiti da soldati non potevano viaggiare, e da borghesi andava bene tutto quello che gli hanno dato, che aveva un paio di scarpe legate e aggiustate con fili di ferro, un paio di pantaloni corti e rotti e una camicia che ci entrava due volte. In compenso di salute stava bene. Per tre o quattro mesi è stato tutto tranquillo. Il fronte stava avanzando ma nei primi mesi del 1944 che i tedeschi si sentivano traditi dagli italiani anno cominciato a fare dei rastrellamenti per portare in Germania i giovani che si trovavano a casa, questi poveri ragazzi dovettero stare nascosti tanto dai tedeschi che da occhi indiscreti ossia dai fascisti. Il mese di giugno poi nel avvicinarsi del fronte i Tedeschi erano molto cattivi e pericolosi entravano nelle case e portavano via ciò che trovavano. In quel periodo ero in stato interessante e perciò anche molto stressata. I lavori in casa erano tantissimi, perché erano venuti a vivere con noi anche mio cognato con tutta la sua famiglia e due zie con un figlio ciascuno. I lavori di casa toccavano tutti a me e all’altra cognata che le altre avevano paura e si andavano a nascondere. Così il 24 giugno mentre facevano delle perquisizioni in casa a me un tedesco mi a rinchiuso in una camera e dopo tanto spavento mi è riuscito di infilare la porta e scappare via senza aver subito violenza. Questi giorni neri si sono susseguiti per parecchi giorni. Poi l’ultima settimana del passaggio del fronte eravamo sfollati alla Valcinella per una settimana. E anche lì siamo stati molto male si dormiva per terra in un camerone eravamo una ventina di persone. E di giorno passavano in continuazione le truppe alleate, i tedeschi erano feroci arrivavano cannonate in continuazione non molto lontano da noi. Anche al ritorno abbiamo avuto problemi scendendo giù da Migianella cerano tante postazioni di soldati neri, Pietro era avanti con il carro i buoi e la cavalla e io avevo un vitellino al guinzaglio che non voleva camminare e questi soldati neri mi guardavano con occhi sbarrati. Dopo tornate a casa noi donne più giovani si doveva stare nascoste perché i neri volevano approfittare di noi. Per difenderci ci armavamo di falci e forconi che di quelli avevano paura. Dopo la metà di luglio che le cose hanno cominciato a cambiare in meglio io ero già a metà tempo di gravidanza, ancora non si vedeva dov era la pancia da quanto ero magra. E poi ero molto preoccupata che con tante paure che avevo avuto pensavo che il bambino non nascesse normale. Per fortuna che il Buon Dio ci ha aiutato che è andato tutto bene. Dopo la nascita del bambino ho avuto la vita più tranquilla che Pietro era a casa il bambino cresceva bene, avevo il latte abbastanza ." Fonti: - Archivio personale fam. Anniboletti - https://atvreport.it/attualita/umbertide-celebra-2-giugno-la-consegna-della-medaglia-alla-liberazione-allex-combattente-domenico-bruschi-la-terza-edizione-della-marcia-la-memoria-cammina/ Video: Sergio Magrini Alunno Foto: Fabio Mariotti

Licia, tra arte e impegno politico: il 2 giugno del 1946 Parteciparono alle operazioni di voto, votarono, furono elette: le donne del 2 giugno 1946… anche ad Umbertide più di 4000 donne esercitarono finalmente un diritto e contribuirono al cambiamento. Questa è la storia di Licia. (a cura di Francesco Deplanu) Licia, nata senza padre nel 1915, “Licia Rometti…di Assunta” come si legge nei, documenti dell’Archivio storico Comunale di Umbertide, nel plico delle elezioni del 2 giugno 1946, al contrario della citazione canonica che riportava sempre e solo il nome del genitore di sesso maschile. Una delle poche scrutatrici di genere femminile presente nei 13 seggi del Comune di Umbertide; alle “sezione n. 2” di via Garibaldi, una scuola, l’asilo d’infanzia, dove venne allestito uno dei seggi cittadini. Forse per questa mancanza del padre, con solo la madre di mestiere “levatrice”, era cresciuta libera, necessariamente coraggiosa anche nel seguire la propria inclinazione e nel perseguire la sua creatività; prima come ceramista, poi dipingendo quadri, che descrivono giovani visi, elementi naturali, riproduzione e varianti di soggetti religiosi che ancora possiamo vedere e mostriamo. Diventò poi insegnate di arte a quanto riferì l’uomo, più giovane di 9 anni che sposò. Lei trentenne e lui, Lamberto, appena maggiorenne, andando tutte e due contro le consuetudini sociali. Creativa, anticonformista, emancipata e con forte senso civile, tanto da presentarsi con il partito Repubblicano come “scrutatore” alle elezioni più importanti. Le prime nelle quali lei a 30 anni, e tutte le italiane a partire dai 21 anni, poterono finalmente votare per vivere in una Monarchia o in una Repubblica (e immaginiamo come Licia si espresse…); votò anche la scheda che avrebbe indicato gli eletti all’Assemblea Costituente dei vari Partiti politici. Dal lavoro di questa Assemblea nacque la nostra Costituzione entrata in vigore il 1 gennaio del 1948. In quelle elezione nel XIX Collegio elettorale “Perugia-Terni-Rieti” vennero eletti 6 “costituenti”, due di genere femminile: Elettra Pollastrini, rietina, con il PCI in terza posizione nella sua lista, mentre Maria Federici, aquilana, venne eletta con la DC anche essa in terza posizione. La Federici fu tra le sole 5 donne che parteciparono al gruppo ristretto dei “75” che dibatté e scrisse materialmente la nostra Costituzione. Il verbale del seggio n. 2 del Comune di Umbertide ci riporta la firma di Licia in ogni pagina e sappiamo che la “sorte” la scelse per la distribuzione delle schede: “Lo scrutatore Sig…. Rometti Licia…, designato dalla sorte, estrae successivamente ciascuna scheda dall'urna destinata a ricevere le schede per l'elezione dei Deputati all'Assemblea Costituente, dopo l'espressione del voto, la spiega e la consegna al Presidente, il quale enuncia ad alta voce il contrassegno ed, ove occorra, il numero progressivo della lista per la quale è dato il voto ed il cognome dei candidati ai quali è attribuita la preferenza od il numero del candidato stesso nella rispettiva lista secondo l'ordine di presentazione e passa la scheda ad un altro scrutatore che, insieme con il segretario, prende nota separatamente sugli appositi prospetti di scrutinio del numero dei voti di ciascuna lista e dei voti di preferenza.” Una donna determinata e amante degli animali, non ebbe figli e si ammalò ancor giovane, poi morì nel 1973. La sua sensibilità e dolcezza però è rimasta visibile alla comunità umbertidese dagli anni ‘70 fino ad oggi: chi non è entrato dal cancello del cimitero monumentale e, fatti pochi passi, non ha visto una statua bronzea di giovane donna che sembra con dolcezza offrire un fiore? È il tributo a Licia Rometti di Lamberto Beatini. Approfondimento dati sulle elezioni del 2 giugno del 1946 per l'Assemblea Costituente Comune di Umbertide Nelle elezioni del 1946 ad Umbertide si ebbe una vittoria per la scelta della Repubblica di 6840 voti a 1541, ebbero diritto al voto 4438 donne e 4460 uomini. Nelle schede per l’Assemblea Costituente si votò invece per 10 partiti: PCI = Partito Comunista italiano 4975 voti : DC = Democrazia cristiana 1242; PRI = Partito Repubblicano 147 voti; Pd'A = Partito d’Azione 88 voti; MNR = Movimento Nazionale per la Ricostruzione 67 voti; PNM = Partito Nazionale Monarchico 91 voti; U.O. = Uomo Qualunque 283 voti; U.D. = Unione Democratici 92 voti; C.S. = Cristiano sociali 161 voti ; Partito Socialista 1225 voti. Segnaliamo un dato particolare probabilmente dovuto alla tipologia delle schede. I voti “nulli” per la scelta istituzionale furono solamente 4, furono più di 500 per l’Assemblea Costituente. Voti a livello nazionale Vediamo che a livello nazionale la situazione tra i maggiori partiti rappresentati si modifica nettamente rispetto al Comune di Umbertide che aveva visto un successo notevole del Partito Comunista. A livello Nazionale il partito della DC con il 35% e i Socialisti (PSIUP), con il 20,68% superarono il PCI che ebbe il 18,93 %, al contraria del 59,2% cittadino: Alcuni partiti non risultarono essere presenti nella Circoscrizione "Perugia-Terni-Rieti", come il Partito Sardo d'Azione, e questi furono i risultati finali in Italia e il confronto non è "perfetto", indichiamo qua, voti, percentuale e seggi: Fonti ed immagini: Faldone “Elezioni del 2 giugno 1946” presso l’Archivio Storico del Comune di Umbertide (ASCU). Si ringrazia per la gentilezza e la disponibilità la Dirigente dell’Archivio Storico Comunale. Decreto Legislativo Luogotenenziale n. 23 del 1 febbraio 1945 Opuscolo “Le Madri Costituenti” , Provincia Perugia, 2025 Dati elezioni nazionali e per Circoscrizione: https://elezionistorico.interno.gov.it/index.php?tpel=A&dtel=02/06/1946&es0=S&tpa=I&lev0=0&levsut0=0&ms=S&tpe=A Fonti orali: Isotta Bottaccioli, Anna Beatini e Laura Beatini Immagini dei quadri di Licia Rometti su concessione di Isotta Bottaccioli, Anna Beatini e Laura Beatini. Fotografie ed elaborazione dati: Francesco Deplanu

The Florentine exile Dante Alighieri at Fratta From the book "UMBERTIDE from the origins to the sixteenth century" by Roberto Sciurpa - Petruzzi Editore - March 2007 edited by Fabio Mariotti The news is contained in the eleventh chapter of the first book of De vulgari eloquentia , the work that Dante wrote between 1302 and 1305. It is in Latin because it is intended for the learned of his time, opposed to any type of vernacular, and weaves the apology for a noble and elevated vulgar that, in the intentions of the poet, should have replaced the Latin by now more and more disused. Therefore he reviews the various "talks" known not as a result of casual encounters, but for having had more or less lasting contacts with the locals. In the cited work, Dante states: Cumque hiis montaninas omnes et rusticanas loquelas eicimus, quae semper mediastinis civibus accentus enormitate dissonare videntur, ut Casentinenses et Fractenses. (I expel with them all the tales of the mountains and fields, as of those of the Casentino and Fratta, which due to the ugly irregularity of the accent appear discordant from those who live in the middle of the city). The expression “I expel with them” refers to the other dialects previously treated (Roman, “Spoleto”, Ancona, Milanese and Bergamo) that the poet dismisses as an example of bad vulgarity. In the same way he is opposed to the use of the two rustic mountain (Casentino) and plain (Fratta) dialects due to the irregularity of the accent and the distortion of the words. Dante was convinced that the illustrious vulgar was on mouth of the inhabitants of the central area of the peninsula (mediastinum) which to be in continuous contact with culture and business with the peoples of the south and north they could represent the best synthesis of the various dialects. In this sense, the translation of the passage reported, taken up by Aristide Marigo , she is not entirely happy; would be it was better to say “... by those who live in the cities of the center (of the peninsula) ”and not“ in the middle of the cities ”. With the wise on the vernacular, Dante proposed the Florentine vernacular of the learned to become the official language of the peninsula. What interests us in this work is not a scholar discussion on the fourteenth-century language, but the quotation, although in negative, from the dialect of the inhabitants of Fratta. The vernacular of a small castle that did not have cultural or commercial relations with Florence, must have been known by the poet for reasons other than the needs of exchange or political relations which occurred when he was one of the Priors of the Florentine municipality. Therefore it is almost certain that the poet, in his first wanderings as an exile, coming down from the Casentino mountains, came to Fratta and stayed for some time at the guesthouse of the Camaldolese monastery, experiencing the prophecy of the great-great-grandfather Cacciaguida : You will try it as it tastes of salt other people's bread and how hard it is calle going down and going up another's stairs. On the other hand, immediately after the flight from Florence, Dante was the persecuted politician and not yet the appreciated poet; his obligatory refuges were hermitages and monasteries and not noble families who opened their doors to him only at a later time. Of the same opinion is Aristide Marigo, who in the commentary on this passage from De vulgari eloquentia writes: “There are two examples, one of montanina , the other of rusticana loquela. The inhabitants of the upper valley of the Arno (Casentino) are associated with those of the middle valley of the Tiber, which spreads out in fertile plains. Fratta, today Umbertide, was a large village, where the Camaldolese monastery, then famous, of Monte Corona was located. It seems to hear, in the mention of the two valleys, the memory of the first wanderings made in those places by the exiled poet ”. All Dante commentators agree that Fractenses refers to the inhabitants of Fratta. Rajna was also of this opinion who in the first two editions of De vulgari eloquentia maintained this opinion and then changed it in the third with Pratenses, aligning himself with the opinion of Trissino and Corbinelli. But Pratenses certainly cannot be taken as an example of rusticana loquela. Therefore today the thesis that Dante was referring to the inhabitants of our castle is commonly accepted. It is strange that an oasis of peace such as the Camaldolese abbey of Monte Corona is not mentioned in the Divine Comedy. In any case Dante's knowledge of the Fratta dialect could only have occurred after his stay in the place from where he could also visit the surrounding places mentioned in the third cantica and in particular Porta Sole, in Perugia. It is difficult to find different explanations. Photo: - Photographic archive of the Municipality of Umbertide - The photo of Dante and Virgil (Orvieto Cathedral) and taken from the book by R. Sciurpa - Fabio Mariotti photographic archive